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33  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WEBSTIR,N.Y.  14580 

(716)  873-4503 


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4j 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiquet 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notss  tachniques  at  bibiiographiquas 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  In  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couvertura  de  couleur 


r^    Covers  damaged/ 


D 


D 
D 


n 


Ccuverture  endommag^e 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  resiaurie  et/ou  pellicul^e 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  gAographiquas  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  blaue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
ReliA  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

Lareliure  serree  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distorsion  !•  long  da  la  marge  intiriaura 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certainas  pages  blanches  ajouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissant  dans  la  taxta. 
mais,  lorsque  cela  Atait  possible,  cat  pages  n'ont 
pas  *t*  filmAas. 


r~T|    Additional  comments:/ 


Various  pagingi. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  iti  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cat  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-^tre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m^thoda  normale  de  filmdge 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


I      I    Coloured  pages/ 


n 


Pagas  da  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagias 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pagas  restauries  et/ou  pelliculAes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxe< 
Pages  d^colories,  tachetAes  ou  piquAes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditach^es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  in^gala  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  matarii 
Comprend  du  matirial  suppl4mantair« 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponibia 


[~~]  Pagas  damaged/ 

r~~|  Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

r~71  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 

r~1  Pages  detached/ 

r~7  Showthrough/ 

r~~|  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

pn  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

r~~]  Only  edition  available/ 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'^rrata,  une  pelure, 
•tc.  ont  iti  fitmAes  A  nouveau  da  facon  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


Commentaires  supplAmentaires: 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqui  ci-dessous. 

10X  UX  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


7 

>2X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Harold  Campbell  Vaughan  Mamorial  Library 
Univanity 


L'exemplaire  filmA  f ut  reproduit  grAce  A  la 
gAn6rosit*  de: 

Harold  Campbell  Vaughan  Memorial  Library 
Acadia  University 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  it^  reproduites  eve?  le 
plus  grand  soin.  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettetA  de  l'exemplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrsted  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprim^le  sont  filmte  en  commen9ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmte  en  commengant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  ^^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  y  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  —^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  ▼  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  cherts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  11  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'imeges  nAcessaire.  Les  disgrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


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BY   SAMUffiHi    (TJ.BHAKF., 


BOSTON. 


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v 


BIOGRAPHY   AND   HISTORY 

or  THE 

INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

FROM  ITS  FIRST  DISCOVERY  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME ; 

COMPRISINO 

DETAILS    TN   THE    LIVES   OF  ALL   THE    MOST   DISTINGUISHED    CHIEFS    AND 

COUNSELLORS,  EXPLOITS    OF  WARRIORS,  AND   THE   CELEBRATED 

SPEECHES   OF   THEIR   ORATORS  ; 

AL80, 

A  HISTORY   OF   THEIR  WARS, 

MASSACRES   AND   DEPREDATIONS,   AS   WELL  AS  THE   WRONGS  AND 
SUFFERINGS   WHICH   THE    EUROPEANS   AND   THEIR 

DESCENDANTS  HAVE  DONE  THEM}  ..    „ 

WITH   AN  ACCOVNT   OF  THKIK         i    .""V    '    .'•;     . 

lElelffiion  anH  EatDis;  :       u 

LIKEWISE 

EXHIBITING  AN  ANALYSIS   OF   THE   HOST  DISTINGUISHED,  A<:;  WELL  AS  ABSURD 
AUTHORS,  WHO  HAVE  WRITTEN  UPON  THE  GREAT  QUESTION  OF  THE 

FIRST  PEOPLING  OF  AMERICA. 


They  waste  us  ;  ay,  like  April  mow 
In  the  warm  noon,  we  shrink  away , 

And  fast  they  follow  as  we  (o 
Towards  the  setting  day. 

Till  they  shall  All  the  land,  and  we 

Are  driven  into  the  western  sea.,..B«TAiiT. 


BY   SAMUEL   G.   DRAKE. 


jrrttti  isnttton, 

With  large  Addition!  and  Correctioni,  and  numerous  Engravtnfi. 


BOSTON: 

ANTIQUARIAN   INSTITUTE,  06  CORNHILL.< 

1837. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  CongresR,  in  the  year  1836, 
'  Br  JosiAH  Dfake, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Musachusetta. 


\t>. 


■v.-.'- 


•    ■    i\' 


r 


\'-"1f  ■ 


:-<-, 


il*' 


'  I 


TO 

HIS   EXCELLENCY 


EDWARD    EVERETT,    LL    D. 


.«r 


Sir: 


With  the  idea  of  a  Dedication  to  this  my  New  JUdition,  of  the 
Biography  and  History  of  the  Indians,  your  name  was  coeval.  The 
association  was  inseparable ;  nor  could  it  have  been  otherwise,  as  it 
seems  to  rae,  in  the  mind  of  any  young  man  of  New  England,  engaged 
in  a  similar  undertaking.  For  it  would  be  absurd,  were  he  to  ask 
himself,  "  Who  has  been  the  most  prominent  assertor  of  the  red  man's 
rights  in  his  country's  councils,  or  the  most  ardent  friend  of  the  young 
men  of  his  own  race?"  Under  these  considerations,  therefore,  to  say 
nothing  of  my  own  gratification,  I  could  not  do  otherwise  than  assign 
this  page  to  you ;  and  could  the  author  be  assured,  that  his  work  would 
be  as  long  remembered,  for  any  merit  contained  in  it,  as  the  name  he 
is  gratified  to  honor,  his  anxiety  for  its  fate  would  from  that  moment 
cease. 

However  great  the  disparity  .may  appear,  when  the  value  of  my 
labors  are  considered,  in  respect  to  those  of  others,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered,  that  one  of  the  moat  predominant  traits  in  your  Excellency's 
character,  is  your  readiness  to  extend  a  fostering  hand  to  all  such  as 
are  engaged  in  laudable  undertakings. 

The  well-informed  do  not  require  to  be  told,  that  many  a  well-directed 
mind  has  been  diverted  from  a  pursuit  in  which  it  would  have  excelled, 
but  for  the  cold  and  blasting  hand  of  the  hypercritic.  Such,  however, 
it  has  not  been  my  lot,  yet,  to  encounter ;  and  although  the  countenance 
of  one,  illustrious  in  the  annals  of  true  criticism,  may  not  further  pro- 
tect me,  I  have  the  satisfaction  of  believing  that  the  success  of  my  labors 
can  scarcely  be  affected  by  the  unkindness  of  ciitics. 

Accept,  Dear  Sir,  my  mout  grateful  acknowledgments  for  all  former 
kind  attentions,  and  believe  me 

Yours  in  duty, 

S.  G.  DRAKE. 


JllSS't 


DBAKE'S 


'i!: 


ANTiaUARIAN  BOOKSTORE, 

OR 

INSTITUTE  OF  MISCELLANEOUS  LITERATURE, 

56    CoRNUILt,    FORMERLY    MaRKET    StREET, 

BOSTON, 

Has  been  tstahlished  six  years,  and,  hy  the  unsparing  pains  of  its  conductor,  has  become  an 

extensive  Depository  of  Ancient  and  Modem  Science  and  Literature.    Its 

main  objects  are  briefly  as  follow : 

I.  To  collect,  and  keep  constantly  for  sale,  all  kinds  of  valuable  Neio  and  Second-hand 

BookSj  and  to  anord  them  muck  below  the  comaum  retail  prices  ;— 
II.  To  make  it  especially  a  depository  of  Second-hand  Classical  and  School  Books,  where 
students  and  others  may  exchange  such  works  as  they  have  no  further  use  for,  for 
new  ones,  or  others  second-hand,  such  as  tlicy  may  .want ; — 

III.  That  thereby  Books  used  in  Colleges,  Academies,  and  Comiqon  Schools,  may  always 

be  had,  (and  often  as  good  as  new,)  for  about  half  thC'  original  cost ; — 

IV.  To  keep  an  assortment  of  the  most  suitable  works  for  gentlemen's  libraries,  also  for 

all  public  libraries,  upon  the  same  reasonable  terms ; — 
V.  And,  in  particular,  to  collect  works  of  every  description  relating  to  the  history  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  general  and  particular ;— such,  for  example,  as 


Holmes's  Annals  of  America, 
Rohertaon'B  History  of  do. 
TrunibuH's  United  States, 
Uruliani's  do.  3  v.  8vo.  London, 
Hinton's  do.  2  v.  4to.  London, 
Do.  Knnpp'g  edition, 
Perkins's  do. 
Bancroft's  do. 

Hale,  Goodrich,  Grimshaw,  and 
S\iowden'8  do.  {School  Bonks) 
Marsliall's  Life  Washington, 
Wilkinson's  Memoirs, 
Allen's  American  Biography, 
Sparks's  do. 
Thatcher's  Mediral  do. 
A  large  Collection  of  American 


Biographical  Dictionaries, 
Mather's  Magnalia, 
Douglass's  America, 
Morton's  Memorial,  Davis's  and 

other  editions, 
Hubbard,  Hoyt,  Church,  Math- 
er, M'Clung  and  Flint's  His- 
tories of  Indian  Wars, 
Various  Hiistorles  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary and  late  Wars, 
Baylies'  History  N.  Plymouth, 
Farmer's  Genenloglcnl  Kegister, 
Collections  of  Hist.  Societies, 
Histories  of  New  England,  &c. 
Williamson's  Maine, 
Belknap's  New  Hampshire, 


Williams's  Vermont, 
Hutchinmn  and  others'  Mass., 
Truinbull's-ConnetlicHt, 
Smith  and  oUiers'  New  York, 
Frond's  Pennsj'lvnnia, 
Gordon's  do. 
Gordon's  N.  Jersey, 
Oozinan's  Maryland, 
Smitti  and  others'  Virginia, 
Williamson's  N.  Carolina, 
Ramsay's  S.  Carolina, 
M'Call's  Georgia, 
Martin  and  others'  Louisiana, 
Marshall's  Kentucky, 
Flint's  Western  States, 
Hall's  Works  on  the  West,  &.c. 


J.  Long, 

Tanner, 

Gass, 

Duncan, 

Lahontan, 

Wright, 

Saxe-Weimar, 

Hall, 

Lewis  &  Clark, 

Lafayette, 

Brackenridge. 

Hodgson, 

Sutcliff, 

Chastellux, 

Darby, 

!\lelish. 

Dwight, 

Kendall, 

Dwight, 

M'Keuney 

Bartram, 

Schnltz, 

Ker, 

Beltrami, 

Nuttall, 

Morse, 

Harmon, 

Harris. 

Among  the  Local  Histories  are  those  of 
Boston— Lynn — Rehoboth — Ipswich^-Salem — Portland — Portsmouth — Worcester  Coun.— 
Watertown — Quincy — Concord — Saco^Plymouth— and  of  various  other  towns  in  New  Lug- 
land  ;— Philadelphia' — Wyoming— Long-Island — Tryon  Co. — Cincinnati — Louisville,  &c. 

Among  the  Voyages  and  Travels  of  those  whose  works  are  TalnabU,  are, 
Volney,  '  '  ""  "  " 

Carver, 
Mackenzie, 
Henry, 
Schoolcraft, 
Charlevoix, 
Hennepin, 
8.  H.  Long, 

The  following  Standard  Works  may  be  particularized : — 
North  American,  Edinburgh,  and  Quarterly  Reviews — Encyclopedias— Webster,  Johnson 
and  Walker,  Worcester  ana  Bailey's  nictioiiaries — Quarto,  Octavo,  School,  Pearl  and  Dia- 
mond and  Polyglot  Bibles— Josephus,  Rolliii,  Hume,  Gibbon  and  Clarendon's  Histories- 
Johnson,  Byron,  Smollett,  Sterne,  Goldsmith,  Cowper,  Young  and  Milton's  Works — Scott's 
Bible— Calmel's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible— Cruaen's  Concordance — Aiken,  Hazlitt  nnd 
Southey's  British  Poets — Lawrence's  Lectures — Nicholson's  Operative  Afechanic — Neal's 
History  of  the  Puritans— Jefferson's  Works — Ferguson's  Rome—Gillies'  Greece — Godmnn's 
Natural  Listory — Fielding,  Pope,  Scott,  Moore)  Shakspeare,  Plutarch,  Bunyan,  Addison, 
Locke  and  Johnson's  Works. 

Also,  Writing  and  Letter  Paper— Albums— A  great  variety  of  Novels— Works  on  Mathe- 
matics, Philosophy,  Medicine,  Law,  Theology,  Agriculture,  Chemistry,  Geology,  &c.  &c. 
^[j'Many  of  the  above  in  quantities. 

U'/n  general,  any  books  on  hand  mil  be  EXCHANGED  for  others.— -All  eld  Tracts, 
Pamphlets,  or  Books,  relating  to  the  history  of  this  country,  will  be  received  in  payment  for 
others,  or  CASH  gii^en  for  them,  if  valuable. 

BosTOn,  Attg.  1836. 

N,  B. — ^The  proprietor  of  the  ANTutuAKiAN  Bookstore  would  notify  the  public,  that 
this  is  the  first  and  only  establishment  of  the  kind  in  the  country,  allhousfh,  by  way  of  confu- 
sion, some  persons  next  donr  to  us  have  called  their  place  liie  "Antique  lioke  ^tnre ;"  from 
which  interference  some  inconvenience  has  been  experienced  by  our  customers,  as  well  as 
ourselves.  This,  therefore,  is  to  give  our  friends  and  the  public  uolict.',  that  the  "Antique" 
is  nnl  the  Antii^uakian  Uookstohe. 


0r 


■•'t 


RE, 

JRE, 


» becomt  an 
Its 

kcond-hand 

Doks,  where 
use  for,  for 

may  always 

es,  also  for 

storv  of  the 


It, 

Iters'  Mass., 

■licut, 

New  York, 

nia, 


Virginia, 
'arolina, 
ina, 

Louisiana, 

ates, 

le  West,  &c. 

iter  Coun.— 
New  Eng- 
ine, &c. 

are, 
Duncan, 
Hall, 
lludgson, 
JMcllsh, 
M'Keuney 
Beltrami, 
Harris. 


ter,  Johnson 

rl  and  Dia- 

Histories— 

rks — Scott's 

aziitt    and 

nic — Ncal's 

•GoHman's 

,  Addison, 

on  Mathc- 
&c.  &.C. 

old  Tracts, 
oayment  for 

ttg.  1836. 

public,  that 
ly  of  con/u- 
ore ;"  from 
i,  as  well  as 
•'Antique  " 


PREFACE. 

,  'I  ■     ■  >  , 


li ' 


Owing  to  the  destruction  of  the  stereotype  plates  of  this  work  by  fire,  on 
the  night  of  the  30th  of  September,  1835,  I  was  under  the  necessity  of  going 
over  the  whole  ground  again.  The  plates  had  but  just  been  completed,  and  a 
small  edition  taken  off,  when  that  calamity  befell  them.  After  having  the 
work  stereotyped,  I  intended  tliat  additions  to  all  future  editions  should  be 
appended  to  the  ends  of  the  several  books,  which  were  paged  separately  on 
that  account ;  and,  although  I  have  revised  the  whole  throu^out,  and  made 
additions  in  almost  every  page,  yet  1  thought  it  best  to  adhere  to  my  original 
plan  of  paging  each  book  by  itself,  to  accommo  iate  future  additions,  should  it 
be  thought  advisable  to  make  any. 

The  amount  ofreading  on  a  page  of  the  former  editions  was  nearly  equal  to 
two  common  octavo  pages,  yet  tlie  page  of  the  present  has  been  very  consid- 
erably enlarged,  thereby  vastly  increasing  die  amount  of  information  in  the 
same  number  of  pages.  Parts  of  the  work  have  been  rewritten,  and  many 
facts,  which  were  before  noticed  out  of  their  natural  order,  have  been  inserted 
in  their  proper  places. 

For  the  kind  hints  of  friends,  by  which  the  work  has  been  benefitted,  1 
return  them  many  thanks.  My  acknowledgments  are  especiaily  due  to  one, 
who,  two  years  since,  imsdlicited,  furnished  me  with  some  of  the  most  important 
documents  upon  the  affairs  of  the  modern  Creek  Indians.  It  is  to  the  same 
■gentleman  I  dedicate  this  edition  of  the  work. 


ExtKactfrom  tlie  Preface  to  the  JTiird  and  Fourth  Editions.. 


ilw^ 


Those  unacquaiinted  with  the  nature  of  such  undertakings  may  complain 
that  we  should  piiblish  before  we  ha,d  filled  up  all  vacancies  in  our  documents, 
and  hence  have  tieen  able,  not  only  to  have  been  completely  full  upon  every 
head,  but  at  the  same  time  to  have  given  a  more  continuous  narrative  of  the 
whole.  This  object,  could  it  have  been  attained,  would  have  been  as  gratify- 
ing to  the  author  as  to  the  reader.  But  we  can  assure  all  such  as  are  disposed 
to  censure  us  upon  this  score,  that,  had  tliey  been  obliged  to  turn  over,  compare, 
examine  and  cdllate  one  fourth  as  many  volumes  and  defaced  records  as  the 
author  has  in  compiling  Indian  Biograprt,  they  would  abandon  their  censures 

by  the  time  they  had  well  entered  upon  their  labors. 

A*  ■■        ■    '■       ■'■■  -• 


• 


ir 


vi 


PREFACE. 


Works  of  this  kind  will  always  appear  premature  in  some  respects,  (to  their 
authors,  if  no  others,)  for  the  reason  that  there  is  no  end  to  the  accumulation 
of  materials.  A  writer  may  think  himself  in  possession  of  every  material 
necessary  for  his  undertaking,  may  write  and  print  his  work,  and  the  next  day 
discover  facts  of  so  much  importance,  as  to  make  it  appear  to  his  mind,  that 
all  he  has  done  is  of  small  value,  compared  with  his  last  discovery.  This 
should  not  deter  us  from  putting  into  a  state  of  preservation,  by  printing, 
from  time  to  time,  valuable  matters,  even  though  they  might  be  much 
improved  by  withholding  them  for  a  time  ;  because,  from  various  occur- 
rences, the  best  collections  are  extremely  liable  to  be  scattered,  and  irrecov- 
erably lost 

Should  an  author  resolve  not  to  write  upon  a  subject  until  every  thing  upon 
it  should  be  collected,  and  in  his  possession,  it  is  pretty  certain  he  never 
would  begin  ;  and  his  labors,  however  well  directed  or  long  exerted,  or  how- 
ever valuable  to  himself,  might,  by  a  common  accident,  be  lost  to  the  world 
in  even  a  shorter  space  of  time  than  an  hour. 

There  have  also  fallen  into  our  hands  several  of  the  most  rare  portraits  of 
distinguished  Indians,  several  of  which  have  been  engraved  expressly  for  this 
edition.  They  may  be  relied  upon  as  exact  copies  of  the  originals.  That  of 
the  »'Lady  Rebecca,"  the  savior  of  Virginia,  more  properly  Mrs,  Rolfe,  who 
was  no  other  than  the  renowned  Pocahontas,  must  gladden  the  heart  of 
every  antiquary.  Few  could  have  known  that  such  existed ;  but  it  has  existed, 
and  we  lay  it  before  the  public  with  high  gratification :  all,  we  feel  confident, 
will  treasure  it  up  as  a  pearl  of  great  price. 

The  likeness  of  Sagoyewatha  may  be  relied  upon  as  a  faithful  one. 
Several  of  the  author's  friends,  who  have  seen  him,  attest  the  fact.  All  we 
can  say  of  Neamathla,  and  Outacite,  is,  they  are  faithful  copies,  and  doubt 
not  tliey  are  correct  likenesses. 

Some  have  called  our  portrait  of  the  great  Wampanoag  sachem  a  "  sorry  " 
one.  We  are  not  to  blame  for  it  We  wish  our  fathers  had  left  us  a  better ; 
but  it  is  not  our  manner  to  slight  a  book  because  it  is  small,  or  because  its 
covers  are  defaced,  or  a  portrait  because  it  does  not  exactly  correspond  with 
our  idea  of  a  man.  We  had  an  exact  copy  made  of  the  old  print  which 
accompanied  Dr.  Stiles^a  edition  of  Church's  History  of  Philip's  War,* 
which  it  is  supposed  he  had  copied  from  an  original  painting  of  King  Philip, 
still  said  to  be  in  existence.  If  this  be  true,  and  our  copy  be  a  faithfUl  one, 
we  want  no  other.  At  any  rate,  we  do  not  like  to  part  with  it  until  we  can 
substitute  a  better  one. 

We  have  mentioned  f  the  existence  of  portraits  of  the  four  Iroquois  chiefs 
who  visited  England  m  1710  ; — ^these  the  author  is  exceedingly  happy  in  pos- 
sessing ;  and,  although  not  being  able,  on  account  of  the  expense,  to  enrich 
this  edition  with  copies  of  them,  he  hopes  they  wUl  be  engraved  in  due 

*  Printed  at  Newport,  R.  I.  by  Solomon  Southwick,  1772.— The  first  edition  had  no 
plates  :  it  was  printed  at  Boston,  by  B.  Green,  in  the  year  1716.  Copies  of  botli  editions 
are  in  possession  of  the  author. 

t  See  Book  V.  Chap.  I. 


!,(to  their 
iimulation 
'  material 
!  next  day 
nind,  that 
iry.  Thia 
printing, 
be  much 
us  occur- 
d  irrecov- 

thing  upon 

he  never 

I,  or  how- 

» the  world 

lortraits  of 
isly  for  this 
.  That  of 
Rolfe,  who 
e  heart  of 
has  existed, 
il  confident, 

lithful  one. 
ct  All  we 
,  and  doubt 

I  a  "  sorry  " 
IS  a  better ; 
ecause  its 
spend  with 
rint  which 
p's  War,* 
NG  Philip, 
ithfbl  one, 
itil  we  can 

liuois  chiefs 
in  pos- 
a,  to  enrich 
[red  in  due 

a  bad  no 
ttolh  editions 


PREFACE. 


VII 


time ;  which  if  they  are,  persons  possessing  the  work  may  procure  them 
separately. 

The  author  submits  his  work  with  some  confidence,  from  a  consciousness 
of  having  used  great  exertions  to  make  it  useful,  and  of  having  treated  his 
subject  with  the  strictest  impartiality.  All  verbiage  has  been  avoided,  and 
plain  matters  of  fact  have  been  arrived  at  by  the  shortest  and  most  direct 
course.  Circumlocution,  the  offspring  of  verbiage,  is  a  fault  of  modem 
book-makers ;  and  every  observer  must  have  been  forcibly  struck  by  the 
contrast  of  a  modern  title-page  and  the  rest  of  the  book ;  in  the  former, 
irnUtum  in  parvo  is  true  to  the  letter,  and  that  page  is  too  often  the  only  one  in 
which  it  is  to  be  found  throughout  a  performance. 

There  may  be  some,  probably,  who  will  look  into  our  book  to  see  what  we 
have  said  upon  some  facts  known  to  them,  and  be  much  disappointed  in 
finding  that  we  have  not  noticed  them  at  all.  To  such  we  can  only  say,  we 
have  given  other  facts  instead  of  them  ;  in  other  words,  we  have  filled  our 
hook  as  full  as  it  would  hold.  And,  although  we  may  not  always  have  selected 
the  best  matter,  we  tl'ought,  at  the  time  of  writing,  we  had ;  and  when  our 
information  is  further  extended,  we  may  agree  better  with  those  who  shall  find 
fault  with  us. 

Extract  from  the  Preface  to  the  Mrst  Edition. 

The  following  notices  have  been  thrown  together  within  a  few  months, 
although  many  years  have  elapsed  since  the  author  began  the  collection  of 
materials,  and  set  about  gaining  a  knowledge  of  this  kind  of  history. 

The  first  adventurer  in  any  untrodden  path  must  often  find  himself  embar- 
rassed for  want  of  landmarks  by  which  to  direct  his  course.  This  will  be 
apparent  to  the  reader.  But  he  will  not  be  the  first  to  whom  it  has  been  thus 
apparent.  A  small  edition  is  now  offered,  which,  if  well  received,  will  be 
much  improved  and  enlarged,  and  placed  at  the  public  disposal. 

It  will  be  remembered  by  some,  that,  in  an  edition  of  Church's  History  of 
Philip's  War,  published  by  the  author  five  years  ago,  he  advertised  in  a  note 
upon  page  ninety-seven  of  tlmt  work,  that  he  liad  it  in  contemplation  to  publish 
a  work  of  tliis  kind.    This  he  considers  a  redemption  of  that  pledge. 

The  edition  o{  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  which  he  some  time  since  announced 
as  preparing  with  large  notes,  is  in  a  forward  state. 

Acknowledgments  are  due  to  several  individuals,  who  have,  directly  or 
indirectly,  aided  the  author  in  his  work ;  and  he  can  only  express  his  regret 
that  he  is  not  indebted  to  more,  equally  eminent  in  this  branch  of  American 
antiquities.  The  Reverend  Dr.  Jevks,  to  whom,  by  permission,  his  work  is 
dedicated,  has  many  thanks  for  his  kindness  in  facilitating  his  researches  in 
the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society ;  as  also  Mp  Joshua  Coffin, 
of  BofitcH),  and  the  Reverend  Dr.  Harris,  of  Dorchester,  who  have  obligingly 
loaned  him  several  valuable  manuscripts ;  and  Edward  D,  Bangs,  Esq.,  Sec- 
retary of  State,  for  his  politeness  in  accelerating  the  examination  of  our 
State  Papers. 


\l.l> 


Till 


PREFACE. 


Extract  from  the  Preface  to  the  Second  Edition. 

Accuracy,  and  minuteness  of  detail,  where  the  subject  seemed  to  require  it, 
have  been  our  landmark  throughout  tliis  laborious  performance.  We  say 
laborious ;  but  were  all  readers  antiquarians,  even  so  much  need  not  have 
been  said.  Although  we  have  been  very  minute,  in  numerous  instances,  in 
our  lives  of  chiefs,  yet  there  are  many  others  in  which  we  gladly  would  have 
been  more  so,  if  materials  could,  at  the  time  of  writing,  have  been  had.  How- 
ever, we  do  not  presume  tliat  we  arrogate  to  ourselves  too  much,  when  we 
promise  to  give  the  reader  a  much  greater  amount  of  Indian  history,  than  he 
can  elsewhere  find  in  many  separate  works. 

The  merits  or  demerits  of  Indian  Biography  rest  solely  upon  its  autlior, 
whose  various  carea  and  avocations,  could  they  be  known  to  the  critical 
reader,  would  cause  him  to  be  sparing  of  his  criticisms.  We  call  this  the 
second  edition,  although  wo  have  treated  the  subject  under  a  new  arrange- 
ment The  method  of  books  and  chapters  was  adopted  mainly  for  the  benefi 
of  combining  history  with  biography.  Besides  coniiiining  all  of  the  first 
edition  which  was  important,  tliis  will  be  found  to  contain,  in  addition,  three 
times  as  mucli  new  matter. 

Many  names  of  the  same  persons  and  places  will,  perhaps,  be  found  spelt 
differently  in  various  parts  of  the  work ;  but  this  our  plan  could  not  obviate, 
because  we  wished  to  preserve  the  orthography  of  each  author  from  whom  we 
extracted,  in  tliat  particular.  Except  in  quotations,  we  did  intend  to  have 
been  uniform ;  but  we  are  aware  that  we  have  not  been  entirely  so,  from 
several  causes,  which  need  no  explanation. 

In  general,  the  notes  give  due  credit  to  all  such  as  have  assisted  tlie  author 
in  any  way  in  his  work.  As  to  the  works  of  deceased  authors,  we  have  made 
use  of  them  as  public  property,  taking  care  always  to  cite  them,  exce|)t 
where  the  same  facts  were  common  to  manv 


If 


require  it, 

We   say 

not  have 

lances,  in 

•ould  have 

id.    How- 

when  we 

y,  than  he 

its  autiior, 
the  critical 
;all  this  the 
!W  anange- 

the  benefi 
of  the  first 
liiion,  three 

found  spelt 
not  obviate, 
im  whom  we 
end  to  have 
rely  so,  from 

the  author 

have  made 

hem.  except 


A    TABLE 


OF  THE 


PRINCIPAL    TRIBES. 


Menakies,  near  Three  Rivers,  in  Canada ;  in  number  about  150,  in  1780 ;  in  1689, 
about  200. 

Msorokas,  or  Crow  Indians,  on  the  Missouri,  near  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

Adi-ondaks,  on  the  St.  Lawrence  ;  numerous  in  1607  ;  in  17«),  about  100. 

Moi:es,  south  of  tlie  Missouri,  and  north  of  the  Padoucas ;  IIOO  in  1760. 

Jfmidistes,  formerly  on  the  St.  Lawrence ;  about  500  in  1760. 

Apalachicolas,  on  the  river  of  that  name  ;  in  1835,  about  340 ;  have  agreed  to  emi- 
grate ;  about  260  have  gone  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

.Irrapuhas,  now  about  40^,  about  the  sources  of  the  Kanzas  River. 

.Issinnaboins,  now  about  1000,  on  Ottowa  River ;  reduced  by  the  Sioux. 

Jlttikamngues,  in  north  of  Canada  ;  destroyed  by  disease  in  1670. 

Aughquagas,  on  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehannah  River  ;  150  in  1768. 

BedieSj  on  Trinity  River,  about  60  miles  southward  of  Nacoffdoches  ;  100. 

Big  Devil  Indians,  Yonktons  of  the  Plains,  2500  ;  heads  of  the  Red  River. 

Blackfeet,  various  warlike  bands  about  the  sources  of  the  Missouri,  and  in  the  re- 
gion of  the  Rocky  Mountains  ;  estimated  in  1834  at  30,000. 

Blanches,  or  Bearded  Indians,  white  Indians  on  upper  southern  branches  Missouri ; 
1500  in  1760. 

Brothertons,  in  NowYork,  near  Oneida  Lake  ;  now  (1830)  supposed  to  number  350. 

Caddoes,  in  1717,  a  powerful  nation  on  Red  River  ;  now  reckoned  at  800. 
Caiwas,  near  the  heads  of  the  Arkansas  ;  neither  brave  nor  ffent-rous. 
Camanclies,  or  Comanches,  a  warlike  and  numerous  race  on  Uie  confines  of  Texas. 
L'atawbds,  on  Catawba  River,  in  South  Carolina  ;  had  long  wars  with  the  Iroquois  ; 

l.">0  warriors  in  1764. 
Cauirhnewagiis,  tril>es  of  praying  Indians,  in  several  places. 

C/irruficcs,  Carohnaand  Tennessee;  12,000  in  Ir^l'i;  9,000  have  agreed  to  emi- 
grate. 
Chirns,  near  the  source  of  Chien  River  ;  200  in  1820. 

I'liikahomimrs,  on  Miitapony  River,  in  Virginia,  in  ItU'il  ;  but  3  or  4  in  17iK). 
i'liiknsnws,  between  the  head  branches  of  Mobile  River  in  1780;  once  said  to  have 

liei'ii  10,000 ;   in  1763,  about  250  ;  now  vastly  increased  ;  in  18115,  5600  agreed  to 

einigrote. 
I'hiknmavgns,  on  the  Tennessee,  00  miles  Mow  the  Cherokecs  ;   many  years  since 

limkcn  i'roin  them,  under  the  chief,  Dragomono. 
Chill ukittrquu IIS,  next  below  the  Narrows  on  the  Columbia  ;   1400,  in  Si  lodges. 
Vhnnnnhuiim,  lit  Lewis's  River,  N.  W.  side  of  the  Cohuubio  ;  1800,  in  42  lodges. 
Vhinmokg,  north  side  of  Columbia  River;  400,  in  28  lodges. 
('hil)l>rimii,  many  formidable  tribes  about  the  great  lakes. — See  Ojihrnn. 
Chiikltius,  (iirmerly   of  Carolina ;   about  15,(M)0   in    1812;   now  on  a  government 

irrnnl  of  15,000,(»00  ncres  on  the  north  side  lied  River,  and  iibout  IH.OOO. 
Choi>iinniiihf.i, nu  the  Kooskooskee.  2000;   and  on  Lewis's  River,  Ix-low  Kooskoos- 

k(e,  to  the  {^ohiinbiti.  2300 ;   in  nil,  in  IHUi,  73  lodgen. 
ClilkMar.',  beyond  tlie  llocky  MountuinH  ;    1200,  in  2^  lodgcN. 


A  TABLE  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  TRIBES. 


1 


CUUtnips,  below  mouth  Columbia,  about  Point  Adams ;  200,  in  14  lodges. 
Cohakiet,  nearly  destroyed  by  the  Saques  and  Fo.\eB,  in  the  time  of  Pontiak ;  in 

1800,  a  few  wanderers  near  Winnebago  Lake. 
Comancku. — See  CavMnches-  '' 

Condies,  near  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehannah ;  about  40  in  1760. 
Congarees,  on  the  Cougaree  River  in  South  Carolina 
Copper  Indians,  far  in  the  nortJ|t,  abqjut  Qoppermine  Hiyer ;  numeroHa. 
Coreu,  a  tribe  of  North  Carolina. 

Credit,  formerly  over  a  vast  country  from  near  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  noith-east 
Crea,  north,  of  the  Atissouri,  and  west  of  the  Miuisaippi ;  3000  in  1834. 

Ddatoarts,  once  numerous  on  the  river  and  bay  of  the  same  name,  now  chiefly  be< 

yond  the  Mississippi ;  anciently,  Lenalcnape. 
Dinovdmiies,  a  tribe  of  the  Hujrons ;  same  as  tbe  TsonpotbouanA  of  the  French. 
Docotas,  bands  of  the  Sioux. 

Dog  Indians,  or  Ckiens,  'M60  on  the  heads  of  Chayenne  River. 
Dog-rib  Indians,  tribe  of  Blackfeet,  to  the  north  of  them ;  of  a  different  language. 

Echemins,  on  a  river  of  their  name,  which  flows  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  on  the  £.  side* 

Eneshures,  at  the  Great  Narrows  of  the  Columbia;  1200,  in  41  clans. 

Eries,  on  the  east  of  the  lake  of  their  name,  entirely  exterminated  by  the  Iroquois. 

Enhfloojts,  on  the  Columbia ;  1000,  in  21  lodges  or  clans. 

Esquimaux,  about  Labrador  and  the  neighboring  countrv. 

Euchees,  friendly  Creeks ;  200  now  in  service  against  the  Scminolcs. 

Five  JVations,  anciently  many  thousands  on  the  east  of  the  great  lakes. 
Flat-heads ihieyond  the  Rocky  Mountains,  on  a  fork  of  Columbia  Rive  . 
Foxes,  or  Ottoeamies,  on  Po!t  River,  in  Illinois. — See  Saques  and  Foxes. 
Fond  du  Lac  Indians,  roam  from  Snake  River  to  the  Sandy  Lakes. 

Gay  Head  Indians,  on  Martha's  Vineyard  ;   probably  Wampanoags ;  200  in  1800. 
Grand  River  Indians,  on  Grand  River,  north  side  Lake  Ontar'o ;  remnant  of  the 

Iroquois;  2000. 
Gros  Ventres,  on  the  River  Maria,  in  1806 ;   3000  in  1834,  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

Herring  Pond  Indians,  Wampanoags,  in  Saniwieh,  Mass. ;  about  40. 
Hurqns,  numerous  and  formiaable ;  upon  Lake  Huron  and  adjacent. 

lUinoiSj  formerly  numerous  upon  the  Illinois  River. 

hneays,  recently  on  loway  River,  now  soattered  among  other  tribes  of  the  west ; 

1100. 
Iroquois,  or  Five  ffations,  a  chief  remnant  now  On  Grand  River. — Bee  Grand  Rivers. 

Kanitiavisehes,  wanderers  on  the  Yellow  Stone,  near  its  source ;  about  2000. 

Kanzas,  on  the  river  of  the  same  name;  about  1000. 

Kasiayas,  between  the  sources  of  the  Platte  and  Rocky  Mountains,  beyond  the 

Kites ;  3000. 
Kiawas,  also  beyond  the  Kites ;  in  number  about  1000. 
KigeneSj  on  the  coast  of  the  Paoifio,  under  a  chief  named  Skittegates,  in  1821. 
Kmwpoos,  formerly  in  Illinois  ;   now  about  300,  chiefly  bnvond  the  Mississippi. 
Kiliamulis,  branch  of  the  Clatsopg,  const  Pacific  ocean  ;   about  1000. 
Killawats,  in  a  large  town  south-east  of  the  Luktons. 
Kimoenitns,  band  of  Chnpunnish,  on  Lewis's  River ;  800,  in  33  clans. 
Kites,  between  sources  Platte  and  the  Ro<;ky  Mountains ;  about  500. 
Knislencaux,  or  Christinuux,  on  Assinnaboin  River ;  6000  in  1812. 
Kookkoo-ooses,  south  of  the  Killawats,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ;  about  1500. 

Leech  River  Indians,  near  Sandy  Lake  ;  about  350. 

Ltnapr,  or  LenrJenape,  former  neme  of  the  Delawares,  which  see. 

Lukawisus,  on  the  coast  of  the  I'arific  ocean,  nbout  800. 

Luktons,  to  the  south-west  of  the  Killamuks,  on  the  oonst  of  the  Pacific. 

Mandans,  1018  miles  up  the  Missouri,  on  both  sides  ;   about  1200. 

Maniihuitks,  formerly  a  great  nation  of  Virginia,  some  time  since  extinct. 

Marshpers,  chiefly  a  mixed  remnant  of  the  noble  Wampanoags,  in  Sandwich,  Mass. ; 
alioul  -too  ;  l:iti<ly  conHpicuonH  in  assertini;  their  dormant  rights,  under  the  direo> 
lion  (if  the  i(Hri('nt  Mr.  Wit.i.uM  Ar»»s,  of  Pequot  descent. 

Massairuint.1,  I'  riiicrly  a  very  warlike  iiution  in  what  is  now  Kentucky. 


A  TABLE  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  TRIBES. 


XI 


ntiak;  in 


ih-eaat 

chiefly  be- 
French. 

t  language. 
1  the  E.  Bide- 
lie  Iroquois. 


!00  in  1800. 
mnant  of  the 

;  MiBU8Bippi> 


of  the  west ; 
Orand  Rivers. 

aooo. 

beyond  the 
nl821. 

BBIBBippi' 


mt  1500. 


4 


hct. 

Ilwinh.MBBi. ; 
Idrr  the  direo> 


i}kenominie8,  formerly  on  Illinois  River  ;  now  abort  300,  west  of  the  Mississippi. 
Mesaasagnes,  snbAifefl  eMy  by,  ahd  ihcSo^pdtated  ^ith  the  Iroquois ,  about  lUkea. 

Huron  and  SiTperior  in  1764,  and  theh  reckoned  at  2000. 
Miamies,  on  the  Mississippi,  below  the  Ouisconsin^  and  in  number  about  1500. 
Mikmakt,  on  tRe  River  St.  Lawrence  ;  about  500  m  J786. 
Mindawarcarton,  the  only  band  of  Sioux  that  Cultivates  corn,  beans,  &c. 
Minetares;  on  Knife  Rivfer,  near  the  Miasouri,  5  miles  above  the  Mandana;  2500. 
Mingoes ;  such  of  the  Iroquois  were  so  called  as  resided  Upon  the  Sioto  River. 
Mohawks',  fofmefly  a  great  tribd  of  the  Iroquois,  an'd  the  ihost  warlike  of  those  Five 

Nations. 
Moheakunnuks,  formetly  betweert  the  Hudson  and  Delaware  Rivers. 
Mohegans,  a  remnant  now  on  Thames,  below  NorVich,  in  Connecticut. 
Afosj«t<o*,a  nlimerous  fane,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Isthmtts  of  Darien. 
Multnomahs,  tribe  of  the  Wappatoos,  mouth  Multnomah  River ;  800. 
Munsees,  N.  branfeh  Stiiquehannah  in  1780;  on  Wabash  in  1808;  now  nnknOKm. 
Muskogees,  on  Alabama  and  Apalachicola  RiVers;  17,000  in  1775. 

-VoAijoJ)  between  N.  Mexico  Mid  the  Pacific ;  live  in  stoh6  houses,  ind  manoftctute 
JVantikokea,  near  the  east  branch  of  the  Susqtiehannah  in  1780,  and  about  80. 
A'nrragansets,  once  a  poivetfhl  nation  about  the  south  of  the  bay  of  that  ntune. 
Natchez,  discovered  in  1701 ;  chiefly  destroyed  in  1720  ;   150  in  1764. 
Jfiantiksf;  a'  tribe  of  the  Narragansets,  and  were  in  alliftnce  with-  them.       '  ' 

.yicariagas,  once  about  Michilimakinak  ;  joined  Iroquois  in  1723. 
JVipwsina,  near  the  source  of  the  Oltdilvay  River  ;  about  400  in  1764. 
Sfipmuks,  interior  of  Massachusetts  ;  1500  in  1C75  ;   long  since  extinct. 
J^ottoways,  on  Nottoway  River,  ih  Vitginia ;  but  two  of  clear  blood  in  ISIT. 

Oakmulges,  to  the  east  of  Flint  Rivler ;  about '200  in  1834. 

Ojibwas,  or  Chippetoas,  about  30,000,  on  tife  great  lakes. 

Omahas,-6n  Elkhorn  Riter,  80  miles  from  Council  Bluffs  ;  aboUt  2200. 

Oneidas,  a  nation  of  the  Iroquois,  near  Oneida  Lake  ;  about  1000. 

Onondagas,  a  nation  of  the  Iroquois,  Onondaga  Hollow  ;  about  300. 

Ootiashoots,  tribe  of  the  Tuskepas,  on  Clark's  River,  W.  Rocky  Mountaiht ;  hlMrat 

400. 
Osages,  Great  and  Little,  on  Arkansaw  and  Osage  Rivers  ;   about  4000. 
Otagamies,  het^ieiti  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  and  Mississijppi ,  300  in  1780. 
Ottawas,  east  Lake  Michigan ;  S800  in  1820  ;  at  Lakte  Huron,  about  200  hi  1788* 
Otloes,  on  Platte  River  ;  about  1500  in  1820. 

Ouiatonons,  on  the  Wabash  formerly  ;  300  in  177D.  .      - 

Ozas,  about  Red  River ;  about  HOOO  in  1750.  .  .     '.' 

Padoucas,  south  of  the  Missouri,  and  west  of  the  MisSissip^ ;  2000  in  1834. 
fancas,  on  the  <*est  of  tiio  Missouri ;   about  750  in  1830. 
Panis,  white,  south  Missouri,  fiOOO  ;   freckled  Panis,  about  1700. 
Passamaquoddie.*,  remnant  of  the  Tarratines,  on  Schbodic  Rivet ;  bbout  379. 
Paunees,  on  the  Platte  and  its  branches  ;  about  10,000. 
Pelloutpallak,  tribe  of  the  Choptmnish,  on  Kootfkooskee  ;   nbotit  1609. 
Penobscots,  island  in  Penobscot  River,  12  miles  above  Bangor;  about  300. 
Pequots,  formerly  about  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut,  novr  a  mixed  temAftnt,  libtotlt 

160. 
Piankeshaw.1,  on  the  Wabash,  formerly  3000 ;   in  1780,  but  950. 
Pishquitpahs,  noi'th  side  Columbia,  at  MuBcleshell  Rapids,  about  2C00. 
Pottoteattomies,  formerly  numerous,  now  on  Huroh  River,  about  160. 
Po'ohatans,  ;12  nations,  or  tribes,  spread  over  Virginia  When  settled  by  the  Whiteii 

QuapawSi  opposite  Little  Rock,  on  ArVansaW  River  ;   about  ^00. 
^athlahpohars,  8.  W.  side  Columbia,  above  the  modth  of  Tahwahnahiooks. 
tluatoghies,  formerly  on  S.  Lake  Michigan ;  sold  their  Country  to  English  ill  1707. 
^ieciaos,  coast  Pacific  Ocean,  north  mouth  Columbia;  about  250. 
Quinit{(s,  coast  Pacific,  8.  Quieetsos,  and  N.  Columbia  ;   about  1000. 
Quinneekarts,  coast  Pacific,  N.  the  Quieetsos  ;  about  VOOO. 

Rapids,  a  brave  tribe,  on  the  prairies,  towards  the  sources  of  the  Missonri. 
Red-knife  Indians,  (so  called  from  their  copper  knives,)  roam  in  the  region  of  SltT* 

Lake. 
Riearees,  on  Missouri,  between  the  Great  Bend  and  Mandnn. 
River  Indians,  fonneriy  south  of  the  Iroquois,  down  the  north  side  of  Hudson  Kirtr 

to  the  tea. 


kix 


A  TABLE   OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  TRIBES. 


''A 


Rowndhtadsy  on  the  east  aide  of  Lake  Superior ;  about  3500  in  1764. 

Souks,  Sacs,  or  Saques,  in  IlKnois,  about  Lake  Winnebago ;  now  about  500  in 
Missouri. 

Scattakooks,  upper  part  of  Tror  in  New  York  :  went  from  New  England  about  l&iii. 

Seminoles,  East  Florida,  now  (1836)  estimated  from  6  to  10,000.  .,;, 

Seneau,  one  of  the  ancient  Iroquois  nations ;  2200  near  Bi:^alo,  New  York. 

Serraunes,  in  Carolina,  nearly  destroyed  by  the  Westoes,  about  1670. 

Shahalahs,  at  the  Grand  Rapids  of  the  Columbia  River ;  2800,  in  62  lodges. 

Shmoanees,  now  about  1300  on  the  Missouri. 

Shoshonest,  or  Snokes;,  driven  into  the  Rocky  Mountains  by  the  Blackfeet.  ^  , 

iSioux,  on  St.  Peters,  Mississippi  and  Missouri ;   numerous;  33,000. 

SkiUoots,  on  the  Columbia,  from  Sturgeon  Island  upward ;  about  2500. 

SnaAe /ndwTW,  or  SAosAonw;  borders  Rocky  Mountains,  about  8000. 

Smokshops,  on  Colombia  River,  at  mouth  of  Labiche ;  800,  in  24  clans.  .  -,. 

Sokokies,  anciently  upon  Sacb  River  ;  now  extinct. 

Soktdks,  on  Columbia,  above  Lewis's  River  ;  about  2400,  in  120  lodges. 

Souties,  the  name  by  which  some  know  the  Ottowas,  which  see. 

Soyennoms,  on  east  fork  Lewis's  River ;  about  400,  in  33  villages. 

Staitaju,  a  name  by  which  the  Kites  are  known,  which  see. 

Stockhndge  Indiana,  New  Stockbridge,  New  York ;  about  400  in  1820. 

St.  John's  Indians,  remnant  of  the  Esquimaux,  on  the  St.  John's  in  New  Bruns- 
wick, 300. 

%meron«,  on  the  east  side  of  the  fsthmus  of  Darien ;   numerous. 

Teton«,  piratical  bands  of  the  Sioux  of  the  Missouri. 

TsonoTtthouans,  tribe  of  the  Hurons. — See  Dinondadits. 

TWearoroA,  joined  the  Iroquois  from  Carolina  in  1712.      ;  •     •    ..,      ,.. 

Ticti'A/wee*,  on  the  Great  Miami ;  200  in  1780. 

Tusnepaks,  on  Clark's  River  in  summer,  and  Missouri  in  winter  ;  aboot  430. 

Tuteloes,  an  ancient  nation  between  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  Bays. 

Vchtes,  a  tribe  of  Creeks,  formerly  in  four  towns. — See  Eucheea.  ,;  ^  , 

(72««aA»,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean ;  about  150. 


Wabinga,  between  the  west  braneU  of  Delaware  and  Hudson  Riven. 

Wanamies,  in  New  Jenev,  from  the  Rariton  to  the  sea. 

Wahowpums,  on  the  north  branch  of  the  Columbia;  about  700,  in  3j  lodges. 

Wanpaioos,  1 3  tribes,  of  various  names,  on  the  Columbia ;  about  5500. 

Welsh  Indians,  said  to  be  on  a  southern  branch  of  the  Missouri. 

Westoes,  once  a  powerful  tribe  in  South  Carolina,  nearly  destroyed  in  1670. 

WillnBoks,  about  500,  in  33  clans,  on  Willewah  River. 

Winnehagos,  on  Winnebago  Lake,  now  chiefly  beyond  the  Mississippi. 

W^  Indians,  a  tribe  of  the  Pawnees,  commonly  called  Pawnee  Loupe. 

WoUawollaJis,  on  the  Columbia,  from  above  Muscleshell  Rapids  ;  1600. 

Wycomes,  a  tribe  on  the  Susquehannah,  in  1648 ;  about  250. 

Wyandots,  on  Great  Miami  and  Sandusky ;  500,  formerly  very  warlike. 

Yamoiseet,  South  Carolina,  early  nearly  destroyed  b]r  the  whites. 
Yattasies,  branch  Red  River,  50  miles  above  Natchitoches ;   100  in  1812 ; 

Caddo. 
Yatoos,  once  a  great  tribe  of  Louisiana,  now  lost  among  the  Chikasaws. 
Yeahtmtanees,  formerly  near  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash. 
YeU^t,  on  a  river  which  falls  into  Lewis's  above  Kooskooskee ;  250. 
Yoniltkmes,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean  ;  about  700. 
Yonktons,  branch  of  Sioux,  about  Falls  St.  Anthony,  about  1000. 
YonlOoiu  of  the  Plaini,  or  Big  Devils;  2500 ;  sources  of  the  Sioux,  Stc. 
Youittt,  on  the  coast  of  tlie  Pacific  ocean  ;  about  150. 


■peak 


about  500  in 
uid  about  167^ 

TYork. 

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lodges. 

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BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


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in  1670. 
ipi. 


OF  THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


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PRIGIN,    ANTIQUITIES,    MANNERS    AND   CUSTOMS, 
&c.  OF  THE  AMERICAN  INDIANS. 


•.'nt,r;:/ 


^i: 


;«Wi.. 


O  could  their  ancient  Incu  riie  again, 

How  would  they  take  up  Israel's  taunting  itrain ! 

Art  thou  too  fallen,  Iberia  ?  Do  we  nee 

The  robber  and  the  murderer  weak  as  we  ? 

Thou,  that  hast  wasted  earth,  and  dared  despise     . . 

Alike  the  wrath  and  mercy  of  the  skies,  ,,,^ 

Thy  pomp  is  in  the  grave,  thy  glory  laid  ' 

Low  in  the  pits  thine  avarice  has  made.  '• 

We  come  with  joy  fron-.  our  eternal  rest,  ',  :, 

To  see  the  oppressor  in  his  turn  oppressed. 

Art  thou  the  God,  the  thunder  of  whose  hand  .    .'.' 

Rolled  over  all  our  desolated  land,  '  < 

Shook  principalities  and  kingdoms  down. 

And  made  the  mountains  trumtile  at  his  frown? 

The  sword  shall  light  upon  thy  boasted  powen,- 

Aiul  waste  them  as  thejr  wasted  ours 

'Tis  thus  Omnipotence  his  law  nillils, 

And  vengeance  executes  what  justice  wills. — Oowrm. 


AVi 


'MU 


CHAPTER  I 


■  .  '■■,>l 


i   li 


Origin  of  the  name  Indian. — Why  applied  to  the  people  found  m  America. — Ancient 
authors  supposed  to  have  referred  to  America  iri  their  writings — Theqpompus-^- 
Voyage  of  Hanno — Diodorus  Siculus — PltUo — Aristotle — Seneca. 

The  name  Indian  was  erroneously  applied  to  the  original  man  of  America* 
by  its  first  discoverers.  The  attempt  to  arrive  at  the  East  Indies  by  sailing 
west,  caused  the  discovery  of  the  islands  and  continent  of  America.  When 
they  were  at  firet  discovered,  Columbus,  and  many  after  hitn,  supposed  they 
had  arrived  Pt  the  eastern  shore  of  the  continent  of  India,  und  hence  the  peo- 
])le  they  found  there  wefe  called  Indians.  The  error  wra  not  discovered  until 
the  name  had  so  obtained,  that  it  could  not  well  i)e  changed.  It  is  true,  that  it 
matters  but  little  to  us  by  what  name  the  indigenes  of  a  country  are  known, 
and  especially  those  of  America,  in  as  fftr  as  the  name  is  seldom  used  among 
us  but  in  a[>plieation  to  the  abpriginal  Americans.  But  with  the  people  of 
Europe  it  was  not  so  unimportant  Situated  between  the  two  countries,  India 
and  America,  the  same  name  for  the  inhabitants  of  both  must,  at  first,  have 
produced  considerable  inconvenience,  if  not  confusion  ;  because,  in  speaking 
of  an  Indian,  no  one  would  know  whether  an  American  or  a  ^icalahder  ^*•as 
meant,  unless  by  the  context  of  the  discourse.  Thejjefore,  in  a  historical  poir^t 
of  view,  the  error  is,  at  least,  as  much  to  be  deplored  as  that  the  name  of  the 
continent  itself  should  have  been  derived  from  Jlmericus  instead  of  Columbuti, 

*  So  named  from  VesptUius  Americus,  a  Florentine,  who  mado  a  discovery  of  some  part 
of  tlir  couKt  of  Soudi  Americn  in  H'.IS,  two  yc^rs  oiler  Cabot^wX  explored  the  coast  of  North 
Ainericaj  but  Americus  liud  the  fortuuc  to  confer  his  name  upon  both. 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


It  has  been  the  practice  of  almost  every  writer,  who  has  written  about  the 
primitive  inhabitants  of  a  country,  to  give  some  wild  theories  of  others,  con- 
cerning their  origin,  and  to  close  the  account  with  his  own ;  which  generally 
has  been  more  visionary,  if  possible,  than  those  of  his  predecessors.  Long, 
laborious,  and,  we  may  add,  useless  disquisitions  have  been  daily  laid  before 
the  world,  from  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus  to  the  present  time,  to 
endeavor  to  explain  by  what  means  the  inhabitants  got  from  the  old  to  the 
new  world.  To  act,  therefore,  in  unison  with  many  of  our  predecessors,  we 
will  begin  as  far  back  as  they  have  done,  and  so  shall  commence  with  Theo- 
potnpva  and  others,  from  intimations  in  whose  writings  it  is  alleged  the  aur 
cients  had  knowledge  of  America,  and  therefore  peopled  it. 

Theopompus,  a  learned  historian  and  orator,  who  flourished  in  the  time  of 
.fUexander  the  Great,  in  a  book  entided  Thaumasia,  gives  a  sort  of  dialogue 
between  Midas  the  Phrygian  and  Silenus.  The  book  itself  is  lost,  but  Strabo 
refers  to  it,  and  Mlianusma  given  us  the  substance  of  the  dialogue  which  fol- 
lows. After  much  conversation,  SUenus  said  to  Midas,  that  Europe,  Asia  and 
Africa  were  but  islands  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  the  sea ;  but  that  there  was 
a  continent  situated  beyond  these,  which  was  of  immense  dimensions,  even 
without  limits ;  and  that  it  was  so  luxuriant,  as  to  produce  animals  of  [)rudi- 
gious  magnitude,  and  men  grew  to  double  the  height  of  themselves,  and  tliat 
they  lived  to  a  far  greater  age  ;*  that  they  had  many  great  cities ;  and  their 
usages  and  laws  were  different  from  ours ;  that  in  one  city  there  was  more 
than  a  million  of  inhabitants ;  that  gold  and  silver  were  there  in  vast  qunnti- 
ties.t  This  is  but  an  abstract  from  Mlianus^s  extract,  but  contains  all  of  it  that 
ean  be  said  to  refer  to  a  country  west  of  Europe  and  Africa.^  Mlian  or  JEli- 
anus  lived  about  A.  D.  200. 

Hanno  flourished  when  the  Carthaginians  were  in  their  greatest  prosperity, 
but  the  exact  time  is  unknown.  Some  place  his  times  40,  and  otluTs  140, 
years  before  the  founding  of  Rome,  which  would  be  about  800  years  before 
our  era,§  He  was  an  officer  of  great  enterprise,  having  sailed  around  and  ex- 
plored the  coast  of  Africa,  set  out  from  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  now  called 
the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  sailed  westward  30  days.  Hence  it  is  inferred  by 
many,  that  he  must  have  visited  America,  or  some  of  its  islands.  He  wrote  a 
booic,  which  he  entitled  Periplus,  giving  an  account  of  his  voyages,  which  was 
translated  and  published  about  151^3,  in  Greek.|| 

Many,  and  not  without  tolerably  good  reasons,  believe  that  an  island  or  con- 
tinent existed  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean  about  this  period,  but  which  disappeared 
afterwards. 

*  Buffon  and  Raynal  either  had  not  read  this  story,  or  they  did  not  believe  it  to  have  been 
America ;  for  they  taught  that  all  animals  degenerated  licre.  IVIany  of  the  first  adventurers 
to  the  coasts  of  unknown  countries  rei)orted  them  inhabited  by  giants.  Swift  wrote  Gulliver's 
Travels  to  bring  such  accounts  into  ridicule.  How  well  iie  succeeded  is  evident  from  a 
comparison  of  books  of  voyages  and  travels  before  and  after  iiis  tiine.  Duburtas  has  this 
passage  :— 

Our  fearless  sailors,  in  far  voyages 
(More  led  by  gain's  hope  than  uieir  compasses), 
On  th'  Indian  shore  have  sometime  noted  some 
'  Whose  bodies  covered  two  broad  acres  room ; 

And  in  the  South  Sea  they  have  also  seen 
Some  like  high-topped  and  huge-armed  trecn  ; 
And  other  some,  whose  monstrous  backs  did  bear 
Two  mighty  wheels,  with  whirling  spokes,  that  wer« 
Much  like  the  winged  and  wide-spreading  sails 
I       ■  Of  any  wind-mill  turned  with  merry  gales. ' 

.,.-.  Divine  Weeks,  p.  117,  ed,  4to,  1613. 


t  y£lian,  Variar.  Historiar.  lib.  iii.  chap.  viii. 
X  Since 
an's  work, 


%  Since  the  text  was  written,  there  has  come  into  my  hands  a  copy  of  a  translation  of  .Dil- 
i's work,  "  in  Englishe  (as  well  according  to  the  tnilh  of  the  GrceKe  te.\te,  ns  of  the  Latino), 
by  Aliraham  Flemins:."    London,  167G,  'tto.    It  differs  not  materially  from  the  above,  which 


is  given  from  a  French  version  of  it. 

ii  Encyclopiedin  Perthensis. 
I  The  best  account  of  Iluimo  and  his  voyages,  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  is  to  be 
found  in  Mariana's  Hist,  of  Spain,  vol.  i.  W,  lO'J,  ll'J,  122,  133,  and  loO,  ed.  Paris,  1725, 
5  vols.  4to. 


Chap.  I.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIAX^- 


of 


(1,  is  lo  be 
^aris,  1725, 


Diodorus  Sicidus  says  that  some  "  PJioBnic'mns  were  cast  upon  a  most  fertile 
island  opposite  to  Africa."  Of  tliis,  he  says,  they  kept  the  most  studied  secrecy, 
which  was  doubtless  occasioned  by  their  jealousy  of  the  advantage  the  discov- 
ery might  be  to  the  neighboring  nations,  and  which  they  wished  to  ^cure 
wJiolly  to  themselves.  Diodorus  Siculus  lived  about  100  years  before  Christ. 
Islands  lying  west  of  Europe  and  Africa  are  certainly  ipentioned  by  Homer 
and  Horace.  They  were  called  Atlantides,  aoA  were  supposed  to  be  about 
10,000  furlongs  from  Africa.  Here  existed  tlie  poets'  fabled  Elysian  fields, 
liut  to  be  more  paiticular  with  Diodorus,  we  will  let  him  speak  for  himself. 
"After  having  passed  die  islands  which  lie  beyond  the  Herculean  Strait,  we 
will  speak  of  those  which  lie  much  farther  into  the  ocean.  Towards  Africa, 
and  to  the  west  of  it,  is  an  immense  island  in  the  broad  sea,  many  days'  sail 
from  Lybia.  Its  soil  is  very  fertile,  and  its  surface  variegated  with  mountains 
and  valleys.  Its  coasts  ai-e  indented  with  many  navigable  rivers,  and  its  fields 
are  well  cultivated:  delicious  gardens,  and  various  kinds  of  plants  auilj:]'ees." 
He  finally  sets  it  down  as  the  finest  country  known,  where  the  inhabitants 
liave  spacious  dwellings,  and  every  thing  in  the  greatest  plenty.  To  say  the 
li'ost  of  this  account  of  Diodorus,  it  corresponds  very  well  with  tliat  given  of 
the  Mexicans  when  first  known  to  the  Spaniards,  but  perhaps  it  wijl.cpinpare 
as  well  with  the  Canaries. 

Plato''s  account  has  more  weight,  perhaps,  than  any  of  the  ancienttt.  He 
lived  about  400  years  before  the  Christian  era.  A  pait  of  his  account  is  as 
follows : — "  In  those  first  times  [time  of  its  being  first  known],  the  Atlantic 
was  a  most  broad  island,  and  there  were  extant  most  powerful  kings  in  it, 
who,  with  joint  forces,  appointed  to  occupy  Asia  and  Europe :  And  go  .a  most ' 
grievous  war  was  carried  on;  in  which  the  Athenians,  with  ^he  common 
consent  of  the  Greeks,  op}tose(l  themselves,  and  they  became  the  conquerors. 
lint  that  Atlantic  island,  by  a  flood  and  earthquake,,  was  indeed  suddenly 
destroyed,  and  so  that  wai'like  people  were  swallowed  ,up."  Be.acjds,  in  an- 
other place,  "  An  island  in  the  mouth  of  the  sea,  in  the  passage  to  those  straits, 
culled  the  Pillars  o(  Hercules,  did  exist;  and  that  island  was  greater  and  larger 
than  Lybia  and  Asia ;  from  which  there  was  an  easy  passage  over  to  other 
islands,  and  from  those  islands  to  that  continent,  which  is  situatefl  out  of  that 
region."*  "  JV*ep<wne  settled  in  this  island,  from  whose  son,  w!2<?a«,  its  name 
was  derived,  and  divided  it  among  his  ten  sons.  To  the  youngest  fell  the 
extremity  of  the  island,  called  Grtrfir,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  countrx', 
signifies /er<t/e  or  abounding  in  sheep.  The  descendants  of  .JVepfune  .reigne(l 
here,  frOm  father  to  son,  for  a  great  number  of  generations  in  the  order  of 
j)rimogeniture,  during  the  space  of  9000  years.  They  also  possessed  several 
other  islands  ;  and,  ))assing  into  Europe  and  Africu^  subdued  all  Lybia  as  far 
as  Egypt,  and  all  Europe  to  Asia  Minor.  At  length  the  island  simk  under 
water;  and  for  a  long  time  afterwards  the  sea  theveabouts  was  full  of 
rocks  and  shelves."!  This  account,  although  mixed  with  fable,  cannot,  we 
think,  be  entirely  rejected;  and  that  the  ancients  had  knowledge  of  countries 
^v(!Stward  of  Europe  appears  as  plain  and  as  well  authentipated  as  ijny  passage 
of  history  of  that  period. 

Aristotle,  or  the  author  of  a  book  which  is  generally  attributed  to  him,  J 
speaks  of  an  island  beyond  the  Straits  of  tJibraltar ;  but  the  passage  savors 
something  of  hearsay,  and  is  as  follQWs:-^-"  Some  say  that,  beyond  the  Pillars 
of  Hercules,  the  Carthaginians  have  found  a  very  fertile  islapd,  b^t  without 
inhabitants,  full  of  forests,  navigable  rivers,  and  fnut  in  abundance.  It  is 
.several  days'  voyage  from  the  ^nain  land.  Some  Carthaginians,  charmed  by 
the  fertility  of  the  country,  thought  to  marry. and  settle  there;  but  some  say 
that  the  government  of  Carthage  forbid  the  settlenient  upon  p^ip  of  death, 
from  the  fear  that  it  would  increase  in  power  so  as  to  deprive  the  mother- 
country  of  her  possessions  there."    If  Aristotle  had  uttered  this  as  a  jiredictioti, 

• 1 n '~~. ' —  '  I  ]  — 

•  America  known  lo  the  Ancients,  10,  5vo.  Boston,, 1773. 

t  EncyclopiEdia  Perihensis,  art.  Atlantis. 

i  Dc  niirabil.  a,uscuUat.  Opera,  vol.  i.  Voltcdre  says  of  tiiis  book,  "  On  eu  fesall  lionneur 
aux  Carlhaifiuois,  et  on  citail  ua  livrc  d'Aristole  qu'il  a'a  pas  compose."'  Essai  sitr  les 
Maeurs  et  fespiit  des  iiationt,  chap.  cxlv.  p.  703,  vol.  iv.  of  liis  works.  Edit.  Paris,  1817, 
in  9v9. 

1* 


6 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Hook  I. 


that  such  a  thing  woiikl  take  place  in  regard  to  some  future  nation,  no  one, 
perhaps,  would  have  called  him  a  false  prophet,  for  the  American  revolution 
would  have  been  its  fulfilment.  This  philosopher  lived  about  384  years  before 
Christ. 

Seneca  lived  about  the  commencement  of  the  vulgar  era.    He  wrote  trage- 
dies, and  in  one  of  them  occurs  this  passage : — 


-"  Venient  annis 


■         ,     '  '  SiKCula  seris,  quibus  oceanus 

Vincula  rcruin  laxet,  et  ingens  ^ 

Pateat  tellus,  Typhisque  novos 
DctCifat  orbcs ;  nee  sit  terris 
Ullima  lliule." 

Medea,  Act  3.  v.  375. 

This  is  nearer  prophecy,  and  may  be  rendered  in  English  thus: — "The 
time  will  come  when  the  ocean  will  loosen  the  chains  of  nature,  and  we  shall 
behold  a  vast  country.  A  new  Typhis  shall  discover  new  worlds:  Thule 
shall  no  longer  bo  considered  the  last  country  of  the  known  world." 

Not  only  these  passages  from  the  ancient  authors  have  been  cited  and  re- 
cited by  moderns,  but  many  more,  though  less  to  the  point,  to  show  that,  in 
some  way  or  other,  America  must  have  been  peopled  from  some  of  the  eastern 
continents.  Almost  every  country  has  claimed  the  honor  of  having  been  its 
first  discoverer,  and  hence  the  progenitor  of  the  Indians.  But  since  the  recent 
discoveries  in  the  north,  writers  upon  the  subject  say  but  little  about  getting 
over  inhabitants  from  Europe,  Asia,  or  Africa,  through  the  difficult  way  of  the 
Atlantic  seas  and  islands,  as  it  is  much  easier  to  pass  them  over  the  narrow  chan- 
nels of  the  north  in  canoes,  op  upon  the  ice.  Grotius,  C.  Mather,  Hubbard,  and 
afler  them  Robertson,  are  glad  to  meet  with  so  easy  a  method  of  solving  a 
question  wliich  tliey  consider  as  having  puzzled  their  predecessors  so  much. 


CHAPTER  n. 

Of  modem  theorists  upon  the  •peopling  of  Jlmerica — St.  Gregory — Herrera — T. 
Morton —  Williamson —  Wood  —  Josselyii  —  Tliorowgood  — Mair — R.  Williams —  C. 
Mather  —  Huhhard  —  Robertson  —  Smith  —  Voltaire  —  MitchiU  — M'  Culloch — Lord 
Kaim — Siointon — Cabrera.  ' 

St.  Gregory,  who  flourished  in  the  7th  century,  in  an  epistle  to  St.  Clement, 
said  that  beyond  the  ocean  (here  was  another  world.* 

Herrera  argues,  that  the  now  world  could  not  have  been  known  to  the 
ancients ;  and  that  what  Seneca  has  said  was  not  true.  For  that  God  had  kept 
it  hid  from  the  old  world,  giving  tliotii  no  certain  knowledge  of  it ;  and  that, 
in  the  secrecy  and  inconijjrehen.sihility  of  his  providence,  lie  has  been  pleased 
to  give  it  to  the  Castiliau  nation.  That  Seneca's  prediction  (if  so  it  may  be 
considered)  was  a  false  one,  because  he  said  that  a  new  world  would  be  dis- 
covered in  the  north,  and  that  it  was  foimd  in  the  west.f  Herrera  wrote 
about  1598,  t  before  which  time  little  knowledge  was  obtained  of  North 
America.    This  may  accoimt  for  his  impeachment  of  Seneca's  ]»rophecy. 

Thomas  Morton,  who  came  to  New  England  in  1(522,  published  in  1G37  an 
accoimt  of  its  natural  history,  with  much  other  curious  matter.  In  speaking 
upon  the  peopling  of  America,  he  thinks  it  altogether  out  of  the  question  to 

*  "  S.  Greffoire  sur  I'epislre  do  S.  CleineiU,  dit  que  pass6  I'occan,  il  y  a  vn  autre  moiul." 
(Herrera,  I  Decade,  2.)    This  is  tiie  wlioie  passage. 

t  Ibid.  3. 

I  He  died  27  March,  1G25,  at  Ihc  age  of  about  66  years.  His  name  was  Tordesillas  ArUonio 
de  Herrera— one  of  the  host  Spanish  historians.  His  history  of  the  voyages  to,  and  settlement 
of  America  is  very  inimile,  and  very  vnhiahle.  The  original  in  Spanish  is  very  rare.  AcoS' 
ia's  translation  (into  French)  3  v.  4lo.,  16()0,  is  also  6carcc  and  valuable.    It  is  this  we  cite. 


[Book  I. 

)n,  no  one, 
revolution 
ears  before 

rote  trage- 


Chap.  II] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


us :— "  The 

11(1  we  shall 

Ids:  Thule 
n 

ited  and  re- 
how  that,  in 
f  the  eastern 
ing  been  its 
se  the  recent 
bout  getting 
It  way  of  the 
larrow  chnn- 
riuhhard,  and 
of  solving  a 
ors  so  much. 


-Herrera — T. 
Williams — C. 
Mloch—Lord 


I  St.  Clement, 

lown  to  the 
',od  had  kej)t 
it ;  and  that, 
)OPn  pleased 
0  it  may  be 
3uld  be  dis- 
hrrern  wrote 
Id  of  Nortli 
Iphecv. 

II  in  1637  an 
lln  speaking 

\  (juestion  to 

autre  moiul.'' 


^sillas  Antonio 
Ind  settlement 
rare.    AcoS' 
Ihis  we  cite. 


suppose  that  it  was  peopled  by  the  Tartars  from  the  north,  bt'rnniMi  "a  peopl<>, 
once  settled,  must  bo  I'emoved  by  compulsion,  or  clw  tempted  tli' i   unto  in 
hopes  of  better  fortunes,  upon  commendatiouB  of  the  jilace  unto  whiclt  they 
should  l)e  drawn  to  njmove.  And  if  it  may  bo  thought  that  these  "people  came 
over  the  frozen  sea,  then  would  it  be  by  compulsion.    If  so,  tlicii  by  whom, 
or  when?    Or  what  part  of  this  main  continent  may  be  thought  to  border 
upon  the  country  of  the  Tartars?    It  is  yet  imkuown ;  and  it  is  not  like  that  a 
people  well  enough  at  ease,  will,  of  their  own  accord,  undertake  to  travel  over 
a  sea  of  ice,  considering  how  many  difficulties  they  shall  encounter  with.    As, 
1st,  whether  there  be  any  land  at  the  end  of  their  unknown  way,  no  land 
being  in  view ;  then  want  of  food  to  sustain  life  in  the  mean  time  upon  that 
sea  of  ice.  Or  how  shall  they  do  for  ftiel,  to  keen  them  at  night  from  freezing 
to  (Icatii  ?  which  will  not  lie  had  in  such  a  place.    But  it  may  perhaps  be 
granted,  that  the  natives  of  this  country  might  originally  come  of  the  scattered 
'Irojans;  for  after  that  Brutus,  who  was  the  fourth  from  Eneas,  left  Latium 
uiion  the  conflict  held  with  the  Latins  (where  although  he  gave  them  a  great 
overthrow,  to  the  slaughter  of  their  grand  captain  and  n)any  othere  of  the 
li('roes  of  Latium,  yet  lie  held  it  more  safely  to  depart  imto  some  other  place 
!ind  people,  than,  by  staying,  to  run  the  hazard  of  an  unquiet  life  or  doubtful 
conquest ;  which,  as  history  maketh  mention,  ho  performed.)    This  people 
was  (lisperaed,  there  is  no  question,  but  the  people  that  lived  with  him,  by 
reason  of  their  conversation  with  the  Giecians  and  Latins,  had  a  mixed  lan- 
'  guage,  that  participated  of  both."*    This  is  the  main  ground  of  Morton,  but 
he  says  much  more  upon  the  subject ;  as  that  the  similarity  of  the  languages 
of  the  Indians  to  the  Greek  and  Roman  is  very  great.    From  the  examples  he 
gives,  we  presume  he  knew  ap  litde  about  the  Indian  languages  as  Dr.  Mather, 
Adair,  and  Bovdinot,  who  thought  them  almost  to  coincide  with  the  Hebrew. 
Though  Morion  thinks  it  vei^  improbable  that  the  Tartars  cnme  over  by  the 
north  from  Asia,  because  they  could  not  see  land  beyond  the  ice,  yet  he  finds 
no  difficulty  in  getting  them  across  the  wide  Atlantic,  although  he  iillows  them 
no  compass.     That  the  Indians  have  a  Latin  origin  he  thinks  evident,  because 
he  fancied  he  heard  among  their  words  Pasco-pan,  and  hence  thinks,  without 
doubt,  their  aucestore  were  acquainted  with  the  god  Pan,\ 

Dr.  JFilliamsonl  says,  "It  can  hardly  be  (lucstioned  that  the  Indians  of  South 
America  are  descended  from  a  class  of  the  Hindoos,  in  the  southern  parts  of 
Asia."  That  they  could  not  have  come  from  the  north,  because  the  South 
American  Indians  are  unlike  those  of  the  north.  This  seems  to  clash  with 
the  more  rational  views  of  Father  Vene^as,§  He  writes  as  follows:  "Of  all 
the  parts  of  America  hitherto  discovered,  the  Californians  lie  nearest  to  Asia. 
We  are  acquainted  with  the  mode  of  wrhing  in  all  tlie  eastern  nations.  We 
can  distinguish  between  the  characters  of  the  Japanese,  the  Chinese,  the 
Chinese  Tartare,  the  Mogul  Tartars,  and  other  nations  extending  as  far  as  the 
Bay  of  Kamschathka ;  and  learned  dissertations  on  tliem,  by  Mr.  Boyer,  are 
to  be  found  in  the  acts  of  the  imperial  academy  of  sciences  at  Petersburg. 
What  discovery  would  it  be  to  meet  with  any  of  these  characters,  or  others 
like  them,  among  the  American  Indians  nearest  to  Asia !  But  as  to  the  Cali- 
fornians, if  ever  they  were  possessed  of  any  invention  to  perpetuate  their  me- 
moirs, they  have  entirely  lost  it;  and  all  that  is  now  found  among  them, 
amounts  to  no  more  than  some  obscure  oral  tra»litions,  jirobably  more  and 
more  adulterated  by  a  long  succession  of  time.  They  have  not  so  much  as 
retJiined  any  knowledge  of  the  particular  country  from  which  they  emi- 
grated." This  is  the  account  of  one  who  lived  many  years  among  the  Indians 
of  California. 

Mr.  William  JVood,\\  who  left  New  England  in  1033,11' after  a  short  stay,  says, 
"Of  their  language,  which  is  only  peculiar  to  themselves,  not  inclining  to  any 
of  the  refined  tongues :  Some  have  thought  they  might  be  of  the  dispersed 

*  New  Canaan,  book  i,  pages  17  and  18.  t  Ibid.  18. 

{  In  his  Hist.  N.  Carolina,  i.  216. 

JHIsl.  Calirornia,  i.  CO.    His  work  was  published  at  Madrid,  in  1768. 
The  author  of  a  work  entitled  New  England's  Prospect,  ^published  in  London,  1634,  ill 
4to.    It  is  a  very  rare,  and,  in  some  i  ■  -peels,  a  curious  and  valuable  work. 
11  Prospect,  51 .  * 


8 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


I 


*■ 


Jews,  because  some  of  their  words  be  near  unto  the  Hebrew  ;  but  by  the  same 
rule,  they  may  conclude  them  to  be  some  of  the  gleanings  of  all  nations,  lie- 
cause  they  have  words  which  sound  after  the  Greek,  Latin,  French,  and  other 
tongues."*   ' 

Mr.  John  Josselyn,  who  reoKied  some  time  in  New  England,  from  the  y(<ar 
l(i38,  says,  »  The  Mohawks  are  about  500 :  their  speech  a  dialect  of  the  Tar- 
ttu^  (as  also  is  the  Turkish  toiigue)."t  In  another  work,|:  he  says,  "  N.  Eng- 
land is  by  some  aflirmed  to  be  an  island,  bounded  on  the  north  with  the  River 
of  Canada  (so  called  from  Monsieur  Cant),  on  the  south  with  the  River  Mon- 
began  or  Hudson^s  River,  so  called  because  he  was  the  first  that  discovered  it. 
Some  will  have  America  to  be  an  island,  which  out  of  question  must  needs  be, 
if  there  be  a  north-east  passage  found  out  into  the  South  Sea.  It  contains 
1,152,400,000  acres.  The  discovery  of  the  north-west  passage  (which  lies  with- 
in the  River  of  Canada)  was  undertaken  with  tiie  lielp  of  some  Protestant 
Frenchmen,  wliich  left  Canada,  and  retired  to  Boston  about  the  year  1(1(11*. 
Tiie  ju)rtli-east  ))eo|ile  of  America,  that  is,  N.  England,  &c.,  are  judged  to  bo 
Tartai"s,  called  Samoadcs,  being  alike  in  complexion,  shape,  habit  and  man- 
ners." We  have  given  here  a  larger  extract  than  the  immediate  subject  re- 
(|uired,  because  we  would  let  the  reader  enjoy  bis  curiosity,  as  well  as  we 
oui-a,  in  seeing  how  people  understood  things  in  that  day.  Barlow^  looking 
but  a  small  distance  beyond  those  times,  with  great  elegance  says, — 

"  In  lliose  Mniik  periods,  wlicro  no  nhin  can  trace 
Tilt'  f^leanis  of  llioiiglit  that  (irst  illumed  his  race, 
His  errors,  twined  with  science,  took  their  birth, 
And  lorgcd  their  fetters  for  this  child  of  earth, 
And  when,  as  ofl,  he  dare<l  expand  his  view, 
And  work  with  nature  on  the  line  she  drew, 
Some  monster,  gendered  in  his  fears,  iinmaimed 
His  opening  soul,  and  marred  the  works  he  planned. 
Fear,  the  first  passion  of  his  helpless  state, 
Kednuhles  all  the  woes  that  round  him  wait, 
IMorks  nature's  path,  and  sends  him  wandering  wide. 
Without  a  guardian,  and  wiliiout  a  guide.'' 

Columbiad,  ix.  137,  &c. 

Reverend  Thomas  Thorowgood  published  a  small  rpiarto,  in  1G52,§  to  prove 
that  the  Indians  w«'re  the  Jews,  who  had  been  "  lost  in  the  world  for  the  space 
of  near  2000  years."  IJtit  whoever  has  read  Mair  or  Botulvwt,  has,  beside  a 
,good  tleal  that  is  irrational,  ri'iid  all  thai  in  Thorowgood  can  be  termed  rational. 

Revc-rend  Roger  H'illlitiiui  was  at  one  time,  as  appears  from  Thorowgood's 
work, II  of  the  siune  opinion,  iiciiig  wiitttMi  to  for  his  opinion  of  the  origin  of 
the  natives,  "he  kiiitlly  answt^rs  to  thostf  letters  fiom  Salem  in  N.  I'^ng.  20th 
of  the  10th  month,  more  than  10  yeers  since,  in  hire  verha."  That  they  did 
not  come  into  America  from  tla.'  noi-tli-(>)ist,  as  sniiie  htid  imitgih(;(l,  he  thought 
evident  lor  these  n'asons:  1.  their  ancestors  aftirm  they  camt;  from  the  south- 
west, and  rf'ttirn  thence  when  they  tlii' :  2.  Ih'chiisc  they  "separate  tluir  wo- 
men in  a  litllt"  wigwam  by  lln'insclves  in  tiicir  .'i  miniiie  seasons:"  and  M.  "I)e- 
side  their  god  Kullund  to  the  S.  \V'<  .-t,  they  liuiil  iIimI  .Vdiinwilniiiril'.  {a  god 
over  head)  naule  the  heavens  and  the  eiirlh  ;  and  some  tast  of  allinity  w  ith 
the  Hebrew  I  have  fiaind." 

Docti  I  Cotton  M(dhvr  is  tin  author  of  such  singular  tpialities,  that  we  idmost 
hesitate  to  niune  him,  lest  we  lie  thoiiglit  witliout  seriotisness  in  so  weighty  ti 
matter.  Jlut  we  will  assure  the  reader,  that  he  is  an  author  with  whom  we 
would  in  no  wise  |iiirt ;  and  if  sonieliiiies  we  ii|ipe,Mr  not  serious  in  our  iittthk- 
dtiction  of  him,  uliat  is  of  more  importiuice,  we  believe  Atra  really  to  he  so. 
And  we  an;  persuaded  that  we  shoulil  not  be  pardoned  did  wo  nut  allow  Imiu 
to  speak  U|H)n  the  matter  belbre  uh. 


•  Il>id.  112.  ed.  17fi4. 

t  His  account  of  two  voyages  to  New  Knglnnd,  printed  Londou,  1673,  page  124. 

X  Niiw  Kngliuid  Karities,  \,  b,  printed  London,  1(172. 

■'  lis  title  ci'iniiienies,  "  "■ -'      "■•  •   *' "■ -■' -''■  -   * '•— - 

Pages  b  an<l  li. 

(JilannitmcU  is  lotl  in  iH'Inwnro.— 7/fr/tficfW*r, 


<,  '(,  .7,  printed  i.oniion,  iiii.. 

'  Uii^liii  Iki :  Aiiv  JJisconriiS,  uith  sure  Arj^umcnh  to preie,"  SiC. 


[Book  I. 

by  the  same 
natioiip,  bc- 
1,  and  other 

jm  the  year 
of  the  Tar- 
3,  «  N.  Eiig- 
th  tlie  River 
River  Mon- 
iscovered  it. 
jst  needs  be, 
It  contains 
ch  Ues  witli- 

0  Protestant 
e  year  l(iti'.>. 
judged  to  bo 
lit  and  nian- 
3  subject  re- 

1  well  as  we 
rlotVf  looking 


(,  ix.  137,  &c. 

152,§  to  prove 
for  the  space 
(as,  beside  a 
leil  lational. 
Thorowixood's 
llie  origin  of 
N.Kng. 'iOtii 
lut  tliey  did 
I,  lie  tlwmght 
u  the  (ioutli- 
ate  till  ir  wo- 
und H.  "Ikj- 
iiitwil'i  [a  fxod 
alliniiy  with 

lat  we  ahii<i»tt 
so  weiglity  « 
i'h  wiioni  wo 
in  our  inlM- 
L'ally  to  lie  so. 
lot  "allow  iHin 


^c  12*. 

UopiOVt,"  iiC. 


Chap.  II] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


9 


He  says,  "  It  should  not  pass  without  remark,  tiiat  three  most  memorable 
things  which  have  borne  a  very  great  aspect  upon  human  affairs,  did,  near  the 
same  time,  namely,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  fijleenth,  and  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth,  century,  arise  unto  the  world:  the  first  was  the  Resurrection  of 
Literature ;  the  second  was  the  opening  of  America ;  the  thir<l  was  the 
Reformation  of  Religion"  Thus  far  we  have  an  instructive  view  of  the  sub- 
ject, calculated  to  lead  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  the  dark  ages,  when  literature 
was  neglected  and  forgotten,  discoveries  might  have  been  also,  and  hence  the 
knowledge  of  America  lost  ibr  a  time.  The  reader  must  now  summon  his 
gravity.  "But,"  this  author  continues,  " as  probably  the  i?e«if,  seducing  the 
rirst  inhabitants  of  America  into  it,  therein  aimed  at  the  having  of  them  and 
their  posterity  out  of  the  sound  of  the  silver  trumpets  of  the  gospel,  tlien  to  be 
heard  tin'ough  the  Roman  empire.*  If  the  Devil  had  any  expectation,  that,  by 
the  peopling  of  America,  he  should  utterly  deprive  any  Europeans  of  the  two 
l)enefits,  literature  and  religion,  which  dawned  upon  the  miserable  world,  (one 
just  before,  the  other  just  ajler,\  the  first  famed  navigation  hither,  'tis  to  be 
hoped  he  will  be  disappouiteu  of  that  expectation."!  The  learned  doctor, 
having  forgotten  what  he  had  written  in  his  tirst  book,  or  wishing  to  inculcate 
his  doctrine  more  firmly,  nearly  repeats  a  passage  which  he  had  at  firet  given, 
in  a  distant  part  of  his  work  ;  j:  but,  there  being  considerable  addition,  we  re- 
cite it :  "  The  natives  of  the  country  now  possessed  by  the  Newenglandere, 
luul  been  forlorn  and  wretclied  heathen  ever  since  their  fii"st  herding  here ;  antl 
though  we  know  not  token  or  how  these  Indians  first  became  inhabitants  of 
tJiis  mighty  continent,  yet  we  may  guess  that  probably  the  Devil  decoyed  those 
miserable  salvages  hither,  in  hopes  that  the  gospel  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
would  never  come  here  to  destroy  or  disturb  his  absolute  (unpire  o\er  them. 
Rut  our  Eliot  was  in  such  ill  terms  with  the  Devil,  as  to  alarm  him  with 
sounding  the  silver  trumpets  of  '.leaven  in  his  territories,  and  make  soiiio  noble 
and  zealous  attempls  towards  outing  him  of  ancient  possessions  here.  There 
were,  I  think,  20  several  nations  (if  I  may  call  them  so)  of  Indians  upon  that 
S[)ot  of  gi'ound  which  fell  under  the  influence  of  our  Three  United  Colonies ; 
and  our  Eliot  was  willing  to  rescue  as  many  of  them  as  he  could  from  that 
old  usurping  landlord  of  America,  who  is,  6m  the  urrath  of  God,  the  prince  of 
this  world."  In  several  places  he  it>  dcicided  in  the  opinion  that  Indians  am 
Scythians,  and  is  confirmed  in  the  opinion,  on  meeting  with  this  passage  o! 
Julius  C(tsar :  "  Diffirilius  Invenire  quam  interfkere^^  which  he  thus  renders, 
"It  is  harder  to  find  them  than  to  fod  them."  At  least,  this  is  a  happy  appli- 
cation of  the  passage.  Cffsnr  was  speaking  of  the  Scythians,  and  our  histo- 
rian applies  the  passage  in  speakiiiL'  of  the  sudden  attacks  of  the  Indians,  and 
their  agility  in  hiding  themselves  from  pursuit.^  Doctor  Mather  wrote  at  the 
close  of  the  sevcnt<!enth  century,  and  his  famous  book,  Magnolia  Christi 
.Imerirnna,  was  iniblislicd  in  ]7()'2. 

. //(jiV,  who  resided  40  years  (he  says)  among  the  southern  Indians, jirevi- 
iiu^  to  1775,  pidilished  a  huge  qnarto  upon  their  origin,  history,  &c.  lie  tor- 
itins  every  custom  and  usage  into  a  like  one  of  the  Jews,  and  almost  every 
word  in  their  language  into  a  Hebrew  one  of  tlit^  same  meaning. 

Doi'tor  Ihudiiwt,  in  his  book  called  "The  Star  in  the  West,"  has  followed 
up  tlic  tliiory  of  Adair,  with  such  certainty,  as  he  thinks,  as  that  the  "long 
lost  ten  tri'ies  of  Israel"  are  cli-arly  ideritiliccl  in  the  American  Indians.   Such 

*  This,  \vc  npnrohciKt,  ix  not  piilirely  nrii;iiinl  willi  our  niillior,  bill  l)()r(tors  apon  i)la?iRri<im. 
Uitiil.  i||i'  I'clcdraU'il  uiiilior  of  lliu  "  Simii/i'  Ciiiltr  nf  Aiciiuiviiiii,"  says  ot  llit"  Irisli, 
•■  'riH>';c  Irisli  (iiniii'iilly  ciilliMl  nnthinpoplhini,  niaii-i'iilrrs)  Imvi'  a  Iraililioii  ainoiiif  lliciii.  Ilial 
wiini  llic  1)(  \il  shoucil  iHir  Saviour  all  llio  kiiijjiloins  iil' tin?  cnrlli,  and  llirir  i?u)ry,  that  lir 
would  mil  -hov.  Iiiia  Ireland,  1ml  rc-iorMMl  il  lor  liiin^rU'.  Il  i<,  |irol)iil>ly,  Iriic ;  for  h<>  tialli 
kept  it  rvi>r  - iiiop  for  his  own  perulinr :  I'h'  old  fox  l()r('saw  il  would  cclipvo  tlio  iflorv  of  all 
tlio  n-il  ;  h<-  ihoiiiilit  it  wisdom  lo  keep  ilii-  Iniiil  for  a  lloidjarilH  (or  Ins  unclean  spirits  employed 
111  lliis  |ieitiis|i|iere.  and  the  jieople  lo  do  his  son  and  heir  (the  I'opi")  llial  service  liir  wliieli 
1,1  nix  the  XI  kepi  his  llarlior  Oliver,  whii'li  makes  Iheiii  so  liloodihir^ty."— .'sVm;j/r  (^ohler, 
ill),  ill  Why  id  miioli  gall  is  poured  out  upon  the  poor  Irish,  we  laniiol  siilislhelorily  aeconiil. 
'I'ilC  lireiiiu'liuiee  of  lii>  wrilini;  in  \\u-  lime  i>f  Ciomwrll  will  explain  a  piirl,  if  iii)l  ilie  whole, 
e''  li.e  eu'vau.  lie  w.i^  ilie  fust  m^nisler  of  Ipswich,  IMa^sarlunelU,  lull  was  liorii  and  ilicil 
Ml  l'!ni>laiiil. 


V. 


t  .'Mii;;ii;ilia  ('liriil.  Amer.  li, 


\  Ihid.  b.  ill. 


(  Hco  Mn^ialin,  l>.  vil, 


10 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


V 


1^, 


theories  have  gained  many  supporters.  It  is  of  much  higher  antiquity  than 
Adair,  and  was  treated  as  such  visionary  speculations  should  be  by  authors  as 
liir  back  as  the  historian  Hubbard,  who  wrote  about  168U,  and  has  this  among 
other  passages :  "  If  any  observation  be  made  of  their  manners  aiid  disposi- 
tions, it's  easier  to  say  from  wliat  nations  they  did  not,  than  from  whom  they 
did,  derive  their  original.  Doubtless  their  conjecture  who  faney  them  to  be 
descended  from  the  ten  tribes  of  the  Israelites,  carried  captive  by  Salamntuaer 
and  Esarhaddon,  hath  the  least  show  of  reason  of  any  other,  there  being  no 
footsteps  to  be  observed  of  their  propinquity  to  them  more  than  to  any  other  of 
the  tribes  of  the  eartli,  either  as  to  their  language  or  manners."*  This  author 
was  one  of  the  best  historians  of  his  times ;  and,  generally,  he  writes  with  as 
much  discernment  upon  other  matters  as  upon  this. 

That  because  the  natives  of  one  country  and  those  of  another,  and  each  nn- 
known  to  the  other,  have  some  customs  and  practices  in  common,  it  has  been 
urged  by  some,  and  not  a  few,  tliat  they  must  have  had  a  common  origin ;  but 
this,  iu  our  apprehension,  does  not  necessarily  follow.  Who  will  pretend  that 
different  people,  when  placed  under  similar  circumstances,  will  not  have  simi- 
lar wants,  and  hence  similar  actions  ?  that  like  wants  will  not  prom|)t  like  ex- 
ertions? and  like  causes  produce  not  like  effects?  This  mode  of  reasoning 
we  thiuk  suiiiciont  to  show,  that,  although  the  Indians  may  have  some  customs 
iu  common  with  the  Scythians,  the  Tartars,  Chinese,  Hindoos,  Welsh,  and 
indeed  every  otJjer  nation,  still,  the  former,  for  any  reason  wo  can  see  to  the 
contrary,  have  as  good  right  to  claim  to  themselves  priority  of  origin  as  either 
or  all  of  the  latter. 

Doctor  Robertson  should  have  proved  that  people  of  color  produce  others 
of  no  color,  and  the  contrary,  before  he  said,  "  We  know  with  infallible 
certainty,  that  all  the  human  race  spring  from  the  same  Bource,"f  meaning 
Adam.  lie  founds  tliis  broad  assertion  upon  the  false  notion  that,  to  admit 
any  other  would  be  nn  inroad  upon  the  verity  of  the  holy  Scriptures.  Now, 
in  our  view  of  the  subject,  we  leave  them  equally  inviolate  in  assuming  a  very 
different  ground ;  I  namely,  that  all  habitable  parts  of  the  world  may  have  been 
peo|)led  at  the  same  time,  and  by  different  races  of  men.  That  it  is  so  peo- 
pled, we  know :  that  it  vas  ho  peopled  as  fur  back  as  we  have  any  account, 
we  see  no  reason  to  diBl)elicvH.  llence,  when  it  was  not  so  is  as  futile  to 
inquire,  as  it  would  be  impossible  to  conceive  of  the  annihilation  of  space. 
When  a  new  country  was  discovered,  much  inquiry  was  made  to  ascertain 
from  whence  came  the  inhnbitants  found  upon  it — not  even  asking  whence 
came  the  other  animals.  The  answer  to  us  is  nlain.  Man,  the  other  animals, 
trees  and  [)laiits  of  every  kind,  were  placed  there  by  the  supreme  directing 
hand,  which  carries  on  every  operation  of  nature  by  fixed  and  undeviating 
laws.  This,  it  must  be  |)lain  to  every  reader,  is,  at  least,  as  recuncilable  to  the 
Bible  history  as  the  theory  of  Robertson,  which  is  that  of  Grotiua,  and  all  tliose 
who  have  followed  them. 

When  it  has  been  given  in,  at  least  by  all  who  have  thought  upon  the  sub- 
ject, that  climate  does  not  change  the  complexion  of  the  human  race,  to  hold 
up  the  idea  Ktill  that  all  must  have  sprung  irom  the  same  source,  (Adam,)  onlv 
iriiiinds  us  of  our  grandmothers,  who  to  this  day  laugh  at  us  when  wo  toll 
thoiii  that  tiie  earth  is  a  glolH>.  Who,  we  usk,  will  argue  that  the  negro 
changes  his  color  by  living  among  uh,  or  by  changing  nis  latitude?  Who 
have  ever  Im'Coiuo  negroes  by  living  in  tluiir  country,  or  among  them  ?  Has  the 
Indion  ever  ciinngcd  his  complexion  by  liviiiff  in  liondoii?  Do  those  change 
which  adopt  our  manners  and  customs,  aiuY  are  surrounded  by  us  ?  Until 
tlipfie  questions  can  bt;  answered  in  the  aflin  lative,  we  (iiscard  altdgethcr  that 
unitarian  system  of  peopling  the  world.  We  would  indeed  prefer  Ovid's 
method : — 

"  Ponerc  durilinm  roppere,  iuumqu«  rif(arpm  | 

MolliriqiiL'  mum,  iiii>lliliii|iit<  diin'ru  liirinam. 

Mi)x  iilii  rrfveniiU,  iinturn(|iio  niiliiir  illiij 

Coiiligil,"  iie.  Sec. 

Afflamnr.  lilt.  i.  fflh.  xi. 

*  llisl.  New  r,nf(laiiil,  'J7.  t  Mini.  Anifrirn,  lioitk  iv. 

t  Why  iiilli  of  II  ilirory'M  rliKliliif^  wiili  holy  writ,  prid  any  nutliiiig  of  iliv  ccrlnini/  of  thf 
■cit'iiccs  of  gi'Ograpliy,  aslroiioiny,  guulugy,  itc,  7 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


11 


terirn,  l>ook  iv. 
!  certainly  or  th« 


That  is,  Deucalion  and  Pynha  perfbrtned  the  office  by  travelling  over  the 
country  and  picking  up  stones,  which,  as  they  cast  them  over  their  heads, 
became  young  people  as  they  struck  the  earth. 

We  mean  not  to  be  understood  that  the  exterior  of  the  skin  of  people  is  not 
changed  by  climate,  for  this  is  very  evident ;  but  that  the  childrpn  of  persons  . 
would  be  any  lighter  or  darker,  whose  residerce  is  in  a  climate  different  from 
that  in  which  trrey  were  bom,  is  what  we  deny,  as  in  the  former  case.    As 
astonishing  as  it  may  appear  to  the  succinct  reasoner,  it  is  no  less  true,  that 
Dr.  Samuel  Stanhope  Smith  has  put  forth  an  octavo  book  of  more  than  400 
pages  to  prove  the  unity,  as  he  expresses  it,  '  of  the  human  race>^  that  is,  that 
all  were  originally  descended  from  one  man.    His  reasoning  is  of  this  tenw : 
"The  American  and  European  sailor  reside  equally  at  the  pole,  and  under  the 
e   lator."    Then,  in  a  triumphant  air,  he  demands — "  Why  then  should  we, 
without  necessity,  assume  the  hypothesis  that  originally  there  existed  different 
species  of  the  human  kind  ?  "  *    What  kind  of  argument  is  contained  here  we 
leave  the  reader  to  make  out ;  and  again,  when  he  would  proVe  that  all  the 
human  family  are  of  the  same  tribe,  he  says  that  npgro  slaves  at  the  Booth, 
who  live  in  white  families,  are  gradually  found  to  conform  in  features  to  the 
whites  with  "^'hom  they  liveff    Astonishing!   and  We  wonder  who,  if  any, 
knew  this,  beside  the  author.     Again,  and  we  have  ddnc  with  our  extraordi- 
nary philosopher.     He  is  positive  that  deformed  or  disfigured  persons  wilL  in 
process  of  time,  produce  offspring  marked  in  the  same  way.    That  is,  if  a 
man  practise  flattening  his  nose,  his  offspring  will  have  a  flatter  nose  than  he 
would  have  had,  had  his  progenitor  not  flattened  his ;  and  so,  if  this  offspring 
repeat  the  process,  his  offspring  will  have  a  less  prominent  nose ;  and  so  on^ 
until  the  nose  be  driven  entirely  off  the  face !     In  this,  Certainly,  our  author 
has  taken  quite  a  roundabout  way  to  vanquish  or  put  to  flight  a  nose.    We 
wish  he  could  tell  us  how  many  ages  or  genefations  it  would  take  to  make 
this  formrdublo  conquest.    Now,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the  contrary,  it 
would  he  a  much  less  tedious  busfncss  to  cut  off  a  iiieinber  at  once,  and  thus 
accomplish  the  business  in  a  short  period }  for  to  wait  several  generations  for* 
a  fashion  seems  absurd  in  the  extreme.    A  man  must  be  monstl-ously  blind 
to  his  prejudices,  to  maintain  a  doctrine  like  this.    As  welF  might  he  argue 
that  colts  would  be  tailless  because  it  has  long  been  the  practice  to  shorten 
the  tails  of  horses,  of  both  sexes  ;  but  we  have  never  heard  that  colts'  tails  are 
in  the  least  affectetl  by  this  practice  which  has  been  performed  6n  the  horsd 
so  long.  I    Certainly,  if  ever,  we  should  think  it  time  to  discover  something 
of  it !    Nor  have  we  ever  heard  that  a  female  child  has  over  been  born  with 
Its  ears  bored,  although  its  ancestors  have  endured  the  painfUl  operation  for 
many  generntlons-'Mind  hefe  we  shall  close  onr  examination  of  Mr.  Smith's 
400  pages.  § 

People  dVliglit  in  new  the<»ries,  and  often  hazard  a  toleral)le  reputation  for 
tlie  sake  of  exhibiting  their  abilities  Upon  a  subject  On  which  thoy  have  very 
vague,  or  no  dear  concefrtions.  Had  Dr.  Smith  read  the  writings  of  Sir 
Thomas  lirovm,  he  could  hardly  have  advanced  such  absurd  opinions'  as  we 
have  befijre  noticed ;  if,  indeed,  he  were  possessed  of  a  sane  mind.  Dr. 
Broion  Avas  of  the  ago  previous  to  that  in  Which  Btiffon  livi-d.  In  speaking 
of  complexion,  ho  says,  "If  the  ftrvor  of  the  sun  were  thef  sole  caiitfo  hereof, 
in  Fithiopia,  or  any  land  of  negroes,  it  were  also  reasonable  that  Inhabitr.nts 
of  the  same  latitmle,  subjected  unto  the  sniiie  vicinity  of  the  snn,  the  same 
diurnal  arch  and  direetion  of  its  rays,  should  also  partake  of  the  same  hue 
and  complexion,  which,  notwitlistandii^,  thoy  dw  not.  For  the  inhnhitanti 
of  the  same  latitudb  in  Asia  are  of  a  different  complexion,  as  are  the  inhabit* 
ants  of  Cambogia  and  Java;  insomuch  that  some  conceive  the  negro  li 
pro|>erly  a  nativa  of  Africa  j  umI  that  those  places  in  Asia,  inhalnted  now  by 

•  Himlli  on  Compltexioii,  N.  Hroiwwirks  N.  J.  1810,  p.  11.  t  Ibid.  170,  171. 

{  The  mitliiir  plomls  iiol  riiillV  l<>  iIh'  clmrppof  plnifiiirisin  ;  fur  it  \vn%  not  niilll  some  monlhl 
after  tint  Ipxf  vnm  wriuon,  iTinrlie  knmv  llint  even  this  id^ii  hnil  nrnirrpit  to  nnv  one.  He  hu 
«iiire  rcB<l  nn  pxlrnrl  very  «imit(»r.  in  DK  Lnwrenrc's  vnliinMc  Lcrhires  on  Zoolojfy,  &r. 

^  On  rrflpplion,  wo  Iimva  thnnellt  our  rrmnrki  rallii'r  pointed,  m  Mr.  Smith  is  not  a  livinjf 
author  j  but  what  called  tliom  forth  inuM  bo  tticir  apology. 


n 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


i.t 


Moors,  ai'e  but  the  intfusions  of  negroes,  arriving  first  from  Africa,  as  we 
generally  conceive  of  Msidagascar,  and  the  adjoining  islands,  who  retain  the 
same  complexion  unto  this  day.  But  this  delect  [of  latitude  upon  complex- 
ion] is  more  remarkable  in  America,  which,  although  subjected  unto  both  the 
tropics,  yet  are  not  the  inhabitants  black  between,  or  near,  or  under  either : 
neither  to  the  sbuthwai'd  in  Brazil,  Chili,  or  Peru  ;  nor  yet  to  the  northward 
in  Hispaniola,  Castiiia,  del  Oro,  or  Nicaragua.  And"  although  in  many  parts 
thereof,  there  be  at  present,  swarms  of  negroes,  serving  under  the  Spaniard, 
yet  were  they  all  transported  from  Africa,  since  the  discovery  of  Columbus, 
and  are  not  indigenous,  or  proper  natives  of  America."* 

Hence  it  is  evident,  that  200  years  before  Dr.  Smith  wrote,  the  notion  that 
situation  of  place  affected  materially  the  color  of  the  human  species,  was 
very  justly  set  down  among  the  "vulgar  and  common  errors"  of  the  times. 

Another  theory,  almost  as  wild,  and  quite  as  ridiculous,  respecting  the 
animals  of  America,  as  that  adfaticed  by  Dr.  S.  S.  Smith,  seems  here  to  pre- 
sent itself  We  have  reference  to  the  well-known  assertions  of  Buffon  and 
Ratjiud,  t  two  philosophers,  who  vy^ere  an  honor  to  the  times  of  Franklin, 
which  are,  that  man  and  other  animals  in  America  degenerate.  \  This  has 
been  met  in  such  a  masterly  manner  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  §  that  to  repeat  any 
thing  here  would  be  entirely  out  of  place,  since  it  has  been  so  often  copied 
into  works  on  botii  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  It  may  even  be  found  in  some  of 
tlie  best  English  Encyclopaedias.  || 

Smith  If  does  not  deal  fairly  witn  a  passage  of  Voltaire,  relating  to  the  peo- 

Pling  of  America ;  as  he  takes  only  a  part  of  a  sentence  to  comment  upon. 
erna[)s  he  thought  it  as  much  as  he  was  capable  of  managing.**  The  com- 
plete sentence  to  which  we  refer  we  translate  as  follows: — "There are  found 
men  and  animals  all  over  tl^e  habitable  earth :  who  has  put  them  upon  it  ? 
We  have  already  said,  it  is  lie  who  has  made  the  grass  grow  in  the  fields ; 
and  we  should  be  no  more  surprised  to  find  in  America  men,  than  we  should 
to  find  flics."  It  We  can  discover  no  couti'adiction  between  this  passage  and 
another  in  a  distant  part  of  the  same  work ;  and  which  seems  more  lilce  the 
passage  Mr.  Smith  has  cited: — "Some  do  not  wish  to  believe  that  the  cater- 
pillars and  the  .snails  of  one  part  of  the  world  should  be  originally  from  an- 
other part :  wherefore  be  astonished,  tiien,  that  there  should  be  in  America 
some  kinds  of  animals,  and  some  races  of  men  like  our  own.'"tt 

Voltaire  has  written  upon  the  subject  in  a  manner  that  will  always  be 
attracting,  however  much  or  little  credence  may  be  allowed  to  what  he  has 
written.  We  will,  therefore,  extract  an  entire  article  wherein  he  engages 
more  professedly  upon  the  question  than  in  other  parts  of  his  works,  in  which 
he  has  rather  incidentally  spoken  upon  it.  The  chapter  is  as  follows :  §§  — 
"  Since  nmny  fail  not  to  make  systems  upon  the  manner  in  which  America 
has  been  ])eoplrd,  it  is  left  only  for  us  to  say,  that  he  who  created  flies  in 
those  regions,  created  man  there  also.  However  pleasant  it  may  be  to  dis- 
pute, it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Supremo  Being,  who  lives  in  all  nature,  |{|l 
nas  created  about  the  48°  two-legged  animals  without  feathers,  the  color  of 
whoBO  skin  is  a  mixtiu-e  of  white  and  carnation,  with  long  beards  approaching 
to  red ;  about  the  line,  in  Africa  and  its  islands,  negroes  without  beards ;  and 


*"  "  Ptmtdodoxia  Epidemica  ;  or  Inquiries  into  very  many  Received  Tenents,  niiH  common- 
ly received  Truthi;  tojfelher  with  ilie  Rklioio  MKoict.  By  Thomai  Brown,  Ki.  M.  D." 
Pfige  373,  6  edition,  4io.    London,  1072. 

t  After  gpenking  of  the  cffi-ct  of  the  riimatc  of  the  old  world  in  producing  man  and  other 
auiitals  in  perfertion,  he  ndrls,  "Combien,  au  rontrnire,  la  nature  parolt  avoir  nt^gliff^ 
nouveau  mnnd  !  Lcs  hominon  v  sont  moins  forts,  moins  ronrngeux  ;  ^nns  harhc  et  snns  poil," 
lLC.-~HUtmre  Phitot.  dfi  deux  Indri,  viii.  210.     Ed.  Geneva,  1781.  12  vols.  8vo. 

\  Voltaire  does  not  «ny  qnite  as  much,  but  says  this: — "La  nature  enfni  avait  donnr  atix 
AmcricnnciJ  bcauf'oup  moins  li'iiidustrio  qi.'nux  hommes  de  I'luioien  monde.  'I'onles  cos  causes 
ensemble  out  pii  nuire  bcnucoup  d  In  population."— [GSuitm,  iv.  19.]  This  i.s,  however,  only 
in  reference  to  the  Indians. 

In  his  Notes  on  Virginia.  Cluer.  vii.  ||  rorlhensis,  i.  n,T7.  (Art.  Amkr.  $  .T8.) 

Samwt  Smith,  vnUo  publiahf^  a  hiilorv  of  New  Jersey,  in  1ir>5,  printed  at  Burlington. 

*  He«>  Hist.  N.  J.  8.        tt  Essal  sur  losMmurs  ct  I'Esprit  del  Nations.    (CEuvres,  iv.  18.) 

tt  Ibid.  708.  ^  fEuvres,  t.  vii   197,  198. 

Oil  Will  the  reader  of  this  call  VollMrt  an  atheist  t 


I'Mf 


<  s 


[Book  I. 

frica,  as  we 
10  retain  the 
jn  complex- 
nto  both  the 
nder  either : 
e  northward 
I  many  parts 
lie  Spaniard, 
ifColambua, 

e  notion  that 
species,  was 
the  times, 
specting  the 
here  to  pre- 
:  Buffon  and 
of  Franklin, 
4  This  has 
;o  repeat  any 
often  copied 
d  in  some  of 

ig  to  the  peo- 
[nment  irpon. 
*  The  com- 
ere  are  found 
lem  upon  it? 
in  the  fields; 
lan  we  should 
B  passage  and 
more  like  the 
at  the  cater- 
uUy  from  an- 
e  in  America 

ill  always  be 
what  he  has 

he  engages 
irks,  in  which 
'oUows :  §§  — 
tiich  America 

ated  flies  in 
jay  be  to  dis- 
|all  nature,  |{l[ 

the  color  oi 
I  approaching 
Ibeards;  and 


uml  common- 
en,  Kt,  M.  I)." 

I  man  and  other 
nvoir  ii^glia;'' 
le  ct  sons  poll," 
Ivo. 

Lvait  (lonnr*  aiix 
tiile*  OPS  causes 
I,  however,  only 

lMER.$38.) 

|i  nurlin|;ton. 
Suvres,  iv.  18.) 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORItil.N'  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


13 


ill  the  saini;  liititmln,  oilier  iio;iroe.s  with  beards,  some  of  tliciu  luiviiig  wool 
and  some;  liair  on  tlieir  heads ;  mid  among  llicm  (jthcr  aiiiiiiais  (|uite  white, 
having  neither  luiir  nor  wool,  but  a  Iviiid  oi"  while  .silk.  It  iU)U's  not  very 
clearly  appear  what  should  liav(!  ])rcv('iit('(l  God  from  jjUu  iiig  on  another 
continent  animals  of  thn  sauio  .specie.-*,  of  a  coppi-r  color,  in  tin;  same  latitude 
in  which,  in  Africa  and  Asia,  they  an'  ibund  black  ;  or  even  Irom  making  them 
without  lioards  in  the  very  same  liititiid.i  in  wliic;!)  others  possiss  them.  To 
what  lengths  are  we  carried  by  the  rage  for  systems  joined  with  the  tyranny 
of  i)n>jiKiico!  We  ,«ee  these  animals;  it  is  agreed  that  God  has  had  the 
power  to  place  thciii  whero  they  are ;  yet  it  is  not  agreed  that  be  has  so 
placed  them.  Tlic^  same,  pi'i-sons  who  readily  admit  that  the  beavers  of  Canada 
are  of  Canadian  origin,  assert  tliat  the  men  must  have  come  there  in  boats, 
and  that  Mexico  must  liav(i  been  ])eo])lid  by  some  of  the  descendants  of 
Mago^.  As  well  might  it  I  i- .said,  that,  if  there  be  men  in  tlie  moon,  they 
must  have  been  taken  there  by  AHolphn  on  Jiis  hippogriff,  vvlien  he  went  to 
fetch  Roland's  senses,  which  were  corked  up  in  u  bottle.  II"  America  had 
been  discuvered  in  bis  time,  and  tiiere  had  then  been  men  in  Euro|)e  sifxiem- 
otic  enough  to  have  advanced,  with  tiio  Jesuit  Lafdaii,*  that  the  Caribbees 
descended  i"roiii  tlie  inhabitauls  of  Caria,  and  tli(!  llnrons  from  the  Jews,  he 
woidil  have  done  well  to  have  brouglit  hack  the  bott'e  containing  the  wits  of 
these  reasoners,  v/hich  he  would  doubtless  have  found  in  the  moon,  along 
with  those  of  ,'byxeUra\<i  lover.  The  first  thing  done  when  an  inhabited  island 
is  di.scovercd  in  (lie  Indian  Ocean,  or  in  tlie  ^outh  Sea,  is  to  inquire.  Whence 
came  tli(>se  jjcople  ?  but  as  for  the  trees  and  the  tortois.'S,  tliei/  an;,  without 
any  hesitation,  ))r()Uounced  to  he  ilidigeiious ;  us  if  it  wen;  more  diflicult  for 
nature  to  make  num  tiian  to  make  tortoises.  One  thing,  however,  which 
seems  to  countenance  this  system,  i.s,  that  tiicre  is  scarcely  an  i^■lalld  in  the 
eastern  or  westi>rn  ocean,  whieli  does  not  contain  jugglers,  (piaeks,  knaves, 
an<l  ibols.  This,  it  is  jn'oiialilc,  gave  rise  to  the  o])inion,  that  tliese  animals 
are  ol"the  same  race  with  ourselves." 

yoiiie  account  of  what  the  Indians  themselves  have  said  njion  the  subject 
of  their  origin  may  be  very  naturally  looked  ior  in  this  place.  Their  notions 
in  this  n  sjieet  can  no  more  be  relied  upon  tlian  the  l"abled  stori<'s  of  the  gods 
in  ancieut  mythology.  Indeed,  their  iieeomits  of  primitive  inhabitants  do  not 
ngre(!  beyoiKl  tiieir  own  neighhorhood,  and  often  di.sagrce  wiiii  thems(;lves  at 
different  limes,  t-'onie  say  their  nueestors  came  from  the  north,  others  from 
the  north-west,  olliers  from  tli(>  ea.st,  and  others  irom  the  west;  somi;  from 
the  regions  ol"  the  air,  !nid  some  I'rom  under  the  enrdi.  Hence  to  raise  any 
theory  upon  any  thing  coming  i'rom  liiem  uiion  the  suhject,  would  show 
only  that  the  llieorist  biuLself  was  as  ignorant  as  his  informants.  We  might 
as  well  ask  the  lliiest  tiees  how  they  came  planted  uiion  the  soil  in  whicii 
they  grow.  Not  that  the  Indians  ;ii-e  umntelligeiit  in  other  afliiirs,  any  iiirtber 
thaii  the  necessary  conseiiuence  growing  out  of  their  situation  implies;  nor 
are  they  less  so  than  iiiimy  who  have  written  upon  their  history.  , 

"  In  one  grnvc  m.ixim  Id  iis  nil  iij;ro("— 
Niiliiie  ne'er  iiiriiiil  her  scrrcN  slioiilil  ho  foiin(r. 
And  man'ii  u  riddle,  wlilrh  mill  cnu't  exixiiMid  ! '' 

i'aine's  Ri;m:«g  P.\ssioit. 

The  dilT('n>nt  notions  of  the  tndinn;^  will  be  best  giitlirrcd  from  their  lives 
in  their  proper  places  in  the  I'ollow ing  work. 

Dr.  .S',  f,.  MilrhlU,  of  New  York,  ii  man  who  wrote  leiirnedly,  if  not  wisely, 
on  almost  ev(  ry  suhject,  has,  in  his  o|iinlon,  like  liundii'ds  before  him,  set  tho 

freat  (inestion,  Kow  iwm  .'hmrirn  peopled  J  at  rest.  He  has  no  douht  but  tlw» 
ndians,  in  ilie  (iist  place,  are  of  the  s  imc  color  onginnlly  as  the  norlh-onsterri 
nations  of  Asia,  and  hence  spruiur  fi'oiii  them.  What  time  he  settles  them  hi 
the  countiy  he  does  not  tell  us,  liiil  get-  them  info  CrecMilaiid  about  the  year  8 
or  !>()().  'riiiuks  he  saw  the  Seandinaviims  as  far  as  the  shores  oi' the  Ht. 
Lawrence,  but  what  time  this  was  he  docs  not  say.     He  must  of  courso  make 

»  111' \vr..ii'  ;\  hi<inry  lit' III!)  snvii;rc-i  of  Amcrirn,  niid  ranintalucd  timt  llio  Carilihoc  laii< 
guajje  >va.i  railirnlly  lluha-w. 


M 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


these  people  the  builders  of  tlie  momids  spattered  all  over  the  western  coun- 
try. After  nil,  we  ti])i)r9lii!iid  tlie  doctor  would  have  short  time  for  his  emi- 
grants to  do  ail  that  nature  and  art  have  done  touching  these  matters.  In  the 
first  place,  it  is  evident  that  many  ages  passed  away  from  the  time  these 
tumuli  were  beguu  until  thcjy  were  finished:  2d,  a  multitude  of  ages  must 
Iiave  j)as3ed  since  the  use  for  which  tlu^y  were  rean.d  has  been  known  ;  for 
trees  of  the  age  of  200  years  grow  liom  tlie  ruins  of  others  which  must  have 
had  as  great  age :  and,  3d,  no  ludiau  nation  or  tril)e  has  the  least  tradition 
concerning  them.*  This  could  not  have  hap|)cned  had  the  ancestors  of  the 
present  Indians  been  the  erectors  of  thent,  in  the  nature  of  tilings,  f 

The  observation  of  an  author  in  Dr.  iiecs's  Encyclopedia,  J:  akiioiigh  saying 
no  more  than  has  been  already  said  in  our  synopsis,  is,  nevertheless,  .so  happy, 
that  we  should  not  feel  clear  to  omit  it: — "As  to  those  who  pretend  that  the 
human  race  has  only  of  late  found  its  way  into  America,  by  crossing  the  sea 
at  Kamschatka,  or  the  Straits  of  Tsehutski,  either  n[)on  tin;  fields  of  ice  or  in 
canoes,  they  do  not  consider  that  this  opinion,  besides  that  it  is  extremely 
difficult  of  coin|)rehension,  has  not  the  least  tendency  to  diminish  the  prodi- 
gy; for  it  would  be  surprising  indeed  that  one  half  of  om*  jiianet  .should  have 
remained  without  inhabitants  during  thousands  of  years,  while  the  oth(!r  half 
was  peopled.  What  renders  this  opinion  less  ]»robable  is,  that  America  is 
8uppo.sen  in  it  to  have  had  animals,  since  we  cannot  bring  those  species  of 
animals  from  the  old  world  which  do  not  exist  in  it,  as  those  of  the  tapir,  the 
glania,  and  the  tajactu.  Neither  can  we  admit  of  the  recent  organization  of 
matter  for  the  western  hemisphere ;  because,  inde|)endently  of  the  accumu- 
lated difficulties  in  this  liy|)othesis,  and  which  can  by  no  means  be  solved, 
we  shall  observe,  that  the  fossil  bones  discovered  in  so  many  parts  of  Ameri- 
ca, and  at  such  smal!  depths,  prove  that  certain  species  of  animals,  so  far  from 
having  been  recently  organized,  have  heen  annihilated  a  long  while  ago." 

Before  we  had  known,  that,  if  we  were  in  eiTor,  it  was  in  the  company  of 
philosophers,  such  as  we  liav(!  in  this  chapter  introduced  to  our  readers,  we 
felt  a  hesitancy  in  avowing  our  opinions  upon  a  matter  of  so  great  moment. 
But,  after  all,  as  it  is  only  matter  of  honest  o])inion,  no  one  should  be  intoler- 
ant, nltbongh  he  may  be  allowed  to  make  himself  and  (!ven  his  friends  merry 
at  our  expense.  When,  in  the  days  of  Clinfsoslom,  some  ventured  to  assert  their 
opinions  of  the  rotundity  r)f  the  earth,  that"  learned  father  "  did  laugh  at  them."  § 
And,  when  science  shall  have  {irogressed  sufficiently,  (if  it  be  j)ossible,)  to  set- 
tle this  question,  there  is  a  |)ossibility  that  the  Chrj/sostoms  of  these  days  will 
not  have  the  same  excuse  ibr  their  infidelity.  But  as  it  is  a  day  of  |)rodigies, 
there  is  some  danger  of  treating  lightly  even  the  most  seemingly  absurd  con- 
jectm-es.  Wc  tla^refore  feel  very  safe,  and  mon;  especially  as  it  required  con- 
siderable hardihood  to  laugh  ((vcn  at  the  theory  t)f  the  late  Mr.  Sjimmcs. 

When  w<!  lately  took  im  a  book  entitled  "Researches,  Philosophicul and ,lnti- 

Jiiaiian,  conrcming  the  Jlhor!pi;incd  Hwlonj  of  America,  by  .1.  II.  M'Culi.ou,  Jr. 
I.  D."  II  we  did  think,  fVom  the  imposing  ajipiiarance  of  it,  that  some  new 
matters  on  the  subject  had  been  discovered;  and  more  esi)ecially  whim  w; 
read  in  the  preface,  that  "his  first  object  was  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  men 
and  animals  of  America,  so  far  as  that  question  is  involved  with  the  a])i)arent 
physical  iin|)e(iiments  that  have  so  long  kept  the  subject  in  total  obscurity." 
JN'ow,  with  what  success  this  has  bet-ii  done,  to  do  the  author  justice,  he  shall 
ppeak  for  himself,  and  the  reader  then  may  jiulge  for  himself. 

"Befiire  we  attemiit  to  explain  in  what  manner  the  men  and  aniniMls  of 
America  reached  this  continent,  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  the 
circinnstances  of  their  original  creation  ;  for  u|)on  this  essential  particular  de- 
pends the  great  interest  of  our  jJiTsent  investigation.  [We  are  not  altle  to 
discover  that  he  has  said  any  thing  furdier  n|)on  it.]  It  must  lie  evident  that 
we  can  arrive  at  no  sotisfactory  conclusion,  if  it  be  doubtful  whether  the  Crea- 
tor of  the  universe  made  man  and  the  animals  but  in  one  locality,  from 


*  Or  none  but  such  as  nrc  ni  vnrinnrc  with  nil  history  and  rntionnlily. 
t  Arrhii'ologin  Ainrriptiiia,  i.  .'VJ.'i,  ft2fi,  .311,  iir. 
6  Son  Afosln's  Hisl.  E,  and  W.  Imlirs,  p.  I.  od.  liOndon,  ICOt. 
II  Publishi'd  ni  nnliiinorp,  1021',  in  Qvo. 


t  Art.  America. 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


15 


ii.  America. 


whence  thoy  were  dispersed  over  the  earth ;  or  whether  he  created  them  in 
each  of  those  various  situations  where  we  now  find  them  living.  So  far  as 
this  inquiry  resjjects  mankind,  tliere  can  bo  no  reasonable  ground  to  doubt 
the  one  origin  of  the  species.  This  fact  may  be  proved  both  physically  and 
morally.  [If  the  reader  can  discover  any  thing  that  amounts  to  proof  in 
what  follows,  he  will  have  made  a  discovery  that  we  could  not.]  That 
man,  notwithstanding  all  tlie  diversities  of  their  appearance,  are  but  of  one 
species,  is  a  truth  liow  univei-sally  admitted  by  every  physiological  naturalist. 
[That  is,  notwithstanding  a  negro  be  black,  an  Indian  brown,  a  European 
white,  still,  they  are  all  men.  And  tiicn  follows  a  quotation  from  Doctor 
Lawrence*  to  corroborate  the  fact  that  men  are  all  of  one  species.]  It  is  true, 
this  physiologist  docs  not  admit  that  the  human  species  had  theu'  origin  but 
from  one  pair ;  for  ho  observes,  the  same  species  might  have  been  created  at 
the  same  time  in  very  diffi^rent  parts  of  the  earth.  But  when  we  have 
analyzed  the  moral  history  of  mankind,  to  which  Mr.  Lawrence  seems  to  have 
paid  little  attention,  [and  if  our  author  has  done  it,  we  would  thank  him  to 
show  us  where  wo  can  find  it,]  we  find  such  strongly-mai'ked  analogies  in 
abstract  matters  existing  among  nations  the  most  widely  separated  from  each 
other,  that  we  cannot  doubt  there  has  been  n  time,  when  the  whole  human 
family  have  intimately  pai'ticipated  in  one  common  system  of  things,  whether 
it  be  of  truth  or  of  error,  of  science  or  of  prejudice.  [This  does  not  at  all 
agree  with  what  he  says  afterwards,  '  We  liave  been  unable  to  discern  any 
traces  of  Asiatic  or  of  European  civilization  in  America  [)rioi'  to  the  discovery 
of  Columbus.'  And  again :  '  In  comparing  the  barbarian  nations  of  America 
with  those  of  the  eastern  continent,  we  perceive  no  points  of  resemblance 
between  them,  in  their  moral  institutions  or  in  their  habits,  that  are  not  appar- 
ently founded  in  die  necessities  of  human  life.'  If,  then,  there  is  no  affinity, 
other  than  what  would  accidentally  hapjien  from  similar  circumstances,  where- 
fore this  \)rat\ng  ahoM  ^  strongly-marked  aTUtlogiea,^  &c.  just  copied  ?]  As  re- 
spects the  origin  of  animals,  [we  have  given  his  best  proofs  of  tlie  origin  of  man 
and  their  transportation  to  America,]  the  subject  is  much  more  refractory. 
We  find  them  living  all  over  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  suited  by  their  phys- 
ical conformity  to  a  great  variety  of  climates  and  peculiar  localities.  Every 
one  will  admit  the  impossibility  of  ascertaming  the  history  of  their  original 
creation  from  the  mere  natural  history  of  the  animals  themselves."  Now, 
as  "  refractory  "  as  this  subject  is,  we  did  not  expect  to  see  it  fathered  oflT 
upon  a  miruclo,  h^^a:  «e  this  was  the  easy  and  convenient  manner  in  which 
the  superstitious  of  every  age  accounted  for  every  thing  which  they  at  once 
coidd  not  comprehend.  And  we  do  not  expect,  when  it  is  gravely  announced, 
that  a  discovery  in  any  science  is  to  be  shown,  that  the  undertaker  is  going 
to  tell  us  it  is  accomplished  by  a  miracle,  and  tiiat,  therefore,  "he  knows  not 
wliy  he  should  be  called  upon  to  answer  objections,"  &c. 

A.s  it  would  be  t<Hlious  to  the  reader,  as  well  as  iiicompatil)le  with  nw  plan, 
to  (juote  larger  from  iMr.  .W'CaWo/i's  book,  we  shall  finish  with  him  alh.-r  a  few 
remarks. 

V\'e  do  not  object  to  the  capacity  of  th(!  ark  for  all  animals,  but  we  do 
ol)ji;ct  to  its  introduction  in  the  (lucstion  imdertaken  by  Mr.  M^CiUloh ;  for 
every  child  knows  that  affair  to  have  been  miraculous  ;  and  if  any  i)art  of  the 
(|iiestioii  depended  upon  the  truth  tir  iiilsityofa  miracle,  why  plague  the  world 
witli  a  book  of  some  .TOO  pages,  merely  to  pronndgate  such  u  belief,  when 
a  .'^(Mitcnce  would  be  all  that  is  nMpiired?  No  one,  that  admits  un  overruliu'r 
powir,  ••  the  existence  of  (ioil,  will  doubt  of  his  ability  to  create  a  myriad  of 
m -n,  aniinals,  and  all  matter,  by  a  breath ;  or  that  an  ark  ten  feet  square  could 
contain,  comfortably,  ten  tliou.sand  men,  as  well  as  one  of  the  dimensions 
given  in  Scripture  to  contain  what  that  did.  Therefore,  if  one  in  these  days 
Bluiidd  niakt!  a  book  (;x|)re.s8ly  to  explain  the  cause  of  the  difiirent  lengths  nf 
day.s  or  the  ciiiuiges  of  the  seasons,  and  liiid,  allcr  he  had  written  a  vast  deal, 
thiit  he  ('(juld  in  no  wise  nm°avel  the  mystery,  and,  to  close  his  account,  de- 
dun  s  it  was  all  a  niiiiule,  such  an  author  would  bo  precisely  in  the  predica- 
ment of  Mr.  .WCuUuh. 

"  'I'lio  folubrale'il  iiiitliur  nf  l.ocluros  on  I'liijswloii;!/,  Zoohgtj,  and  the  Natural  History  i\l' 
Man, 


16 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE   INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


■n 


•  Aiigiin. 
.Ougiinn. 


Wo  do  not  pretend  that  the  subject  c;in  ho  jjiirsucd  with  the  certainty  of 
matiicmatical  calculations ;  and  so  long  as  it  is  contended  that  the  whole  spe- 
cies of  nuui  spring  from  one  pair,  so  h)ng  will  the  subject  admit  of  contro- 
versy: tlirrefore  it  makes  but  little  or  no  (fifferencc  whether  the  inhabitants 
are  got  into  America  by  the  north  or  the  south,  the  east  or  the  west,  as  it 
regards  t!ie  main  (juestion.  For  it  is  very  certain  that,  if  there  were  but  one 
pair  originally,  and  these  phured  uj)on  a  certain  spot,  all  pther  |)laces  whore 
people  are  now  found  must  have  been  settled  by  people  from  the  i)riuiitive 
spot,  who  found  their  way  thither,  some  how  or  other,  and  it  is  very  unimpor- 
tant how,  as  we  have  just  observed. 

Lord  Kuinus,  a  writer  of  great  good  sense,  has  not  omitted  to  say  some- 
th'uig  u|)on  this  subject.*  He  very  judiciously  asks  those  who  maintain  that 
America  was  peopled  from  Kaniskatka,  wli(;ther  the  inhabitants  of  that  region 
speak  the  same  language  with  their  American  neighbors  on  the  opposite 
sliores.  That  they  <lo  not,  he  observes,  is  f(dly  confirmed  by  recent  accounts 
from  thence;  ancl  "whence  we  may  conclude,  with  great  certainty,  that  the 
letter  are  not  a  colony  of  the  former."f  We  have  confirmation  upon  confirma- 
tion, that  these  nations  speak  languages  entirely  different;  and  for  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  curious,  we  will  give  a  siiort  vocabulary  of  words  in  both,  with 
the  English  against  tlicni. 

English.  Kamskadale.  AUoutean.X 

God Nionstichtchitch Aghogcch. 

Father Iskh Athan. 

Mother Nas-kli Anaaii. 

Son .Pa-atch L'laan. 

Daughter .Souguing Aschkinn. 

Brother Ktchidsch Koyota. 

Sister Kos-Khou 

Husband Skoch 

Woman Skoua-aou Ai-yagiii-. 

Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn. 

Young  boy Pahatcli Auekthok. 

Child Pahatchitch Ouskolik. 

A  man Ouskaams Toyoeh. 

The  people Kouaskou. 

Persons Ouskaamsit. 

The  head T-Khousa Kamglia. 

The  face Koua-agh Soghiinaginn. 

The  nose Kaankang Aughosinn. 

The  nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. 

The  eye Nanit Tliack. 

After  observing  that  "there  are  several  cogent  arguments  to  evince  tliat  the 
Americans  are  not  descended  from  any  people  in  the  north  of  Asia,  or  in  the 
north  of  Europe,"  Lord  Kaimes  continues, — "I  venture  still  further;  which  is, 
to  conjecture,  that  America  has  not  been  i)eoj)led  from  any  i)art  of  the  oltl 
world."  ]bit  although  this  Inst  conjecture  is  in  unison  with  those  of  many 
others,  yet  his  lonlshij)  is  greatly  out  in  some  of  the  proofs  which  be  adduces 
in  its  sui)]»ort.  As  we  have  no  ground  on  which  to  controvert  this  opinion, 
we  may  be  excused  from  examining  its  proofs;  but  this  we  will  observe,  that 
Lord  Kdimf.i  is  in  the  same  error  about  the  beardlessncss  of  tlie  Americans  as 
some  f)ther  learned  Europeans. 

The  learned  Doctor  Swinton,§  in  a  dissertation  upon  the  peopling  of  Ameri- 

*  Su(?  Ills  "  N^v/f7i(s  of  the  History  of  Alan,''  a  work  wliifli  he  pul)lisiiL'tl  in  1171,  at  I'.dm- 
biir;,'li,  ill  '^  vols.  ko. 

t  Vol.  ii.  71. 

t  Tlio  .AlidiitcHiis  inhiiltil  lilt!  rlinin  of  inlands  ■vvhirh  strrtrh  frnin  the  iiorlli-wost  point  of 
Amorir.i  into  ilir  iiciLjIilxirliood  of  Kaniskalk.i.  ll  iiiiisl  bo  riMiirmhorod  llml  these  natnos  nrc 
in  the  I'Vciicli  (lrlllll^;|■il|llly,  liciii;^  lukoii  from  a  Frciirli  translation  of  Hitliugs's  voyage  into 
those  reitioiis,  from  1711.)  io  17III-. 

vS  Doiio,-  J<ihn  S:i-liil<ii).  ili(>  eiiiiiieiit  aiilhor  of  many  parts  of  llio  Ancient  Universal  //i.?- 
torij,     llu  ili;'.|  ill  I7m.  a^^i'd  71. 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


17 


IT  of  Anieri- 

1771,  al  liilin- 


ca,*  after  stating  the  different  opinions  of  various  authors  who  have  advocated 
in  favor  of  tiie  "  dispersed  people,"  the  Phoenicians,  and  other  eastern  'lations, 
observes,  "that,  tlierefore,  tiie  Americans  in  general  were  descended  from 
some  people  who  inhabited  a  country  not  so  far  distant  from  them  as  Egypt 
and  Phujiiicia,  our  readers  will,  as  we  apprehend,  readily  admit.  Now,  no 
counti-y  Clin  f)c  pitched  upon  so  ])roppr  and  convenient  for  this  purpose  as  the 
north-easteru  part  of  Asia,  particularly  Great  Tartary,  Siberia,  and  more  espe- 
cially the  peninsula  of  Kamtschatka.  That  probably  was  the  tiact  through 
which  many  Taitju-iun  colonies  passed  into  America,  and  peopled  the  most 
considerable  part  of  the  new  world." 

This,  it  is  not  to  be  denied,  is  the  mo.st  rational  way  of  getting  inhabitants 
into  America,  if  it  must  be  allowed  that  it  was  peopled  from  the  "old  world." 
But  it  is  not  quite  so  easy  to  account  for  the  existence  of  equatorial  animals 
in  America,  v\'heu  all  authors  agree  that  they  never  could  have  passed  that 
way,  as  they  could  not  have  suivived  the  coldness  of  the  climate,  at  any  sea- 
son of  the  year.  Moreover,  the  vocabulary  we  have  given,  if  it  prove  any 
thing,  proves  that  cither  the  inhabitants  of  North  America  did  not  come  in 
from  the  nortli-wcst,  oi'  that,  if  they  did,  some  unknown  cause  must  have,  for 
ages,  suspended  all  comnmnication  between  the  emigrants  and  their  ancestors 
upon  the  neighboring  sliores  of  Asia. 

In  1822,  there  appeared  in  London  a  work  which  attracted  some  attention, 
as  most  works  have  upon  similar  subjects.  It  was  entitled,  "Description  of 
the  ruins  of  an  ancient  city,  discovered  near  Paleuque,  in  the  kingdom  of 
Guatemala,  in  Spanish  America :  translated  from  the  original  manuscript  re- 
port of  Capt.  Don  Jlntonio  Del  Rio :  followed  by  a  critical  investigation  and 
resetu'ch  into  the  History  of  the  Americans,  by  Dr.  Paid  Felix  Cabrera,  of  the 
city  of  New  Guatemala." 

Captain  Del  Rio  was  ordered  by  the  Spanish  king,  in  the  year  1786,  to 
make  an  examination  of  whatever  ruins  he  might  find,  which  he  accordingly 
did.  From  the  manuscript  he  left,  which  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Doctor  Cabrera,  his  work  was  composed,  and  is  that  part  of  the  work  which 
concernfi  us  in  our  view  of  systems  or  conjectures  concerning  the  peopling  of 
America.  We  shall  be  short  with  this  author,  as  hLs  system  differs  very  little 
from  sfime  which  we  have  already  sketched.  He  is  very  confident  that  he 
has  setiled  the  question  how  South  America  received  its  inhabitants,  namely, 
from  tjie  Phoenicians,  who  sailed  across  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  that  the  ruined 
city  described  by  Captain  Del  Rio  was  built  by  the  first  adventurers. 

Doctor  Cabrera  calls  any  system,  which,  in  his  view,  does  not  harmonize  with 
tiu!  Scriptures,  an  innovation  upon  the  "holy  Catholic  religion;"  and  rather 
than  resort  to  any  such,  he  says,  "  It  is  better  to  believe  his  [God'el  works 
miiuculous,  than  endeavor  to  makfj  an  ostentiitious  display  of  our  talents  by 
thf  cunning  invention  of  new  sys'.ems,  in  attributing  them  to  natural  causes."! 
T!ie  same  reasoning  will  apply  in  tins  case  as  in  a  former.  If  we  are  to  at- 
tribute every  thing  to  miraclef,  wherefore  the  necessity  of  investigation? 
These  authors  are  fond  of  investigating  niattere  in  their  way,  but  are  dis- 
pleased if  others  take  the  same  liberty.  And  should  we  follow  an  author  in 
his  theories,  who  cuts  the  whole  business  ^<ll()rt  by  declaring  all  to  be  a  mini-' 
cl(>,  when  he  can  no  longer  grope  in  the  labyrinth  of  hia  own  forming,  our 
reader  would  be  just  in  cqudemning  such  waste  of  time.  When  every  thing 
which  we  cannot  at  first  Jight  understand  or  compn^hend  must  not  be  in- 
quired into,  from  superstitious  doubts,  then  luid  there  will  be  fixed  the  bounds 
of  all  science  ;  bid,  as  Lord  Byron  said  upon  another  occasion,  not  till  ihm. 

"If  it  he  allowed  (says  Dr.  Lawrence) |  that  all  men  are  of  the  same 
species,  it  does  not  follow  that  they  arc  all  descended  from  the  same  family. 
We  have  no  data  for  determining  this  jioint:  it  could  indeed  only  be  settled 
by  a  knowledge  of  facts,  which  have  long  ago  been  involved  in  the  impene- 
trable darkness  of  anti(|uity."  That  climate  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  com- 
plexion, he  oflTerK  the  following  in  proof: — 


nivcrsal  //w- 


*  Universal  History,  xx.  162,  16.3.— See  Maloru's  edilioii  of  BostveU's  Life  Dr.  Jithnnon, 
V.  '271.  oil.  ill  5  V.  121110.  London,  li!2l. 
t  Page  30.  \  Lectures  on  Zoology,  &c.  442,  eU.  Uvo.  Suleoi,  1828. 


w 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES, 


[Book  I. 


"The  cstublishments  of  the  Europeans  in  Asia  and  America  have  now  sub- 
sisted about  three  centuries.  Vasqucz  dc  Gama  landed  at  CaHcut  in  1498 ; 
and  the  Portuguese  (!ni[)ire  in  India  wa.s  founded  in  tlie  l)cginning  of  the  fol- 
lowing century.  Brazil  was  dis^covered  and  tidcen  possession  of  l)y  tlie  same 
nation  in  the  very  first  year  of  the;  IGth  century.  Towards  tlie  end  of  the 
15tli,  and  the  beginning  of  the  Kitii  century,  Columbus,  Cortez,  and  Pizarro, 
subjugated  for  tlie  S|)aniards  tlie  West  Indian  isliinds,  witii  the  empires  of 
Mexico  and  Peru.  Sir  JValter  Ralegh  planted  an  English  colony  in  Virginia 
in  1584 ;  and  the  French  settlement  of  Canada  has  rather  a  later  date.  The 
colonists  have,  in  no  instance,  approached  to  tiie  natives  of  tiiese  coimtries: 
and  their  descendants,  where  tlie  blood  has  been  kept  pure,  have,  at  this  time, 
the  same  characters  as  native  Europeans."  * 

The  eminent  antifjuary  Dc  Wilt  Cliiitonj  supposed  that  the  ancient  works 
found  in  this  country  were  similar  to  those  supposed  to  be  Roman  by  Pennant 
in  Wales.  He  adds,  "  The  Danes,  as  well  as  the  nations  which  erected  our 
fortifications,  were  in  all  )robability  of  Scythian  origin.  According  to  Pliny, 
the  name  of  Scytiiian  Wf.s  conniion  to  all  the  nations  living  iu  tlie  north  of 
Asia  and  Europe."  f 


N  !i 


\n 


i:  I   ( 


9ie0e 


CHAPTER  III. 

Anecdotes,  JVarralives,  ^c.  illustrative  of  the  Manners  and  Customs,  Antiquities  and 

Tfaditions,  of  the  Indians. 

Wit. — An  Ottaway  chief,  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  JfTiitejohn, 
was  a  great  drunkard.  Count  Frontcnac  asked  him  what  he  thought  Ijvaudy 
to  be  made  of;  he  replied,  that  it  must  bo  made  of  hearts  and  toiiy'vs — 
"For,"  said  lie,  "when  I  have  drunken  plentifully  of  it,  my  heart  is  a  thonsund 
sUting,  and  I  can  talk,  too,  with  astonishing  Ireedom  and  ra])idity."t 

Honor. — A  chief  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  fought  on  the  side  of  tlie  English 
in  the  French  wai-s,  clianced  to  meet  in  battle  his  own  lather,  who  was  tiglit- 
ing  on  the  side  of  the  Frencli.  Just  as  he  was  about  to  deal  a  deadly  blow 
upon  his  head,  he  discovered  wiio  he  was,  and  said  to  him,  "You  iiave  once 
given  me  life,  and  now  1  give  it  to  you.  Let  me  meet  you  no  more;  fori 
have  paid  the  debt  I  owed  you."  § 

Recklessness. — In  Connecticut  River,  aliout  "200  miles  from  Long  Island 
Sound,  is  a  narrow  of  .'5  yards  only,  formed  by  two  siielving  mountains  of 
solid  rock.  Tliroiigh  this  chasm  are  compelled  to  pass  ail  tlie  waters  whicli 
hi  the  time  of  the  floods  bury  the  nordieru  country."  It  is  a  friglitlid  passage 
of  about  400  yanls  in  length.  No  boat,  or,  as  my  author  expresses  it,  "no 
living  creature,  was  (!ver  known  to  pass  through  this  narrow,  except  an  Indian 
woman."  This  woman  had  undertaken  to  cross  the  river  just  above,  and 
although  she  had  the  god  Bacchus  by  her  side,  yet  Neptune  prevailed  in  spite 
of  their  imited  efibrts,  and  the  cano(;  Avas  huiTied  down  the  frightful  gulf. 
While  this  Indian  woman  was  thus  hurrying  to  certain  destruction,  as  she  had 
every  reason  to  expect,  she  seized  upon  her  bottle  of  rum,  and  did  not  take  it 
from  her  mouth  until  the  last  drop  was  quaffed.  She  was  marvellously  pre- 
served, and  was  actually  picked  up  several  nules  below,  floating  in  the  canoe, 
still  quite  drunk.  When  it  was  known  what  she  had  done,  and  being  asked 
how  she  dared  to  drink  so  much  rum  with  the  prospect  of  certain  death  before 
her,  she  answered  that  she  knew  it  was  too  much  for  one  time,  but  she  was 
unwilling  thiit  any  of  it  sliould  bo  lost.  [| 


*  Lectures  on  ZooloEry,  occ.  4<;4,  465.  ed.  8vo.    Salem,  1828. 

t  A  ?.f^moir  on  tlie  Antiquities  of  the  Western  Parts  of  the  State  of  N.  York,  pages  9,  10. 
8vo.    Albany,  1818. 
X  Universal  Museum  for  1763.  ^  Ibid. 


II  Peters's  Hist.  Conneclicut. 


[Book  I, 

ive  now  snb- 
ciitiii  14!)8; 
ig  of  the  fol- 
by  the  same 
;  end  of  the 
and  Pizarro, 
e  emi)U'es  of 
y  in  Virginia 
r  date.  The 
ie  countries; 
,  at  this  time, 

ncient  works 
11  by  Pennant 
1  erected  our 
ling  to  Pliny, 
tlie  north  of 


Antiquities  and 

of  Vhilejohn, 
loiiglit  brandy 

lid  toDU'V's — 
;  is  a  thoursund 

of  the  English 
vlio  A\as  fight- 
i  deadly  blow 
on  have  once 
0  more ;  for  I 

Long  Island 
nionntaiiis  of 
waters  whicii 
lilfid  iiasisage 
vs.<rs  it,  "no 
opt  an  Indian 
rt  above,  and 
vailed  in  spite 
frigiitful  gtdf. 
on,  as  she  had 
dill  not  take  it 
vcllously  pre- 
■l  in  the  caiioo, 
bring  asked 
n  death  before 
,  hut  she  was 


'ork,  pages  9, 10. 
It.  Conneclicul. 


Chap.  III.] 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


19 


Justice. — A  missionary  residing  among  a  certain  tribe  of  Indians,  v.rs  one 
day,  alter  he  had  been  preaching  to  them,  invited  by  their  chief  to  visit  his 
Avigwain.  .MVt  liaving  been  kindly  (intertained,  and  being  about  to  depart, 
the  chief  toiik  him  l)y  the  hand  and  .said,  '•  I  iiuve  very  bad  siiuav/.  rilie  had 
two  little  ciiildren.  One  .sIk;  loved  well,  the  other  she  liated.  In  a  cold  night, 
wli(!ii  I  was  gone  hunting  in  the  woods,  shi;  s!iut  it  out  of  the  wiirwain,  and 
it  froze  to  deatii.  What  must  be  done  with  he;-?"  The  misriioiiary  rcpliei!, 
"  She  must  be  hanged."  "  All !  "  said  the  chiefj  "  go,  then,  and  hang  your 
God,  whom  you  make  just  like  her." 

^ras;nnnuinfi/. — \  hunter,  in  his  w.-inderiugs  for  game,  fell  among  the  back 
settlements  ol"  Virgini;i,  and  by  reason  of  thi.'  inclemency  of  the  weather,  was 
iiiiinc'd  to  f;f  ek  n  i'liire  at  llie  iiouse  of  a  iilanter,  wliom  he  met  at  hi.s  door. 
Ai'i;:i.':.Mon  was  refused  Jiim.  IJeing  both  Imngry  and  thii-sty,  he  asked  for  u 
morsel  of  bread  and  a  cup  of  water,  but  was  answered  in  eveiy  casi',  "No! 
you  slip.ll  have  noiiiing  iiere!  Gd  j/oti  f^oiu;  you  Indian  doy;!'"  It  happened, 
in  pi-oe(!As  of  time,  that  this  same  planter  lost  himself  in  the  woods,  and,  alter 
a  fatiguing  day's  travel,  lie  came  to  an  Indian's  cabin,  into  which  he  wai^ 
welcomed.  On  inqinring  the;  way,  and  the  distance  to  the  white  settlements, 
Ixing  told  by  the  Indian  that  he  could  not  go  in  the  night,  and  being  kindly 
ofl(;i'ed  lodging  and  victuals,  he  gladly  rel'reslied  and  reposed  himself  in  tlie 
Indian's  cabin.  In  the;  morning,  he  conducted  liini  throiigli  the  wilderness, 
agreeably  to  his  i)romise  the  night  before,  until  they  came  in  sight  of  the 
habitations  of  the  whites.  As  he  was  about  to  take  his  leave  of  the  planter, 
lie  looked  him  foil  in  the  face,  and  asked  him  if  he  did  not  know  him. 
Horror-.=trn(.'k  at  finding  himsidf  thus  in  the  power  of  a  man  he  had  so 
inlmmaiily  treated,  and  dimd)  with  shame  on  thiidving  of  the  manner  it  was 
requited,  he  began  at  length  to  make  e:^  cii.ses,  and  beg  a  thousand  pardons, 
Avlien  t!i(!  Indian  interru])ted  him,  and  said,  "When  you  see  poor  Indians 
fainting  for  a  cup  of  cold  water,  don't  say  again,  'Get  you  gone,  you  Indian 
dog!'"  He  then  dismissed  him  to  return  to  his  friends.  J\!y  author  adds, 
"It  is  not  diflicult  to  say,  which  of  these  two  had  tiie  best  claim  to  the  name 
of  Christian."* 

Deception. — The  captain  of  a  vessel,  having  a  desire  to  make  a  present  to  a 
lady  ot  some  line  oranges  which  he  had  just  brought  from  "  the  sugar  islands," 
gave  them  to  an  Indian  in  his  enqjioy  to  carry  to  her.  L;!st  he  should  not 
pertbrni  the  ollice  punctually,  he  wrot(!  a  letter  to  her,  to  be  taken  along  with 
the  present,  that  she  might  detect  tin;  bearer,  if  he  sliould  fail  to  deliver  the 
whole  of  what  ho  was  intrusted  with.  The  Indian,  during  the  journey, 
reflected  how  he  should  refresh  himself  widi  the  oran^'es,  ami  not  '>ft!  found 
out.  Not  having  any  apprehension  of  the  manner  of  connminication  by 
writing,  he  concluded  that  it  was  otdy  necessary  to  keep  his  design  secret 
from  the  letter  itself,  su|)posing  that  would  tell  of  him  it' he  did  not;  he  there- 
fore laid  it  tq)on  the  grouiul,  and  rolled  a  large  stone  upon  it,  and  retired  to 
some  distance,  where  he  regaled  himself  with  several  of  the  oranges,  and  then 
|)roceeded  on  his  journey.  On  delivering  the  remainder  and  the  letter  to  the 
lady,  she  asked  him  where  tiio  rest  of  the  oranges  were ;  he  said  he  had 
delivered  all ;  she  told  him  that  the  letter  said  there  were  several  more  sent ; 
to  which  he  answered  that  the  letter  lied,  and  she  must  not  believe  it.  But  he 
was  soon  confronted  in  his  falsehood,  and,  begging  forgiveness  of  the  oflence, 
was  ])ardoned.t 

Shrewdness. — As  Governor  Joseph  Dudley  of  Rlassachusetts  was  superin- 
tending some  of  his  workmen,  he  took  notice  of  an  able-bodied  Imlian,  who, 
half-naked,  would  come  and  look  on,  as  a  pastime,  to  see  liis  men  work.  The 
governor  took  occasion  one  day  to  ask  him  tvhy  he  did  not  work  and  s^et  some 
clothes,  whcrewilh  to  cover  himself.  The  Indian  answered  by  asking  him  tchy 
he  did  not  work.  The  governor,  pointing  with  his  finger  to  his  head,  said,  "/ 
tvork  head  work,  and  so  have  no  need  to  work  with  my  hands  as  you  should." 
The  Indian  then  said  he  would  work  if  any  one  would  employ  him.    The 

*  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  40. 

t  UHiig'a  Voyage  lo  N.  England  in  1709,  8vo.    London,  1726. 


ao, 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


[DOOK  I. 


governor  told  liini  he  wanted  a  calf  killed,  and  that,  if  he  would  go  and  do  it, 
Le  would  j,rive  him  a  shilling.  He  accepted  the  otter,  and  went  nnrnediately 
and  killed  the  calf,  and  then  went  .sauntering  ahout  as  before.  The  governor, 
on  observing  what  he  had  done,  asked  him  why  he  did  not  dress  the  calf 
before  he  left  it  The  Indiau  answered,  "jVo,  no,  Coponoh:  that  was  not  in 
the  bargain :  I  was  to  have  a  shilling  for  killing  him.  ./Im  he  no  dead,  Copon- 
oh')" [governor.]  The  governor,  seeing  himself  thus  outwitted,  told  him  to 
dress  it,  and  he  would  give  him  another  shilling. 

This  done,  and  in  jjossession  of  two  shillings,  the  Indian  goes  directly  to  a 
grog-shop  for  rum.  Ailer  a  short  stay,  he  returned  to  the  governor,  and  told 
jiim  he  had  given  him  a  liad  shilling-piece,  and  presented  a  brass  one  to  be 
exchanged.  The  governor,  tliiukiug  possibly  it  might  have  been  the  case, 
gave  him  another.  It  was  not  long  before  he  returned  a  second  time  with 
another  brass  shilling  to  be  exchanged  ;  the  governor  was  now  convinced  of 
his  knavery,  but,  not  caring  to  make  words  at  the  time,  gave  him  another; 
and  thus  the  fellow  got  four  shilliugs  for  one. 

The  governor  determined  to  have  the  rogue  corrected  for  his  abuse,  and, 
meeting  with  him  soon  after,  told  him  he  must  take  a  letter  to  Boston  for  him 
[and  gave  him  a  half  a  crown  for  the  service.]  *  The  letter  was  directed  to  the 
keeper  of  bridewell,  ordering  him  to  give  the  bearer  so  many  lashes ;  but, 
mistrusting  that  all  was  not  exactly  agreeable,  and  meeting  a  servant  of  the 

ffovernor  on  the  road,  ordereil  him,  in  the  name  of  his  master,  to  carry  the 
etter  immediately,  as  he  was  in  haste  to  return.  The  consequence  was,  this 
servant  got  cgregiously  whipped.  When  the  governor  learned  what  had 
taken  place,  he  felt  no  little  chagrin  at  being  thus  twice  outwitted  by  the 
Indian. 

He  did  not  see  the  fellow  foif  some  time  after  this,  but  at  length,  falling  in 
with  him,  asked  him  by  what  means  he  had  cheated  and  deceived  him  so 
many  times.  Taking  the  governor  again  in  his  own  play,  he  answered, 
pointing  with  his  finger  to  his  head,  "  Head  ivork,  Coponoh,  head  work ! "  The 
governor  was  now  so  well  pleased  that  he  forgave  the  whole  offence.f 

Equality. — An  Indian  chief,  on  being  asked  whether  his  people  were  free, 
answered,  "Why  not,  since  I  myself  am  free,  although  their  king?"  j: 

Matrimony. — "  An  aged  Indian,  who  for  many  years  had  spent  much  time 
among  the  white  people,  both  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  one  day, 
about  the  year  1770,  observed  that  the  Indians  had  not  only  a  much  easier 
way  of  getting  a  wife  than  the  whites,  but  also  a  more  certain  way  of  getting 
a  good  one.  '  For,'  said  he  in  broken  English,  '  white  man  court — court — 
may  be  one  whole  year ! — may  be  two  years  before  he  marry !  Well — may 
be  then  he  get  very  good  wife — but  may  be  not — may  be  very  cross !  Well, 
now  suppose  cross !  scold  so  soon  as  get  awake  in  the  morning!  scold  all 
day ! — scold  until  sleep ! — all  one — lie  must  keep  him ! — White  people  iiave 
law  forbidding  throw  away  wife  he  be  ever  so  cross — must  keep  him  always ! 
Well,  how  does  Indian  do?  Indian,  when  he  see  industrious  squaw,  he 
go  to  him,  place  his  two  fore-fingers  close  aside  each  other,  make  two  like 
one — then  look  squaw  in  the  face — see  him  smile — this  is  all  one  he  say 
yes ! — so  he  take  him  home — no  danger  he  be  cross  I  No,  no — squaw  know 
too  well  what  Indian  do  if  be  cross!  throw  him  away  and  take  another! — 
Squaw  love  to  eat  meat — no  husband  no  meat.  Squaw  do  every  thing  to 
please  husband,  he  do  e'ery  thing  to  please  squaw — live  happy.'  "§ 

Toleration. — In  the  year  1701,  two  Creek  chiefs  accompanied  an  American 
to  England,  where,  as  usual,  they  attracted  great  attention,  and  many  flocked 
around  them,  as  well  to  learn  their  ideas  of  certain  things  as  to  behold  "  the 
savages."  Being  asked  tlieir  oj)inion  of  religion,  or  of  what  religion  they  were, 
one  made  answer,  that  they  had  no  priests  in  their  country,  or  established 
religion,  for  tliey  thought,  that,  upon  a  subject  where  tliere  was  no  possibility 
of  people's  agreeing  in  opinion,  and  as  it  was  altogether  matter  of  mere 

*  A  sentence  added  in  a  version  of  this  anecdote  in  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  204. 
t  Uring,  ut  supra.  120.  ^  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  482. 

^  Heckewelder's  Hist.  Ind.  Nations. 


[Book  I. 

0  and  do  it, 
uunediately 
e  governor, 
!S8  the  calf 
was  not  in 
ead,  Copon- 
told  him  to 

lirectly  to  a 
or,  and  told 
3S  one  to  he 
M  the  case, 

1  time  with 
jnvinccd  of 
m  another; 

abuse,  and, 
•ton  for  him 
ected  to  the 
a:jhcs ;  but, 
rvant  of  the 
to  carry  the 
ice  was,  this 
1  what  had 
itted  by  the 

ch,  falling  in 
ived  him  so 
3  answered, 
ork!"  The 
ice.f 

e  were  free, 

much  time 
sy,  one  day, 
finich  eosier 

of  getting 
court — 
Well — may 
oss!  Well, 
scold  all 
jeople  have 
lim  always! 

squaw,  he 
ko  two  like 
one  he  say 
rjuaw  know 

another  I — 
ry  thing  to 

1  American 
any  flocked 
ehold  "the 

they  were, 
established 

possibility 
er  of  mere 


Chap.  III.] 


INDIAN  ANKCnOTFS  AM)  NARRATIVES. 


21 


irt 


opinion,  "it  was  best  that  every  one  should  paddle  his  canoe  his  own  way." 
liero  i.s  a  vokiiiie  of  instruciiou  in  a  sliort  answer  of  a  savage! 

Justice. — A  white  trader  sold  a  quantit\  of  powder  to  an  Indian,  and  im- 
l)osud  upon  liim  by  luaking  hiui  b(!lie\c  '  was  a  grain  which  grew  like  wheat, 
by  sowing  it  upon  the  grouiiil.  He  w  -  greatly  elated  i)y  tlii;  jjrospect,  not 
only  of  raising  his  own  powder,  but  ol'  being  able  to  supi)ly  others,  and  there- 
by !)ec()niing  iuiMionscly  rich.  Having  prepared  his  ground  with  great  cari% 
he  s()\vcd  liis  powdor  with  the  utmost  exactness  in  the  spring.  Month  after 
uioutli  passetl  away,  but  his  powdir  diil  not  even  sprout,  and  winter  came 
bi'ibre  lie  was  satisfied  that  be  liud  been  deceived.  He  said  nothing;  but 
some  time  after,  when  the  trader  luul  forgotten  the  trick,  the  same  Indian  suc- 
ceeded ill  getting  credit  of  him  to  a  large  amount.  The  time  set  for  payment 
hiuing  expired,  he  sought  out  the  Imiiaii  at  bis  residence, aTid  demanded  paj- 
luent  lur  his  goods.  Tlie  Indian  Ih'.uiI  his  demand  with  great  complaisance; 
then,  looking  him  shrewdly  in  the  eye,  said,  "jlie  pmj  mu  when  my  powder 

lilty  wlii;>!  man  (luickly  retraced  liis  stejis, 


liis  accuiuit  with  the  chagrin  ho  had  re- 


irrow."     This  was  enough.     Tiie 
satisfied,  we  apprehend,  to  baliuicc 
ceived. 

Hunting. — ^The  Indians  had  methods  to  catch  game  which  seiTcd  them  ex- 
tremely well.  The  same  month  in  which  the  Mayflower  brought  over  the 
forel'ailiers,  November,  1()20,  to  the  shores  of  Plimouth,  several  of  them 
ranged  about  the  woods  near  by  to  learn  what  the  eountiy  contained.  Having 
wanden!d  farther  than  they  were  apprized,  in  their  endeavor  to  return,  they 
say,  "We  were  shrewdly  puzzled,  and  lost  our  way.  As  we  wandered,  we 
came  to  a  tree,  where  a  young  sjirit  was  bowed  down  over  a  bow,  and  some 
acorns  strewed  underneath.  Stephen  Hopkins  said,  it  had  been  to  catch  some 
deer.  So,  as  we  were  looking  at  it,  IVilliam  Bradford  being  in  the  rear,  when 
he  came  looking  also  upon  it,  and  as  he  went  about,  it  gave  a  sudden  jerk  up, 
and  he  was  immediately  caught  up  by  the  legs.  It  wjis  (they  continue)  a  very 
])rctty  device,  made  with  a  rope  of  their  own  making,  [of  bark  or  some  kind 
of  roots  probably,]  and  having  a  noose  as  artillcially  made  as  any  roper  in 
England  can  make,  and  as  like  ours  as  can  be;  which  we  brouglit  away 
with  us."*  .  / 

Preaching  against  Practice. — Johx  Simon  was  a  Sogkonatc,  who,  about  the 
year  1700,  was  a  settled  minister  to  that  tribe.  He  wtis  a  man  of  stronsr  mind, 
generally  temperate,  but  sometimes  remiss  in  the  latter  particular.  The  fol- 
lowing anecdote  is  told  as  characteristic  of  his  notions  of  justice.  Siinon, 
on  accotmt  of  his  deportment,  was  created  justice  of  the  peace,  and  when  dif- 
ficulties occurr<!d  involving  any  of  his  people,  he  sal  with  the  English  justice 
to  aid  in  making  up  judgment.  It  li!ip|)ened  that  Sitnon''s  stpiaw,  with  some 
others,  had  committed  some  offence.  Justice  ..llmij  and  Siiii07i,  in  making  up 
their  minds,  estimated  the  amount  of  the  offence;  differently ;  .'J/H»y  thouglit 
each  should  receive  eight  or  ten  stripes,  but  Simon  said,  "No,  jour  or  Jive  are 
enough — Poor  Indians  are  ignorant,  ami  it  is  not  Christian-like  to  punish  so 
hardli/  those  xvho  are  ignorant,  as  those  who  have  knowhilgc.''''  Simon^s  judg- 
ment |)revail('(l.  When  Mr.  ,'Unti/  asked  John  how  many  his  wife  sliould 
receive;,  he  said,  "■  Douhk,  because  she  h'ld  hnow!c:gc  lo  have  done  hdtcr ;"  but 
Colonel  Almy,  out  of  regard  to  Johi's  f'eiings,  wholly  remitted  his  wife's 
jiiinislimeiit.  John  looked  \f'rv  serious,  and  made  no  reply  while  in  presence 
of  the  court,  but,  on  tlu;  first  fit  opitoitmiity,  remonstrated  very  severely 
against  his  judgment,  and  said  to  him,  "  To  what  purpose  do  we  preach  a  reli- 
gion of  justice,  if  toe  do  unnghteousncss  in  judgment')" 

Sam  Hide. — There  are  few,  w(>  imagine,  who  have  not  heard  ef  this  per- 
sonage; but,  notwithstanding  his  great  notorii"ty,  we  miglit  not  be  thought 
serious  in  the  rest  of  <  ;•  work,  were  we  to  enter  seriou;  ly  into  his  biography; 
for  the  reason,  that  ii'om  his  (lay  to  this,  his  name  has  been  a  by-word  in  id! 
New  England,  and  means  as  much  as  to  say  the  greatest  of  liars.  It  is  on 
account  of  the  following  anecdote  that  he  is  noticed. 


n 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


[Book  1, 


Sam  Hide  was  a  notorious  cider-diiiiker  as  well  as  liar,  and  used  to  travel  the 
country  to  and  fro  begging  it  from  door  to  door.  At  one  time  he  happened 
in  a  region  of  countiy  where  cider  was  very  hard  to  be  procured,  either  from 
its  scarcity,  or  from  Sam's  fi-equent  visits,  liovvfever,  cider  he  was  detei-mined 
to  have,  if  lying,  in  any  shape  or  color,  would  gain  it.  Being  not  far  from 
the  house  of  an  acquaintance,  who  he  laiow  had  cider,  but  ho  knew,  or  was 
well  satisfied,  that,  in  the  ordinary  way  of  begging,  he  could  not  get  it,  he  set 
Jiis  wits  at  work  to  lay  a  plan  to  insure  it.  Tliis  did  not  occupy  him  long. 
On  arriving  at  the  house  of  the  gentleman,  instead  of  asking  for  cider,  he  in- 
quired for  the  man  of  the  house,  whom,  on  appearing,  San  requested  to  go 
aside  with  him,  as  he  had  something  of  importance  to  comnnuricate  to  him. 
When  they  were  by  themselves,  Sam  told  him  he  had  that  morning  shot  a  tine 
deer,  and  that,  if  he  would  give  him  a  crown,  he  would  tell  him  where  it  was. 
The  gentleman  did  not  incline  to  do  this,  but  ofiered  half  a  crown.  Finallj', 
Sam  said,  as  he  had  walked  a  great  distance  that  morning,  and  was  very  dry, 
for  a  half  a  crown  and  a  mug  of  cider  be  would  tell  him.  This  was  agreed 
upon,  and  the  price  paid.  Now  Sam  was  required  to  point  out  the  s|)ot  where 
the  deer  was  to  be  found,  which  he  did  in  this  manner.  He  said  to  his  friend, 
You  know  of  such  a  meadow,  describing  it — Yes — You  know  a  higash  tree,  imth 
a  big  top  by  the  little  brook — Yes — Well,  under  that  free  lies  tlie  deer.  This  was 
satisfactory,  and  Sam  departed.  It  is  unnecessaiy  to  mention  that  the  meadow 
was  found,  and  the  tree  by  the  brook,  but  no  deer.  The  duped  man  could 
hardly  contain  hims.^lf  on  considering  what  he  had  been  doing.  To  look 
after  Sam  for  satisfaction  would  be  worse  than  looking  afler  the  deer ,  so  the 
farmer  concluded  to  go  home  contented.  Some  years  afler,  he  liaf)pened  to 
fall  in  with  the  Indian  ;  and  he  inunediately  began  to  rally  him  for  deceiving 
him  so,  and  demanded  back  his  money  and  pay  for  his  cider  and  trouble. 
ffliy,  said  Sam,  would  you  find  fault  if  Indian  toM  tndh  half  the  time  ? — No 
— JVell,tiaya  Sam,  you  find  him  meadotot^ — Yes — You  find  him  tree"^ — Yes — 
What  for  then  you  find  fault  Sam  Hide,  whtn  he  told  you  two  trtdh  to  one  lie  ? 
The  affair  ended  here.    Sam  heard  no  more  from  the  farmer. 

This  is  but  one  of  the  numerous  anecdotes  of  Sam  Hide,  which,  could  tbey 
be  collectcul,  would  fill  many  pages.  He  died  in  Dedham,  .'5  January,  17i32, 
nt  the  great  age  of  10.5  years.  He  was  a  great  jester,  and  j)a>s»id  for  an  un- 
common wit.  In  all  the  wars  against  the  Indians  during  his  lifetime,  he 
Berved  the  English  faithfully,  and  had  the  name  of  a  brave  soldier.  He  had 
himself  killed  19  of  the  enemy,  and  tried  hard  to  make  up  the  20tli,  but  was 
unable. 

Characters  contrasted. — "An  Indian  of  the  Keimebeck  tribe,  remarka- 
ble for  his  good  conduct,  received  a  grant  of  land  fi-om  the  state,  and  fixed 
himself  in  a  new  township  where  a  number  of  fiuniliis  weiv  settled.  Though 
uot  ill  tretited,  yet  the  couunon  prejudice  against  Indians  prevented  any  sym- 
pathy with  him.  This  was  shown  at  the  (huuli  of  his  only  child,  when  none 
of  the  people  came  near  him.  Shortly  afterwards  he  went  to  some  of  tlio 
inhahilants  and  i-aid  to  them,  Whin  while  man^s  child  dii\  Indian  man  he  sorry 
— he  help  bury  him. —  IHun  my  child  die,  no  one  speak  to  mv — /  make  his  gravr 
cdone,  I  can  no  live  here.  He  gave  iqi  his  liu'ui,  dug  up  the  body  of  his  child, 
nnd  carried  it  with  him  '200  milej  through  the  liirests,  to  join  the  Canada 
Indians!"* 

Jl  ludicrous  Error. — There  was  |)ublished  in  Loiulon,  in  17(1*2,  "The 
American  (Iazettkkr,"  &c.f  in  which  is  the  following  account  of  Dristol, 
J?.  I.  "  A  county  and  town  in  N.  England.  The  capital  is  nMiunkahle  for  the 
King  of  Spain\s  having  a  }„dace  in  it,  and  bring  killeif  Ihiir ;  and  also  f()r 
fVofoi  th("  pnet's  begging  it  of  CVirt/'/r.t  H."  The  blmuler  <lid  not  rest  here, 
but  is  found  in  "Thi  N.  Amkku  an  and  the  West  Injuan  (i\/,r,T'rEKit,"t  &c. 
'I'hus  Philiu  of  Spain  seems  to  have  had  the  misfortune  of  being  mistaken  for 
Philip  of  tlie  VVampaifoags,  alias  Ponulavom  of  I'okanoket. 


*  'rii(l<ir'«  I.cllprs  on  (lir  Fiislcrii  HinlcH,  '.'P4, 

i  '.M  e  liiioii,  rJiiKi,  l.i'ii(l(iii,  \'V,'),  iiKo  aii(riiymou<, 


t  3  vuU.  IJiiiu,  wiiiioul  uaino. 


Chap.  HI] 


OF  CUSTOMS  AND  MANNERS. 


S3 


iKiiit  uaino. 


Origin  or  Meaning  of  the  .Vanic  Canada. — It  is  said,  that  Canada  was  discov- 
ered by  the  Spaniards,  before  the  time  of  Caitier,  and  that  tlic  Buy  of  Cha- 
leurs  was  discovered  by  them,  and  is  the  same  as  the  Baye  des  Espagnolea ; 
and  that  the  Spaniards,  not  meeting  with  any  appearances  of  mines  of  the 
precious  metals,  said  to  one  another,  aca  nada,  wiiich  in  their  language  signi- 
fied, nothing  here,  and  forthwith  departed  from  the  country.  The  Indians, 
having  heard  these  words,  retained  them  in  their  memories,  and,  when  the 
French  came  among  them,  made  use  of  them,  probably  by  way  of  salutation, 
not  understanding  tlieir  import;  and  they  were  supposed  by  the  voyagera  to 
be  the  name  of  the  country.  It  was  only  necessary  to  drop  the  first  letter, 
and  use  the  two  words  as  two  syllables,  and  the  wor<l  Canada  was  complete.* 

15ut  as  long  ago  as  when  Father  Charlevoix  wrote  his  admirable  History 
OF  J^eiv  France,  he  added  a  note  u|)on  the  derivation  of  the  name  Canada, 
in  which  he  said  some  derived  it  from  an  Iroijuois  word  meaning  an  assem- 
blagv  of  houses.f  Doctor  /.  R.  Forster  has  a  learned  note  upon  it  also,  in  his 
valuable  account  of  Voyages  and  Discoveries  in  the  JVorth.  He  objects  to  the 
.'lea  .Vada  origin,  because,  in  Spanish,  the  word  lor  here  is  not  oca,  but  aqui, 
and  that  to  form  Canada  from  Aquinada  would  be  forced  and  unnaturid.  Yet 
he  siiys,  "  In  ancient  maps  we  often  find  Ca:  da  AWa,"  that  is,  Cape  Nothing. 
'•JJiit  ironi  a  Canadian  [Indian]  vocabulary,  annexed  to  the  original  edition 
of  the  second  voyage  of  Jaqucs  Cartier,  Paris,  1545,  it  appeare,  that  an  assem- 
lilage  of  houses,  or  habitations,  i.  e.  a  totvn,  was  by  the  natives  called  Canada, 
Cartier  says,  //:  apptllcnl  une  Villc — Canada.''^  Mr.  Hecktwelder  is  of  much 
the  same  oi)inion  as  Charlevoix  and  Forster.  He  says,  that  in  a  jirayer-book 
in  the  Mohawk  language,  he  read  ".Vc  Kxy ADX-gongh  Konwayatsk  JVazareth" 
wliicrh  was  a  translation  of  "in  a  city  called  Nazareth." 

Origin  of  the  jVame  Yankee. — Anbury,  an  author  who  did  not  respect  the 
Americans,  any  more  than  many  othi'i*s  who  have  been  led  captive  by  them,  has 
tlie  lollowing  i)aragrupli  upon  this  word| — "The  lower  class  of  these  Yan- 
kees— apropos,  it  may  not  be  amiss  here  just  to  observe  to  you  the  etymology 
of  this  term :  it  is  derived  from  u  Cherokee  word,  eankke,  which  signifies 
coward  and  slave.  This  epithet  of  yankee  was  bestowed  upon  the  inhal)itants 
of  N.  England  by  the  Virginians,  for  not  assisting  them  in  a  war  with  the 
Cherokees,  and  tliey  have  always  been  held  in  derision  by  it.  But  the  name 
has  been  more  prevalent  since  [1775]  the  commencement  of  hostilities ;  the 
soldiery  at  Boston  used  it  as  a  term  of  reproach  ;  but  after  the  afliiir  at  Bim- 
ker's  Hill,  thi;  Americans  gloried  in  it.  Yankee-doodle  is  now  their  pu'an,  a 
favorite  of  favorites,  |)layed  in  their  arm}',  esteemed  as  warlike  as  the  grena- 
dier's march — it  is  tlu!  lover's  s|»ell,  the  nurse's  hdlahy.  After  our  rapid  suc- 
cesses, we  held  the  ynnkees  in  great  contemj)! ;  but  it  was  not  a  little  morti- 
fying to  hear  them  play  this  time,  when  their  army  marched  dcnvn  to  oiu"  stu*- 
render."  § 

But  Mr.  Heckewelder  thinks  that  tin;  Indians,  in  endeavoring  to  pronounce 
the  name  English,  could  get  that  somid  no  nearer  than  these  letters  give  it, 
yengees.    This  was  perhaps  the  true  origin  of  Yanktr. 

,fi  singular  Stratagem  to  escape  Torture. — "Some  years  ago  the  Shawano 
Indians,  being  oiiliged  to  remove  from  their  liid)itations,  in  their  way  took  a 
Muskohge  warrior,  knowii  by  tlu!  name  of  old  .S'crnjMy,  jjrisoner ;  they  bas- 
tinadoed him  seven-ly,  and  condemned  him  to  the  fiery  torture.    Ho  under- 

*  The  O'llhors  who  linvc  minptrd  (iiis  opinion,  nro  Dodor  Mitlher,  [Mnminlia,  R.  viii.  71  \] 
Ilarrh,  [Voyners.  ii.  3-l-'l ;]  Moll,  [i'P"g.  li.  liH;]  J.  /,o»ijr,  [Vovujjrcs  nnif Travels,  2;]  ^i^;- 
man,  [Marylund,  '.Vy ;]  MoiUton,  [N.  York,  i.  131 ;]  Martin,  [LotiiHiann,  i.  7.] 

Josselyn  and  JiJI'rys  seem  lo  ho  without  roninany  ns  Wfll  as  nu(liorilie.i  for  ihrir  (l?rivnlioii«. 
The  CorniiT  [N.  Enjfhmd  Uarilio>i,  .')]  says,  (.iinn<hi  was  "  so  culled  from  MoimitMir  Cniir." 
The  latUT  [IliHl.  Aincrirn,  I]  nays,  "  Cuniula,  in  the  Indian  lan^iii-ge,  sif^nilios  the  Mmttk  of 
the  Coimtrii,  from  tkh,  month,  and  aila,  lljo  roiintry." 

t  Hn<'l(|U('s-untM  drrivont  re  iiom  da  mot  Iro(|nois  Kannatii,i\u\  n  prononrc  ramida,  ol  sig- 
nilit"  on  nmiis  do  rnliannos.     Hitt.  A'oMr.   Frttnrr,  i.  !(. 

\  Tniivh  Ihrniisch  the  Iitln-inr  Piirl.t  of  Xortli  Aiiirrica,  177(i.  itc.  vol.  ii.  <Wi,  17.  Atihiini 
yKa*  un  ollic-ur  in  Urnorul  Itnrfioiinf't  army,  and  was  amonf(  the  rnptivcs  •iirrrndorod  at 
Paraloifn. 

(  This  <tcrivatioii  ii  almoii  at  ludicroui  o)  that  given  by  Ining  in  his  Knickcrhuckvr. 


24 


AXECD0Ti:;5,  vV;.-.,  n.LL"STll.Vl')\E 


[Book  I. 


wont  a  profit  donl  witliout  sliowiii/f  any  cniioern  ;  his  coiintonnnoo  and  hoha- 
vior  AvoK!  as  if  Iio  sufli-rofl  net  tli(!  loast  ])niii.  Ilo  fold  iiis  porsociitorH  \vith  a 
hold  voire,  that  he  was  a  Avarrior;  that  Ik;  liad  {rained  most  of  iiis  martial 
ro])nta!ion  at  tJio  oxjionse  of  their  nation,  and  was  desirons  of  sho\vin<:  tiieni, 
in  tlie  act  of  dyinjr,  that  lie  was  still  as  mnoh  their  snporior,  as  when  ho  headed 
liis  irallant  eonntrymen  :  that  althoti<rii  1m!  he.d  fallen  into  tln'ir  hands,  and  for- 
feited th(!  ])rotection  of  tlu;  divirn?  power  i)y  some;  in![)nrity  or  oihcr,  when 
earryinir  tlu>  holy  arjc  of  war  apainst  his  devoted  enemies,  yet  Ik;  had  so  ninch 
remaiiiinfT  virtne  as  wonld  enahlo  iiini  to  jtnnish  himself  mort;  o.\(inisite!y  than 
all  their  des])ieah!e,  ijrnorant  crowd  possihiy  eonid  ;  and  that  he  would  do  so, 
if  they  jravc  him  liherty  by  nntyinj^  him,  and  liandin^^  him  one  of  the  red-hot 
giin-barrels  ont  of  the  fire.  The  proposal,  and  his  method  of  addn  ss,  appeared 
HO  exceedingly  bold  and  nneonnnon,  that  his  riMpiest  was  granted.  Then 
suddenly  seizing  oni!  o'ul  of  the  red-hot  barrel,  and  brandishing  it  from  side 
to  side,  ipa))ed  »lown  a  ])rodigions  steen  and  high  bank  inlo  a  branch  of  the 
river,  divecl  through  it,  ran  o\  or  a  small  ishnid,  and  passed  tln^  other  bi-anch, 
urnidst  a  shower  of  bidlots  ;  and  though  nund)ers  of  his  (.'nemies  were  in  close 
pursuit  of  him,  he  got  into  a  bramble-awain]),  through  whicdi,  though  naked 
'  and  in  a  mangled  condition,  he  reached  bis  own  country." 

Jin  unparalleled  Cctse  of  SiiJJerinp^. — "The  Shawano  Indians  caplmed  a 
warrior  of  the  Anantoocah  nation,  and  ])nt  him  to  the  stake,  accoi'ding  to  their 
nsiial  cruel  solemnities:  having  unconcernedly  sull'ered  much  torture,  he  told 
them,  with  scorn,  they  did  not  know  how  to  |)unish  a  noted  enemy ;  thoridbre 
lie  was  willing  to  t(,'a(;h  them,  aiul  would  contirui  the  truth  of  his  asseilion  if 
they  allowed  him  the  oj)portuuity.  Accordingly  he  requested  of  them  a  pipe 
and  some  tobaeco,  whicdi  was  given  him  ;  as  soon  as  he  had  lighti'd  it,  Ik;  sat 
tlown,  naked  as  he  was,  on  llie  v\ii;ii(  n';*  hiu'iiiiig  torches,  that  were  within  his 
circle,  and  contiinieil  smoking  his  p.ipe  without  the  least  discom]i(isin'e :  On 
this  a  head  warrior  l(>aped  \'.\\  and  said,  tiny  saw  plain  enough  that  he  was  a 
wavrior,  and  not  afraid  of  dying,  nor  should  he  have  died,  only  that  he  was 
l)0tli  spoiled  by  the  fire,  and  devoted  to  it  by  their  laws;  however,  though  ho 
was  a  veiy  dangerous  enemy,  and  his  nation  a  tr.'acherons  people,  it  should 
be  se(!n  that  they  paid  a  regard  to  bravery,  even  in  oiu^  who  wa.'>  irked  with 
war  streaks  at  liie  cost  of  many  ot'llu!  lives  of  ilieii-  beloved  kiiidi'cd  ;  and  then 
I)y  way  of  liivor,  ho  with  his  friendly  tomahawk  instaiUly  ])Ut  an  end  to  all  his 
pains."  * 

fynornnee  llic  Offsprlna:  ofnhnurd  Opinions. — Tlu!  resolution  and  courage  of 
the  Indians,  says  Colonel  /{o^ers,  "under  sickness  (uid  pain,  is  truly  surpi-is- 
ing.  A  young  wcinian  will  bo  in  labor  a  whole  <luv  without  nticring  one 
jBjrOBn  or  cry;  should  sh<'  betray  such  a  weakness,  fliey  would  immediately 
Bay,  that  she  was  unworthy  to  be  a  mother,  and  that  her  offspring  cfadd  not 
fail  of  being  cowards."! 

.^  A'orlhei-n  Cnslom. — When  Mr.  flcamewnn  on  flin  Coppermiiu'  River,  in 
177J,  some  of  the  ('o|)|ier  Indians  in  IiIh  compmiy  killed  a  number  of  I'.sfpii- 
inaux,  l)y  which  act  they  considered  themselves  unclean  ;  and  all  concerned 
in  till'  miu'der  were  not  allowed  to  cook  any  ja'ovisions,  either  liir  ihenmelves 
or  others.  They  were,  however,  allowed  to  eat  of  others'  cooking,  but  not 
until  they  had  painted,  with  a  kind  of  red  earth,  all  the  space  between  their 
nose  an(l  chin,  as  well  as  a  greatr'r  part  of  their  ilieeks,  almost  to  their  can. 
Neither  would  they  iiso  any  other  dish  or  |)tp<',  thiui  tlioir  own.  t 

Jhothrr  Poaihonlas. — While  Lema  and  Clarke  weie  on  the  Mhore  of  the 
Pacilic  Ocean,  in  IHO.'),  one  of  tli<ir  men  went  one  evening  into  a  villagt;  of 
the  Killa'nnk  Indians,  alone,  a  small  distance  from  ids  party,  atid  on  the 
opposite  side  of  a  »;reek  from  that  ot"  the  encaiupinent.  A  stnuige  Indiuii 
lial»peiied  t(>  bt;  there  nlxo,  whoexpreDsed  great  rcHpect  (ui<l  love  tiir  tiin  white 


•  Tlio  l«-o  prpcpflinjf  irlntinnK  nrr  from  /,on:*.»  \'ri<"{^f»  ami  TVaiy/.!,  7'i  mid  73.  n  hook  of 
Hmnll  iiD'trtisioiii,  lull  iiMO  nt  ihc  l<rvl  on  liwliiiii  liislnn.     h%  niillinr  lived  iiiiiiini;  llii'  IndiniM . 
oCtlii'  Niirlli-\\'c<l.  iK  mi  liidiiin  Iriidcr,  iilmiil  1!' ycni". 

t  Conriie  Account  of  N.  Amiriea,  iVi.  \  Journey  la  the  l\'o}lhtm  Ikean,  SOfl. 


?* 


[Book  I. 

r.ml  hrlin- 
ors  Nvitli  fi 
lis  martial 
kiiijr  tliciii, 
Iip  lioiidcd 
s,  and  fur- 
lici-,  wlicii 
d  !-o  iiincli 
isitcly  tliiiii 
iiiild  do  so, 
;li('  iTcI-liot 
■',  nu\)rm'cd 
vd.     Tlion 
t  from  side 
inch  of  the 
ivv  hraurh, 
[TO  in  dose 
w^h  naked 

ca]itnicd  n 

ing  to  their 

mv,  he  told 

;  therefore 

assertion  if 

lliini  a  pipe 

I'd  it,  h(!  sat 

^  \\itliin  his 

Misurc:    On 

at  lie  was  a 

lliat  lie  waa 

',  ihoni:ii  ho 

('.  ll  shonid 

iirkod  with 

I :  and  tlion 

id  to  ail  hi.'j 

coiira^c  of 
Inly  snrpris- 
Itii'rinjf  one 

iiiiK'tliately 
I'onid  not 

[o  l!ivor,  in 
•  ot"  r.squi- 

conccrnod 
llliomsolveH 
li^r,  hnt  not 
pvoon  their 

llieir  ean. 

Iiom  of  thn 
villap?  of 
Lnd  on  tho 
ji^re  Indian 
r  the  white 


1,1.  i\  IxMik  nf 
i!ii'  Inillnoi ' 

|)ir,in,  20A. 


Chap.  III.] 


OF  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS. 


25 


man  ;  but  in  reality  he  meant  to  mm'der  him  for  tlie  articles  lie  had  about  him. 
This  ha))i>ened  to  come  to  the  kuowledce  of  a  Cliiiinook  woman,  and  she 
determined  at  once  to  save  his  life :  therelore,  when  the  white  man  was  about 
to  return  to  his  companions,  the  Indian  was  going  to  accomi)any  him,  and  kill 
him  in  the  way.  As  they  were  about  to  set  out,  the  woman  caught  the  white 
man  by  the  clothes,  to  prevent  his  going  with  the  Indian.  Ilo,  not  under- 
standing her  intention,  pulled  away  from  her ;  but  as  a  last  resort,  she  ran  out 
and  shrieked,  which  raised  the  men  in  every  direction ;  and  the  Indian 
became  alarmed  for  his  own  safety,  and  made  his  escape  before  tho  white 
man  knew  lie  had  beru  in  danger. 

Self-convtmnd  in  Time  of  Danger. — There  was  in  Carolina  a  noted  chief  of 
tho  Yatnoisces,  who,  in  the  year  1702,  with  about  GOO  of  his  countrymen, 
wont  with  Colonel  Daniel  and  Colonel  Moore  against  the  Spaniards  in  Flori- 


ohliged 


to 


da.  His  name  was  Arratommakaw.  When  tlic  English  were 
abandon  their  undertaking,  and  as  they  were  retreating  to  their  boats,  they 
became  alarmed,  supposing  tho  Spaniards  were  upon  thom.  Amtlommakaw, 
having  arrived  at  the  boats,  was  rei»osing  himself  upon  his  oars,  and  was  fast 
asleep.  Tin;  soldiers  ndlied  hitn  for  being  so  slow  in  his  retreat,  and  ordered 
him  to  make  more  haste :    "But  he  replied,  'No — though  roua  governor 

LEAVES  YOU,  I  WILL  NOT  STIR  TILL  I  HAVE  SEEN  ALL  MY  MEN  BEKORE  ME.'  " 

Indifference. — Jlrchihan  was  a  sachem  of  Blaryland,  whose  residence  was 
upon  the  I'otomack,  wlien  that  country  was  suttlod  by  the  English  in  1033-4. 
The  i)laco  of  his  residence  was  named,  like  tho  river,  Potomack.  As  usual 
with  the  Indians,  he  received  tin;  llnglish  under  Governor  Calvert  with  great 
attention.  It  should  he  noted,  that  Archihau  was  not  liea<l  .sachem  of  the 
Potomacks,  but  governed  instead  of  his  nephew,  who  was  a  child,  and  who, 
like  the  head  men  of  Virginia,  was  called  iveroivance.  From  this  j)lacc  the 
colonists  sailed  20  1(  agues  farthiT  up  tlu;  river,  to  u  i)lace  called  Piscattaway. 
Here  a  wcrowanco  went  on  board  thi;  governor's  pinnace,  to  treat  with  him. 
On  liciing  asked  whether  ho  was  willing  tho  English  should  settle  in  his 
country,  in  case  they  found  a  place  convenient  for  them,  he  made  answer, 
"I  will  not  1){il  yon  go,  neither  will  I  hid  you  stay,  hnt  ,ou  may  use  your  own 
discretion."  * 

Thfir  JVntions  of  the  Learning  of  the  IVkitea. — At  tlie  congress  at  Lancaster, 
in  1744,  between  the  government  of  Virginia  and  tin;  Five  Nations,  the 
Indians  were  told  that,  if  they  would  send  some  of  their  yoiuig  men  to  Vir- 
ginia, the  English  would  give  them  an  education  at  their  college.  An  orator 
replied  to  this  offir  as  follows: — "We  know  that  you  highly  esteem  tho  kind 
of  learning  taught  in  those  colleges,  and  tlnit  tho  mainlenance  of  our  young 
men,  while  with  you,  would  be  very  expensive  to  yon.  We  are  convinced, 
therefore,  that  you  mean  to  do  us  good  liy  your  proposal,  and  wi;  thank  yoii 
heartily.  Hnt  you  who  are  wise  iiuist  know,  that  difl'erent  nations  have  difler- 
cnt  conceptions  of  things;  and  you  will  therefore  not  take  it  amis.s,  ifour  idcaa 
of  this  kind  of  ediu'ation  happen  not  to  be  tlio  same  with  yours.  We-  havo 
liad  some  experitdice  of  it :  several  of  our  young  people  were  formerly  brought 
tip  at  tlu'  colleges  of  the  northern  provinces ;  tlioy  were  instructed  in  all  your 
sciences;  but  when  they  came  back  to  us,  they  wor(\  bad  runners;  ignoiiMit 
of  every  means  of  living  in  the  woods ;  nnal)le  to  Iiear  either  cold  or  hunger ; 
knew  neither  how  to  build  a  cabin,  take  a  d(>er,  or  kill  an  *<neniy ;  spoke  our 
language  imperli-ctly ;  were  tluireforo  neither  fit  for  hunlers,  warriors,  or 
cotinsellors;  they  were  totally  good  for  nothing.  We  are,  however,  not  the 
less  obliged  l)y  your  kind  offl-r,  though  wts  ilechne  accepting  it:  and  to  show 
our  grateful  sense  of  it,  if  the  gentlemen  of  Virginia  will  send  ns  a  dozen  of 
their  sons,  we  will  take  great  care  of  their  education,  instruct  them  in  all  wo 
know,  and  make  men  of  tliem."f 

Surrrnit  nf  a  .Misstnnan/. — Those  who  have  attemptvd  fu  rhristiaiuzo  tho 
Indians  complain  that  tln'y  are  too  silent,  and  that  their  taciturnity  was  tho 
gr*>ateHt  ditliculty  with  which  they  have  lo  contend.    Their  notions  of  pro- 


OhlmiMiii,  [Hist,  MnrylHud,] 


t  FruiiAliii'i  Mitiy*. 


36 


ANECDOTES,  Sec,  ILI.USTKATIVE 


fBooK  r. 


priety  upon  innttei-s  of  conversation  are  so  nice,  that  they  deem  it  improper, 
in  the  highest  degree,  <!ven  to  deny  or  contradict  any  tiling  tiiat  is  said,  at  the 
time ;  and  liencc  the  dillicnify  of  Ivnowing  what  efrect  any  tiling  liits  upon 
tiicir  minds  at  the  time  of  delivery.  In  this  they  liave  a  proper  advantage; 
for  liow  often  does  it  lia))pen  tiiat  ])eople  would  answer  very  differently  iijion 
a  matter,  were  they  to  consider  n|)on  it  but  a  short  time !  The  Indians  seldom 
answer  a  matter  of  importance  the  wane  day,  lest,  in  so  doing,  they  shonld  ho 
thonglit  to  have  treated  it  as  though  it  was  of  small  consequence.  Jf'e  oftener 
repent  of  a  hasty  decision,  than  that  we  have  lost  time  in  maturing  our  judg- 
uients.  Now  fiir  the  anecdote:  and  as  it  is  irom  the  Essays  ol'  Dr.  Franklin, 
it  shitU  he  told  in  his  own  way. 

"  A  Swedi.sh  minister,  having  assembled  the  chiefs  of  the  Susquehannah 
Indians,  made  a  sermon  to  them,  acquainting  them  with  the  ])rinci|)id  historical 
facts  on  which  our  religion  is  founded  ;  such  as  the  fall  of  our  first  |)arents  by 
eating  an  apple;  the  coming  of  Christ  to  repair  the  mischief;  bis  miracles 
and  snrt'crings,  &,c. — When  he  had  finished,  an  Indian  orator  stood  up  to 
tlunik  him.  '  IVIial  you  have  told  iw,'  said  be,  'w  all  vcnj  e;ood.  It  is  inikeil 
bad  to  ml  apples.  It  is  bdkr  to  make  them  all  into  cider,  fVe  are  much  obliged 
hji  your  kindness  in  coming  so  far  to  tell  us  those  things,  which  you  have  htanl 
from  your  mothers.^ 

"When  the  Indian  had  told  the  missionary  one  of  the  legends  of  his  nation^ 
how  they  hud  been  su|)plied  with  maize  or  corn,  beans,  and  tobacco,*  he 
treated  it  with  contemi>t,  and  said,  '  What  I  delivered  to  you  were  sacred 
truths ;  but  what  you  tell  me  is  mere  fable,  fiction,  and  falsehood.'  The 
Indian  felt  indignant,  and  replied,  'My  brother,  it  seems  your  friends  have  not 
done  you  justice  in  your  education ;  they  have  not  well  instructed  ifou  in  the  rules 
of  common  civility.  You  see  that  iPf,  icho  understand  and  practise  those  rules, 
believe  all  your  stories :  why  do  you  refuse  to  believe  ours  ? '  " 

Curiosity. — "  W^hcn  any  of  the  Indians  come  into  our  towns,  our  people  are 
apt  to  crowd  round  them,  gaze  upon  them,  and  incommode  them  where  they 
desire  to  Ijc  private;  this  they  estoem  great  rudeness,  and  the  effect  of  the 
want  of  instruction  in  the  rules  of  civility  and  good  manners.  '  ff'e  have,''  say 
they,  'rt,9  much  curiosity  as  you,  and  when  you  come  into  our  towns,  tvc  wish  for 
opportunities  of  looking  at  you  ;  but  for  this  purpose  we  hide  ourselves  behind 
mishes  where  yjou  are  to  pass,  and  never  intrude  ourselves  into  your  company.''" 

Itulcs  of  Conversation. — "The  l)usines8  of  the  women  is  to  take  exact  notice 
of  what  pluses,  imprint  it  in  their  memories,  (for  they  have  no  writing,)  and 
communicate  it  to  their  children.  Tlu-y  are  the  records  of  the  council,  and 
they  preserve  tradition  of  the  stipulations  in  treaties  a  hundred  years  back ; 
which,  when  we  compare  with  our  writings,  we  always  rind  exact.  lit!  that 
would  speak  rises.  The  rest  observe  a  profomni  silence.  When  hi^  has 
finished,  and  sits  down,  they  leave  him  five  or  six  minutes  to  recollect,  that,  if 
he  has  omitted  any  thing  he  intended  to  say,  or  has  any  thing  to  add,  he  may 
rise  again,  and  deliver  it.  To  interrupt  another,  even  in  conunon  conversa- 
tion, IS  ifCkoned  highly  indeciMit.  llow  ditfiirent  this  is  from  the  conduit  of 
a  pidite  British  House  of  (Commons,  where  scarce  a  day  passes  without  sinne 
contiioion,  that  makes  the  speaker  hoarse  in  calling  to  order ;  and  bow  ditrerent 
from  the  mode  of  conversation  in  many  polite  companies  of  I'!urope,  where, 
if  you  do  not  deliver  your  seiUence  with  great  rapidity,  you  are  cut  otf  in  tin; 
middle  of  it  by  the  im|iaticut  loquacity  of  thow)  you  conver.-*!  with,  and  never 
suffered  to  finish  it!" — Instead  of  lieing  better  since  the  days  of  IVanklin,  we 
apprehend  it  has  grown  worse.  The  modest  and  unassuming  ofleii  find  it 
exceeding  difficult  to  gain  a  hearing  nt  all.  Ladies,  aiul  many  who  consider 
themselves  examples  of  good  manners,  transgreas  to  an  insiifrerable  degree,  in 
breaking  in  upon  the  converMitiona  of  othera.    Some  of  these,  like  u  Hhip 


•  Tlin  slory  of  tlio  hrnutiriil  womnii,  wlm  dciiccndcd  to  llic  carlli,  mid  wns  led  liy  llw 
Iiidiiiiis,  lllark-llavk  is  inndo  i<>  tell,  in  \\\*  lifp,  |>nei;  7!).  Il  i<i  llic  niiiiip  ollni  tokl,  and 
idlndod  to  l>v  Frmiklin,  in  iIm>  Irxl.  To  rrwnrd  llic  fndinns  for  llicir  kindncsii,  slip  cniiaed 
corn  10  ({row  when-,  lior  rijjht  liiuid  loucliwi  llic  (;ort|j,i>t'aijs  wUitc  llic  left  rested,  and  inbaeco 
wlicro  the  wm  acaifd. 


Chap.  III.] 


OF  CUSTOMS  AND  MANNERS. 


27 


driven  by  a  north-wester,  hearing  down  the  small  craft  in  Iier  course,  come 
upon  us  l)y  surprise,  and  if  we  attempt  to  pro(!ced  by  raising  our  voices  a 
little,  we  are  sure  to  be  drowned  by  a  much  greater  elevation  on  their  part. 
It  is  a  want  of  good  breeding,  which,  it  is  hoped,  every  young  person  whose 
eye  this  may  meet,  will  not  be  guilty  of  through  life.  There  is  great  oppor- 
tunity for  many  of  mature  years  to  profit  by  it. 

Lost  Confidence. — An  Indian  runner,  arriving  in  a  village  of  his  country  men» 
requested  the  immediate  attendqi  ce  of  its  inhabitants  in  council,  as  lie  wanted 
their  answer  to  important  infortiation.  The  people  accordingly  assembled, 
but  when  the  messenger  had  with  great  anxiety  delivered  his  message,  and 
waited  for  an  answer,  none  was  given,  and  he  soon  observed  that  he  was  like- 
ly to  he  left  alone  in  his  place.  A  stranger  present  asked  a  princi|)al  chief  the 
meaning  of  this  stiange  proceeding,  who  gave  this  answer,  "  He  once  told 
us  a  lie. 

Comic. — An  Indian  having  been  found  frozen  to  death,  an  inquest  of  his 
countrymen  was  convened  to  determine  by  what  means  lie  came  to  such  a 
death.  Their  verdict  was,  "Death  from  the  freezing  of  a  great  quantity  of 
water  inside  of  him,  wliich  they  were  of  opinion  lie  had  drunken  for  rum." 

Jl  serious  Q^uestion. — About  1794,  an  officer  presented  a  western  chief  with 
a  medal,  on  one  side  of  which  President  IVashiugton  was  represented  as  armed 
with  a  Hword,  and  on  the  other  an  Indian  was  seen  in  the  act  of  burying  the 
hatchet.  The  chief  at  once  saw  the  wrong  done  his  countrymen,  and  very 
wisely  asked,  "  Why  does  not  the  President  bury  his  sword  too  ?  "  * 

Self-esteem. — A  white  man,  meeting  an  Indian,  accosted  him  as  brother.  The 
red  man,  with  a  great  expression  of  meaning  in  iiis  countenance,  uiquired 
how  they  came  to  be  brothera ;  the  white  man  replied,  O,  by  way  of  Adam,  I 
suppose.   Tlie  Indian  added,  "  Me  thank  him  Great  Spirit  toe  no  nearer  brothers.^* 

A  Preacher  taken  at  his  fVord.^-A  certain  clergyman  had  for  his  text  on  a 
time,  "  Vow  and  pav  unto  the  Lord  thy  vows.'"  An  Indian  hapi)ened  to  be 
present,  who  steppca  up  to  the  priest  as  soon  as  he  had  finished,  and  said  to 
him,  "Now me  vow  me  go  home  with  you,  Mr.  Minister."  The  jtriest,  liaving 
no  liuiguage  of  evasion  at  command,  said,  "  You  must  go  then."  VVhrji  he  had 
arrived  at  the  home  of  the  minister,  the  Indian  vowed  again,  saying,  "  Now 
me  vow  me  have  supper."  Wlien  this  was  finished  he  said,  "Me  uoi^me  stay 
all  night."  The  priest,  by  this  time,  thinking  himself  sutFicientlv  taxed,  re- 
plied, "It  may  he  so,  but  I  vow  you  shall  go  in  the  morning."  The  Inilian, 
judging  from  the  tone  of  his  host,  that  more  vows  would  be  useless,  depiu'ted 
in  the  mormug  saiui  cirhnonie. 

A  case  of  signal  Barbarity. — It  i.s  related  by  Hlack  Hawk,  in  his  life,  that 
Home  timi!  before  tlit^  wnr  of  IHliJ,  one  of  the  Indians  had  killed  a  rrench- 
niHM  at  Prairie  des  (Miifiis.  "The  Ih'itish  soon  after  took  liim  nii-^oner,  and 
said  they  would  sIxMit  him  next  day!  His  fiimily  wen;  oncauuKm  a  short  dis- 
tances JM'low  the  mouth  of  the  Duisconsin.  lie  begged  pernussion  to  go  and 
Hi'v  thetn  that  night,  as  In*  was  to  die  thr  next  day!  'I'liey  jx'rmitted  him  to  go, 
ni'u-r  |)roMiising  to  return  the  next  morning  by  sniu'lse.  lie  visited  his  tiunily, 
which  consisUvl  of  a  wilb  and  six  children.  1  cannot  describe!  their  mc^eting 
and  parting,  to  he  uiKlerstoorl  by  the  whites;  as  it  appears  that  their  li'elings 
arc;  nct;'d  upon  by  certain  rules  laid  down  by  their /^/T^r/ifr.t.' — whilst  ours  an* 
govern' d  only  by  the  monitor  within  ns.  lie  part<-d  from  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren, hurried  through  the  priiiri<'  to  the  fort,  and  arrived  in  time!  The  sol- 
•liers  were  ready,  and  iinmediHtely  mitnhed  out  awl  shot  him  down  .'.'" — It'  this 
were  not  cold-blooded,  deliberate  murder,  on  the  part  of  tlm  whites,  1  have 
lio  conception  of  what  constitutes  that  crime.  What  were  the  circnmstuiices 
•»f  the  iiiuider  \M'  are  not  inl'drriied;  but  whatever  they  may  have  been,  they 
caniiKt  excMNc  a  still  gri'aler  barbarity.  I  would  not  by  any  means  be  imder- 
kkkhI  to  nd\ocnte  the  cause  of  a  murderer;  but  I  will  nsk,  whether  crime  is 
t<i  he  prevented  by  rrimr  :  murder  lor  murder  is  oidy  a  lirul(d  retaliation,  ex- 
cept where  the  safety  of  a  community  requires  the  sacritice. 


Kilior..  Work.,  17U. 


Jt 


28 


NAKRATIVES,  &c.,  ILLUSTRATIVE 


[Book  I. 


Mourning  much  in  a  short  Time, — "  A  young  widow,  wlioso  hiisbnnd  had 
bc'ii  dead  about  eight  days,  was  hastening  to  finish  her  gritfj  in  order  that 
she  niiglit  he  married  to  a  young  warrior:  she  was  deterniinud,  therefore,  to 
grieve  much  in  a  short  time  ;  to  this  end  siie  tore  lier  iiair,  dranii  spirits,  and 
heat  her  l)reast,  to  make  tlie  tears  flow  altundantly,  l)y  which  means,  on  the 
evening  of  the  eigiith  day,  she  was  ready  again  to  marry,  having  grieved  suf- 
ficiently." * 

Hoiv  to  evade  a  hard  Question. — "  When  Mr.  Gist  went  over  the  Alleganies, 
in  Feb.  1751,  on  a  tour  of  discovery  for  the  Oliio  Conjpany,  •  an  Indian,  who 
spolce  good  Euglisli,  came  to  liim,  and  said  that  their  preat  man,  tlie  Beaver,\  and 
Captain  0/}wf/m_i//i<a/t,  (two  chiefs  of  the  Delawarcs,)  desired  to  i\i,)w  where 
the  Indians  land  lay;  for  the  French  claimed  all  the  land  on  one  frlde  of  the 
Ohio  River,  and  the  English  on  the  other.'  This  question  Mr.  Gi&!  found  it 
hard  to  answer,  and  he  evaded  it  by  saying,  that  the  Indians  and  wiiite  men 
were  all  sulijects  to  the  same  king,  and  all  had  an  equal  privilege  of  taking 
up  and  pot^scssing  the  land  in  conformity  with  the  conditions  prescribed  by 
the  king."  I 

Credulilji  its  own  Punishment. — ^The  traveller  JFansej/,  according  to  his  own 
account,  would  not  enter  into  conversation  wi,th  aji  eminent  chief,  because  he 
had  heard  tiiat  it  had  been  said  of  hiui,  that  he  had,  in  his  time,  "shed  blood 
enough  to  swim  in."  He  had  a  great  desire  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
Indian  character,  but  his  credulity  debarred  him  effectually  from  the  gratifi- 
cation. The  chief  was  a  Creek,  named  Flamingo,  who,  in  company  with 
another  called  Double-head,  visited  Philadelphia  ns  and)assador8,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  171)4.  Few  travellers  discover  such  scrupulousness,  especially  those 
who  come  to  America.  That  Flamingo  was  more  bloody  than  other  Indian 
warriors,  is  in  no  wise  probable ;  but  a  tnere  report  of  his  being  a  great  shed- 
der  of  blood  kept  Mr.  fVansey  from  saying  any  more  about  him. 

Just  Indignation. — Hatuay,  a  powerful  chief  of  Ilispaniola,  having  fled 
from  thence  to  avoid  slavery  or  death  when  that  island  was  ravaged  by  the 
Spaniards,  was  taken  in  1511,  when  they  conquered  Cuba,  and  burnt  at  the 
stake.  Atler  being  bound  to  the  stake,  a  Frauciscai.  friar  labored  to  convert 
liim  to  th(!  Catholic  faith,  by  promises  of  innnediate  and  eternal  blias  in  the 
world  to  come  if  he  would  believe ;  and  that,  if  he  would  not,  eternal  tor- 
ments were  his  only  portion.  The  cazicpic,  with  seeming  composure,  asked 
if  then;  were  any  Sj)ainards  in  thost;  regions  of  bliss.  On  being  answered 
tiiat  there  were,  he  replied,  "  Then  I  will  not  go  to  a  place  ivhere  1  may  meet 
with  one  of  that  accursed  race." 

Harmless  Deception. — In  a  time  of  Indian  troubles,  an  Indian  visited  the 
house  of  Governor  Jenks,  of  Rhode  Island,  when  the  governor  took  occasion 
to  request  him,  that,  if  any  strange  Indian  should  come  to  his  wigwam,  to  let 
liim  know  it,  which  the  Indian  promised  to  do;  but  to  secure  his  fidelity,  the 
governor  tohl  him  that  when  he  should  give  hiin  such  information,  ho  would 
give  him  a  nuig  of  flip.  Some  time  after  the  Indian  came  again :  "  Well,  Mr. 
Giibcnor,  Strang"*  Indian  come  my  house  last  night!"  "Ah,"  says  the  govern- 
or, "and  what  did  he  say?"  "lie  no  speak,"  replied  the  Indian.  "What,  no 
speak  at  all  ?  "  added  the  governor.  "  No,  he  no  speak  at  all."  "That  c(!rtaiidy 
looks  susnicioiis,"  said  his  excellency,  and  inquired  if  he  were  still  there,  and 
being  tiild  that  he  was,  ordered  the  |)roinised  mug  of  flip.  When  this  was 
disposed  olj  and  the  Indian  was  about  to  ch^part,  he  mildly  said,  "Mr.  (iubo- 
nor,  my  s(iuaw  have  child  last  night;"  and  thus  the  governor's  alarm  was 
suddeidy  changed  into  disappointment,  and  the  strange  Indian  into  a  new- 
born pa])|)()ose. 

Mammoth  linnes. — The  following  very  intertMting  tradition  concerning 
these  bones,  among  the  Indians,  will  always  be  read  with  interest.  Th<;  ani- 
mal to  which  they  once  b<-longed,  they  called  the  Big  Buffalo ;  and  on  the 

*  Arcoiiiit  of  llio  Uiiilod  Sillies  hy  Mr.  Isitnc  llnlmps,  .'Wi. 

t  I'lohiilily  llu'  same  wo  liiivc  iiftlici'il   ill   Hook   V.  us  Ai'fy  UfMrr, 

\  tiparki'i  WoFhington,  ii,  Id. 


Chap.  III.] 


EXPLOIT  OF  HANNAH    DUSTON. 


90 


■rning 

aiii- 

nii  lliu 


early  maps  of  the  conutry  of  the  Ohio,  we  see  marked,  "  Elepliants'  bones  said 
to  bo  found  here."  They  were,  for  some  time,  by  muny  supposed  to  have  been 
the  bones  of  tliat  animal;  but  they  are  pretty  generally  now  believed  to  liave 
belonged  to  a  species  of  animal  long  since  extinct  They  have  been  found 
in  various  pa,''ts  of  the  country  ;  but  in  the  greatest  abundance  about  the  salt 
licks  or  sjjrings  in  Kentucky  and  Ohio.  There  has  never  been  an  entire 
skeleton  Ibund,  although  the  one  in  Peale's  nuiseuni,  in  Philadelpliia,  was  so 
near  perfect,  that,  by  a  little  ingcmiity  in  supplying  its  defects  with  wood- 
work, it  passes  extremely  well  for  such. 

The  tradition  of  the  Indians  concerning  this  animal  is,  that  he  was  carniv- 
orous, and  existed,  as  late  as  1780,  in  the  northern  parts  of  America.  Some 
Delawares,  in  the  time  of  the  revolutionary  war,  visited  the  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia on  business,  which  having  been  finished,  some  questions  were  put  to 
them  concerning  their  country,  and  especiidly  what  they  knew  or  had  heard 
respecting  the  animals  whose  bones  had  been  found  about  the  salt  licks  on 
the  Ohio  River.  "  The  chief  speaker,''  continues  our  author,  ¥ir.  Jefferson, 
"  immediately  jmU  himself  into  ati  attitude  of  oraloiy,  and,  with  a  pomp  suited 
to  what  he  conceived  the  elevation  of  his  subject,"  began  and  repeated  as 
follows : — "  In  ancient  times,  a  herd  of  these  tremendous  animals  caniii  to  the 
Big-hone  Licks,  and  began  an  universal  destruction  of  the  bear,  deer,  elks,  buffa- 
loes, and  other  animals,  tohich  had  been  created  for  the  vse  of  the  Indians :  the 
great  nmn  above,  looking  down  and  seeing  this,  rvas  so  enraged,  that  he  iieized  his 
lightning,  descended  to  the  earth,  and  sealed  himself  on  a  neighboring  mountain, 
on  a  rock  of  which  his  seat  and  the  print  of  his  feet  are  stUl  to  be  seen,  end  hurled 
his  bolls  among  them  till  the  whole  tvere  slaughtered,  except  the  big  butl,  who, 
presenting  his  forehead  to  the  sliafts,  sliook  them  off  as  they  fell ;  but  missing  one 
hi  lenglli,  it  wounded  him  in  the  side ;  whereon,  springing  round,  he  bounded  over 
the  Ohio,  over  the  fVabash,  Hie  Illinois,  and,  finaUy,  over  the  great  lakes,  where  lie 
is  living  at  this  day," 

Such,  say  the  Indians,  is  tlie  account  handed  down  to  them  from  their 
ancestors,  and  they  could  furnish  no  other  information. 

JVarralive  of  the  Captivity  and  bold  Exploit  of  Hannah  Duston.-'-'The  rela- 
tion of  this  affair  forms  the  XXV.  article  m  the  Decennium  Luctuosum  of  the 
Magnaliii  Christ!  Americana,  by  Dr.  Cotton  Mather,  and  is  one  of  the  l)e8t- 
written  articles  of  all  we  have  read  from  his  pen.  At  its  head  is  this  signifi- 
cant sentence — Dux  Foemina  Faeti. 

On  the  15  March,  1(55)7,  a  band  of  about  20  Indians  came  unexpectedly 
npon  Haverhill,  in  Massachusetts  ;  and,  as  their  numlicrs  v/ere  small,  they 
made  their  attack  with  the  swiftness  of  tlie  whirlwind,  and  as.  suddenly  disap- 
|)cared.  The  war,  of  which  this  irruption  was  a  |)art,  had  conJinueil  nearly 
ten  years,  and  soon  afterwards  it  came  to  a  close.  The  house  which  this 
party  of  Indians  had  singled  out  as  their  object  of  attack,  belonged  to  one  Mr. 
Thomas  *  Duston  or  Dunstan,  \  in  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  t  Mr.  Duston  was 
at  work,  a»  some  distance  from  his  house,  at  the  tinn,  fjid  whether  Le  wa« 
alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  family  by  the  shouts  of  the  Indians,  or  other 
cause,  we  are  not  informed;  but  he  seems  to  have  arrivfd  there  time  enough 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Indians,  to  make  some  arrangements  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  his  children ;  but  his  wife,  who,  but  about  a  week  before,  had  been 
<!onfined  by  a  child,  was  unable  to  rise  from  her  bed,  to  the  distraction  of  her 
agonized  ln»«I)and.  No  time  was  to  be  lost ;  Mr.  Duston  had  oidy  time  to 
direct  his  children's  flight,  (seven  in  number,)  the  extremes  of  whose  ages  were 
two  and  seventeen,  and  the  Indians  were  upon  them.  With  his  gun,  the 
distressed  fiither  mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  away  in  the  direction  of  the 
children,  whom  he  overtook  but  about  40  rods  from  the  house.  His  first 
intention  was  to  take  up  one,  if  possible,  and  escLpe  with  it.  He  had  no 
sooner  overtaken  th>  ni,  than  this  resohiti(»n  was  destroyed ;  for  to  rcKciio  either 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  rest,  was  worse  than  death  itnelf  to  hitn.  lie  therefore 
fuced  about  and  met  the  enemy,  who  had  closely  pursued  him ;  each  fired 

*  Mr.  Mijrkk'a  Ilisl.  Haverhill,  8ft.  t  Hntcliimpn. 

{  Kig;ln  liousps  were  destroyed  nl  this  lime,  S7  nenons  kil'od,  and  13  carried  awny  eagliiMU. 
In  Mr.  U.  L.  Mynck'.i  HLilory  tr(  Haverhill,  are  the  names  af  the  slain,  i&c. 

3» 


30 


EXPLOIT  OF  HANNAH  DUSTON. 


[Book  I. 


upon  the  otlicr,  and  it  is  almost  n  miracle  that  none  of  the  little  retreating 
party  wore  hurt.  The  Indians  did  not  [tnrsue  long,  from  fear  of  raising  the 
neighboring  F'nglish  before  they  conld  complete  their  object,  and  hence  this 
part  of  the  family  escaped  to  a  place  of  safety. 

We  are  now  to  enter  fnlly  into  the  relation  of  this  very  tragedy.  There 
was  living  in  the  honso  of  Mr.  Dusion,  an  iinrse,  Mrs.  Mary  .Veff,*  a  widow, 
whose  heroic  conduct  in  sharing  tlie  fate  of  her  mistress,  when  escape  was 
in  her  power,  will  always  be  viewed  with  admiration.  The  Indians  were 
now  in  the  nndisturhed  possession  of  the  house,  and  having  driven  the 
sick  woman  I'roni  her  bed,  compelled  her  to  sit  quietly  in  the  corner  of  the 
fire-place,  while  they  completed  the  pillage  of  the  house.  This  business 
being  finished,  it  was  set  on  fire,  and  Mre.  Duston,  who  before  considered 
herself  imable  to  walk,  waS;  at  tlie  approach  of  night,  obliged  to  march 
into  the  wilderness,  and  take  her  bed  upon  the  cold  ground.  Mrs.  Mff  too 
late  attempted  to  escape  with  the  infant  child,  but  was  intercepted,  the  child 
taken  from  her,  and  its  brains  beat  out  against  a  neighboring  apple-tree,  while 
its  nurse  was  compelled  to  accompany  her  new  and  frightful  masters  also. 
The  captives  amounted  in  all  to  l:^,  some  of  whom,  as  tliey  became  unable  to 
travel,  were  nnu-dered,  and  left  exnosed  upon  the  way.  Although  it  was  near 
night  when  they  quitted  Haverhill,  they  travelled,  as  they  judged,  12  miles 
before  encamping;  "and  then,"  says  Dr.  Mather,  "kept  up  with  their  new 
masters  in  a  long  travel  of  an  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  more  or  less,  within  a 
few  days  ensuing."  f 

After  journeying  awhile,  according  to  their  custom,  the  InrMans  divided  their 
prisoners.  Mi-s.  Oiiston,  Mrs.  J^eff,  and  a  boy  named  Samuel  Leonardsov,  |  who 
nad  been  captivated  at  Worcester,  about  18  months  before,  fell  to  the  lot  of 
an  Indian  family,  consisting  of  twelve  persons, — two  men,  thi'ce  women,  and 
seven  children.  These,  so  far  as  our  accounts  go,  were  very  kind  to  their 
prisoners,  but  told  them  there  was  one  ceremony  wliicli  tjiey  could  not  avoid, 
and  to  which  they  would  be  subjected  when  thev  should  amve  at  their  place 
of  destination,  which  was  to  run  the  gantlet.  Tlie  place  where  this  was  to  be 
performed,  was  at  an  Indian  village,  250  miles  from  Haverhill,  according  to 
the  reckoning  of  the  Indians.  In  their  meandering  couree,  they  at  length 
arrived  at  an  island  in  the  mouth  of  Contookook  River,  about  six  miles  above 
Concord,  in  New  Hampshire.  Here  one  of  the  Indian  men  resided.  It  had 
been  determined  by  the  cajrtives,  before  their  arrival  here,  that  an  eflTort 
should  he  made  to  free  themselves  from  their  ^vretched  captivity ;  and  not 
only  to  gain  tlu!ir  liberty,  but,  as  we  shall  presently  sec,  something  by  way  of 
remuneration  from  those  who  held  them  in  bondage.  The  heroine,  Duston, 
had  resolved,  upon  the  first  ojiportunity  that  ofiered  any  chance  of  success,  to 
kill  her  ca|)toi's  and  scalp  them,  and  to  return  home  with  such  trophies  est 
would  clearly  establish  her  reputation  for  heroism,  as  well  as  insure  her  a 
bounty  from  the  i)ublic.  She  therefore  comnuniicated  her  design  to  Mrs. 
JVeff  and  the  English  boy,  who,  it  would  seem,  readily  enough  agreed  to  it. 
To  the  art  of  killing  and  scalping  she  was  a  stranger  ;  and,  that  there  should 
be  no  failun)  in  the  business,  Mrs.  Dttston  instructed  the  boy,  who,  from  his 
long  residence  witli  tiiem,  had  become  as  one  of  the  Indians,  to  inquire  of  one 
of  the  men  how  it  was  done.  He  did  so,  and  the  Indian  showed  him,  with- 
out mistrusting  the  origin  of  the  inquiry.  It  was  now  March  the  31,  and  in 
the  dead  of  the  night  following,  this  bloody  tragedy  was  acted.  When  the 
Indians  were  in  the  most  sound  sleep,  these  throe  captives  arose,  and  softly 
arming  themselves  with  the  tomahawks  of  their  masters,  allotted  th(!  number 
each  should  kill ;  and  so  truly  did  they  direct  their  blows,  that  but  one  escaped 
that  they  designed  to  kill.  This  was  a  woman,  whom  they  badly  wounded, 
and  one  boy,  for  some  reason  thev  did  not  wish  to  harm,  and  accordingly  ho 
was  allowed  to  escape  unhurt.  Mrs.  Duston  killed  her  master,  and  Lfonard- 
son  killed  the  man  who  had  so  freely  told  him,  but  one  day  before,  where  to 
deal  a  deadly  blow,  and  iiow  to  take  oif  a  Bcalp. 


*  She  was  a  daiiglitcr  of  George  Corliss,  niiiJ  married  M'illiam  Neff,  wlio  went  after  the 
army,  and  died  at  Peinmaquld,  Fcd.  1588.    Mijrick,  Hist.  Havl.  87. 
t  Their  course  was  probably  very  indirect,  to  elude  pursuit,  \  Hist,  Haverhill,  89. 


Chap.  III.] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


31 


ess, 
lies  Bf) 
lier  a 


All  was  over  bofore  tiie  dawn  of  day,  and  all  things  were  got  ready  for 
leaving  tiiis  place  ot"  blood.  All  tlie  boats  but  one  were  scuttled,  to  pievent 
being  jiiu'sued,  and,  witli  what  provisions  and  arms  the  Indian  camp  allbrded, 
they  embarked  on  board  tlie  other,  and  slowly  and  silently  took  the  courae  of 
the  Merrimack  River  for  their  homes,  where  they  all  soon  after  arrived  with- 
out accident. 

The  whole  countiy  was  astonished  at  the  relation  of  the  affair,  the  truth  of 
which  was  never  for  a  monieut  doubted.  The  ten  scalps,  and  the  arms  of  the 
Indians,  were  evidences  not  to  be  questioned  ;  and  the  general  court  gave 
them  filly  pounds  as  a  reward,  and  numerous  other  gratuities  were  showered 
upon  them.  Colonel  JVicholson,  governor  of  Maryland,  hearing  of  the  transac- 
tion, sent  them  a  generous  present  also. 

Eight  other  houses  were  attacked  besides  Ditslon^s,  t\)e  owners  of  which, 
b;i\  .s  the  historian  of  that  town,  Mr.  Mj/rick,  in  every  ciuse,  were  slain  while 
defending  them,  mid  the  blood  of  eaoh  stained  his  own  door-sill. 

J\''<t)rative  of  tlic  Deslntdion  of  Sckcmctaibi^* — This  was  an  event  of  great 
<listress  to  the  whole  countrj',  at  the  time  it  ha|»pened,  and  we  are  able  to  give 
some  new  facts  in  relation  to  it  from  a  manuscript,  which,  we  believe,  has 
never  Ixifore  been  published.  These  facts  are  contained  ui  a  letter  from  Gov- 
ernor Bradstreetf  of  Massachusetts,  to  Governor  Hinckley,  of  Pliniouth,  dated 
about  a  month  after  the  aflUir.  They  are  as  follow: — "  Tho'  you  cannot  but 
nave  heard  of  the  horrid  massacre  committed  by  tlie  French  and  Indians  at 
Scnectada,  a  fortified  and  well  compacted  town  20  miles  above  Albany  f  which 
wo  had  an  account  of  by  an  express,)  yet  wo  think  we  have  not  discharged 
our  duty  till  vou  hear  of  it  from  us.  'Tvvas  upon  the  Eighth  of  February/, 
[168!)-'J0]  at  midnight  when  those  poor  secure  wretches  W(;re  surprised  by 
the  enemy.  Their  gates  were  open,  no  watch  kept,  and  hardly  any  order 
observed  in  giving  and  obeying  conunands.  Sixtij  of  them  were  butchered  in 
the  place ;  of  whom  Lieut.  Talmage  and  four  more  were  of  Capt.  BidVs  com- 

Eany,  besides  five  of  said  com])any  carried  cayuive.  By  this  action  the  French 
ave  given  us  to  understand  what  we  may  expect  from  thtnn  as  to  the  froi\- 
lier  towns  and  seaports  of  New  England.  We  are  not  so  well  acquainted 
what  number  of  convenient  Havens  yo  i  have  in  your  colony,  besides  those  of 
Plimouth  and  Bristol.  We  hope  your  prudence  and  vigilance  will  lead  you 
to  take  such  measures  as  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  enemy  at  either  of 
those  or  any  such  like  place."  f 

We  now  ]troceed  to  give  such  other  facts  as  can  be  gathered  from  the 
numerous  printed  accounts.  It  ap])ears  that  the  government  of  Canada  had 
planned  several  expeditions,  jirevious  to  the  setting  out  (tf  this,  against  various 
unportant  points  of  the  English  frontier, — as  much  to  gain  the  warriors  of  the 
Five  Nations  to  their  interest,  as  to  distress  the  English.  Governor  De  JVon- 
viile  had  sent  over  several  chief  sachems  of  the  Iroquois  to  France,  where, 
as  usual  u|)on  such  embassies,  great  |)ains  were  taken  to  cause  them  to  enter- 
tain the  highest  opinions  of  the  glory  and  greatness  of  the  French  nation. 
Among  them  was  Taweraket,  a  renowned  warrior,  and  two  otheiu  It  appears 
that,  during  their  absence  in  France,  the  great  war  between  their  countrymen 
and  the  French  had  ended  in  the  destruction  of  Montreal,  and  other  i)lace8,  as 
will  be  seen  detailed  in  our  Fifth  Book.  Hence,  when  Count  I'Vontenac 
arrived  in  Canada,  in  the  fall  of  1689,  instead  of  finding  tho  Iroquois  ready  to 
join  him  and  his  forces  which  he  had  brought  from  1"  ranee  for  the  conquest 
of  New  York,  he  found  himself  obliged  to  set  about  a  reconciliation  of  them. 
He  therefore  wisely  despatched  Taweraket,  and  the  two  others,  upon  that 
design.  The  Five  Nations,  on  being  called  upon  by  these  chiefs,  would  take 
no  step  without  first  notifying  the  English  at  Albany  that  a  council  was  to  be 
called.  The  blows  which  had  l)een  so  lately  given  the  French  of  Canada, 
had  lulled  the  English  into  a  fatal  security,  and  they  let  this  council  pass  with 
too  little  attention  to  its  proceedings.    On  the  other  hand,  the  French  were 

•  This  was  the  Gorman  name  of  a  pine  barren,  such  as  stretches  itself  between  Albany  and 
Schenectady,  over  wliich  is  now  a  rail-road. 

t  French  ships,  will)  land  forces  and  munitions,  had,  but  a  short  lime  before,  hovered  upoi 
the  coast. 


i) 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


[Book  I. 


fully  and  ably  represented  ;  and  the  result  was,  the  existing  breach  was  set  in 
a  fair  way  to  be  closed  up.  This  great  council  was  begun  22  January,  KiDO, 
and  consisted  of  eighty  sachems.  It  was  opened  by  Sadekanaghtie,*  a  great 
Oneida  chief 

Meanwhile,  to  give  employment  to  the  Indians  who  yet  remained  their 
friends,  the  exjiedition  was  begun  which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  Schenec- 
tady. Chief  Justice  Smithy  wrote  his  account  of  that  affair  from  a  manuscript 
letter  left  by  Colonel  Schuyler,  at  that  time  mayor  of  Albany ;  and  it  is  the 
most  particular  of  any  account  yet  published.  It  is  as  follows,  and  bears  date 
15  February,  1G89:— 

After  two-and-twenty  days'  march,  the  enemy  fell  in  with  Schenectady, 
Februai7  8.  There  were  about  200  French,  and  perhaps  50  Caughnewaga 
Mohawks,  and  they  at  first  ititended  to  have  surprised  Albany ;  but  their 
march  had  been  so  long  and  tedious,  occasioned  by  the  deepness  of  the  snow 
and  coldness  of  the  weather,  that,  instead  of  attempting  any  thing  offensive, 
they  had  nearly  decided  to  surrender  themselves  to  the  first  English  they 
should  meet,  such  was  their  distressed  situation,  in  a  camp  of  snow,  but  a  few 
miles  from  the  devoted  setUement.  The  Indians,  however,  saved  them  from 
tlie  disgrace.  They  had  sent  out  a  small  scout  from  their  party,  who  entered 
Schenectady  without  even  exciting  suspicion  of  their  errand.  When  they  had 
staid  as  long  as  the  nature  of  their  business  required,  they  withdrew  to  their 
fellows. 

Seeing  that  Schenectady  offered  such  an  easy  l»rey,  it  put  new  courage  into 
the  French,  and  they  came  upon  it  as  above  related.  The  bloody  tragedy 
commenced  between  11  und  12  o'clock,  on  Saturday  night;  and,  that  every 
house  might  be  suiprised  at  nearly  the  same  time,  the  enemy  divided  the.n- 
selves  into  parties  of  six  or  seven  men  each.  Although  the  town  was  impaled, 
no  one  thought  it  necessary  to  close  the  gates,  even  at  night,  presuming  the 
severity  of  the  season  was  a  sufficient  security  ;  hence  the  first  news  of  the 
approach  of  the  enemy  was  at  every  door  of  eveiy  house,  which  doors  were 
broken  as  soon  ns  the  profound  slumbers  of  those  they  were  intended  to  guard. 
The  same  inhuman  barbarities  now  followed,  that  were  aflerwards  perpetrated 
upon  the  wretched  inhabitants  of  Montreal.|  "No  tongue,"  said  Colonel 
Schuyler,  "  can  express  the  cruelties  that  were  committed."  Sixty-three 
houses,  and  the  church,  §  were  immediately  in  a  blaze.  Enciente  women, 
in  their  expiring  agonies,  saw  their  infants  cast  into  the  flames,  being  first 
tlelivered  by  the  knifij  of  iho  n^idnight  assassin !  Sixty-three  ||  persons  were 
put  to  death,  and  twenty-seven  were  carri(;d  into  captivity. 

A  few  persons  fled  towards  Albany,  with  no  other  covering  but  their  night- 
clothes  ;  the  horror  of  whose  condition  was  greatly  enhanced  by  a  great  fall 
of  snow ;  25  of  whom  lost  their  limbs  from  the  severity  of  the  frost.  With 
these  poor  fugitives  came  the  intelligence  to  Albany,  and  that  place  was  in 
dismal  confusion,  having,  as  usual  upon  such  occasions,  supposed  the  enemy 
to  have  been  seven  times  more  numerous  than  they  really  were.  About  noon, 
the  next  day,  the  enemy  set  off  from  Schcnectadj  taking  all  the  plunder  they 
coidd  carry  with  them,  among  which  were  forty  oi  the  best  horses.  The  rest, 
with  all  the  cattle  and  other  domestic  animals,  lay  slaughtered  in  the  streets. 

One  of  the  most  considerable  men  of  Schenectady,  at  this  time,  was  Captain 
-tllexatuler  Glen,  H  He  lived  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  was  suffered 
to  escape,  because  he  had  delivered  many  French  prisoners  from  torture  aiKl 
slavery,  who  had  been  taken  by  the  Indians  in  the  former  wars.  They  had 
passed  his  house  in  the  night,  and,  during  the  massacre,  he  had  taken  the 
alarm,  and  in  the  morning  he  was  found  readv  to  defend  himself  Before 
leaving  the  village,  a  French  officer  summoned  him  to  a  council,  upon  the 
shore  of  the  river,  with  the  tender  of  personal  safety.  He  at  length  adventuretl 
down,  and  had  the  great  satisfaction  of  having  all  his  captured  friends  and 
relatives  delivered  to  him  ;  and  the  enemy  departed,  keeping  good  their 
promise  that  no  injury  should  be  done  him.  || 


*  Sadageenaghtie  in  Powiial  on  the  Colonics,  I.  398. 

4  See  Book  V.  $  Spafford. 

il  Charlevoix  calls  him  The  Sietir  Coudre. 


t  Hist.  N.  York. 
II  Colden,  115. 


Chap.  HI.] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


33 


The  great  Mohawk  castle  was  about  17  miles  from  Schenectady,  and  they 
did  not  liL'ur  of  the  iimssiu  re  until  two  days  after,  owing  to  tiie  state  of 
travelling.  On  receiving  the  new.s,  they  innnediately  joined  a  party  of  mea  . 
from  Albany,  and  pursued  tin;  enemy.  After  a  tedious  pursuit,  they  tell  upon 
their  rear,  killed  and  took  25  of  them,  and  did  them  some  otlier  damage.  Sev- 
eral chief  sachems  soon  assembled  at  Albany,  to  condole  with  the  people,  and 
animate  them  against  leaving  the  place,  which,  it  seems,  they  were  about  to 
do.  From  a  speech  of  one  of  the  chiefs  on  this  occasion,  the  following  extract 
is  preserved ; — 

"  Brethren,  we  do  not  think  that  what  the  French  iiave  done  can  be  called 
a  victory ;  it  is  only  a  further  proof  of  their  cruel  deceit.  The  governor  of 
Canada  sent  to  Onondago,  and  talks  to  us  of  peace  with  our  whole  house ;  but 
war  was  in  hjs  heart,  as  you  now  see  by  woful  experience.  He  did  tiie  same 
formerly  at  Cadaracqui,*  and  in  die  Senceas'  country.  Tliis  is  the  third  time 
he  has  acted  so  deceitfully.  He  litis  broken  open  our  house  at  both  ends; 
formerly  in  the  Senecas'  country,  and  now  here.  We  hope  to  be  revenged 
on  them." 

Accordingly,  when  messengors  came  to  renew  and  conclude  the  treaty 
which  hud  been  begun  by  Tamrakd,  before  mentioned,  they  were  seized  and 
handed  over  to  the  English.  They  also  kept  out  couts,  and  harassed  tlie 
French  in  every  direction. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  draw  from  Charlevoix^  account  of  this  affair,  which 
is  very  minute,  as  it  respects  the  oj)erations  of  the  French  and  Indians.  Not- 
witiistunding  its  great  importance  in  a  correct  history  of  the  sacking  of  Sche- 
nectady, none  of  our  historians  seem  to  have  given  themselves  the  trouble  of 
laying  it  before  their  readers. 

Governor  IVontenac,  having  detr "mined  upon  an  expedition,  gave  notice  to 
M.  de  la  Durantai/e,  who  then  conn  'anded  at  MicliilininkiMak,  that  he  might 
assui'e  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas,  that  in  a  short  tune  they  would  see  a  gi-eat 
change  in  affairs  for  the  better.  He  prepared  at  the  same  time  a  large  convoy 
to  reuiforce  that  post,  and  he  took  measures  also  to  raise  three  war  pai'ties, 
who  should  enter  by  three  different  routes  the  counviv  of  the  English.  The 
first  assembled  at  Montreal,  and  consist(!d  of  about  110  men,  French  and 
Indians,  and  was  put  untler  the  coiumand  of  J\1M.  dKliUebout  de  Mantel,  and 
le  Moine  de  St.  Helene,  two  lieutenants,  under  whom  MJ\1.  de  Reuentigny, 
d'IbervUle,  de  Bokrepos,  be  la  Brosse,  and  de  Mo-'^'riGNij  requested  permis- 
sion to  serve  as  vohmteei-s. 

This  party  marched  out  before  they  had  determined  against  what  part  of 
the  English  frontier  they  would  carry  their  arms,  though  some  pai-t  of  New 
York  was  understood.  Count  Frontenac  had  lelt  that  to  the  two  conmianders. 
After  they  had  marched  five  or  six  days,  they  called  a  council  to  determine 
upon  what  place  they  would  attempt.  In  this  council,  it  was  debated,  on  the 
part  of  the  French,  that  Albany  would  be  the  smallest  place  they  ought  to 
undertake;  but  the  Indians  would  not  agree  to  if.  They  contended  that,  with 
their  small  force,  an  attack  ujion  Albany  would  be  attended  with  extreme 
hazard.  The  French  being  strenuous,  the  dclmte  grow  warm,  and  an  Indian 
chief  asked  them  "how  long  it  wa-s  since  they  had  so  much  courage."  To 
this  severe  rebuke  it  was  answered,  tiiat,  if  by  some  past  actions  they  had 
discovered  cowardice,  they  should  see  that  now  tlnjy  would  retrieve  their 
character  ;  they  would  take  Albany  or  die  in  the  atteui|)t.  The  Indians,  how- 
ever, would  not  consent,  and  the  council  broke  u\)  winliout  agreeing  upon  any 
thing  but  to  jjroceed  on. 

They  continued  their  march  until  they  came  to  a  place  where  their  j)ath 
divided  into  two ;  one  of  which  led  to  Albany,  and  the  other  to  Schenectady: 
hero  Mantel  gave  up  his  design  upon  Albany,  and  they  marched  on  harmoni- 
ously lor  the  former  village.  The  weather  wiis  very  severe,  and  for  the  nine 
following  days  the  little  army  suffered  incredible  hardships.  The  men  were 
often  obliged  to  wade  through  water  up  to  their  knees,  breaking  its  ice  at 
every  step. 


See  Hook  V. 


84 


DKSTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


[Hook  I. 


At  4  o'clock  in  the  inoriiiiij?,  tlio  licpiininirofFcilinimy,  flifynrrivcd  within 
two  IciiKiicH  <ir  Schcnccfiuly.  Il<'ic  llicy  hiiltcd,  and  the  (imtl  ^'Iffnivr,  chief 
of  lh(!  lr()(|noisof  the  KailHof  St.  Louis,  iimdcii  Hpcnch  to  tiicni.  lli!  cxiiortcd 
every  one  to  foiffct  tlie  iiiu'dniiipH  they  iiitd  en(hn'ed,  in  tiie  hope;  of  iivcn;;ing 
the  wron^H  tiiey  had  li)r  ii  lon^  time  .siilltTcd  from  tiie  (HM'tiihou.s  l'!ii<j;iish, 
wiio  wert!  tlio  inithom  of  them;  and  in  the  chiHe  adcUid,  that  tliey  could  not 
dnnht  of  the  usHiHtinice  of  Heaven  against  the  enemies  of  (j'od,  in  a  caimu 

HO  jUHt. 

Hardly  Inul  tiiey  taken  up  tlioir  line  of  inarch,  when  tiiey  met  40  Indian 
women,  who  jfave  tiicm  all  the  nccf-ssary  information  (iir  approachin;?  tli<! 
j»luco  in  Hafety.  A  Canadian,  named  Uijxuicre,  was  dct^iclnul  innncdiately  with 
nine  Indiaim  upon  discovery,  who  acciniltcd  himself  to  the  ('iitin!  satisliu'tion 
of  his  oflicers.  He  reconnoitred  Sehenuctudy  at  lii.s  leisure,  uiul  then  nsjoined 
liiH  eoinrades. 

It  had  hcen  dctennined  by  the  i>arly  to  put  oil"  the  attack  one  day  lonj,'er; 
Init  on  the  urrival  of  the  hcout  under  Gig^uicre,  it  was  resolved  to  procee(i 
without  delay. 

Schent^ctady  was  then  in  form  like  that  of  a  long  wiuan;,  and  entered  by 
two  f^ates,  oni!  at  eacli  end.  One  opened  towards  Albany,  the  other  upon  the 
f{tcnt  roatl  leudinf?  into  the  Itack  country,  and  which  was  now  possessed  by 
tiie  French  and  Indians.  Mtmlet  and  St.  lldent  cliarfjed  at  the  second 
{fiite,  which  tlie  Indian  women  belbre  mentioned  bad  assm'cd  them  was 
nlways  open,  and  they  fouinl  it  so.  IT Ibtrvilh  and  licpentli^ni  passed  to  the 
M),  in  order  to  enter  by  the  otluu'  pate,  but,  after  losin<j  some  time  in  vainly 
cndeavorinj;  to  lintl  it,  were  oblificd  to  return  and  enter  with  their  comrades. 
The  gat(!  was  not  only  open  but  uuftnardcd,  and  the  wholes  party  entered 
without  being  discovered.  Dividiiig  themselves  into  several  parties,  they 
vvaylaitl  every  portal,  and  then  the  war-whoop  wus  raised.  Manlet  formed 
inid  uimcked  a  garrison,  where  the  onlv  resistance  of  any  accoimt  was  made. 
'I'lic  gate  of  it  was  soon  forced,  and  all  of  the  I'/Uglisli  It-ll  by  the  sword,  and 
tile  garrison  was  burned.  Monligni  was  wonmleil,  in  forcing  a  house,  in  \m 
«rni  ami  body  by  two  blows  of  a  lialberd,  which  ))ut  him  hors  du  comliat;  but 
St.  HeUnt  being  come  to  his  assistance,  tlu!  house  was  taken,  and  the  wounds 
*)f  Montiffni  revenged  by  the  diMitli  of  all  who  had  shut  themselves  ii|)  in  it. 

Nothing  was  now  to  be  seen  but  massacre  and  pillage  in  every  place.  At 
the  (Mul  of  about  two  hours,  the  chiefs,  believing  it  due  to  their  safety,  posted 
bodies  of  gniu*ds  nt  all  the  avenues,  to  prevent  surprise,  and  tiie  rest  of'  the 
night  was  wpent  in  refreshing  themselves. 

Mantel  liad  given  ordere  that  iho  ininiBtcr  of  the  place  should  be  spared, 
whom  h(!  had  intended  for  his  own  prisoner;  but  he  was  liuiiid  among  the 
promiscnoim  dead,  and  no  one  knew  when  ho  was  killed,  and  all  his  {mpers 
were  burned. 

A<\er  the  plactj  was  destroyed,  the  chiefs  ordered  all  the  cnsks  of  intoxicat- 
ing liipiors  to  l)e  staved,  to  |)reveiit  their  men  fi'oni  getting  drunk.  They 
next  set  all  the  houses  on  fire,  excepting  that  of  a  widow,  into  which  jl/ofi/fg-jii 
bad  been  carried,  and  another  belonging  to  Major  Coudrc:  they  wi;re  in  niini- 
biM'  about  40,  all  well  built  and  furnished  ;  no  booty  but  that  which  could  be 
easily  transported  was  saved.  The  lives  of  about  (10  jiersons  were  spared; 
chiefly  women,  children,  and  old  men,  who  had  escaped  the  fury  of  the  onset, 
and  ;}0  Indians  who  hapiiened  to  be  then  in  the  ])lace.  The  lives  of  the 
Indians  were  spared  that  they  might  carry  the  news  of  what  had  happeniul  to 
tlii'ir  countrymen,  \\\w\\\  tiny  were  retpiestcd  to  inform,  that  it  was  not 
ngiiinst  them  that  they  intended  any  harm,  but  to  tin;  I'jiglisli  only,  whom 
they  had  now  despoiled  of  jiroperty  to  the  uniount  of  four  hundred  thousand 
pounds. 

They  were  too  near  Albany  to  remain  long  among  the  ruins,  and  they 
decamped  about  noon.  The  |)lunder — Moutitcm,  whom  it  was  necessary 
to  carry — tlie  prisoiiei-s,  who  were  to  tln^  number  of  40 — and  the  want  of 
provisions,  with  which  they  had  in  their  hurry  iiegkH'ted  to  provide  them- 
Kclves — retiutled  much  their  retreat.  i\bmy  would  have  even  died  of  famine, 
liiul  they  not  had  50  horses,  of  which  there  remained  but  six  when  they 


Chap.  III.] 


MURDER  OF  MISS  M'CREA. 


86 


arrived  at  Montreal,  upon  tlie  27  Slarch  following.*  Tlieir  want  of  provisions 
ohli^'cd  tlicni  to  separate,  aii(i  in  an  attack  which  was  made  upon  one  juirty, 
tlirce  Indians  and  rfix  I'Vencliinen  were  killed  or  taken  ;  an  attack,  which,  for 
want  of  proper  caution,  cost  tiie  army  more  lives  than  the  capture  of  Sche- 
nectady ;  in  whiclt  they  lost  but  two  men,  a  Frenchman  and  an  Indian. 

Murder  of  Miss  Jane  McCrea. — Tliis  young  lady  "  was  the  second  daughter 
of  James  McCrea,  nm'inUn'  of  Latnington,  New  Jei-sey,  who  died  before  the 
revolution.  Aller  his  death,  she  resided  with  her  brother.  Colonel  JohnMcCrea 
of  Albany,  who  removed  in  I77',i  to  th(!  neighborhood  of  Fort  Edward.  His 
lioiise  Was  in  what  is  now  Northumberland,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson, 
tlirce  miles  north  of  Fort  Miller  Falls.  In  July  or  August,  1777,  being  on  a  visit 
to  the  (iimily  of  Mrs.  McjYeil,  near  Fort  Fidward,  at  the  close  of  the  week,  she  was 
asked  to  remain  until  Monday.  On  Sunday  morning,  when  the  Indians  came 
to  tiie  house,  she  concealed  herscslf  in  the  cellar;  but  they  dragged  her  out  by 
the  hair,  and,  |)lacing  her  on  a  horse,  proceeded  on  the  road  towanls  Sandy 
H'll.  They  soon  inet  anotiier  i)arty  of  Indians,  returning  from  Argyle,  where 
th(>y  iiad  killed  the  family  of  Mr.  Rains ;  these  Indians  disapproved  the  pur- 
pos(!  of  taking  the  captive  to  the  Hritisli  camp,  and  one  of  them  struck  her 
with  a  tomahawk  and  tore  off  her  scalp.  This  is  the  account  given  by  her 
nephew.  The  account  of  Mrs.  McJVeil  is,  that  her  lover,  anxious  for  her 
safety,  employeil  two  Indians,  with  the  promise  of  a  barrel  of  rum,  to  bring 
lu'r  to  him  ;  and  that,  in  consequence  of  their  dispute  for  the  right  of  conduct- 
ing her,  one  of  them  murdered  her.  Gen.  Gates,  in  his  letter  to  Gen.  Burgoyne 
of  2  .Sc|)tcml)er,  says,  'she  was  dressed  to  receive  her  promised  husband.' 

"  Her  brodier,  on  hearing  of  her  fiitc,  sent  his  family  the  next  day  to  Albany, 
and,  repairing  to  the  American  camp,  buried  his  sister,  with  one  Lieutenant 
Van  Vcchten,  three  miles  soiitli  of  Fort  Edward.  She  was  23  yeara  old,  of  an 
amiabl(!  and  virtuous  character,  and  highly  esteemed  by  all  her  acquaintance. 
It  is  said,  and  was  believed,  that  she  was  engaged  in  marriage  to  Captain 
DnvLl  Jones,  of  the  Hritish  army,  a  loyalist,  who  survived  ber  only  a  few 
yeai-H,  and  died,  as  was  supposed,  of  grief  for  her  loss.  Her  nephew,  Colonel 
'Jamrs  McCrea,  lived  at  Saratoga,  in  182{}."t 

Under  the  name  of  Lucinda,  Barlow  has  dwelt  upon  this  murder  in  a  strain 
that  may  be  imitated,  but  not  surpassed.    We  select  from  him  as  follows : — 

"One  tlccil  shall  tell  what  fame  ^eat  AII)ion  <lraw» 
From  these  auxitiara  In  l)er  barlj'roiis  cause^— 
Luclmla'i  fale.    The  lale,  yu  nations,  tiear; 
Eternal  ages,  trace  it  with  a  tear." 

The  poet  then  makes  Lucinda,  during  a  battle,  wander  from  her  home  to 
watch  her  lover,  whom  he  calls  Heartly.  She  distinguishes  him  in  the  con- 
flict, and,  when  his  squadron  is  routed  by  the  Americans,  she  proceeds  to  the 
contested  ground,  fancying  she  had  seen  him  fall  at  a  certain  point.    But 

"  We  hurries  to  his  tent  j— oh,  rajje!  despair ! 

No  glimpse,  no  tidings,  of  the  Irantio  fair; 

Save  that  some  carmen,  as  a-eamp  they  drove, 

Had  seen  her  coursing'  I'or  the  western  grove. 

Faint  with  fatigue,  and  choked  with  hnrning  thirst, 

Forth  from  his  friends,  with  hounding  leap,  he  burst, 

Vaults  o'er  the  palisade,  with  eyes  on  flame, 

And  fills  the  welkin  with  Lucinaa's  name." 
"  The  fair  one,  too,  of  every  aid  forlorn, 

Had  raved  and  wandered,  till  officious  mom 

Awaked  the  Mohawks  from  ttieir  short  repose,  > 

To  glean  the  plunder  ere  their  comrades  rose. 

Two  Mohawks  met  the  maid— —historian,  hold ! ''-— 
"She  starts— with  eyes  upturned  and  fleeting  breath, 

In  (heir  raised  axes  views  her  instant  death. 

Her  hair,  half  lost  along  the  shrubs  she  passed. 

Rolls,  in  loose  tangles,  round  her  lovely  waist ; 

Her  kerchief  torn  lietrays  the  globes  of  snow, 

Thai  heave  responsive  to  her  weight  of  woe. 


*  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  they  were  obliged  to  subsist  chiefly  upon  their 
t  President  AUm't  American  Biographical  Dictionary,  57i. 


horses. 


36 


HEROISM  OF  MRS,  3IERRIL.— WHITE   INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


With  calrulating  pause  and  demon  fjrin 

They  scizr  her  liaiuls,  and,  iliroiigh  lier  face  divine, 

Drive  tlie  descciKhiig'  axe  ! — ihe  shriek  she  sent 

Atlained  lier  lover's  ear;  hiMhilher  bent 

With  all  the  speed  his  wearied  limbs  could  yield, 

Whirled  his  keen  blade,  and  stretched  upon  Ihe  field 

The  yelling  fiends,  who  there  disputing;  stood 

Her  g'ory  sr.ilp,  their  horrid  prize  of  blood  ! 

He  sunk,  delirious,  on  her  lileless  clay. 

And  i)assed,  in  starts  of  sense,  the  dreadful  day." 

In  a  note  to  the  above  i)nssages,  Mr.  Barlow  says  tliis  tragical  story  of  Miss 
McCrea  is  detailed  almost  literally. 

"  Exlraordinan/  instance  of  female  heroism,  extracted  from  a  letter  written  hif 
Col.  .Tamos  Perry  to  the  Rev.  .Fordaii  Dodge,  dated  jYelson  Co.,  A}/.,  20  .'Ipril, 
1788." — "On  the  fir,«*t  of  April  inst.,  a  iiimiber  of  Indians  stnTounded  the 
hoiisi;  of  one  John  Mrril,  whieh  was  disedvered  by  the  barking  of  a  dog. 
Merril  stepped  to  the  door  to  see  what  he  coidd  discover,  and  received  three 
nitisket-balls,  which  caused  him  to  fall  back  into  the  house  with  a  broken  leg 
and  arm.  The  Inditms  rushed  on  to  the  door  ;  but  it  being  instantly  fiistened 
by  his  wife,  who,  with  a  girl  of  about  15  years  of  age,  stood  against  it,  the 
savages  could  not  imiiiediattdy  enter.  They  broke  one  part  of  the  door,  and 
one  of  them  crowded  jiartly  throii,'y'h.  The  heroic  mother,  in  the  midst  of  her 
screaming  children  and  groaning  husband,  seized  iiii  axe,  and  gave  a  fiital 
l)lovv  to  tiie  savage  ;  and  he  falling  headlong  into  the  house,  tlu;  others,  sup- 
posing they  had  gained  their  end,  nishiMl  after  him,  until  four  of  them  iell  in 
like  manner  before  Uit^y  discovered  their  mistake.  The  rest  retreated,  which 
gave  o|)portmiity  again  to  secm'o  the  jloor.  Thi^  coiKiuerors  rejoiced  in  their 
victory,  hopiiitf  they  had  kiiliKl  the  whole  company;  but  their  expectations 
were  soon  daslied,  by  finding  the;  door  again  attacked,  which  tht^  bold  iiKither 
cndtMivored  once  more  to  secure,  with  thi^  assistance  of  the  yoimg  woman. 
Their  fJ^ars  now  came  on  them  like  n  flood  ;  and  they  soon  heard  a  noise  on 
the  top  of  the  house,  and  then  iuuiid  the  Indians  were  coming  down  the 
chinm  .  All  hopes  of  di'liveriince  seemed  now  at  an  end  ;  but  tht?  woimded 
man  ordered  his  little  child  to  tundile  a  couch,  that  was  filled  with  hair  and 
feathers,  on  the  fire,  which  made  such  it  smoke  that  two  stout  Indians  came 
tumbling  down  into  it.  Tlu;  wounded  man,  at  this  critical  moment,  sei/t-d  a 
billet  of  wood,  wountled  as  he  was,  iind  with  it  succeeded  in  despatching  the 
half-smothered  Indians.  At  the'  saint!  moment,  the  door  was  attem|»ted  by 
another ;  but  the  heroine's  arm  had  become  too  enlisebleil  by  her  i.ver-exertiona 
to  deal  a  deadly  blow.  She  however  caused  him  to  retreat  wounded.  They 
then  again  set  to  work  to  ninke  tluMr  house  more  secure,  not  knowing  but 
jinolher  attack  would  be  made;  but  they  we-re  not  further  disturbed.  This 
iifliiir  hai>pened  in  the  evening,  and  the  victors  carefully  watched  with  their 
new  finnily  until  morning.  A  prisoner,  that  escaped  immeiliately  alhM-,  said 
the  Indian  last  mentioned  was  lli(>  only  oik^  that  escaped.  He,  on  returning  to 
liis  friends,  was  asked,  '  What  news  ? '  said,  '  IMagiiy  bad  news,  for  the  s(|iiawH 
fight  worse  than  the  long-knives.'  This  afliiir  hap|)en(!il  at  Newbardstovvn, 
about  l.l  miles  from  Sandy  ('i'e<<k,  and  may  Ix;  depi^nded  ii))nn,  as  I  had  the 
jileasure  to  assist  in  tumbling  them  into  a  hole,  afh-r  they  were  stripped  of 
their  liead-dressi's,  and  about  20  dollars'  worth  of  silver  furniture." 


Welsh  or  White  Indians. 

**Mirrat{ve  ofCapt.  Isaac  Stiiart,  of  the  Provincial  Cavnlrn  of  South  Carolina, 
taken  from  his  own  mouth,  In/ 1.  C,  Estj.,  Marrh,  1782. 

"I  was  taken  prisoner,  almut  !\0  milfs  to  the  westward  of  I'ort  I'itt,  altoiit 
18  years  ago,  by  the  Indians,  and  carried  to  the  Wabash,  with  other  whitt^ 
men.  'I' hey  were  executed,  with  circumstances  of  horrid  barbarity  ;  but  it 
was  my  good  tiirtiine  to  call  forth  the  sympathy  of  a  good  woman  of  the 
village,  who  was  permitted  to  redcr-m  me  fiom  those  who  held  Mie  prisoner, 
liy  giving  them  a  horse  a.  a  raiisc  ■  i.  After  ri'inaining  two  years  in  lioiidage, 
u  Bpaiiiard  came  tu  tlie  nation,  having  been  sent  from  Mexico  on  discoveries. 


The  Fence  Trap. 


H-)'-^ 

^           -i 

-"^-  ^-:.^ 

A  Sporting  Scene, 


Chap.  Ill] 


WHITE  INDIANS. 


He  made  a|ii)lication  to  the  cJiiefs  of  the  Indian.s  for  hh-iiig  me,  and  another 
wliite  man  who  was  in  the  like  situation,  a  native  of  Wali.'s,  and  named  John 
Davei/,  whicli  was  conipUed  with.  We  tooli  our  departure  and  traveUed  to 
the  westward,  crossing  tlie  Mississippi  near  Red  River,  up  which  we  travelled 
upwards  of  700  miles.  Here  we  cauic  to  a  iMition  of  Indians  rt^inarkably 
white,  and  wliose  hair  was  of  a  reddish  color,  at  least,  mostly  so.  They  lived 
on  a  small  river  wliich  emptied  itself  into  Red  River,  which  they  called  the 
River  Post ;  and  in  the  morning,  the  day  after  our  arrival,  the  Welshman 
informed  nie  that  he  was  determined  to  remain  with  the  nation  of  Indians, 
giving  as  a  reason  that  he  miderstood  their  language,  it  being  very  little  dittcr- 
ent  from  the  Welsh.  My  curiosity  was  excited  veiy  nuich  by  this  information, 
and  I  went  with  my  companion  to  the  chief  men  of  the  town,  who  informed 
liim,  in  a  language  that  I  had  no  knowledge  of,  and  which  had  no  afHuity  witli 
that  of  any  other  Indian  tongue  that  I  ever  heard,  that  the  forefathers  of  this 
nation  came  from  a  foreign  country,  and  landed  on  the  east  side  of  the  Missis- 
sippi (descrii)ing  particularly  the  coimtry  now  called  West  Florida);  and  that, 
on  the  Spaniards  taking  ])ossession  of  the  country,  they  fled  to  their  then 
abode ;  and,  as  a  proof  of  what  t!icy  advanced,  they  brought  out  rolls  of 

farchment  wrote  with  blue  ink,  at  least  it  had  a  bluish  cast.  The  characters 
did  not  understand,  and  the  Welshman  being  unacquainted  with  h-tters  of 
any  language,  1  was  not  ablt!  to  know  what  the  meaning  of  the  writing  was. 
They  were  a  bold,  hardy,  intrei>id  peojde,  very  warlike,  and  their  women 
were  beautiful,  compared  with  other  Indians." 

Thus  we  have  given  so  mucli  of  Ca|)tahi  Stuarfs  narrative  as  relates  to  the 
Whitf.  Imuans,  The  reii  lio'  ••  of  it  is  taken  up  in  details  of  several  excur- 
sions, of  many  hundred  mil'-,  t' e  interior  of  the  continent,  without  any 
extraordinary  occurrence,  c  '  t  finding  of  a  gold  mine.  He  returned  by 
way  of  the  Mississi])i)i,  and  jnsidered  a  Juan  of  veracity  by  the  late 

l.ieutenant-colonel  Crugei;  of  .South  Carolina,  who  reconunended  him  to  the 
genth.'mau  who  (•onununicate<l  his  narrative. 

I  had  dctiriiiiiii'd  formerly  to  devote  a  chapter  to  the  examination  of  the 
sul)ject  of  the  White  Indians  ;  but,  on  refcriMice  to  all  the  sources  of  iidi)rma- 
lion  in  my  possession,  I  Ibund  that  the  whole  rested  upon  no  other  authority 
than  such  as  we  have  given  above,  and  therefore  concluded  to  give  the  most 
interesting  parts  of  the  accounts  without  connnent,  and  let  the  reader  draw 
liis  own  conrlusimm.  There  seem  to  have  been  a  good  many  accounts  con- 
cerning the  While  Indians  in  circulation  about  the  same  period,  and  the  next 
we  shall  notiqe  is  found  in  Mr.  C7iar/f«Zien%'»  journal,  the  substance  of  whicli 
is  as  l"olk)ws : — 

At  the  litot  of  fh«^  Alleghany  Moinitanis,  in  Peimsylvanin,  Mr.  Beattif  stopped 
nt  the  house  of  a  Mr.  John  Miller,  where  he  "  met  with  one  lienjnmin  Stittou, 
who  had  b(<en  tid^en  captives  l)y  the  hulians,  and  had  l)e(>n  in  different  nations, 
and  lived  many  y<!ars  among  then*.  When  he  was  with  the  Choctnws,  nt  the 
Mississippi  Kiv<'r,  he  went  to  an  Indian  town,  h  very  considerable  disttuico 
from  New  Orleans,  whose  iidiabitnnts  were  of  dift'erent  complexions,  not  so 
tawny  as  tliosi^  of  the  other  Indians,  and  who  spoke  Welsh.  He  saw  a  hook 
among  them,  which  he  supposed  was  a  Welsh  Hible,  whicli  they  carefully 
kept  wrapped  up  in  a  skin,  but  they  could  not  read  it ;  and  he  heard  some 
of  those  liiili:uis  aftcrwiu'ds,  in  the  lower  Khawanei;  town,  speak  Welsh  with 
one  Ijnt'i.i,  a  Welshman,  captive  there.  This  Welsh  tribe  now  live  on  the 
west  side  of  the  l)Iissiasip|)i,  a  great  way  above  New  Orleans." 

At  Tuscaroia  valley  he  met  with  aiuvther  miui,  name<l  /yen  Hirks,  wjin  had 
been  a  ca|itivi>  fnim  his  youth  with  th<-  Indians.  He  said  he  was  once  attend- 
ing an  einbnssy  at  an  Inilian  town,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  where 
the  inlinbitant.s  spoke  Welsh,  "as  he  was  told,  f(>r  he  did  not  understand 
them"  himself.     An  Indian,  n.tnied  Josiph  Peip)f,  Mr.  Ihatt;i\i  interpreter, suid 


lie  onct>  saw  some  Indians,  whom  he  sup|)osed  to  be  of  the  same  tribe,  who 
talked  Welsh,  lie  was  sun-  lliey  ndked  VVelsh,  for  he  liad  been  nci|uainteil 
with  Welsh  people,  and  knew  some  words  they  used. 

To  the  above  IMr.  Utttll;/  adds:  "I  have  been  iiilormed,  that  many  years 
ngo,  a  etc  rgyniMii  went  from  Mritain  to  \'irginia,  and  ha\  iiig  lived  some  time 
thero,  went  tiom  theiicu  lu  8.  Carolina;  but  ul\er  tMiiiu  time,  fur  buiiiu  reuitoni 


38 


WHITI],  INDIANS. 


[Book  f. 


he  resolved  to  return  to  Virginia,  and  accordingly  set  out  by  land,  accom- 
panied witli  some  oilier  ));'rsons.  In  travelling  lluvngli  the  hack  parts  ol"  the 
eonntry,  wliieli  was  tlien  very  tliinly  inlialiiteii,  lie  llll  in  with  a  party  of  In- 
dian warriors,  iroing  to  ai  lack  the  inlialiilantH  of  Virginia.  Upon  examining 
tli(!  clergyman,  and  iiiidiiig  he  was  going  to  Virginia,  they  looked  ii])on  him 
and  his  (■ompaiiions  as  luiongirrgtotliat  iirovinee,  and  took  lliem  all  |)risoners, 
and  told  them  they  must  die.  Tlu-  elcrgyman,  in  ])i'('|)aration  for  anolla.'r 
world,  went  to  prayer,  ami,  heing  a  Welshman,  i)rayed  in  the  Welsh  language. 
One  or  more  ol"  the  Indians  was  nnieh  surprised  to  hear  him  pray  in  their 
own  language.  Upon  this  they  spoke  to  him,  and  finding  ho  could  under- 
sta)id  th(;m,  got  the  s(Mitenc(!  of  death  reversed,  and  his  life  was  saved.  Thiiy 
took  him  «iih  tiuim  into  their  country,  where  Ik;  found  a  trihe  whose  native 
language  was  Welsh,  thougii  tlie  dialect  was  a  little  diflirent  from  his  own, 
which  he  soon  cana;  to  undcM'stand.  They  showed  him  a  hook,  which  Ik; 
found  to  he  the  JJihle,  hut  v,liich  tiiey  could  not  read;  and  on  his  reading  and 
e.xplaiiiing  it,  their  regard  I'or  him  was  much  heightened."  After  some  time, 
tin;  minister  proposed  to  these;  peoph;  to  return  to  his  own  country,  and  i)ron!- 
isrd  to  return  again  to  them  with  others  ol"  his  friends,  who  would  instruct 
tliem  in  Christianity;  hut  not  long  after  his  return  to  England,  he  died,  which 
put  an  end  to  his  design. 

It  is  very  natural  to  iiKpiire  how  these  Indians,  tnongh  descended  from  the 
Welsh,  came  hy  hooks;  for  it  is  well  known  that  tlu;  period  at  which  tliB 
Welsh  must  have  come;  to  America,  was  long  helbre  j)rinting  \vas  discovered, 
or  that  any  writings  assumed  the  form  of  hooks  as  we  now  have  them.  It 
shoidd  he  here  noted  thiit  Air.  Jicalli/  travelled  in  the  antinnn  of  ITdti. 

Major /fogvc.?,  in  his  "Concise  Acconnl  of  North  America,"  pidilished  in 
I7(!.>,  notices  the  ^Vllite  Indians;  hutitlie  geography  of  their  country  he  Itjaves 
any  where  on  the  west  of  tin;  !\iississip]ii ;  prohahly  never  hiiving  visited  th(;ni 
himsellj  although  he  tells  ns  In;  had  travi;lled  very  e\tcnsiv<dy  in  the  interior. 
" 'I'liis  tinitfnl  country,"  I'e  says,  "is  at  present  inhuhiled  hy  ii  nation  of  In- 
ilians,  called  hy  the  o"tln;rs,  tla^  Wliite  Indians,  on  account  ol"  their  complex- 
ion; they  hciiig  much  the  fairest  Indians  on  tin;  conliiujnt.  They  have,  how- 
over,  liiilian  ey.'s,  ami  a  certain  guilty  .lewish  cast  witii  them.  This  nation  is 
very  numerous,  heing  ahle  to  raise;  hetween  '20  and  ;U),()0()  lighting  men.  They 
have  no  weapons  hut  hows  and  arrows,  toniahawks,  and  a  kind  of  uooden 
pikes,  I'or  which  reason  tln'y  otleii  suti"er  greatly  from  tin;  easlern  Indians, 
who  have  the  use  ot' lire-arms,  and  I'recpiently  \  isit  the  wliile  Inilians  on  tli<-J 
hiinks  of  the  easterly  hranch,  lot"  iMiiddy  Iviver.']  and  kill  or  caplivatt;  them 
in  gr«'at  nnmhers.  Such  as  tail  alive  into  their  haiiils,  they  generally  sell  for 
slaves.  These  Indians  live  in  large  towns,  and  have  commodious  houses; 
they  raise  corn,  tame  tlie  wild  cows,  and  use  hoih  their  milk  iuid  llesh  ;  they 
keep 
'.le  or 

In  the  account  of  Kentucky,  written  in  17)^1,  hy  an  excellent  writ(;r,  Mr.  John 
nisDii,  Wi-  find  as  follows; — Alier  noticing  the  xoyage  of  .]/rt(/;/r,  who  wiiii 
his  ten  ships  with  eniig;ants  sailed  \vest  ahout  1170,  and  who  were,  accord- 
ing to  the  Welsh  historians,  ne\er  heard  of  after,  he  proceeds: — "Thisaccoiml 
has  at  se\erid  times  drawn  the  attention  of  the  world;  hut  as  no  vestiges  of 
them  had  then  hecn  ("ouiid,  if  was  <'onclnded,  jxrhaiis  too  rashly,  to  hi'  a  liihle, 
or  at  least  that  no  remains  ol"  the  colony  existed.  Ol'  late  years,  however,  tln^ 
wesleiu  settlers  have  received  frei|uent  accounts  of  a  nation,  iiilmhiling  at  a 
great  (liMaiH'i;  up  the  iMissouri,  in  manners  and  iippearance  resenihling  the 
other  Indians,  hiit  sjieaking  Welsh,  and  retaining  some  c<'r(>monies  ol'  the 
(Miristiiui  worship;  and  at  length  this  is  nniversally  helieved  there  to  In;  a  liict. 
('apt,  .llinthftm  ('litijiliiin,  of  Kentucky,  a  gentleman  whose  veracity  may  he 
entirely  depi<ndi'd  upon,  as.'-ured  the  author  thai  in  the  late  war  [revolution] 
heing  with  his  company  in  garrison,  at  Kiiskaskia,  some  Inditnis  came  there, 
and,  speiddmr  the  Welsh  dialect,  were  |ierfectly  understood  and  ronversi'(l 
%villi  hy  two  Wtdshmeii  in  his  company,  luid  that  they  informed  iIkim  at'  the 
situation  of  their  nation  as  mentioned  hIiovi 


reat  nnmhers  of  dogs,  and  an;  very  dextrous  in  hunting;  they  hia(;  lit- 
lo  comini'rci>  with  iniy  nation  that  we  at  present  are  ac(inainted  with." 


Hi 


"".'/ 


ha;  who  travi  lied  among  ]'\  irilie»<  of  Indians  in  IHIO,  &.c.,  natncs 


one  near  a  great  nioiintiiiii  uliieh  lie  coIIm  iMnacedeux.      lie  said  Or.  Sibley 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


39 


had  told  him,  when  at  Natchitoches!,  tiint  a  number  of  travellers  had  assured 
him,  that  there  was  a  strong  similarity  hcjtween  the  Indian  language  and  many 
words  of  the  Welsh.  Mr.  Kvr  found  nothing  among  any  of  the  Indians  to 
indicate  a  Welsh  origin  until  he  arrived  among  the  Mnacedeus.  Here  ho 
t()und  many  customs  which  were  Welsh,  or  common  to  that  people,  and  he 
adds;  "I  did  not  under.'^tand  the  Welsh  language,  or  I  should  have  heen  en- 
abled to  have  thrown  more  light  ujton  so  interesting  a  subject,"  as  they  had 
"printed  books  among  them  wiiich  wore  i)reserved  with  great  care,  they  having 
a  tradition  that  they  were  brought  there  by  their  tbrefathers."  Upon  tliis,  in 
another  place,  he  observes,  "The  books  ap|)eared  very  old,  and  were  evident- 
ly printed  at  a  time  when  there  had  been  very  little  iniprovemrnt  made  in  the 
easting  of  types.  I  obtained  a  few  leaves  from  one  of  the  chiefs,  suftieient  to 
have  thrown  light  on  the  su'./ject;  but  in  my  subsequent  disjuites  with  the 
Indians,  I  lost  them,  and  all  my  endeavoi's  to  obtain  more,  were  ineffectual." 

How  or  at  what  time  these  hidians  obtained  "  printed  liooks,"  Mr.  Ker  does 
not  give  us  his  opinion  ;  although  he  says  nnich  more  about  them. 

There  are  a  great  number  of  others  who  have  noticed  these  Indians  ;  but 
aft(!r  an  examination  of  them  all,  I  am  luialile  to  add  much  to' the  above  stock 
of  inlbrmntion  concerning  them.  Lpon  tlie  whole,  we  think  it  may  be  |»retty 
safely  said,  that  the  existence  of  a  race  of  Welsh  about  the  regions  of  the 
I^Iissouri  does  not  rest  on  so  good  authority  as  that  which  has  been  adduceil 
to  establish  the  exist»!nce  of  the  sea-serpent.  Should  any  one,  however, 
choose  to  investigate  the  subject  fiu'tiier,  he  will  find  pretty  ami)le  referi'uces 
to  authors  in  which  the  subj(?et  has  been  noticed,  in  a  note  to  the  life  of  Ma- 
dokawando,  in  our  third  book.  In  addition  to  which,  he  may  consult  the 
authorities  of  MouUon,  as  pointed  out  in  his  History  of  Now  Ywk. 


■"Olfi^i 


mil  IS 

Tiiey 

)ii(leu 

iaiis, 

Dll  til"!! 

tlieiii 
H  for 
luscs ; 
they 
ve  lif- 
uith." 
.  Jnh  II 
with 
ciifd- 
■(■(iillil 
:es  of 
lillil.", 
r,  tli(i 
g  at  a 
ig  iho 
f  ihei 
liict. 
II  \  be 
itioii] 
there, 
ersed 
f  the 

lames 
Sibky 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Amk.uican  Antiquities — Far  Indian  Anliquitiis — Of  Moviuls  and  their  contents — 
Jkcount  of  those  in  Cinciumiti — [n  the  Miami  country — Works  supposed  to  har.t 
been  built  for  defences  or  fortiji rations — Some  at  Piijua — Sear  Hamilton — Afilford 
—  Decrfielil — Six.  iniUs  ubiire  Libanon — On  Paint  (.'reel; — .ll  Marietta — .4<  Circle' 
riVe — Their  ai(e  uncertain — lidrlcs  uii  Licking  liiccr — Ancient  excavations  or  wcllt 
near  A'etcark — rarious  olhcr  works. 

To  describe  the  antiipiities  of  America  would  not  re<iuir(!  a  very  great 
jiiiioiiiit  of  time  or  space,  il"  wi;  consider  only  thost;  which  are  in  reality  siiidi. 
And  iLs  to  Indian  aiiliijuities,  iliey  consist  in  iiotliiiig  lik(;  monuments,  saya 
Mr.  Jefferson  ;  "  for,"  he  ohserves,  "  I  would  not  honor  wiih  that  name,  arrow- 
piiiiil:',  sloiu'  hatchets,  stone  jiipes,  aiil  liail'-sliiipeii  images.  Of  lalwr  on  the 
iiirge  scale,  1  think  tlnnv  is  no  reiiiaii)  as  rcspcNjihli'  as  would  be  a  common 
dilch  for  the  draining  of  lands,  iiiihjss  indeed  it  would  be  tliii  Harrows,  of 
which  many  are  to  Im;  found  all  oNcr  in  this  eouiitiy.  'I'hese  are  of  ditli'rent 
si/.es,  some  of  tlu'in  constructed  of  earth,  iiiid  snme  of  loose  stones.  That 
they  were  re|iositori(!s  ol'  the  dead,  lias  In  rii  oiivioiis  to  all  ;  hut  on  what  par- 
tiriilar  occasion  constructed,  was  a  matter  of  doubt.  Some  iiave  tlioin.dit  they 
«'overed  the  bones  ol"  tho.-^i!  who  have  fallen  in  battles  foiiglit  on  the  spot  o'f 
interment.  Some  ascribi;  them  to  the  ciistoni,  said  lo  prevail  among  tlie  In- 
dians, ol"  colli'ctiiig  at  eerlaiii  periods  the  bones  ol'all  tlicir  di'iid,  wheresoever 
di'posil  (I  at  the  tiinc  of  death.  Ollurs  again  suppose  tliciii  the  general  sepul- 
chre,'-, for  towns,  conjectured  to  ha\e  biM'n  on  or  near  thesi-  grounds;  and  iIiIh 
iijiiiiioii  w.is  supported  by  the  i|uahty  of  llie  lands  in  whieli  they  are  liiund, 
(those  coiislnieti'il  ot'  earth  I.eing  geiiernlly  in  the  so  Inst  and  most  fertile 
iiieadow-groiiiids  on  ri\'r  sides,)  and  by  a  tradition,  s.iid  to  lii>  handed  down 
liom  till'  a'eorigiiiai  hidians,  that  wh  i  they  settled  in  a  town,  tin'  tirst  pii-soii 
who  died  was  |ilaeed  eri  cl,  and  earth  pi'.t  ahout  him, so  iw  to  coser  and  support 
iijin;  liiid  ihtit  wliiJi  another  ilied,  a  narrow  jia.-sage  was  dug  to  the  lli-st,  the 


40 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[OooK  I. 


second  reclined  against  him,  and  the  cover  of  earth  rejjlared,  and  so  on.  There 
being  one  of  theae  in  my  ncighhorhood,  I  wislied  to  satiyfy  myself  whether 
any,  and  whicli  of  these  ojjinions  were  just.  For  this  purpose,  I  determined 
to  open  and  examine  it  thoroiigiily.  It  was  si*.iated  on  the  low  grounds  of  the 
Rivanua,  aliout  two  miles  al)ovc  its  i)rinci|)ul  fork,  and  opjwsite  to  some  hills, 
on  which  hud  been  an  Indian  town.  It  was  of  a  spheroidal  form  of  about 
40  feet  diameter  at  tiie  base,  and  had  been  of  about  12  feet  altitude,  though 
now  reduced  by  ihc  |)lough  to  seven  and  a  half,  having  been  under  cultiva- 
tion about  a  do/en  years.  IJefbrc  this  it  was  covered  with  trees  of  12  inches 
diameter,  and  round  the  basi;  was  an  excavation  of  five  feet  depth  and  width, 
from  wlience  tiie  c.nrth  had  been  taken  of  which  the  hillock  was  formed." 

In  this  mound  my  author  tbiuid  bundance  of  human  bones,  which,  from 
their  position,  it  was  evident  had  been  thrown  or  piled  j)roniiscuously  there 
together;  bones  of  the  heatl  and  feet  being  in  contact;  "some  vertical, 
some  ol)li(|ue,  some  horizontal,  and  directed  to  every  point  of  the  coini)ass." 
Thes(3  bones,  when  exposed  to  the  air,  crumbled  to  d\ist.  Some  of  the  skulls, 
jaw-l3ones,  ami  teeth,  were  taken  out  nearly  in  a  perfect  state,  but  would  fall  to 
pieces  on  being  examined.  It  was  evident  that  this  assemblage  of  bones  was 
made  up  from  persons  of  all  ages,  and  at  difl'erent  periods  of  time.  The 
mound  was  composed  of  alternate  strata  of  hones,  stoncis,  and  earth,  llenco 
it  would  seem  that  barrows,  or  mounds,  as  they  are  most  usually  called,  were 
formed  by  the  Indians,  whose  custom  it  was  to  collect  the  hones  of  their  de- 
ceased friends  at  certain  periods,  and  deposit  them  together  in  this  manner. 
"But,"i\lr.  Jefferson  observes,  "on  whatever  occasion  they  may  have  been 
made,  they  are  of  considerable  notoriety  among  the  Indians :  for  a  party 
jjaasing,  about  80  years  ago,  through  the  part  of  the  country  where  this  barrow 
is,  went  through  the  woods  directly  tb  it,  without  any  instructions  or  inquiry, 
and  having  staid  about  it  some  time,  with  expressions  which  were  construed 
to  be  those  of  sorrow,  they  returned  to  the;  liigh  road,  which  tlu^y  had  lefl 
about  half  a  dozen  miles  to  pay  this  visit,  and  pursued  their  journey." 

In  these  tumuli  are  usually  found,  with  the  bones,  such  instruments  only  as 
api)ear  to  have  been  used  for  superatitious  purposes,  ornaments  or  war.  Of 
the  latter  kind,  no  more  formidable  weajjons  have  been  discovered  than 
tomahawks,  spears  and  urrow-heads,  which  can  be  supposed  to  have  been 
deposited  bi;fore  the  arrival  of  I'uropeans  in  America.  What  Mr.  Jrfferson 
found  in  the  harrow  he  dissected  besides  bones,  or  whether  any  thing,  he  does 
not  inform  us.  In  several  of  these  depositories  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati, 
which  Dr.  Daniel  Drake  exfuuined,  numerous  utensils  were  found.  He  has 
given  a  most  accurate  account  of  them,  in  which  he  has  shown  himself  no 
less  a  philosopher  than  anticjuary.  He  divides  them  into  two  classes,  ancient 
and  modern,  or  ancient  and  more  ancient.  "  Among  the  latter,"  Ik;  says,  "  there 
is  not  a  single  (Mlifiee,  nor  any  ruins  which  j»rove  the  existence,  in  former  ages, 
of  a  building  composed  of  imperishabh!  materials.  No  fhiguient  of  a  column , 
no  bricks  ;  nor  a  single  hewn  stone  larg(!  enough  to  have  been  incorporated 
into  a  wall,  has  been  discovered." 

There  w<'n!  several  of  these  mounds  or  tumuli,  20  years  ago,  within  a  short 
tipacv  in  and  about  ('iriciimati ;  but  it  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  the  plains  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  River  Ohio  have  no  vestiges  of  the  kind.  The  largest 
of  thos(!  in  Cineinuati  was,  in  17!I4,  about  ;r)  feet  in  height;  but  at  this  time  it 
was  cut  down  to  '27  by  order  of  (Jeneral  Wayne,  to  make  it  serve  as  a  watch- 
tower  for  a  sentinel.     It  was  about  440  feet  iu  circnnderence. 

Almost  every  travi'ller  of  late  years  has  said  something  upon  the  niound.«, 
or  fiirtificafions,  scattered  over  the  south  and  west,  from  I'Morida  to  the  lakes, 
and  from  the  Hudson  to  IMexico  and  the  I'acific  Ocef.n.  By  soiue  tliey  are 
reckoned  at  several  ihunsands.     Mr.  liracktnridee  supposes   there 


m 


ay  bo 


.'iOOO;  but  it  would  iMtl  outrage  )ir<ibrd)ilify,  I  presume,  to  set  tli(>m  down  at 
twice  thai  number.  Indi-ed  no  one  can  form  any  just  estimate  in  respect  to 
the  niuulier  i<r  mdunds  and  tbrtifications  which  have  been  built,  any  more  than 
of"  the  peri()<l  of  time  wliieh  has  passed  since  ihey  were  originally  erected,  for 
severid  obx  ions  reasons  ;  oiu>  or  two  of  which  may  be  mentioned  : — llio 
plough,  i'Xi'a\ations  and  levellings  for  towns,  roads,  and  vari<ais  other  works, 
liave  entirely  destroyed  hmidreds  of  them,  which  hud  never  been  described, 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


41 


nnd  wliosn  .silos  rniinot  now  Uk  ascertuiiunl.  Another  great  destruction  of 
tlioni  lius  be(!n  efibcted  by  the  ehanging  of  the  course  of  rivers. 

Then;  are  various  opinions  about  the  uses  for  wliicli  these  ancient  remains 
were  constructed :  wliiie  some  of  them  are  too  much  hke  modern  fortifications 
to  admit  of  a  doubt  of  tiieir  liaving  been  used  for  defences,  others,  nearly 
simihn*  in  design,  from  their  situation  entirely  oxchide  the  oiloption  of  sucli  an 
oj)inion.  Hence  we  find  fbiu'  kinds  of  remains  formed  of  earth:  two  kinds 
of  mounds  or  barro\v.«,  and  two  which  have  been  viewed  as  f()rtifications. 
The  barrows  or  burial  piles  are  distinguished  by  such  as  contai'i  articles 
which  were  iiduiniiid  with  tlie  detid,  .'ind  those  which  do  not  contain  tliem. 
From  wiiat  cause  they  difi'er  in  this  rcs^iect  it  is  difiicult  to  determine.  Some 
have  supposed  the  Ibrnier  to  contain  hones  only  of  warriors,  but  in  such 
mounds  the  bones  of  inlhnts  are  found,  and  hence  that  hypothesis  is  over- 
thrown ;  and  indeed  an  hypotiicsis  can  scarcely  be  raised  upon  any  one  mat- 
ter concerning  tiiem  without  almost  a  [)ositive  assurance  that  it  has  been 
created  to  be  destroyed. 

As  11  specimen  of  the  contents  of  the  mounds  generally,  the  following  may 
iic  taken;  being  such  as  JJr. /^ra/te  found  in  those  he  examined : — I.  Cyiin- 
dricid  stones,  such  as  jasper,  rock-crystal,  and  granite;  with  a  groove  near  one 
end.  2.  A  circiilai'  i)iece  of  cannel  coal,' with  a  large  opening  in  the  centre, 
as  though  made  for  the  rece])tion  of  an  axis ;  and  a  deep  groove  in  the  circum- 
liirence,  suitable  lor  a  band.  '3,  A  smaller  article  of  the  same  shape,  but 
composed  of  polished  argillaceous  earth.  4.  A  bone,  ornamented  with  several 
carved  lines,  sup[iosed  by  some  to  bo  hitjroglyphics.  5.  A  scidptural  repre- 
sentation of  tlie  head  and  beak  of  some  rapacious  bird.  U.  Lumps  of  lead  ore. 
7.  Isinghuss  (uiica  nieniliranacea).  This  article  is  very  common  in  mounds, 
and  seems  t(»  have  been  held  in  high  estimation  among  the  people  that  con- 
structed them ;  but  w<;  know  not  that  modern  Indians  have  any  particular 
attachm(!nt  to  it.  A  superior  article,  though  much  like  it,  was  aJso  in  great 
esteem  among  the  ancient  IMcxicans.  8.  .Small  pieces  of  sheet-copper,  witli 
l)erforations.  !).  Larger  oblong  pieces  of  die  same  metal,  with  longitudinal 
grooves  and  ridges.  JO.  IJcads,  or  sections  of  small  hollow  cylinders,  ajipar- 
cntly  of  bone  or  shell.  IJ.  Teeth  of  carnivorous  animals.  12.  Large  marine 
shells,  belonging,  perha|is,  to  the  genus  buccinum  ;  cut  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  serve  lor  domestic  utensils.  Tli<;se,  and  also  the  teeth  of  animals,  are 
generally  fouiul  almost  entirely  d(!Compose(l,  or  in  a  state  resembling  chalk. 
18.  Earthen  ware.  This  seems  to  have  been  maile  of  the  same  material  as  that 
cmploytMl  by  the  Indians  of  Louisiana  within  our  recollecrtion,  viz.  pounded 
muscle  and  other  river  shells,  and  earth.  iSome  perll.'ct  articles  have  been 
Ibund,  but  they  are  rare.  Pieces,  or  (ragments,  ari!  very  connnon.  Upon 
most  of  them,  confusi'd  lines  are  traced,  whicii  doubtless  had  some  meaning; 
but  no  specimen  has  yet  been  found  having  glazing  U|)on  it  like  modern  pot- 
tery. Some  entire  vases,  of  most  uncoiuh  ap|»earance,  have  been  found.  Mr. 
Jllwakr  of  Ohio,  who  has  pretty  fully  described  the  western  anti(piiti(!S,  gives 
uu  account  of  a  vessel,  which  seems  to  have  been  used  as  a  jug.  It  was  foinid 
in  un  ancient  work  on  V;m\  Fork  of  ('umberlanil  Uivcr,  about  four  feet  below 
the  siu'face.  The  body  of  th(!  vessel  is  made  by  three  heads,  all  joined  together 
ut  th<'ir  backs.  From  these  ])laces  of  contact  a  neck  is  formed,  which  rises 
about  three  inches  id)ove  the  Jieads.  TIk;  orifice  of  this  neck  is  near  two 
inches  in  diameter,  anil  tin;  thnn*  necks  of  the  heads  form  the  legs  of  tln!  vessel 
on  which  it  stands  when  upright.  Tins  heads  art;  all  of  a  size,  being  about 
Ibiu'  inches  from  the  top  to  th<!  chin.  The  faces  at  the  eyes  are  about  three 
inches  broad,  whicli  increa.se  in  breadth  all  the  way  to  the  chin. 

Of  the  works  called  fortilications,  though  already  mentioned  in  general 
terms,  their  importance  demands  a  finther  consideratKni. 

At  Fitjua,  on  the  western  side  of  the  (Jreat  Miami,  there  is  a  eirctdar  wall 
of  earth  inclosing  a  space  of  about  JOO  leet  in  diameter,  with  an  opening  en 
the  side  jnoHt  remoti!  from  tht-  river.  *' The  adjacent  hill,  at  the  distiuicr  of 
half  a  ujile,  and  at  the  gr<!Uter  elevation  of  about  100  It-iit,  is  the  .site  of  a  stone 
wall,  neaily  circular,  and  inclosing  perlia|m  20  acres.  Tlie  valley  of  the  river 
on  one  Hidt-,  and  u  d-ep  ravine  on  the  other,  render  the  access  to  three  foiiriliH 
of  thin  Ibrtification  u.vtremely  dillicult.    The  wall  was  carried  generally  along; 


42 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I. 


the  brow  of  the  hill,  in  one  place  descending  a  short  distance  so  as  to  include 
a  spring.  The  sihcioiis  limestone  of  which  it  was  built,  must  have  been  trans- 
ported from  the  bed  of  the  river,  which,  for  two  miles  opposite  these  works, 
does  not  at  present  afford  one  of  10  pounds  weight.  They  exhibit  no  marks 
of  the  hammer,  or  any  other  tool.  The  wall  was  laid  up  without  mortar,  and 
is  now  in  ruins. 

"  Lower  down  the  same  river,  near  the  mouth  of  Hole's  Creek,  on  the  plain, 
there  are  remains  of  great  extent.  The  principal  wall  or  bank,  which  is  of 
earth,  incloses  about  IGO  acres,  and  is  in  some  parts  nearly  12  feet  high. 
Also  below  Hamilton,  there  is  a  fortification  upon  the  top  of  a  high  hill,  out  of 
view  from  the  river,  of  very  difficult  approach.  This  incloses  about  50  acres. 
Adjacent  to  this  work  is  a  mound  25  feet  in  diameter  at  its  base,  and  about 
seven  feet  perpendicular  altitude. 

"  On  the  elevated  point  of  land  al)ove  the  confluence  of  the  Great  Miami 
and  Ohio,  there  are  extensive  and  complicated  traces,  which,  in  the  opinion 
of  military  men,  eminently  qualified  to  judge,  are  the  remains  of  very  strong 
defensive  works." 

In  the  vicinity  of  Milford,  on  the  Little  Miami,  are  fortifications,  the  largest 
of  which  arenpon  the  top  of  the  first  hill  above  the  confluence  of  the  East  Fork 
with  the  Miami.  "  On  the  o|)posite  side  of  the  Miami  River,  above  Round 
Bottom,  are  similar  antiquities  of  considerable  extent.  On  the  East  Fork,  at 
its  head  waters,  other  remains  have  been  discovered,  of  which  the  principal 
bears  a  striking  resemblance  to  those  above  mentioned ;  but  within,  it  differs 
from  any  which  have  yet  been  examined  in  this  quarter,  in  having  nine 
parallel  banks  or  long  parapets  united  at  one  end,  exhibiting  very  exactly  the 
figure  of  a  gridiron." 

"Further  up  the  Little  Miami,  at  Deerfield,  are  other  interesting  remains; 
but  those  which  have  attracted  more  dttention  than  any  others  in  the  Miami 
country,  are  s^ituated  six  miles  from  Lebanon,  above  the  mouth  of  Todd's 
Fork,  an  eastern  brancli  of  the  Miami.  On  the  sunnnit  of  a  ridge  at  least  200 
feet  above  the  valley  of  the  river,  there  are  two  irregular  trapezoidal  figures, 
connected  at  a  point  where  the  ridge  is  very  much  narrowed  by  a  ravine.  The 
wall,  which  is  entirely  of  earth,  is  generally  eight  or  ten  feet  high  ;  but  in  one 
place,  where  it  is  condncred  over  level  ground  for  a  short  distance,  it  rises  to 
18.  Its  situation  is  accurately  adjusted  to  the  brow  of  the  hill ;  and  as  there 
is,  in  addition  to  the  Miami  on  the  west,  deep  ravines  on  the  north,  the  south- 
east, and  south,  it  is  a  position  of  great  strength  The  angles  in  this  wall, 
both  retreating  and  salient,  are  numerous,  and  generally  acute.  The  openings 
or  gateways  are  not  less  than  80!  They  are  rarely  at  equal  distances,  and 
are  sometimes  within  two  or  three  rods  of  one  another.  They  are  i  t 
opposite  to,  or  connected  with  any  existing  artificial  objects  or  topogra|)hical 
peculiarities,  and  present;  therefore,  a  paradox  of  some  difficulty."  These 
works  inclose  almost  100  acres,  and  one  of  the  state  roads  from  Cincinnati  to 
Chillicothe  passns  over  its  northern  part. 

On  Paint  Creek,  JO  miles  from  Chillicothe,  are  also  very  extensive  as  well  as 
wonderful  works.  "Tiie  wall,  which  had  been  conducted  along  the  verge  of 
the  hill,  is  by  estimation  about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  length.  It  was  formed 
entirely  of  undressed  freestone,  brought  chiefly  from  the  streams  250  feet 
below,  and  laid  up  without  mortar  or  cement  of  any  sort.  It  is  now,  Hko  all 
the  walls  of  a  similar  kind  which  have  been  discovered  in  the  western  country, 
in  a  state-  of  ruins.  It  exhibits  the  appearance  of  having  been  shaken  down 
by  an  earthquake,  not  a  single  stone  being  foand  upon  another  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  indicate  that  to  liavt  been  its  situation  in  the  wall.  In  several  jtlaces 
there  are  openings,  immediately  opposite  which,  inside,  lie  piles  of  stone." 

Dr.  Harris,  in  IHOU,  very  accurately  described  the  remains  at  Marietta,  at 
the  confluence  of  the  Muskingum  and  Ohio  Rivers.  "The  largest  sc^cAnK 
FORT,"  he  obscirves,  "by  some  called  the  toion,  contains  40  acres,  encompassed 
by  a  wall  of  earth  from  (i  to  10  feet  high,  and  fmni  25  to  .'Jd  in  breadth  at  the 
base.  On  each  side  are  thnje  openings  at  equal  distances,  resemhlitig  12  gate- 
ways. The  entrances  at  the  middle  are  the  largest,  particularly  tliat  on  the 
side  next  the  Muskingum.  From  this  outlet  is  a  covert  way,  formed  of  two 
parallel  walls  of  earth.  231  feet  distant  from  each  other,  measuring  from  cen- 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


43 


tre  to  centre.  Tiie  wrILs  nt  tlie  most  elevated  part  on  the  inside  are  21  feet  in 
height,  and  42  in  breadth  at  the  base,  but  on  the  outside  average  only  of  five 
lect  high.  This  forms  a  passage  of  about  360  foet  in  length,  loading  by  a 
gradual  descent  to  the  low  grounds,  where  it,  probably,  at  the  time  of  its  con- 
struction, reached  the  margin  of  tlie  river.  Its  walls  commence  at  60  feet 
from  tiie  ramparts  of  the  tort,  and  increase  in  eliivation  as  the  way  descends 
towards  the  river ;  and  the  bottom  is  crowned  in  the  centre,  in  the  manner  of 
a  well-fonned  turnpike  road.  Witiiin  the  walls  of  the  fort,  at  tire  north-west 
corner,  is  an  oblong,  elevated  S(iuare,  188  feet  long,  132  broad,  antl  nine  feet 
liigh ;  level  on  the  summit,  and  nearly  pei-pcndicular  at  the  sides.  At  the 
centre  of  each  of  the  sides  the  earth  is  projected,  forming  gradual  ascents  to 
the  top,  equally  rrgular,  and  about  six  feet  in  width.  Near  the  south  wall  is 
another  elovatod  s(piare,  150  i'eet  by  120,  and  eight  feet  high.  At  the  south- 
east corner  is  the  third  elevated  sciuare,  108  by  54  feet,  with  ascents  at  the 
ends.  At  the  sonth-eust  corner  of  tlie  fort  is  a  semicii  .ilar  parapet,  crowned 
with  a  mound,  \vliich  guards  the  opening  in  the  wall.  Towards  the  south-east 
is  A  SIMILAR  FORT,  Containing  20  acres,  with  a  gateway  in  the  centre  of  each 
side  and  ut  each  corner.  These  o|)enings  an;  difended  with  circulai*  mounds." 

There  are  also  other  works  at  Marietta,  but  a  mere  description  of  them  can- 
not interest,  as  there  is  so  much  of  sameness  about  them.  And  to  describe 
all  that  may  be  met  with  would  till  a  volume  of  no  n)od;'rate  size :  for  Dr. 
Harris  says,  "  You  cannot  ride  20  miles  in  any  direction  without  finding  some 
of  the  mounds,  or  vestiges  of  the  ramparts."  We  shall,  therefore,  only  notice 
the  most  prominent. 

Of  fii-st  importance  are  doubtless  the  works  upon  the  Scioto.  The  most 
magnificent  is  situated  26  miles  south  from  Columbus,  and  consists  of  two 
nearly  exact  figures,  a  circle  and  a  square,  which  are  contiguous  to  each  other. 
A  town,  having  been  built  within  the  former,  appro[)riately  received  the  name 
of  Circleville  Irom  that  circumstance.  According  to  Mr.  Mxoaler,  who  has 
surveytui  these  works  with  great  exactness  and  attention,  the  circle  was  origi- 
nally 1138i  feet  in  diameter,  from  external  parallel  tangents,  and  the  squars 
was  907i  fe(;t  u|)on  a  side ;  giving  an  area  to  the  latter  of  3025  square  rods, 
and  to  the  circle  373!)  nearly ;  both  making  almost  44  acres.  The  rampart 
of  the  circular  fort  consists  of  two  parallel  walls,  and  were,  at  least  in  the 
opinion  of  my  autlior,  20  teet  in  height,  measuring  from  the  bottom  of  the 
ditch  between  the  circiimvallations,  before  (Ik;  town  of  Circleville  was  built. 
"The  imier  wall  was  of  clay,  taken  up  probably  in  the  northern  jmrt  of  the 
fort,  where  was  a  low  jdacc;,  and  is  still  consiileraltly  lower  than  any  other 
part  of  the  work.  The  outside  wall  was  taken  from  the  ditch  which  is  be- 
tween these  walls,  and  is  alluvial,  consisting  of  jiebbles  worn  smooth  in  water 
and  sand,  to  a  very  considerable  depth,  more  than  50  feet  at  least."  At  the 
time  Mr.  Atwaier  wrote  his  account,  (about  1819,)  the  outside  of  the  walls  was 
but  about  five  or  six  feet  high,  and  the  ditch  not  more  than  15  feet  deep.  The 
walls  of  the  stpiare  fort  were,  at  the  same  lime,  about  10  feet  high.  This  fort 
had  eight  gateways  or  openings,  about  20  feet  broad,  each  of  which  was  do- 
fended  by  a  mound  four  or  five  feet  high,  all  within  the  fort,  arranged  in  the 
most  exact  manner ;  equidistant  and  parallel.  The  circular  tort  had  but  one 
gateway,  which  was  at  its  south-east  point,  and  at  the  place  of  contact  with 
the  square.  In  the  centre  of  the  stjuare  was  a  remarkable  mound,  with  a 
semicircular  pavement  adjacent  to  its  eastern  half,  and  nearly  fiicing  the  pas- 
eage  way  into  the  square  fort.  Just  without  the  squai'c  fort,  upon  the  north 
side,  and  to  the  east  of  the  centre  gateway  rises  a  large  mound,  in  the  op- 
posite point  of  the  compass,  without  the  circular  one,  is  another.  These, 
probably,  were  the  places  of  burial.  As  the  walls  of  the  square  fort  lie  pretty 
nearly  in  a  line  with  the  cardinal  points  of  the  horizon,  some  have  supposed 
they  Wen;  originally  prnj<'cted  in  strict  regard  to  them ;  their  variation  not 
being  more  than  that  of  the  compass;  but  a  single  fact  of  this  kind  can 
establish  nothing,  as  mere  accident  may  have  given  them  such  direction. 
"  What  surprised  me,"  says  my  authority,  "on  measuring  these  forts,  was  the 
exact  manner  in  which  they  had  laid  down  their  circle  and  square  ;  so  that 
after  every  eflTort,  by  the  most  carefiil  survey,  to  detect  some  error  hi  tlieir 
measurement,  we  found  that  it  was  impossible." 


44 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I- 


As  it  is  not  my  design  to  waste  time  in  conjectures  upon  the  authors  of 
these  uiitiiiuities,  or  the  renioleness  ol'  th<!  ))eriod  in  wliich  they  were  con- 
structed, 1  will  continue  niy  account  of  tiicrn,  after  an  observation  upon  a 
single  circumstance.  I  rel'er  to  the  tiict  of  the  immense  trees  Ibund  growing 
upon  the  mounds  and  other  ancient  works.  Their  having  existed  for  a  thou- 
sand years,  or  at  Ictist  some  of  them,  can  scarcely  he  (luestioned,  wlien  we 
know  from  unerring  data  that  trees  iiavc  been  cut  upon  them  of  the  age  of 
near  500  years ;  and  from  the  vegetable  mould  out  of  which  they  spring, 
there  is  every  appearance  of  several  generations  of  decayed  trees  of  the  same 
kind;  and  no  forest  trees  of  the  present  day  appear  older  than  those  upon  the 
very  works  under  consi<leration. 

There  are  in  the  Forks  of  Licking  River,  above  Newark,  in  the  county  of 
Licking,  very  remarkable  remains  of  antiquity,  said  by  many  to  be  as  nuich 
so  as  any  in  the  west  Here,  as  at  Circlevillc,  the  same  singular  fact  is  ob- 
servable, respecting  the  openings  into  the  -forts;  the  s(|uare  ones  having  sev- 
eral, but  the  roimd  ones  only  one,  with  a  single  exceiitioti. 

Not  far  below  Newark,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Licking,  are  found  numer- 
ous wells  or  holes  in  the  earth.  "There  are,"  8a3s  Mr.  Mwater,  "at  IcJist  n 
thousand  of  them,  many  of  which  are  now  more  than  20  feet  deep."  Though 
called  wells,  my  author  says  they  were  not  dug  for  that  ])urpose.  They  have 
tlie  appearance  of  being  of  the  same  age  as  tlie  mounds,  and  were  doubtless 
made  by  the  same  people ;  but  for  what  purpose  they  could  have  been  made, 
few  seem  willing  to  hazard  a  conjecture. 

Four  or  five  miles  to  the  north-west  of  Somerset,  in  the  county  of  Perry, 
and  souihwaixlly  from  the  works  on  the  Licking,  is  a  stone  fort,  inclosing 
about  40  acres.  Its  shape  is  that  of  a  heart,  though  bounded  by  straight  lines. 
In  or  near  its  centre  is  a  circular  stonp  mound,  which  risis,  like  a  sugar-loaf, 
from  12  to  1.5  feet.  Near  tliis  large  work  is  another  small  fort,  whose  walls 
are  of  earth,  inclosing  but  about  half  an  acre.  I  give  these  the  name  of 
forts,  although  ^Vr,  Mwatev  says  he  does  not  believe  they  were  ever  construct- 
ed for  defence. 

There  are  curious  remains  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  above  and  opposite 
the  mouth  of  the  Scioto.  Those  on  the  north  side,  at  Portsmouth,  are  the 
most  extensive,  and  those  on  the  other  side,  directly  opposite  Alexandria,  are 
the  most  regular.  They  are  not  more  remarkable  than  many  already  de- 
scribed. 

What  the  true  height  of  these  ruined  works  originally  was,  cannot  be  very 
well  ascertained,  as  it  is  almost  impossible  to  know  the  rate  of  their  diminu- 
tion, even  were  the  space  of  time  given;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  most 
of  them  are  much  diminished  from  the  action  of  tcmjx'sts  which  have  swept 
over  them  for  ages.  That  they  were  the  works  of  a  difi'erent  race  fi'om  the 
present  Indians,  has  been  jirctty  confidently  asserted ;  but  as  yet,  proof  is 
enth"ely  wanting  to  support  such  conclusion.  In  a  few  instances,  some 
European  articles  have  been  found  deposited  in  or  about  some  of  the  works; 
but  few  persons  of  intelligence  ])ronounce  tlu'in  older  than  others  of  the 
same  kind  belonging  to  the  period  of  the  French  wars. 

As  it  respects  inscriptions  upon  stones,  about  which  much  has  been  said 
and  written,  1  am  of  the  opinion,  that  such  are  purely  Indian,  if  they  were 
not  made  by  some  white  maniac,  as  some  of  them  most  unquestionably  have 
Ix-en,  or  other  ])ei>ious  who  deserve  to  be  classed  among  such  ;  but  I  would 
not  be  understood  to  include  those  of  South  America,  for  there  the  inhabitants 
evidently  had  a  hieroglyphic  language.  Among  the  inscriptions  upon  stone 
in  New  Euglaiul,  the  "  Inscribed  Rock,"  as  it  is  called,  at  Dighton,  Jlass.,  is 
doubtless  the  most  remarkable.  It  is  in  Taunton  River,  about  six  miles  Inflow 
the  town  of  Taunton,  and  is  partly  immersed  by  the  tide.  If  tliis  inscription 
was  made  by  the  Indians,  it  doubtless  had  some  meaning  to  it ;  but  I  doubt 
whether  any  of  them,  except  such  as  happened  to  know  what  it  was  done 
lor,  knew  any  thing  of  its  import.  The  divers  fiiccs,  figures  of  lialf-fbrmed 
animals,  and  zigzag  lines,  occupy  a  space  of  about  20  square  feet.  The  whim- 
sical conjectures  of  many  persons  about  the  origin  of  the  inscription,  might 
amuse,  btit  could  not  instruct ;  and  it  would  be  a  waste  of  time  to  give  on 
account  of  them. 


■€hap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


45 


A  stone,  once  thought  to  contain  some  marvellous  inscription,  was  deposit- 
ed a  few  years  since  in  the  Antiquarian  Hall  at  Worcester,  Mass. ;  and  it  was 
with  some  surprise,  that,  on  examining  it,  I  found  nothing  but  a  few  lines  of 
quartz  upon  one  of  its  surfaces.  Tlie  stone  was  singular  in  no  respect  beyond 
what  may  be  found  in  half  the  farmers'  fields  and  stone  fences  in  New  Eng- 
land. 

In  a  cave  on  the  bank  of  the  Ohio  River,  about  20  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Wabash,  called  Wilson's  or  Murder's  Cave,  are  figures  engraven  upon 
stone,  which  have  attracted  great  attention.  It  was  very  early  possessed  by 
one  Wilson,  who  lived  in  it  with  his  family.  He  at  length  turned  robber,  and, 
collecting  about  40  other  wretches  like  himself  about  him,  took  all  the  boats 
which  passed  on  the  river  with  any  valuable  goods  in  them,  and  murdered  the 
crews.  He  w;u^  himself  murdered  by  one  of  his  own  gang,  to  get  the  reward 
which  was  oflTered  for  his  apprehoiisiun.  Never  having  had  any  drawings  of 
the  hieroglyphics  in  this  cave,  wi^  cunnot  form  any  very  conclusive  opinion 
upon  them.  As  a  proof  of  their  antiquity,  it  has  been  mentioned,  that  among 
these  unknown  characters  are  iiuuiy  figures  of  animals  not  known  now  to  be 
in  existence  ;  but  in  my  o[)ini()ii,  tliis  is  in  no  wise  a  conclusive  argument  of 
their  antiquity;  for  the  same  maybe  snid  of  the  imcouth  figures  of  the  In- 
dian nianitos  of  the  present  day,  as  well  as  those  of  the  days  of  Powhatan. 

At  Harmony,  on  the  ftli.ssissippi,  are  to  be  seen  the  prints  of  two  feet  imbed- 
ded in  hard  limestone.  The  celel)ratcd  Rappe  conveyed  the  stone  containing 
them  from  St.  Louis,  and  kept  it  upon  his  premises  to  show  to  travellers. 
They  are  about  the  size  of  those  made  by  a  common  man  of  our  times,  im- 
nccustomed  to  shoes.  Some  conclude  them  to  be  remains  of  high  antiquity. 
Tliey  may,  or  may  not  be :  then;  are  arguments  for  and  against  such  conclu- 
sion ;  but  on  which  side  the  weight  of  argument  lies  is  a  matter  not  easily  to 
be  settled.  If  these  impressions  of  feet  were  made  in  the  soft  earth  before  it 
was  changed  into  Ibssil  stone,  we  should  not  expect  to  find  impressions,  but  a 
formation  filling  them  of  another  kind  of  stone  (called  organic)  from  that  in 
which  the  impressions  were  made;  for  thus  do  organic  remains  discover 
themselves,  and  not  by  their  absence. 

A  review  of  the  theories  and  opinions  concerning  the  race  or  races  anterior 
to  the  present  race  of  Indians  would  perhaps  be  interesting  to  many,  and  it 
Avould  be  a  pleasing  subject  to  write  upon :  but,  as  I  have  elsewhere  intimated, 
my  only  object  is  to  present  facts  as  I  find  them,  without  wasting  time  iu 
commentaries;  unless  where  deductions  cannot  well  be  avoided  without  leav- 
ing the  subject  more  obscure  than  it  would  evidently  be  without  them. 

Every  conjecture  is  attended  with  objections  when  they  are  hazarded  upon 
a  subject  that  cannot  be  settled.  It  is  time  enough  to  argue  a  sulyect  of  the 
nature!  of  this  we  are  upon,  when  all  the  facts  are  collected.  To  write 
volumes  about  Shem,  Ham,  and  Japhct,  in  connection  with  a  few  isolated  facts, 
is  a  most  ludicrous,  and  worse  than  useless  business.  Some  had  said,  it  is  an 
argument  that  the  first  jiopulation  canje  from  the  north,  because  the  works  of 
which  we  have  been  s|)eaking  increase  in  importance  as  we  proceed  south  ; 
but  why  they  should  not  begin  until  the  people  who  constructed  them  had  ar- 
rived w'ithin  40°  of  the  o(|uator,  (for  this  seems  to  be  their  boundai^  north,)  it 
is  not  stated.  Perhaps  this  ))eople  came  in  by  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and 
did  not  need  any  works  to  delinid  them  before  arriving  at  the  40°  of  north 
latitude.  The  reader  will  readily  enough  ask,  porliaj).'*.  For  what  ])urposo 
could  fortifications  have  been  built  by  the  first  j)eople?  To  defend  them- 
selves from  wild  beasts,  or  from  one  another?  With  this  matter,  however,  wo 
have  nothing  to  do,  l)ut  were  led  to  these  remarks,  pre|)aratory  to  a  compari- 
son iK'tween  the  antiquities  of  the  north,  with  those  of  the  south. 

On  die  other  hand,  it  is  said  the  original  people  of  North  America  must  have 
come  from  the  south,  and  that  their  progress  northward  is  evident  from  the 
same  works  ;  witli  this  ditlerenc(!,  that  as  the  peo|)le  atlvanced,  they  dwindled 
into  insignificance;  and  hence  the  remains  which  they  left  are  proportionate 
to  their  ability  to  make  thcui.  But  there  is  nothing  artificial  among  the  ancient 
ruins  of  North  America  timt  will  compare  with  tin;  artificial  moimtainof  Ana- 
huac,  called  Cholula,  or  Chlolula,  which  to  this  day  is  about  l(i4  feet  in  perpen- 
dicular height,  whose  base  occiijties  a  square,  the  side  of  which  measures  1450 


40 


A»IERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I. 


feet.  Upon  tliis  the  Mexicans  liiul  nii  iinmeiiBe  wooden  feini)le  when  Coiicz 
ovcrniii  tlieir  empire.  A  city  now  hears  the  name  of  Choiula,  in  I'nehia, 
(KJ  miles  east  of  IMexieo.  Vet  it  appears  iWim  Dr.  WtA's  (ja/ettcer  of  Ilhiiois, 
that  tiien;  is  standing  hetween  iJullcvine  and  'Ji.  Lonis,  n  moimd  (iOO  ym'ds  in 
eirenmfercneo  at  its  hase,  and  itO  feet  in  laiifiht.  Moimt  .loliet,  so  naniiMl  from 
tiie  Hienr  Joiiel,  a  I'^renchman,  who  trav<'ii(!d  npon  Ihi;  Mississipjii  in  ](i7;{,  is 
a  most  ilistingnislicd  monnd.  It  is  on  a  phiin  al)ont  (JOO  yards  west  of  tiic 
llivcr  des  I'laines,  and  ITiO  miles  ahove  Fort  Clark.  l\Ir.  Schoolcraft  compnted 
its  ]ieii;lit  at  (JO  feet,  its  leiifrth  ahont  450  yards,  and  its  width  75.  lis  sides  are 
BO  sleep  that  tliey  are  ascended  with  diilieidly.  its  top  is  a  beantiiid  plain,  from 
uliieh  u  most  d(!lightt'u!  prospect  is  had  of  ilie  Hnrronndin';  eoimtry.  It  s(M'ms 
to  have  hwn  composed  ol"  the  twirth  ol"  the  plain  on  which  it  stands.  liako 
Jolict  is  sitnated  in  front  ol'  it;  being  a  small  hody  of  water  about  u  mile  in 
length. 

Although  the  remains  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Sontii  America  difl'cr 
consideraldy  from  tiiose  of  North  America,  yet  1  hav((  no  donht  hut  that  the 
])coplo  are  of  the  same  race.  The  contlition  (!ven  of  savages  changes.  No 
nation  remniiis  stationary.  The  western  Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
hdces  do  not  make  pottery  at  the  present  day,  hnt  eiulhen  ntensils  are  still  in 
tis(^  among  the  remote  trih(>s  of  the  west.  This  is  similar  lo  that  dug  uj)  in 
Ohio,  and  both  ar(i  similar  to  that  foinid  in  South  America. 

In  speaking  of  "ancient  ]iottery,"  ]Mr.  Schoolcrnjl  oiiserves,  "  It  is  common, 
in  digging  at  these  salt  mines,  [in  Illinois,]  to  lind  Iragments  of  anli(pi((  pot- 
tery, and  even  entire  i)ots  oi'  a  coarse  earthcMiware,  at  great  dejiths  below  the 
surlace.  One  of  those  pot.s,  which  was,  nntil  a  V(!ry  recent  period,  preserved 
I)y  a  gentleman  at  Shawaneetown,  was  disinterred  at  u  dejjtli  of  80  feet,  and 
was  of  a  capacity  to  contain  eight  or  ten  gallons." 

We  see  aimoiinced  from  time  to  time,  in  tlie  various  news)ia])ers  and  other 
periodicals,  discoveries  of  wonch'rtiil  things  in  various  places;  liut  on  exam- 
ination it  is  generally  found  that  they  fall  far  short  of  what  we  are  hul  to  ex- 
pect from  the  descriptions  given  of  them.  We  hear  of  the  ruins  of  cities  in 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi ;  copper  and  iron  nt<!nsils  fonnil  at  grc.it  dcfhlis 
below  the  surface,  and  in  situations  indicating  that  they  must  have  been  de- 
])osited  there  for  three,  four,  or  tivc  hundred  years !  ] )r.  McMtirtrie  relates,  in  his 
"Sketches  of  Louisville,"  that  an  iron  hatcliet  was  found  beneath  the  roots  of 
a  tree  at  Slii[)j»ingsport,  upwards  of  ^00  years  old.  lie  said  he  had  no  doubt 
that  the  tree  liad  grown  over  the  hatchet  alter  it  ^^as  deposited  there,  because 
"no  human  power  could  have  placed  it  in  the  particular  position  in  which  it 
was  found." 

UiK)n  some  other  matters  about  which  we  have  already  spoken,  the  same 
juithor  says,  "That  walls,  constructed  of  bricks  and  hewn  stones,  have  been 
discovered  in  the  western  coimtry,  is  a  fact  as  clear  as  that  the  sun  shines 
when  he  is  in  his  meridian  splendor;  the  dogmatical  assertion  of  writers  to 
the  contrary  notwitlistanding."  My  author,  however,  had  not  s<'en  such  re- 
mains himself,  but  was  well  assured  ;>''  their  existence  by  a  gentleman  of  nn- 
doid)ted  veracity.  Unfortmiately  for  the  ease  he  n'lalcs,  the  persons  who  dis- 
covered the  rinns,  came  ufion  them  in  digging,  at  about  18  feet  below  tlie  siu'- 
face  of  tiio  ground,  and  when  al)<)ut  to  make  investigation,  water  broke  iu 
upon  them,  and  they  were  obliged  to  make  a  hasty  retreat. 

"A  lortitied  town  of  coiisidi'rable  extent,  n<'ar  the  Kiver  St.  Francis,"  npon 
the  Missi.ssi|»|)i,  was  said  to  have  been  diseover<!(l  by  a  Mr.  Savase,  of  Louis- 
ville, lie  found  its  walls  still  standing  in  some  ))laci's,  and  "part  of  the  walls 
of  a  citaihl,  built  of  bricki>,  ceincnteil  In/  morUir."  I'pon  some  of  thes(!  ruiiUii 
were  trees  growing  whose  ainmal  rings  mmihered  ;}00.  Some  of  the  bricks, 
Kiys  Dr.  .Mc.Miirlnc,  were  at  Louisville  when  he  wrot(!  his  Sketches;  and 
they  were  "composed  ol"  clay,  niixtMl  with  <:lio|)ped  and  twisted  .straw,  of 
ix'gnlar  figures,  hardened  by  the  a<'tion  of  fire,  or  the  sun." 

Mr.  Prlf.ll,  in  his  "  American  Aiititpiities,"  mentions  the  ruins  of  two  cities 
within  a  few  miles  of  cacli  other,  nearly  opposite  St.  Louis;  but  from  what  ho 
savs  of  them  1  am  miahle  to  determine  what  those  ruins  art;  composed  of 
Alter -piiintim.'  out  the  siie  o|' them,  he  eontinncs,  "ller(>  is  situated  one  of 
those  pyramids,  which  is  151'  rods  in  cireumliniu'e  ut  its  base,  and  100  liict 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUfTIES. 


47 


hif^li."  lie  spcnks  of  "  cities,"  hut  describes  pyrniriids  and  mound.*!.  If  tliero 
Iks  any  thiii;^  like  tlie  works  of  inen,  at  the  jihices  h(!  points  out,  ditfcniut  from 
what  is  couunon  in  the  west,  it  is  v(!ry  singular  that  they  should  not  have  at- 
tracted the  notice  of  some  one  of  the  many  thousands  of  people  who  luivo 
for  50  years  passed  !)y  them.  Mr.  Jirackennd^e  speaks  of  the  antiquities  at 
this  |)lacc,  but  docs  not  say  any  thing  about  cities.  He  observes,  "The  most 
remarkable  appearances  are  two  grou])s  of  mounds  or  pyranuds,  the  one 
about  10  miles  above  Cnhokiu,  the  other  nearly  the  same  distance  below  it, 
which,  in  all,  exceed  150,  of  various  sizes.  The  western  side  also  contains  a 
considerable  mnnbcr. 

"A  more  minute  description  of  those  abfint  Cahokia,  which  I  visited  in  ^.lo 
(iiil  of  IHll,  will  give  a  tohirable  idea  of  tli(!m  all.  1  crossed  the  Mis.sis!--,ppi 
at  St.  Loui.'t,  and  aller  pas.sing  through  the  wood  which  borders  the  river, 
about  half  a  mihi  in  width,  entered  an  extensive  open  [)lain.  In  15  minutes, 
I  found  myself  in  the  midst  of  a  grouj)  of  mounds,  mostly  of  a  circular  slwn)e, 
and  at  a  di.stauce  resembling  enormous  hay.'<tacks  scalttired  through  a  meadow. 
One  ol"  th(!  largest  which  I  ascended  was  about  iiOO  ])aces  in  eireuuderence  at 
tlie  bottom,  the  form  nearly  square,  though  it  had  evidently  undCTgone  con- 
siderable alteration  from  the  washing  of  the  rains.  Tlie  top  was  level,  with 
an  area  suilicient  to  contain  several  hundred  men." 

\Vhen  Mr.  llnrtram  travelled  into  South  Carolina,  Georgia  and  Florida,  be- 
twecMi  the  year.s  177!{  and  177(i,  he  saw  many  interesting  antiquities.  At  the 
Cherokee  town  of  (.'owe,  on  the  Tennessee  River,  which  then  containeil  about 
100  houses,  he  notic(!(l  that  "  The  council  or  town-house  was  a  large  rotiuida, 
capable  of  accommodating  several  hundred  peoj)le:  it  stands  on  the  top  of  an 
ancient  artiticial  mount  of  earth,  of  about  JiO  feet  perpendicular,  and  the  ro- 
tunila  on  the  top  of  it  being  about  JW  feet  more,  gives  the  whole  fabric  an  ele- 
^  aiidii  of  about  (JO  feet  from  the  common  surface  of  the  ground.  IJiit,"  Mr 
Unrinim  continues,  "it  may  be  i)ro])er  to  observe,  that  this  mount,  on  which 
the  rotmula  stands,  is  of  a  much  ancient(!r  date  than  the  building,  and  jM'rliajjS 
\vus  raised  for  auotluir  i)urpose.  The  Cherokees  themselves  are  as  ignorant 
as  we  are,  by  what  peo])le  or  for  what  ))urpo.se  these  artificial  bills  were 
rui.sed ;  they  have  various  stories  concerning  them,  the  best  of  which  amount 
to  no  more  than  mere  conjecture,  and  leave  us  entirely  in  the  dark;  but  they 
have  a  tradition  common  with  the  other  nations  of  Indians,  that  they  found 
tlicm  in  much  the  same  condition  as  they  now  appear,  when  their  forefathers 
arrived  fi'om  the  west  and  possessed  themselves  of  the  country,  after  vanquish- 
ing the  nations  of  red  men  who  then  itdiabited  it,  who  themselves  found  these 
mounts  when  they  took  po.ssession  of  the  country,  the  former  possessors  de- 
liver'iig  the  .xame  story  concerning  them." 

Hence  it  is  to  be  observed  that  tlu;  mounds  in  the  south  are  not  only  thp, 
same  as  those  in  the  north,  but  Indian  traditions  concerning  them  are  t.V  ^ 
same  also. 

At  Ottiissc,  an  important  town  of  the  Cherokee.*,  the  same  traveller  saw  a 
mo.xt  singular  column.  It  stood  adjac»:nt  to  the  town,  in  the  centre  of  an  ob- 
long s(piare,  and  was  about  40  feet  high,  and  only  from  two  to  three  feet  thick 
at  its  ba8(^  and  ta|)ered  gratlually  from  the  ground  to  its  top.  Wha^  '  <  very 
remarkable  about  this  ])illar  is  that,  notwithstanding  it  is  formed  of  .  single 
stick  of  i)ine  timber,  the  Indians  or  white  traders  could  give  iu<  ;  .?cuunt  for 
what  ]Mirpose  it  was  erected;  and  to  the  inquiries  which  Mr.  ^arfram  made 
of  the  Indians  concerning  it,  the  same  answer  was  given  as  when  questioned 
about  the  moimds ;  viz.  that  their  ancestors  found  it  t!  :re.,  and  the  peoi)le  that 
those  ancestors  dispossessed  knew  nothing  of  its  origin.  This  is  not  singular 
when  reference  is  had  to  mounds  of  earth,  but  when  the  same  account  is 
given  concerning  [lerislmble  material,  the  shade,  at  least,  of  a  suspicion  is  seeu 
lurking  in  the  back  ground.  As  another  singular  circumstance,  it  is  observed 
that  no  trees  of  the  kind  of  which  this  column  was  made,  {pin.  palustris)  were 
to  be  found  at  that  time  nearer  than  12  or  15  miles. 

In  the  great  council-houses'  at  Ottasse  were  observed,  upon  the  pillars  and 
walls,  various  paintings  and  sculptures,  supposed  to  be  hieroglyjjhics  of  his- 
torical legends,  and  political  and  sjicerdotal  allairs.  "They  are,"  obscrNes 
Mr.  Bartram,  "  extremely  picturescpic  or  caricature,  as  men  in  a  variety  of  at- 


48 


AMERICAN  ANTItiUrriES. 


fBooK  1- 


titudcs,  some  ludicrous  cnougli,  others  liaving  the  head  of  some  kind  of  ani- 
mal, 08  those  of  a  duck,  turkey,  bear,  fox,  wolf,  buck,  &c.  and  ajrain  those 
kind  of  creatures  are  represented  having  tiie  human  head.  These  designs  are 
not  ill  executed;  the  oiuliiies  hold,  free  aiul  well-proportioned.  The  pillars 
supporting  the  front  or  piazza  of  the  council-house  of  the  scpiare,  are  ingeni- 
ously formed  in  the  likeness  of  vast  speckled  serpents,  ascending  upwards; 
the  bttasses  being  of  the  Snake  tribe." 

In  the  fourth  hook  of  this  work  mention  has  been  made  of  the  great  high- 
ways in  Florida.  Mr.  Bartrnm  mentions  them,  but  not  in  a  very  ))articular 
manner,  upon  the  St.  John's  River.  As  his  sentiments  seem  to  be  those  of  a 
man  of  intelligence,  I  will  offer  here  his  concluding  remarks  upon  the  Indian 
antiquities  of  the  country  he  visited.  "  I  deem  it  necessary  to  obse^rve  as  my 
opinion,  that  none  of  them  that  I  have  seen,  discover  the  least  signs  of  the 
arts,  sciences,  or  architecture  of  the  Eurojieans  or  other  inhabitants  of  the  old 
world  ;  yet  evidently  betray  every  sign  or  mark  of  the  most  distant  antii]nity." 

The  above  remark  is  cited  to  show  how  dilleiTut  different  pi-ople  make  up 
their  minds  upon  the  same  subject;  it  shows  how  futile  it  is  for  us  to  spend 
time  in  speculating  uj)on  such  matters.  And,  as  I  have  before  observed,  it  is 
time  enough  to  build  theories  after  facts  have  been  collected.  It  can  add 
nothing  to  our  stock  of  knowledge  resjjccting  our  antiquities,  to  talk  or  write 
forever  about  Nebuchadnezzar  and  the  lost  tribes  of  .Jews;  but  if  the  time 
wliich  has  been  s|>ent  in  this  manner,  had  l)eeii  devoted  to  some  useful  j)ur- 
snit,  some  useful  object  would  have  been  attained.  As  the  matter  now  stands, 
one  object,  nevertheless,  is  clearly  attained,  namely,  that  of  misleading  or  con- 
founding the  understandings  of  many  uninforiTU  d  people.  I  am  led  to  make 
these  observations  to  put  the  unwary  upon  their  guard. 

In  the  iireceiling  cliajner  1  have  giv(«i  various  accounts  of,  or  accounts  from 
various  authoi-s,  who  imagine  that  a  colony  of  Welsh  came  to  America  7  or  800 
yeai"s  ago.  It  is  as  truly  astonishing  as  any  thing  we  meet  with  to  observe 
how  many  persons  had  found  proofis  of  the  existence  of  iribes  of  VVcslsh  In- 
dians, about  the  same  period,  As  a  case  exactly  in  point  with  that  miMitioned 
at  the  lieginning  of  the  last  paragra])li,  I  otter  what  JMr.  lirachtimd^c  says 
upon  this  matter.  "That  no  Welsh  nation  exists,"  he  o!)serves,  "at  present, 
on  this  continent,  is  beyond  a  doubt.  Dr.  liarton  has  taken  great  pains  to  as- 
certain the  languages  spoken  by  those  tribes  east  of  the  Hlississii)i)i,  and  the 
Welsh  finds  no  jilnce  amongst  them ;  since  the  cession  of  liouisiana,  the  triltea 
west  of  the  Mississippi  have  been  sutHciently  known ;  we  havt^  had  inter- 
course with  them  all,  but  no  Welsh  are  yet  found.  In  the  year  17!tH,  a  younj^ 
Welshtnan  of  the  name  of  Kvnus  ascrndiMl  the  Missouri,  in  conij)any  with 
Makey,  and  remained  two  years  in  that  country ;  lie  spoke  both  the;  ancient 
anil  modern  Welsh,  and  addressed  himself  to  every  nation  between  that  river 
and  New  Spain,  but  found  no  Welshmen."  Tliis,  it  would  seem,  is  coiiclu- 
Bive  enough. 

Mr.  Perk,  hi  his  "(Jazetteer  of  Illinois,"  has  aimed  bo  ha])]iy  a  stroke  at  the 
writers  on  oiu"  antiipiity,  that,  had  I  iiU-t  with  his  rod  before  I  bad  made  the 
previous  r«*marks,  I  should  most  certainly  have  made  use  of  it.  I  sliidl  never- 
theless use  it.  Afb'r  saying  soMielhing  upon  the  aiiticpiititis  of  Illinois,  lie  pro- 
ceeds: "Of  OIK!  thing  the  writer  is  satisfied,  that  very  imperfei  t  and  iiicorrecl 
data  have  been  relied  upon,  and  very  erroneous  conclusions  drann,  upon 
western  aiitiiiuities.  Whoever  has  time  and  patience,  and  is  in  other  resjiectH 
qualified  to  explore  this  field  of  science,  and  will  use  liis  s|mde  luid  eyes  to- 
gether, and  restrain  his  imagination  from  rmminji  riot  amongst  mounds,  forti- 
fications, lioi"seslioes,  medals,  and  whole  cabinets  of  relics  of  the  "olden  time," 
will  fiiul  very  littk-  more  than  the  indications  of  rudo  savages,  the  Hiuestors 
©f  the  present  race  of  Indians." 


r.ND    OF    DOOK    FIRHT. 


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i 


II 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  . 


OF   THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


•»* 


BOOK  II. 


I 


■r* 


!•) 


y 


-,^  --,«,.fc'*='* 


Im'il  in  \io\vii:iJ  tlu'  iipiT  ;ii  !i  iii';.  i;  llur,,;,.  afl  .'iiji) 


i    , 


■ 


r  rli       iiii  1 


Ma^Bna^ktar 


Manner  in  which  snino  trilws  of  tho  We»t  diHposc  f)f  llieir  dead. 


V- 


BOOK        II.  ,  : 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  NORTHERN 
OR  NEW  ENGLAND  INDIANS. 


"  'Tig  good  to  muse  on  nations  passed  away 
Forever  from  the  land  we  call  our  owii." 


Yamotdsk, 


CHAPTER  I. 

Conduct  of  the  early  voyagers  towards  the  Indians. — SmneaccourU  of  the  individuals 
Donacona — Agona — Tasquantum,  or  Squanto — Dehamda — Skettwarroes — Assacu- 
met — Manida^Pechmo — Monopet — Pekenimne — Sakatoeston — Epanow — Manawet 
— Wanape — Coneconam. 

The  first  voyagers  to  a  country  were  anxious  to  confirm  the  truth  of  their 
accounts,  and  therefore  took  from  their  newly-discovered  lands  whatever 
seemed  best  suited  to  that  object.  The  inhabitants  of  America  carried  off 
by  Europeans  were  not,  perhaps,  m  any  instance,  token  away  by  voyagers 
merely  for  this  object,  but  that  they  might,  in  time,  learn  from  tnem  the  value 
of  the  coimtry  from  whence  they  took  them.  Besides  those  forcibly  carried 
away,  there  were  many,  doubtless,  who  went  through  overpersuasion,  and 
ignorance  both  of  the  distaiice  and  usage  they  should  meet  with  in  a  land  of 
strangers ;  which  was  not  always  as  it  shouki  hav  e  been,  and  hence  such  as 
were  ill  used,  if  they  ever  returned  to  their  own  country,  were  prepared  to 
Ijc  revenged  on  any  strangers  of  the  same  color,  that  chanced  to  come  among 
tliem. 

In  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus  to  America,  he  took  along  with  him,  on  his 
rcturft  to  Spain,  a  considerable  number  of  Indians ;  how  many  we  do  not 
know  ;  but  several  died  ou  their  j)a88age,  and  seven  were  presented  to  the  king. 
Vimente  Yaiiez  Pinzoti,  a  captain  under  Columbus,  kidnapped  four  natives, 
whom  he  intcndtul  to  sell  in  Spain  for  slaves ;  but  Columbus  took  them  from 
liirn,  and  restored  them  to  their  iWends.  lu  tliis  first  voyage  to  the  islands  of 
the  now  world,  the  blood  of  several  Indians  was  shed  by  the  hostile  arms  of 
the  Spaniards.* 

Tlicre  were  three  natives  presented  to  Henry  VII.  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  in 
LWi,  which  he  liuil  Uilieu  from  Newibunditmd.  What  were  tlieir  names,  or 
wiiat  Iteenine  of  tiiem,  we  are,  not  informed;  but  from  the  notice  of  historians, 
we  learn  that,  when  found,  "they  were  clotlied  with  the  skins  of  beasts,  and 
lived  on  raw  flesh ;  but  after  two  years,  [residence  iu  England,!  were  seen  in 
the  king's  court  clotlied  like  Englishmen,  and  could  not  be  discerned  from 

•  !My  prcsiMil  poiircru  not  !»cinfr  with  the  Indians  ol'  Snulli  Anicrira,  I  hvg  leave  to  refer  tl» 
readur  to  ii  lillli-  work  liitrly  piiblisluMl,  i-iiliilod  Thk  Oi.n  Imihan  Chkdnici.k,  in  wliirli  nil 
the  prominent  I'ucts  coacernin!^  tlio  ntrucities  of  tiie  Spaninrds  towards  them  will  be  found 
stated. 


<\ 


I    1 


CONDUCT  OF  EARLY  VOYAGERS 


[Book  II. 


I|  ' 


Englishmen."*  These  were  the  first  Indians  ever  seen  in  England.f  They 
were  brought  to  the  English  court  "in  their  country  habit,"  and  "spoke  a 
language  never  heard  before  out  of  their  own  country."  J 

The  French  discovered  the  River  St.  Lawrence  m  1508,  and  the  captain 
of  the  ship  who  made  the  discovery,  carried  several  natives  to  Paris,  which 
were  the  first  ever  seen  in  France.  What  were  their  names,  or  even  how 
many  they  were  in  number,  is  not  set  do>vn  in  the  accounts  of  this  voyage. 
The  name  of  this  captain  was  Thomas  ^ubert.§ 

John  Verazzini,  in  the  service  of  France,  in  1524,  sailed  along  the  American 
coast,  and  landed  in  several  placed.  At  one  place,  which  we  judge  to  be 
some  part  of  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  "  20  of  his  men  landed,  and  went 
about  two  leagues  up  into  the  country.  The  inhabitants  fled  before  them, 
but  they  caught  an  old  woman  who  had  hid  herself  in  the  high  grass,  with  a 
young  woman  about  18  years  of  age.  The  old  woman  carried  a  child  on  her 
back,  and  had,  besides,  two  little  boys  with  her.  The  young  woman,  too, 
carried  three  children  of  her  own  sex.  Seeing  themselves  discovered,  they 
began  to  shriek,  and  the  old  one  gave  them  to  understand,  by  signs,  that  the 
men  were  fled  to  the  woods.  They  offered  her  something  to  eat,  which  she 
accepted,  but  the  maiden  refused  it.  This  girl,  who  was  tdl  and  well  shaped, 
they  were  desirous  of  taking  along  with  them,  but  as  she  made  a  violent 
outcry,  they  contented  themselves  with  taking  a  boy  away  with  them."|| 
The  name  of  New  France  was  given  to  North  America  in  this  voyage.  In 
another  voyage  here,  Verazzini  was  killed,  and,  as  some  say,  eaten  by  the 
Indians. 

Few  of  the  early  voyagers  were  better  than  demi  savages,  for  they  would 
retaliate  upon  tlie  Indians  as  though  they  had  been  on  equal  footing  with  them, 
in  respect  to  their  own  ideas  of  justic^.  When  Capt  Hudson  discovered  and 
sailed  up  the  river  \^ich  now  bears  his  name,  the  most  flagrant  itrjustice  was 
committed  on  the  Indians  by  some  of  his  men.  To  set  that  affair  in  a  clear 
light  before  the  reader,  we  will  give  the  following  passages  from  the  journal  of 
Robert  Juet^  one  of  the  voyage. 

1609,  Sept.  6.  Our  master  sent  John  Colman  witli  four  men  to  sound  the 
river,  four  leagues  distant,  which  they  did,  but  in  their  return  to  the  ship,  they 
were  set  upon  by  Indians  in  t^vo  canoes,  to  the  number  of  26 ;  in  which  affair 
John  Colman  was  killed  by  on  arrow  shot  uito  his  throat,  and  two  others  were 
wounded.  The  next  day  Column  was  buried  on  a  point  of  land  which  to  this 
day  bears  his  name. 

What  offence,  if  any,  was  given  to  the  Indians  to  provoke  this  attack  from 
them,  can  never  be  discovered;  but  from  the  coureo  of^proceedings  of  Hudson^s 
men,  there  can  be  but  httle  doubt  of  offence  of  some  kind  on  their  part. 

Sept.  8.  The  people  came  on  board  us,  and  brought  tobacco  and  Indian 
wheat,  to  exchange  for  knives  and  beads,  and  offered  us  no  violence.  So  we, 
fitting  up  our  boat,  did  mark  them,  to  see  if  they  would  make  any  show  of  the 
death  of  our  man,  but  they  did  not. 

Sept.  9.  In  the  morning  two  great  canoes  came  on  board  full  of  men ;  one 
with  hows  and  arrows,  and  the  other  in  show  of  buying  knives  to  betray  us ; 
but  we  perceived  their  intention.  We  took  two  of  them,  to  have  kept  them, 
and  put  red  coats  on  them,  and  would  not  suffer  the  others  to  come  neai*  us, 
and  soon  after  the  canoes  leave  them.  Immediately  two  other  natives  came 
on  board  us;  one  we  took,  and  let  the  other  go,  but  he  soon  C8caj)ed  by  jump- 
ing overboard. 

*  Rapin's  Ilist.  England,  i.  685.  ed.  fol. 

t  This  is  upon  llie  imlhority  of  ihrktly.  Instead  of  Englarul,  liowevcr,  he  says  Europe  ; 
but,  by  siiyiiip  ihe  six,  whicli  Columbus  had  l)elbre  taken  from  St.  8alva(k)r,  made  tlicif 
escape,  lie  sliows  liis  superficial  knowledge  of  tliose  affairs.     Miuir  Herrera : — 

"  En  siiitte  de  ceia,  Uliat  is,  after  Columlms  tiad  replied  to  the  king's  letter  about  a  second 
voyage,']  il  [Columbus]  partit  pour  allcr  a  Jiarcelone  auec  sept  Imlietis,  parte  que  les  autres 
stoifnt  marts  en  chemin.  II  Jit  porter  awque  luy  ues  perrnquets  verds,  et  de  rouges,  et 
i'.' autres  clioses  digrus  d' admiration  rpu  n'auoient  iamais  est'' veufs  en  Espagne."  Hist,  des 
fndc!*  Occident,  i.  102.  Kd.  IGliO,  3  tomes,  4to.  See  also  HarriSfVoyuges,  ii.  15.  ed.  1764, 
I'  V.  fol. ;  Rol  eifson.  America,  i.  'Jl.  ed.  1778,  'Ito. 

f  Herkelv':i  Mayal  Ilist.  lint,  iifia.  ed.  175<i,  fol.  and  Harris,  Voyages,  u.  191. 

{)  Wni'.t,  .i<)i!.  P  Ibid,  m,  'WJ. 


Chap.  I.] 


TOWARDS  THE  INDIANS. 


i 


.: 


I 


\ 


Sept.  11.  The  ship  had  now  anchored  at  considerable  distance  up  the 
river.  The  people  of  the  country  came  on  board,  making  show  of  love,  and 
gave  us  tobacco  and  Indian  wheat. 

Sept.  12.  This  morning  there  came  eight-and-twenty  canoes  full  of  men, 
women  and  children  to  betray  us ;  but  we  saw  tlieir  uitent,  and  suf!ei-ed  none 
of  them  to  come  on  board.  They  have  great  tobacco  pipes  of  yellow 
copper,  and  pots  of  earth  to  di-ess  their  meat  in. 

That  the  Indians  came  "  to  beti'ay  them,"  with  tlieu*  women  and  children, 
was  a  mistaken  notion  of  our  voyagers,  but  they  were  not  acquainted  with 
the  mannei-s  of  tliese  people.  It  is,  and  -always  'las  been  tliek  unlversiil 
custom  to  send  away  or  leave  at  home  their  fr',iilie8  when  they  go  out  upon 
an  expedition. 

Sept.  15.  Hudson  sails  20  leagues  farther  up  the  river,  "passuig  by  high 
mountains,"  probably  the  high  lands  of  West  Pomt.  This  niomuig  the  two 
captive  savages  got  out  of  a  port  of  the  ship  and  made  their  escape. 

Sept.  18.  The  master's  mate  went  on  shore  with  an  old  Indian,  a  sachem 
of  the  country,  who  took  him  to  his  house  and  treated  him  kindly. 

Oct.  1.  The  ship,  having  fallen  down  die  river  "seven  miles  Iielow  the 
niountauis,"  comes  to  anchor.  One  man  in  a  canoe  kept  hanging  under  the 
stern  of  the  ship,  and  would  not  be  driven  off.  He  soon  contrived  to  clunb 
up  by  the  rudder,  fifid  got  into  the  cabin  window,  which  had  been  left  open, 
from  which  he  stole  a  pillow,  two  shirts,  and  two  bandoleers.  The  mate  shot 
him  in  the  breast  and  killed  him.  Many  others  wore  in  canoes  about  the  ship, 
who  immediately  fled,  and  some  jumped  overboard.  A  boat  manned  from 
the  ship  pursued  them,  and  coming  up  with  one  in  tlie  water,  he  laid  hold  of 
the  side  of  the  boat,  and  endeavored  to  overset  it ;  at  which  one  in  the  boat 
cut  off  his  hands  with  a  sword,  and  he  was  drowned. 

Oct.  2.  They  fall  down  seven  leagues  failher,  and  anchor  again.  Then,  says 
Juet,  came  one  of  the  savages  that  swam  away  from  us  at  our  going  up  the 
river,  with  many  others,  thinking  to  betray  us,  but  we  suffered  none  of  them 
to  enter  our  ship.  Whereupon  two  canoes,  full  of  men  with  their  bows  and 
arrows,  shot  at  us  after  our  stern ;  in  recompense  whereof  we  dischai-ged  six 
muskets,  and  killed  two  or  three  of  them.  Then  alxjve  an  hundred  of  them 
came  to  a  point  of  land  to  shoot  at  us.  There  I  shot  a  falcon  at  liiem,  and 
killed  two  of  them;  whereu]  m  the  rest  fled  uito  the  woods.  Yet  they 
manned  off  another  canoe  with  nine  or  ten  men,  which  came  to  meet  us ;  so  I 
shot  at  it  also  a  falcon,  and  shot  it  through,  and  killed  one  of  them.  Then  our 
men,  with  their  muskets,  killed  three  or  four  more  of  them. 

Thus  are  recorded  tlie  Indian  events  of  Hudson^s  voyage  in  the  River 
Manna-liaia,  (as  he  learned  its  name,)  in  1609. 

Donacona,  a  chief  upon  the  River  St.  Croix,  was  met  with,  in  1535,  by  tlie 
voyager  James  Cartier,  who  was  well  received  and  kindly  treated  by  him  and 
his  people ;  to  repay  which,  Cartier,  "  partly  by  stratagem  and  paitly  by  force," 
carried  him  to  France,  where  he  soon  after  died.*  Notwithstandnig,  Cartier 
was  in  the  country  five  years  after,  where  he  fouuU  Agona,  the  successor  of 
Donacona,  and  exchanged  presents  witli  him,  pntbably  reconciling  him  by 
some  plausible  account  of  the  absence  o(  Donacona. 

Tasquantum,  or  TKsquantum,  was  one  of  tlie  five  natives  carried  from  the 
coast  of  New  England,  in  1G05,  by  Capt.  George  Waymoxdk,  who  had  been 
sent  out  to  discover  a  north-west  passage.  This  Indian  was  known  afterwards 
to  the  settlers  of  Plimouth,  by  whom  he  was  generally  called  ^Squanto  or 
^SquarUum,  by  abbreviation.  The  names  of  the  other  four  wen;  Manida, 
Skettwarroes,  Dehamda  and  Assacumet. 

Altiiough  Gorges  does  not  say  Dehamda  was  one  brouglit  over  at  this  time, 
it  is  evident  that  he  was,  Irecause,  so  far  as  we  can  discover,  there  were  no 
other  natives,  at  that  time  in  England,  but  these  five. 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  says,  Waymovth,  "falling  short  of  his  course,  [in 
seeking  the  N.  W.  passage,]  happened  into  a  river  on  the  coast  of  Atnerica, 
called  Pemtnaquid,  from  whence  lie  brought  five  of  the  natives."  "And  it  so 
pleased  our  great  GUmI  that"  Waymoxdh,  on  his  return  to  England,  "came  uito 


'   !• 


*  Forster,  VIO— +12. 


;i 


6  CONDUCT  OF  EARLY  VOYAGERS         [BoaK  11. 

die  luu'lior  of  Plyinoiitli,  where  I  then  comnmiided."  Three*  of  whoBC 
iiativeH,  imincly,  Manida,  Skdtwarroca  uiul  Tasqumxium,  "I  sci/eil  iii»oii> 
TJiey  were  uU  of  one  nation,  !)Ut  of  8(!veml  purts,  uud  severul  liuniheH.  Thi» 
accident  inunt  Ini  ueknowleilKud  the  nieuus,  under  God,  of  putting  on  foot 
und  giving  life  to  ull  our  pimitution»." 

Paying  greut  attention  to  l\,c.mi  luitivt^H,  he  hoou  understood  enough  by  them 
about  the  country  from  whenct)  they  cmne  to  establish  a  belief  tliut  it  wuh  of 
great  vniuo ;  not  |Ku-lia|>H  making  due  allowunce  for  itH  being  tiieir  home.  And 
tsir  Ferdxnando  adds,  "  Athr  1  had  those  people  Bonietunen  in  my  custody,  1 
observed  in  them  ui>  inclination  to  follow  tlie  extuiinle  of  the  l)etter  Hort ;  and 
in  ull  tlieir  cwriages,  manifest  shoWs  of  great  civility,  liir  from  tlie  rndeues8 
of  our  common  peojilt-.  \ud  tlu!  longer  I  conversed  with  them,  the  better 
hope  they  gave  me  of  those  pmts  where  tliey  did  inhabit,  us  projjer  for  our 
uses;  especially  when  1  found  whut  goodly  rivers,  sUitely  islands,  and  sale 
hai'bors,  those  pmls  abonndcul  with,  bu'iuj?  the  special  marks  I  leveled  at  as  the 
only  want  our  nation  met  with  in  all  tlieir  navigutious  along  that  coast.  Aud 
having  kept  tiiem  full  tluee  years,  I  made  tiiem  able  to  set  me  down  whut 
great  rivers  run  up  inlo  the  liuid,  what  men  of  note  were  seated  on  them, 
what  power  they  were  ot|  how  allied,  what  enonjies  they  had,"  &.c. 

Thus  having  gained  a  knowledge  of  tlie  country.  Sir  Fcrdinmulo  got  i-eudy 
"ttship  furnished  with  men  and  ull  necessuries"  for  a  voyage  to  America,  and 
sent  as  her  captain  Mr.  Hrnrif  Cludloung^]  with  whouj  he  alst)  sent  two  of  his 
1  ndians.  The  niuues  of  tiiise  were  .Isaacumel  uuil  Manida.  Cludom,  having 
Lcen  taken  sick  hi  the  bcgiiiiihig  of  the  voyage,  altered  his  courae,  and  lost 
some  time  in  the  West  ludit;.s.  Ath-r  beuig  able  to  jirocecMl  northward,  he 
departed  from  Porto  Uico,  and  v.as  soon  alter  taken  by  u  Spanish  flciet,  and 
carrieH  into  Spain,  "  \vhcri>  ilieir  ship  luid  goods  were  confiscate,  themselves 
made  prisotiii-s,  the  voyage  overtlirovyn,  tuid  both  my  natives  lostJ'  One, 
however,  ^hmcumd,  was  alt  rwarils  recovered,  if  not  the  other.  This  voyage 
of  Chalons  was  in  1()0(>. 

It  appears  that,  tin;  Loril  Chief  Justice  Popham  I  hud  agreed  to  siaid  a  vessel 
to  the  aid  of  (Vki/oh,*,  wliicb  was  accordingly  done  before  'the  news  of  his 
lanng  tidven  was  known  in  England.  For  ii\r  Ferdiiuuido  Gorges  says,  "It 
pleased  the  lonl  chief  justice,  accorduig  to  his  promise,  to  ilespatch  Capt. 
[.Wartm]  Prin  from  Bristol,  ,ith  hope  to  have  fomul  Capt.  Challounae  ,•" 
"but  not  hearing  by  any  means  whut  became  of  him,  utter  he  had  made  a 
l)erfi!Ct  discovery  of  nil  those  rivei-s  and  harboi-s,"  "brings  with  hun  the  most 
exact  discovery  of  Uiat  const  that  ever  came  to  my  lutmls  siuct;,  und,^  indeed, 
lie  \viis  the  iH'st  able  to  perform  it  of  any  I  met  withal  to  this  jtresent,  [time,] 
which,  with  his  relation  of  the  country,  wrought  such  an  hnpressiou  in  the 
lonl  chief  justice,  aiul  us  all  tJiat  were  his  lussociatcs,  that  (noiwiihstmuling  our 
lii-st  disaster)  we  set  up  our  resolutions  to  follow  it  with  etfect." 

Dtliainda  aud  S'icltwarmcs  \v«>re  with  Pr»i§  in  tliis  voyage,  and  wtu-e,  with- 
out doubt,  his  most  elhcicnt  aids  in  surveying  the  coast.  It  appeui-s  from 
Gorges,  thut  IJehamda  wus  sent  by  the  chief  jiustice,  who  we  suppose  liud 
considered  him  his  property,||  and  SkttUvarroes  by  hijnself.  They  returned 
again  to  England  with  Prin. 

"  h  socins,  from  (his  pari  ot  liis  niirraiivt',  liiat  liu  had  but  tlicoc  of  them,  but,  from  subsequent 
passages,  it  up|M;urs  h:  hiul  tjiem  all.     See  iilso  Ameriru  painUd  tttthe  Life. 

t  CTiallaui,  by  some,     (iovffcs  has  biin,  suiuetimcs,  Clialoirns,  Cludon,  Ate. 

I'lUti  sunui  who  |)r«!iitleii  at  the  trial  of  Sir  W.  KiiUgh  anil  his  associiUes,  in  lG(X5s  See 
Prltire's  tt'or/Ziu-s  of  Devon,  (H'i,  ()73.  Ftdler,  in  his  ^\'orthi«s  of  EiifflanJ,  li.  "281,  says, 
''Travelers  owed  their  safety  to  this  judge's  severity  many  years  afler  his  ileath,  which 
imppencd  Anno  Domini  Iti**,''  thinking-,  no  doubt,  he  had  much  enlightened  his  render  by 
definitely  stating  lliaf  Sir  Mm  I'oplium  died  some  lime  within  a  hundreif  years.  The  severity 
referred  to  has  rcletence  to  his  im|>ortuniiig  Kini?  James  not  to  pardon  so  many  robbers  and 
thieves,  which,  he  said,  tended  to  render  tite  judges  conlemptiblo,  and  "  which  made  him 
more  sparing  allcrward."' 

^  Gorges,  one  of  tiie  main  springs  of  those  transactions,  who  wrote  tJie  account  we  give, 
makes  no  mention  of  any  other  captain  accompanying  him ;  yet  Dr.  Ilolmfs's  authorities, 
Aiittals,  i.  125,  led  him  to  record  Tlionuts  Ilanam  as  the  jwrformcr  of  this  voyage.  And  a 
writer  of  Wii  sajs,  Hajutm,  or,  as  he  calls  him,  Hanuxn,  went  commander,  and  Privnt 
master.  See  t  Col.  Maai.  Hist.  Soc.  ix.  3.  This  agrees  witli  the  aceount  of  Gorges  the 
younger. 

II  He  bad  probably  been  given  to  him  by  Sir  Ftrdinando. 


Ji 


> 


Chap  1.] 


TOWARDS  THE  INDIANS. 


." 


Inch 
Tby 

liim 


The  next  ycur,  1G07,  these  two  iiutivcs  piloted  the  first  New  Euglu!i(l  colony 
to  the  nioiitli  of  SugiulHliock  River,  Binco  the  Kennt^heck.  They  left  Engluml 
;J0  May,  and  did  not  arrive  here  until  8  August  following,  "  As  soon  us  the 
jiresideut  hud  tuken  notice  of  the  place,  and  givon  order  for  landing  iho 
provisions,  he  d(!spatchetl  away  Captain  Gilbert,  with  SkUioarres  his  guide, 
for  the  thorough  discovery  of  tlie  rivers  and  habitations  of  the  natives,  by 
whom  he  was  brought  to  scverul  of  them,  when;  ho  found  civil  entertainment, 
and  kind  ri'sjiects,  far  from  brutish  or  savage  natures,  so  us  tiu-y  suddenly 
became  familiar  friertds, esptscially  by  ilie  uu'uns  uC Dchamda  and  Skilwarrers." 
"  So  us  the  president  was  earnestly  intreated  l)y  Sttsaenow,  Jlbcremd,  and  othei-s, 
the  principal  Sagamores,  (as  they  call  their  great  lords,)  to  go  to  the  Bushabas, 
wiio  it  seems  was  their  king."  They  wore  prcv«!nted,  however,  by  adverse 
w<atht!r,  from  that  journey,  and  thus  the  promise  to  do  so  was  unintentionally 
broken,  "  much  to  tlie  giief  of  those  Sagamores  that  were  to  attend  him.  Tho 
Hasheba.s,  notwithstanding,  hearing  of  his  misfortune,  sent  his  own  sou  to  visit 
hitn,  and  to  bout  u  trade  with  him  for  fin's." 

Several  sad  and  meluncholy  uccident.s  cousjiired  to  put  un  end  to  this  fimt 
colony  of  New  England.  The  first  was  the  loss  of  their  store-house,  contain- 
ing most  of  their  supplies,  by  fire,  in  tiie  winter  following,  and  anotlier  was  tho 
death  of  Lord  Popliam.  It  consisted  of  100  men,  and  its  beginning  was 
.'luspicious ;  but  these  calamities,  together  witli  tile  death  of  their  jiresident, 
broke  down  tli(Mr  resolutions.  So  many  disconrugemeuts,  notwithstanduig  a 
ship  with  supjilies  had  arrived,  determined  them  to  abandon  the  country, 
which  they  did  in  the  spring.*  What  became  of  Dchainda  and  SkcUwarroes 
there  is  no  mention,  but  they  jirobablv  reiiiauied  in  the  country  with  their 
friends,  unless  the  passage;  which  we  shall  hereafter  (extract,  be  construed  to 
mean  difi(;rently.t 

To  return  to  T^squantum.  There  is  some  disagreement  in  the  narratives  of 
the  cotemjiorary  writers  in  rt'spect  to  this  chief,  which  shows,  either  thutsomo 
of  them  ure  in  error,  or  that  there  were  two  of  the  sume  name — one  curried 
uway  by  fVaymouth,  and  the  other  by  Hunt.  From  a  critical  examination  of 
the  accounts,  it  is  bt!li(;ve<l  there  was  but  one,  (uid  that  he  was  carried  uwuy 
by  fVaymouth,  as  Sir  Ferdtnando  Gorges  relates,  whose  account  we  have  given 
above.f  It  is  impossible  that  Sir  Ferdmando  should  have  been  mistuken  in 
the  names  of  those  he  received  from  Waymoulh.  The  uanies  of  tliose  carried 
off  by  Hunt  are  not  given,  or  but  few  of  lluin,  nor  were  they  kidnapped  until 
nine  years  after  WaymotdKs  voyage.  It  is,  thei-eforc,  j)ossible  that  Smiantumf 
having  returned  home  from  the  service  of  Gorges,  Avent  again  to  EngUuad 
with  some  other  person,  or  perhaps  even  with  HurU,  But  wc  are  inclined  to 
think  that  there  was  but  one  of  the  niune,  and  his  being  carried  away  an  error 
of  inadvertence. 

Patuxet,  aft(!rward  called  PlimotUh,  was  thu  i)lacc  of  residence  of  Squantunif 
who,  it  is  said,  was  the  only  person  that  es(,aped  the  great  plague  of  which 
we  shall  particularly  speak  m  the  life  of  MassasoU ;  where,  at  the  same  time, 
wo  shall  take  up  again  the  life  of  Squantum,  whose  history  is  so  intunatcly 
connected  with  it. 

It  was  ill  Kill  that  Cajitain  Edward  Harlow^  wus  sent  "to  discover  an  He 
supposed  about  Cape  Cod,"  who  "  falling  with  Jlouagigan,  they  found  onely 
Cape  Cod  no  He  but  th(>  maiue ;  there  [at  Monhigon  Island]  they  detained 
three  Suluages  aboord  them,  called  Pechmo,  Monopet  and  Pekenimnef  but 
Pcchr)w  leapt  ouerboard,  and  got  away  ;  and  not  long  after,  witli  his  cousoits^ 
cut  their  Boat  from  tlitnr  steriio,  got  her  on  shore,  and  so  filled  her  with  sand 
and  guarded  her  with  bowes  and  arrowes,  the  English  lost  her."|l 

This  exploit  of  Pechmo  is  as  truly  brave  as  it  was  daring.    To  have  got 

*  Tlipy  had  "  seated  themselves  in  a  peninsula,  which  is  at  tlie  mouth  o'"  Uiis  rivci,  [Sagada- 
hock,l  where  they  built  a  furlress  to  dcliMKi  themselves  from  their  enemies,  which  they  named 
St.  Cicorsrc"     America  painted  to  the  Life,  by  Ferd.  Gorges,  Esq.  p.  19. 

t  See  lite  Massasoil. 

X  It  is  plain,  from  Prince,  Chron.  131,  that  his  authors  had  confounded  the  names  of  these 
Indians  one  with  another. 

&  Sir  F«rd.  (iorges  is  urobably  wrong  in  calling  him  Henry  Harley, 

H Capt.  Smith's  Gen.  Hist.  N.  Eng.  ,  ^ 


f 


8 


HUNTS  VOYAGE. 


[Book  II. 


under  the  stern  of  a  ship,  in  the  face  of  armed  men,  and  at  the  saine  time  to 
have  succeeded  in  his  design  of  cutting  away  and  carrying  off  their  boat,  was 
an  act  as  bold  and  daring,  to  say  \lic  least,  as  that  performed  in  the  harbor  of 
TripoU  by  our  countryman  Decatur. 

From  Monhigon  Harlow,  proceeding  southward,  fell  in  with  an  island 
called  then  by  the  Indians  JVohono.  From  this  nlace  "  they  tooke  Sakawcs- 
ton,  that  after  he  had  lived  many  years  in  England,  went  a  soldier  to  the  ware 
of  Bohemia."*  Whether  hp  ever  returned  we  are  not  told.  From  this 
island  they  proceeded  to  Capawick,  since  called  Capoge,  [Maltha's  Vuieyai'd.] 
Here  "they  tOoke  Corieconam and  Eperwiv"  and  "so,  with  fine  Saluages,  they 
i-etunied  for  England." 

Epenow,  or,  as  some  wrote,  Epanoiv,  seems  to  have  been  much  such  a 
character  as'Pechmo — artful,  cunning,  bold  and  daring.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
is  evidently  erroneous  in  pait  of  his  statoniciit  uliout  (his  native,  in  as  far  as  it 
relates  to  his  having  been  brought  away  by  Hunt.  For  Harloid's  voyage  was 
in  1611,  and  Epanoio  was  sent  over  to  Cape  Cod  with  Captain  Hobson,  iu 
1614,  some  months  before  Hunt  left. 

As  it  is  peculiai'ly  gratifying  to  die  writer  to  hcai*  such  old  venerable  writers 
as  Smithf  Gorges,  &c.  speak,  the  reader  perhaps  would  not  pardon  him  were 
he  to  withhold  what  the  intimate  actiuaintance  of  the  interesting  Epanoio  says 
of  him.    Ileal",  then,  Sir  Ferdinando : — 

"  While  I  was  laboruig  'by  what  means  I  might  best  continue  life  iu  my 
languishing  hopes,  there  comes  one  Henry  Hurley]  unto  me,  bringing  with  him 
a  native  of  the  Island  of  Capawick,  a  i)lace  seated  to  tlic  southward  of  Cape 
Cod,  whose  name  was  Epeneive,  a  poison  of  goodly  stature,  strong  and  well 
proportioned.  This  man  was  taken  upon  the  main,  [by  force,]  with  some  29^ 
othere  by  a  ship  of  London  that  endeavored  to  sell  diem  for  slaves  in  Spaiue, 
but  being  understood  that  they  were  Americans,  and  being  found  to  be  unapt 
for  theu"  uses,  they  would  not  meddle  widi  tiieni,  this  being  one  of  them  they 
refused,  wherein  they  exprest  more  worth  than  tliose  that  brought  them  to  tlie 
market,  who  could  not  but  known  that  our  nation  was  at  that  time  in  travel  for 
setling  of  Christian  colonies  upon  that  continent,  it  being  an  act  much  tending 
to  our  prejudice,  when  we  came  into  that  pait  of  the  countries,  as  it  shall 
further  appear.  How  Capt.  Harley  came  to  be  possessed  of  diis  savage,  I 
know  not,  but  I  understood  by  othere  how  lie  had  been  shown  in  Loudon  for 
a  wonder.  It  is  ti-ue  ( as  I  have  sjiid)  he  was  a  goodly  man,  of  a  brave  aspect, 
stout  and  sober  in  his  demeanor,  and  had  leaiTied  so  much  English  as  to  bid 
those  that  wondered  at  him,  Welcome,  welcome  ;  this  being  the  last  and  best 
use  they  could  make  of  him,  diat  was  now  grown  out  of  the  people's  wonder. 
The  captain,  falling  further  into  bis  familiarity,  found  him  to  be  of  acquaintance 
and  friendship  witli  those  subject  to  the  Bashaba,  whom  die  captain  well  knew, 
being  himself  one  of  the  plartation,  sent  over  by  the  lord  chief  justice, 
[PopAam,]  and  by  that  means  uudei-stood  much  of  his  language,  found  out 
the  place  of  his  birth,"  &c. 

Before  proceeding  with  tlie  history  of  Epanow,  the  account  of  Capt  Tltomas 
Hunt^s  voyage  should  be  related ;  because  it  is  said  that  it  was  chiefly  owing 
to  his  perfidy  that  the  Indians  of  New  England  were  become  so  hostile  to  thtv 
voyagers.  Nevertheless,  it  is  plain,  that  (as  we  have  already  said)  Hunt  did 
not  commit  his  depredations  until  after  Epanow  had  escaped  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  English.  Capt.  John  Smith  was  m  company  with  Hunt,  and  we  will 
hear  him  relate  the  whole  transaction.  After  stating  diat  diey  arrived  at  Mon- 
higon in  April,  1614,§  spent  a  long  time  in  trying  to  catch  whales  without 
success ;  and  as  "  for  gold,  it  was  rather  the  master's  device  to  get  a  voyage, 
that  projected  if,"  that  for  trifles  they  got  "near  11000  beaver  skuis,  100 

•  Capt,  Smith's  Gen.  Hist.  N.  Eng. 

t  Perhaps  not  the  Capt.  Harlmv  before  mentioned,  though  Prince  thinks  Gorges  means  him. 

i  If  in  this  he  refers  to  Uiose  taken  by  Hunt,  as  I  suppose,  he  sets  the  number  higher  than 
others.  His  grandson,  F.  Gorges,  in  America  Painted,  &c.,  says  24  was  the  number  seized 
by  Hunt. 

$  Smith  had  an  Indian  named  Tantum  widi  him  in  this  voyage,  whom  he  set  on  shore  at 
Cap«  Cod. 


t 


I"!! 


i 


Chap.  I.] 


EPANOW. 


martin,  and  as  many  otters,  the  most  of  them  within  the  distance  of  20  leagues," 
and  bis  own  departure  for  Europe,  Capt.  SmUh  proceeds : — 

"  The  other  ship  staid  to  fit  herself  for  Spain  with  the  dry  fish,  which  was 
sold  at  Malaga  at  4  rials  the  quintal,  each  hundred  weight  two  quintals  and  a 
half. — But  one  Thomas  Hunt,  the  master  of  this  ship,  ( when  I  was  gone,) 
thinking  to  prevent  that  intent  I  had  to  make  there  a  plantation,  thereby  to 
keep  this  abounding  country  still  in  obscurity,  that  oruy  he  and  some  few 
merchants  more  might  enjoy  wholly  the  benefit  of  the  trade,  and  profit  of  this 
country,  betrayed  four-and-twenty  of  those  poor  salvages  aboard  his  ship,  and 
most  dishonesdv  and  inhumanly,  for  their  kind  usage  of  me  and  all  our  men, 
carried  them  with  him  to  Malaga ;  and  there,  for  a  little  private  gain,  sold  these 
silly  salvages  for  rials  of  eight ;  but  this  vile  act  kept  him  ever  after  from  any 
more  employment  to  those  parts." 

F.  Gorges  the  younger  is  rather  confused  in  his  account  of  Hnnfs  voyage, 
as  well  as  the  elder.  But  the  former  intimates  that  it  was  on  account  of  HunCs 
selling  the  Indians  he  took  as  slaves,  the  news  of  which  having  got  into 
England  before  Epanow  was  sent  out,  caused  this  Indian  to  make  his  escape, 
and  consequently  the  overtlu*ow  of  the  voyage  ;  whereas  the  latter.  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando,  does  not  attribute  it  to  that.  We  will  now  heai*  him  again  upon  this 
interesting  subject : —  '.       ■ 

"  The  reasons  of  my  undertaking  the  employment  for  the  island  of  Capamck. 

"  At  the  time  this  new  savage  [Epanoto]  came  unto  me,  I  had  recovered 
Assacum/d,  one  of  the  natives  I  sent  with  Capt.  Chalownes  in  his  unhappy 
«mployment,  with  whom  I  lodged  Epenaw,  who  at  the  first  hardly  understood 
one  the  other's  speech,  till  after  a  while ;  I  perceived  the  diflFerence  was  no 
more  than  that  as  ours  is  Wween  the  northern  and  southern  people,  so  that  1 
was  a  little  eased  in  the  use  I  made  of  my  old  servant,  whom  I  engaged  to  give 
account  of  what  he  learned  by  conference  between  themselves,  and  he  as 
faithfully  performed  it." 

There  seems  but  little  doubt  that  Epanote  and  Assacunut  had  cpntriveda  plan 
of  escape  before  they  left  England,  and  also,  by  finding  out  what  the  English 
most  valued,  and  assuring  them  that  it  was  in  abundance  to  be  had  at  a  certain 
place  in  their  own  country,  prevailed  upon  them,  or  by  this  pretended  dis- 
covery were  the  means  of  the  voyage  being  undertaken,  of  which  we  are  now 
to  speak.  Still,  as  will  be  seen,  Sir  Ferdxnando  does  not  speak  as  though  he  had 
been  quite  so  handsomely  duped  by  his  cunning  man  of  the  woods.  Gold,  it 
lias  been  said,  was  the  valuable  commodity  to  which  Epanow  was  to  pilot  the 
English.     Gorges  proceeds : — 

"  They  [Gupt.  Hohson  and  those  who  accompanied  him]  set  sail  in  June,  in 
Anno  1614,  being  fully  instructed  how  to  demean  themselves  in  every  kind, 
carryiug^  with  them  Epenow,  Assacomet,  and  Wanape,*  another  native  of  those 
j)arts  sent  nie  out  of  the  Isle  of  Wight,t  for  my  better  information  in  the  parts 
<tf  the  country  of  his  knowledge :  when  as  it  pleased  Grod  that  they  were 
firrived  upon  the  coast,  they  were  piloted  from  place  to  place,  by  the  natives 
themselves,  as  well  as  their  hearts  could  desire.  And  coming  to  the  harbor 
where  Epenow  was  to  make  good  his  undertaking,  [to  poinfout  the  gold  mine, 
no  doubt,]  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  place  came  aboard  ;  some  of  them 
lioing  his  Brothers,  others  his  near  cousins,  [or  relatives,]  who,  after  they  had 
rornnamed  together,  and  were  kindly  entertained  by  the  captain,  departed  in 
their  canoos,  j)romising  the  next  morning  to  come  aboard  again,  and  bring 
some  trade  with  them.  But  Epenow  privately  (as  it  appeared)  had  contracted 
witii  his  friends,  how  he  might  make  his  escape  without  performing  what  he 
lind  undertaken,  being  in  trutli  no  more  than  he  had  told  me  he  was  to  do 
tliough  with  loss  of  his  life.     For  otherwise,  if  it  were  found  that  he  had  dis- 

*  Doubtless  iho  snmo  c:\llcd  l)y  otiicrs  Manawet,  who,  it  would  seem  from  Mr.  Hubbard, 
{ .list.  A.  hng.  39.)  died  before  Epanow  escaped,  •'  soon  after  the  ship's  arrival." 

t  How  he  came  there,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  delermine.  unless  natives  Were  carried  off,  of 
whom  no  menlron  is  made.  This  wns  uiiqucslionably  ilie  case,  for  when  it  came  to  be  a 
rominon  lhin<j  for  vessels  lo  brin;f  home  Indians,  no  menlion.  of  course,  would  be  made 
of  Ijcni,  e-ipecially  if  Ihoy  wen»  volmiln.'ilv,  as,  no  doiibl,  mm\y  did.      « 


10 


EPANOW. 


[Book  II. 


covered  the  secrats  of  his  country,*  he  was  sure  to  have  his  brains  knockt  out 
as  soon  as  he  came  ashore  ;t  for  that  cause  I  guve  the  captain  strict  charge  to 
endeavor  by  all  mea^^s  to  prevent  his  escaping  from  them.  And  for  the  more 
surety,  I  gave  order  to  have  three  gentlemen  of  my  own  kindred  to  be  ever  at 
hand  with  him ;  clothing  him  viith  long  garments,  fitly  to  be  laid  hold  on,  if 
occasion  should  require.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  his  friends  being  all  come 
at  the  time  appointed  witii  twenty  canoes,  and  lying  at  a  certain  distance  with 
their  bows  ready,  the  captain  colls  to  them  to  come  aboard  ;  but  they  not 
moving,  he  ypeaks  to  Epenow  to  come  unto  him,  where  he  was  in  the  fore- 
castle of  the  ship,  he  bemg  then  in  the  waste  of  the  ship,  between  the  two 
gentlemen  that  had  him  in  guard ;  starts  suddenly  from  them,  and  coming  to 
me  captain,  calls  to  his  friends  in  English  to  come  aboard,  in  the  interim  slips 
himself  overboard :  And  although  he  were  taken  hold  of  by  one  of  the  com- 
pany, yet,  being  a  strong  and  heavy  man,  could  not  be  stayed,  and  was  no 
sooner  in  the  watei*,  but  the  natives,  [his  friends  in  the  boats,]  ctent  such  a 
shower  of  arrows,  and  came  withat  desperately  so  near  the  ship,  that  they 
carried  him  away  in  despigb*  of  all  the  musquetteers  aboard,  who  were,  for  the 
number,  as  goou  j"  our  nation  did  afford.  And  thus  were  my  hopes  of  that 
particular  [voyo^ej  niade  void  and  frustrate." 

From  the  '.hole  of  this  narration  it  is  evident  that  Epanoto  was  forcibly 
retained,  if  not  forcibly  carried  off,  by  the  English.  And  some  relate}  that  he 
attacked  Capt.  Denner  and  his  men,  supposing  they  had  come  to  stize  and 
carry  him  back  to  England.  It  is  more  probable,  we  think,  that  he  meant 
to  be  revenged  for  his  late  captivity,  and,  according  to  real  Indian  custom, 
resolved  tliat  the  first  whites  should  atone  for  it,  either  with  their  life  or  liberty. 
dorges  does  not  tell  us  what  his  brave  "  musquetteers "  did  when  Epanoto 
escaped,  but  from  other  sources  we  learn  that  they  fired  upon  his  lilierators, 
killing  and  wounding  some,  but  how  rtiany,  they  c(flild  only  conjecture.  But 
there  is  no  room  for  conjecture  about  the  damage  sustained  on  the  part  of  the 
ship's  crew,  for  it  is  distmctly  stated  that  when  they  received  the  "shower  of 
arrows,"  Capt.  Hobaon  and  many  of  his  men  were  wounded.'§  And  iS»n?fft|| 
says,  "  So  well  he  had  contrived  his  businesse,  as  many  reported  he  ir.tended 
to  liave  suriirised  the  ship ;  but  seeing  it  could  not  be  efTected  to  his  Uking, 
before  them  all  he  leaped  ouer  boord." 

We  next  meet  wiih  Epanow  in  1619.  Capt.  Thonuu  Dormer,  or  Dermer,  in 
the  employ  of  Sir  F.  Gorges,  met  with  him  at  Capoge,  the  pkice  where,  five 
ye»u^  iHifbro,  he  made  his  cbcuih;  from  Capt.  Hobaon,  Gorgea  writes,  "  This 
savage,  8])eaking  some  Englisli,  laughed  at  his  owne  escape,  and  rt;portcd  the 
story  of  it.  Mr.  Dormer  told  him  ho  came  from  me,  and  was  on(!  of  my  ser- 
vai]ts,  and  that  I  was  much  grieved  he  had  been  so  ill  used  as  to  lie  forced  to 
steal  away.  This  savage  was  so  cunning,  that,  after  he  had  questioned  him 
about  me,  and  all  Ire  knew  l)elonged  unto  me,  conceived  he  was  come  on  jiur- 
pose  to  betray  him ;  and  [so]  conspired  with  some  of  his  fellows  to  take  the 
captain  ;  thereupon  they  laid  hands  upon  him.  But  he  being  a  brave,  stout 
gentleman,  drew  his  sword  and  freed  himself,  but  not  without  14  wounds. 
This  disaster  forced  him  to  mak(!  all  possible  lioste  to  Virginia  to  l)e  cured  of 
his  wounds.  At  tin;  second  return  [he  having  iust  come  from  there]  he  had 
the  misfortune  to  fall  sick  and  die,  of  the  infirmity  mony  of  our  nation  are 
8ulj|ee;  unto  at  their  first  coining  into  those  jmrts." 

The  8hi[)'s  crew  being  at  the  same  time  on  shore,  a  fight  ensued,  in  which 
some  of  Eparww^a  company  were  slain.  "  This  is  the  last  time,"  says  a  writer 
in  the  Historical  (^olloctions,  "that  the  soil  of  Martha's  Vineyard  was  Htained 
with  huiiuui  l)lo(nl ;  for  from  that  day  to  the  prewmt  [1807]  no  Indian  has  lieen 
killed  by  a  white  man,  nor  white  man  by  an  Indian. 

In  n-latioM  to  the  fight  which  Dernier  and  his  men  had  w'th  the  Indians  at 
the  Viru^ard,  .WoWon  II  relates  that  the  English  went  on  shore  to  trade  witli 
them,  when  they  went  assaulted  and  all  the  men  slain  but  one  that  kept  the 


'  Till-  xiTi-eti  of  llif  .Mimly  islniid  Cn|iojfr,  or  Oi-  iirif^liliorini;  shores  ofCiiiM'  Cod,  whatever 

{key  iirr  now,  oxi^ti'd  only  in  I'liilh  of  mich  si\n<niiiic  ininils  ni  Hit  Firiliimiuln nnil  Wis  nilhercntt. 

t  'A'i*  nocil  no  Ix-Ucr  <liii|)liiy  ot'  the  mill  ol  fj/mnntr,  nr  pruof  of  liiN  roniiin^  in  doep  plots, 

;  liithnity,  Amcr.  Uioif-  '•  »*•''»•  ^  Smilh's  New  Kn,;lnnd. 

1l  N.  Ent.  :- 


II  Ibid. 


ng.  Mcmorinl,  Alt,  50, 


Chap.  11.] 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  PLIMOUTH. 


fr 


boat  "  But  the  [captain]  himself  got  on  board  very  sore  wounded,  and  they 
had  cut  off  his  head  upon  the  cuddy  of  the  boat,  had  not  his  man  rescued  him 
with  a  sword,  and  so  they  got  him  away."  Squanto  was  with  Capt.  Dermer  at 
this  time,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  life  of  Massaaoit, 

CHAPTER  II. 


khich 
l\riter 
tiincd 
I  Ixten 

MiH  at 
J  witlj 
It  tlie 

InU'ver 

ploU. 


Brrival  and  first  Proceedings  of  the  English  who  settle  at  Plimouth — their  first 
discovery  of  Indians — Their  first  battle  with  them — Samoset — Syitaji<o— Massasoit 
— lyarumgh- — Jlspinet — Cauneeonam — Caunbitant — Wittuwamet — Peksuot — 
HoBOMOK — Tokamahamon — Obbatinewat — Nakepashamet— Sywaw-SacAcm  of 
Mas8achuBett8 — fVebcowet. 

In  1620  some  determined  wliite  people,  with  the  most  astonishing  and 
invincible  firmness,  undertook  to  wander  3000  miles  from  the  land  ot  their 
birth,  and,  in  the  most  hazardous  manner,  to  take  up  a  permanent  abode  upon 
the  borders  of  a  boundless  wilderness, — a  wilderness  as  great,  or  far  greater, 
for  aught  they  knew,  than  the  exi^nse  of  ocean  which  they  were  to  jmss. 
But  all  dangers  and  difficulties,  there  to  be  encountered,  weighed  nothing  in 
comparison  with  the  liberty  of  conscience  which  they  might  enjoy  when 
once  beyond  the  control  of  their  bigoted  persecutors. 

These  singular  people  had  lihrrlu  from  their  opj  essor,  James  I.,  to  go  and 
settle  in  this  wilderness,  and  to  possess  themselves  of  some  of  the  lands  of 
the  Indians,  provided  they  paid  him  or  some  of  his  friends  for  them.  No  one 
seems  then  to  have  questioned  how  this  king  came  by  the  right  and  title  to 
lands  here,  any  more  than  how  he  came  by  his  crown.     They  wt-re  less  scru- 

f)ulous,  ])erhaps,  in  tliib  matter,  as  the  king  told  them,  in  a  charter  *  which 
le  granted  them,  Ihovgh  not  till  ajler  they  hail  sailed  for  America,  "  that  he 

HAD  BEEN  GIVEN  CERTAIKLV  TO  KNOWE,  THAT  WITHIN  THESE  LATE  TEARE8 
THERE  HATH,  BV  God's  VISITATION,  RAIONED  A  WONDERFULL  PtAGCE,  TO- 
GETHER WITH  MANY  itORRIBLE  SLAUGHTERS  AND  MURTHER8,  COMMITTED 
AMOUNGST  THE  3AUAGES  AND  BRUTISH  PEOPLE  THERE  HEERTOFORE  INHAB- 
ITING, IN  A  MANNER  TO  THE  UTTER  DESTRUCTION,  DEVASTACION  AND  DEPOP- 
ULACION  OF  THAT  WHOLE  TERRITORYE,  SO  THAT  TUERE  19  No  F.EFT,  FOB 
MANY  LEAGUES  TOGETHER  IN  A  MANNER,  ANY  THAT  DOE  CLAIME  OR       lALLENOE 

ANT  KIND  OF  INTERESTS  THEREIN."  f  This  waH,  doubtlcss,  as  Well  known,  if 
not  better,  to  the  Pilgrims  (as  they  were  aptly  calicd)  as  to  King  Jamet. 

After  numerous  delays  and  disuppointmuntH,  the  Pilgrims,  to  the  numlH>r  of  " 

41,  with  their  wives, }  children,  and  servants,  saikd  from  Plimoutli,  in  Eiigiand, 

in  one  small  ship,  called  the  Mayflower,  on  Wednesday,  the  6th  of  September. 

Their  passage  was  attended  with  great  |)eril ;  but  they  safely  arrived  at  Cu^ 

Cod,  9  Nov.  following,  without  the  loss  of  any  of  theu'  iiuiiilier.    They  now 

proceeded  to  make  the  necessary  discoveries  to  seat  themselves  on  the  Imrren 

coast     One  of  tlie  first  things  they  found  necessary  to  do,  to  preserve  order 

among  themselves,  was,  to  form  a  kind  of  constitution,  or  general  oittUne  of 

government.     Having  done  this,  it  was  signed  by  the  41,  two  days  after  their 

arrival,  viz.  1 1  Nov.    The  same  day,  15  or  16  of  their  number,  covered  with 

annor,  proc<!edtMl  to  the  land,  and  commenceil  discoveries.    The  Indians  did 

not  allow  tliemaeives  to  the  English  until  the  15th,  and  tlien  ^ey  would  have 

nothing  to  say  to  tivsnt.    About  5  or  6  at  first  only  anpeorcd,  who  fled  into  the 

wood*  as  soon  as  they  had  discovered  themselves.    The  Englishmen  fo!Jowed 

them  many  miles,  but  could  not  overtak<3  them. 

Firtt  Hattle  unlh  the  Indians. — Tlii.  wap  upon  8  Dec.  1620,  and  we  will 
^ve  the  iiccouiU  v>f  it  in  tlie  language  of'  one  tliat  was  an  actor  in  it  "  We 
went  ranging  up  and  down  till  the  bub  began  to  draw  low,  and  then  we  hasted 


*  Tbi*  cimrtar  Injarii  «la(«  .*)  Nov.  IGSO.     C1utlimr»,  Polit.  Auiial*,  81. 
\  Httard't  \\\tX.  ('ollreiiuM,  I,   106,  where  the  eirtire  charier  may  ba  Men. 
■Aerweutdh  roJM  TiiK  Ukvimp  PlimoOiii  Patrht.    tViaimerf ,  ib. 
^Tbore  were,  in  oil,  'Hi  I'eiimlct. 


li  waa 


19 


FIRST  BATTLE  WITH  THE  INDIANS— SAMOSET.        [Book  II. 


out  of  the  woods  tlip"  we  might  come  to  our  shallop.  By  that  time  we  had 
done,  aiid  our  shallop  come  to  us,  it  was  within  night  [7  Dec],  and  we  betook 
us  to  our  rest,  after  wo  had  set  our  watch. 

"  About  midnight  wo  heard  a  great  and  hideous  cry,  and  our  sentinel  called 
^rm !  arm !  So  we  bestirred  ourselves,  and  shot  off  a  couple  of  muskets,  and 
[the]  noise  ceased.  We  concluded  that  it  was  a  company  of  wolves  and  foxes, 
ior  one  [of  our  company]  told  us  he  hud  heard  such  a  noise  in  Newfoundland. 
About  5  o'clock  in  the  morning  [8  Dec]  we  began  to  be  stirring.  Upon  a 
sudden  we  heard  a  great  and  strange  cry,  which  we  knew  to  be  the  same 
voices,  though  they  varied  their  notes.  One  of  our  company,  being  abroad, 
came  nmniiig  in  and  cried.  They  are  men!  Indians!  Indians!'  and  withal 
their  arrows  came  flying  amongst  us.  Our  men  ran  out  with  all  speed  to 
recover  their  arms.  The  cry  of  our  enemies  was  dreadful,  especially  when 
our  men  ran  out  to  recover  their  arms.  Their  note  was  after  this  manner, 
Woa:h  woach  ha  ha  hack  woach.  Our  men  were  no  sooner  come  to  their  arms, 
but  the  enemy  was  ready  to  assault  them.  There  was  a  lusty  man,  and  no 
whit  less  valiant,  who  was  thought  to  Iw  their  captain,  stood  l)ehind  a  tree, 
within  half  a  musket  shot  of  us,  and  there  let  his  arrows  fly  at  us.  He  stood 
three  shots  of  n  musket.  At  length  one  of  us,  as  he  said,  taking  full  aim  at 
him,  he  gave  an  extraordinary  cry,  and  away  they  went  all." 

It  is  not  certain  that  any  bloo(l  was  shed  in  this  battle ;  but  it  was  pretty 
strongly  presumed  that  the  big  captain  of  the  Indians  was  wounded.  The 
Indians  having  retreated,  the  concjuerors  were  left  in  iiosscssion  of  the  battle- 
ground, and  <hey  proceeded  to  gather  together  the  trophies  of  this  their  first 
victory.  They  picked  uj)  18  arrows,  which  they  sent  to  their  friends  in  Eng- 
land by  the  return  of  the  Mayflower.  Some  of  these  were  curiously  "headed 
with  brass,  some  with  harts'  horn,  and  others  with  eagles'  claws."  * 

It  appeared  afterwards  that  this  attack  was  made  by  the  Nauset  Indians, 
whose  chief's  name  was  Jlapimt.  Whether  ho  was  the  leader  in  this  fight,  is 
not  known ;  but  ho  probably  wjin.  The  place  vyiuire  the  aflair  b.appeniMl  was 
called  by  tlie  Indians  JVamakeket ;  but  the  English  now  called  it  The  Hrst 
Encounter, 

The  ELEVENTH  OF  DECEMBER,  ever  memorable  in  the  history  of 
New  England,  was  now  come,  and  this  was  the  day  of  the  LANDING  OF 
THE  PILGRIMS.  A  place  upon  the  inhospitable  shore  had  i)een  fixed  upon, 
S»id  was  thJH  day  tak^n  possession  of,  and  never  again  deserted.  The  ship 
until  then  hud  been  their  permanent  al)ode,  which  now  they  gladly  cx(;hange(l 
for  the  saudy  shon;  of  the  bay  •#  <^apo  Cod. 

Welcome,  Englishmen !  Vveloome,  Englishmen !  tu-e  words  so  inseparably 
Wociated  with  Sie  name  of  Samoset,  that  we  can  never  hear  the  one  without 
the  pleasing  recollection  of  the  otiwir.  These  were  the  first  accents  our  pilgrim 
fathers  heard,  on  the  American  strand,  fi^m  any  native.  We  me«n  intelligible 
accents,  for  when  they  were  artuckcd  at  Namskeket,  on  tlieir  first  arrival,  they 
heard  only  the  frightful  war-whoop. 

The  first  rime  Indians  wen^  w^en  by  the  pilgrims,  was  upon  15th  Nov.  KBO. 
"They  espied  fi  or  (5  people,  with  a  dog,  coming  towanls  them,  who  wero 
sa/ages ;  who,  when  they  sjiw  them,  ran  into  the  woods,  and  whistled  the  ilog 
after  them."f  And  though  the  English  ran  tnwnrds  them,  when  the  Indians 
perceived  it  "  tliey  ran  away  might  aiul  main,"  and  tlie  English  "  could  not 
come  near  them."  Soon  after  this,  Morton  Buys  the  Indians  "got  all  the 
powaws  in  the  country,  who,  for  three  days  togetlier,  in  a  horid  and  devilish 
maner  did  curse  and  execrate  them  with  their  conjurations,  wnich  assembly 


•  Moiirc'i  RtUitwn,  in  1  Ma,>.  Hut.  Cot.  VIII,  218,  219. 

t  Relation  or  Jmimal  of  a  Plantation  tettltd  at  I'lyrumth,  in  N.  E.  ii«u»lly  cited  Mourt't 
Rttation.  It  was,  no  doubt,  wriltrn  hv  several  of  the  company,  or  tlie  writer  wbh  aiajilvd  by 
•everal.  Mourt  setma  to  have  Ixwii  inn  puliliiiher.  I  have  no  scruple  hut  that  the  suff^ewlion 
of  Judie  Pavii  is  correct,  vix.  that  Richard  Gardner  wai  the  priucipal  author.  About  lh« 
early  iettlomcnt  of  any  connlry,  theip  nevt'  wai  a  more  important  document.  Il  was  printed 
ill  ife,  and  is  now  rt-printed  in  the  Afitsi.  Hitt.  Col.,  and  we  hope  soon  »o  sec  il  priiili-d  in  • 
rduiMi  by  itself  in  a  style  worthy  of  its  im|M>riance.  As  il  stands  in  the  lli«r  Colkciions,  il  if 
very  difficult  to  contult,  a  part  of  il  buiog  couiaiued  in  one  volume,  uid  iIm  wnwiuder  ia 
another. 


IV 


Chap.  H.] 


THE  PLAGUE.— NEW  INTERVIEW. 


13 


and  sei-vice  they  held  in  u  dark  and  dismal  swamp.     Beliold  how  Satan  labor- 
ed to  hinder  tiic  gospel  from  coming  into  Now  England ! " 

It  was  on  Fi'iday,  Kith  March,  1021,  that  Samoset  snddinily  appeared  at 
Plimouth,  and,  says  Moitrt,  "  lie  very  boldly  oume  all  alone,  and  along  the 
houses,  strait  to  the  rendezvous,  where  we  intcrcfcj)t(;d  him,  not  sutK-ring  him 
to  go  in,  as  undoubtedly  he  would,  out  of  his  bolchiess."  He  was  naked,  "only 
a  leather  nl)out  his  waist,  with  a  fringe  about  a  span  long,"'  'I'hc!  weather  was 
very  cold,  and  this  author  adds,  "  VVe  cast  a  horsemanV  coat  about  him."  To 
reward  them  for  their  hospitality,  Samoset  gave  them  whatever  inlbrmation 
thry  desired.  "He  had,  say  they,  learned  some  broken  English  amongst  the 
Englishmen  that  came  to  lisli  at  iMotduggon,  and  knew  by  iiamc;  the  most  ot 
the  captains,  commanders,  and  mastei-s,  that  usually  come  [there].  He  was  a 
man  free  in  s|)eech,  so  far  as  he  could  exjjress  his  mind,  and  of  seemly  car- 
riage. We  qui'Stiomid  him  of  many  things  :  he  was  thp  iirst  savage  wc  could 
meet  withal.  He  said  he  w.-is  not  of  those  parts,  but  of  Moratiggon,  and  one 
of  the  sagamores  or  lords  thereof:  had  l)(!en  H  months  hi  these  parts,  it  lying 
hence  [to  the  eastward]  a  day's  sail  with  a  great  wind,  and  live  days  by  land. 
He  discoursed  of  the  whole  country,  and  of  every  ])rovince,  and  of  their  sag- 
amores, and  tlii'ir  number  o*' men,  and  strength."  >' He  had  a  bow  and  two 
arrows,  the  one  headed,  anil  he  other  unheaded.  H<Mvas  a  tall,  strait  man; 
the  hair  of  his  head  black,  long  biihiiid,  onlv' short  bclbre  ;  none  on  his  iitce  at 
all.  He  asked  souk;  beer,  but  we  gave  liiin  strong  water,  un<l  biscuit,  and 
butter,  and  cheese,  and  jMidding,  and  a  piece  of  a  mallard;  all  which  he  liked 
well."  "He  told  us  the  j)lace  where  wo  now  live  is  called  I'atuxet,  and  that 
niiout  4  years  ajjo  all  tin!  iidiabitants  died  oi'an  extraordinary  jilague,  and  Uiere 
is  neitlicr  man,  woman,  nor  child  remiiining,  as  indeed  we  have  found  none: 
so  as  tlici'c  is  none  to  hinder  our  possession,  or  lay  claim  unto  it.  All  the 
aflernoon  wc  spent  in  connnunication  with  him.  We  would  gladly  been  rid 
of  him  at  night,  but  he  \\as  not  willing  to  go  this  lught.  Tlien  we  thougiit  to 
carry  him  on  slii|)-l)(iani,  wherewith  he  wiis  well  content,  and  went  into  the 
Lsliallop;  but  the  wind  was  high  and  water  scant,  that  it  could  not  return  back. 
We  lodged  [witii  him]  that  night  at  fitejilien  Hopldns'  house,  and  watched 
iiim." 

Thus,  through  the  nieans  of  this  innocent  fndinn,  wiis  a  correspondence 
lia|)pily  begun.  He  lefl  I'limoiith  tin-  ni-xt  morning  to  return  to  MaxsnsnH. 
who,  he  said,  was  a  sncheni  having  miilw  him  (iO  men.  The;  English  having 
lell  somt>  toiils  exposed  in  the  woods,  on  linding  lh;it  they  were  missing,  rightly 
judgcil  ilie  Indiiuis  had  taken  tl;ei',i.  '.Diey  complained  ot'  this  to  S/tnumt  in 
rat  hi  r  a  tIn'cMteiiing  air.  "We  v/illed  him  (siiy  they)  that  they  should  be 
lironght  auniii,  otherwise  we  would  right  omxelves."  \Vhen  he  lefl  them  "he 
prouuscd  within  a  niglit  or  two  to  come  again,"  and  bring  some  of  J\f(tif.u(soiVi 
nit'U  to  triide  with  them  in  beaver  skins.  .\s  good  as  his  word,  Siimosd  came 
the  next  Sunday,  "and  brought  with  him  .'i  othir  tall,  jiroper  men.  Thc^y  had 
every  man  a  deer's  skin  on  him;  and  the  prini'ipal  of  them  had  a  wild  catV 
skin,  or  such  like,  on  one  arm.  They  had  most  of  ihi'm  long  liosen  u]»  to  theii 
groins,  close  made;  and  aboue  their  groins,  to  their  waist,  another  leather 
they  were  .•ili(Pj,;!'tlnT  like  the  dish  trousers.  They  are  of  complexion  like  oui 
English  gi.  <ies;  no  hair,  or  ver}'  little,  on  their  faces;  on  their  heads  long  hail 
to  their  siiuulders,  only  cut  belbre;  some  trussed  up  before  with  a  feather 
broadwise  like  a  thn  ;  nnoth  r  a  f()\-tail  hanging  out."  The  English  had 
charged  Sam<mt  not  to  let  any  who  ciune  with  him  bring  their  arms ;  thesw 
therefon-,  l(  tV  "their  bows  and  arrows  a  ijuarter  of  a  miit  I'rom  our  town. 
We  ga\c  tlietu  eiUertaitmieiii  as  wc  thought  was  fitting  them.  They  did  eat 
liberally  of  our  I'.nglish  victuals,"  and  appeared  vi  •  friendly;  "sane  and 
danced  aller  their  manner,  like  anticks."  "Some  i.f  them  had  thi-ir  fiicei- 
painti'd  lilack,  fmm  the  fon'head  to  tin-  chin,  four  or  five  lii.gcrH  broad:  others 
idler  ntli(  r  fn.-hioii ;,  as  they  liked.  'I  hey  brought  three  or  four  skins,  but  we 
woulil  not  tiiirk  with  lliem  all  that  djij,  but  wished  thiMo  to  bring  more,  and 
we  would  truck  liir  nil ;  whicli  they  promised  within  a  night  or  two,  and 
wciiild  leave  these  behind  them,  thoiitfli  we  wen-  not  willing  they  should  ;  and 
thiy  brought  all  our  tools  agnin,  which  were  taken  in  the  woods,  in  our 
ubseuce.    Ho,  because  of  the  day  [.Suuduy],  wo  ditimiNiud  ihom  Mu  auuu  oa  wo 


14 


CAPT.  HUNT.— lYANOUGH  OF   CUMMAQUID. 


[Boon  11, 


could.  But  Smmset,  our  firet  acquaintance,  cither  was  sick,  pr  fwigncd  himself 
so,  ami  would  not  go  willi  tln'iii,  and  t^tayed  witli  us  till  Wothicsiiay  niorninjf. 
Then  wo  S(;iit  liiin  to  them,  tc  know  tiio  reason  they  came  not  aceonling  to 
their  words  ;  and  we  •jiivi'.  him  a  hat,  n  pair  of  stockings  and  shoes,  a  shirt,  and 
a  i)iece  of  ciotli  to  lie  ahont  his  waist." 

Snmoscf  returned  ai^ain,  tiie  next  day,  bringing  with  him  S(jnanto,  mentioned 
in  the  last  (•lia|)t<i'.  He  was  "tiie  only  native  (says  Mot  iit's  Rklation)  of 
Patu.\(;t,  whert!  we  now  inhahit,  wiio  was  on(,'  ot  tlie  'iO  [or  '^l]  captives,  that 
hy  Hunt  were  carried  away,  and  had  been  in  l^ngland,  and  dwelt  in  Cornhill 
with  ni;ist<'r  John  Slnine,  a  merchant,  and  could  speak  a  littli-  English,  widi 
three  otliers."  They  brought  a  few  articles  for  trade,  hut  the  nion;  important 
news  "that  their  great  sagamore,  Massasoyt,  was  hard  by,"  whise  introduc- 
tion to  them  accordingly  followed. 

In  .June,  Ki'^l,  a  hoy,  John  liillinfrton,  liaving  been  lost  in  the  woods,  several 
English,  witli  Squmih  and  Tokanmhamon,  undertook  a  voyage  to  Nauset  in 
search  for  him.  Squanto  v;ii^  tlieir  inter|)ri'ter ;  "th(>  other,  Tuhdiiuihanton,  t\ 
special  fi-iend."  The  wejitlier  w;is  fiiir  when  tiiey  set  out,  "liitt  I've  they  had 
bt!en  long  at  sea,  there.  iin)se  ti  storm  of  wind  and  rain,  with  miieii  lightning 
and  thimder,  iiisomtich  that  a  [water]  spout  arose  \iol  far  iVom  them."  How- 
ever, they  escaped  daiigt'r,  and  !irri\(Ml  at  night  at  Cimnnafinid.  Here  they 
met  with  some  Indians,  who  informed  tlu'iii  that  \\u'  boy  \^as  at  Nauset. 
These  Indians  treated  tiiem  with  great  kindness,  inviting  them  on  shore  to  eat 
with  them. 

/j/arioMg'/f  was  sachem  of  this  place,  and  these  were  hi;'  mc'i.  "They  brought 
lis  to  their  saciiim  (says  ,]fouii)  or  governor,  whom  they  call  hjanuuiih"  \\\\o 
then  appeared  about  )H\  years  of  age,  "but  very  personaide,  gentle,  courteous, 
and  fidr-conditioned,  indeed,  not  like  a  sa\age,  save  (iir  his  attire.  His  enter- 
tainment was  answerirblc  to  liis  parts,  and  his  elieer  iilciitit'ul  and  various." 
Thus  is  poitrayed  tlii'  amiable  cliaraeter,  Iii<tuoui<:li,  by  thos(\  who  knew  him. 
We  can  iuld  but  litth;  of  him  except  his  wretched  liite.  The  severity  executed 
nj)on  H'ilhiwniiul  and  Peksuot  caused  such  consternation  and  (hvad  of  tho 
English  among  many,  that  they  ibrsook  their  wonted  habitations,  Hed  into 
swamps,  anil  lived  in  unhealthy  places,  in  a  st;ite  of  starvation,  until  many  died 
with  diseases  which  they  Iuk!  thus  contracted.  Among  su<'h  victims  were 
lijavoitfrh,  .Isphicl,  Coimoiutm,  and  many  more.  Henc(t  ilic  lltiglisli  sujiposcd 
tliev  were  in  PikniwVs  conspiracv,  as  will  lit;  more  partieidariv  related  here- 
arter. 

While  the  English  were  with  Ii/nnoti;sh,  at  (.'nmma(|uid,  they  relate  that 
there  was  an  old  ^vomau,  whom  they  judged  to  Ix-  no  less  than  100  yeiu's  old, 
who  came  to  see  them,  because  she  had  never  seen  I'^nglish  ;  "yet  (say  they) 
[she]  could  not  behold  us  witiiout  breaking  forth  into  great  passion,  weeping 
and  crying  (excessively."  'J'hey  iiupiired  die  reason  of  it,  and  were  told  that 
she  had  three  sons,  "  who,  whrn  master  Jliait  was  in  these  parts,  went  aboard 
liis  ship  to  trade  with  him,  and  he  carried  them  captive.s  into  S|taiii."  S'/iKinlo 
iH'ing  pr(>seiit,  ^\■ho  was  carried  away  at  the  same  time,  Mas  ac(|nainted  with 
th»;  circnmstane'-s,  and  thus  the  llnglisb  bccami*  knowing  to  her  distress,  and 
told  her  tliey  wen*  sorry,  that  ffiint  was  a  had  nian,i)ut  thai  all  the  other  Eng- 
UhIi  were  well  disposed,  and  would  never  injure  her.  They  then  gave  her  a 
few  trinkets,  which  considerably  ap|)eased  her. 

Our  voyagers  now  |)roceed  to  .Nauset.  aceompanicd  by  Ii/anouifh  an<l  two 
(»f  his  tnen.  .hpiiiri  was  the  sjichem  of  this  place,  to  whom  Sqiirinto  was  sent, 
hanmii^h  anil  bis  men  having  gone  liefore.  Sijunnto  having  iid'ormed  ^hpinet 
tnat  iiis  English  fritnids  had  come  for  the  boy,  he  "came  (they  relate)  with  a 
jp-eat  train,  and  brougiit  ibe  boy  with  him,"  one  eaiTviiig  him  through  tne 
wtttiT.  This  being  at  or  near  tlu'  place  where  an  attacit  was  made  on  the 
Enftii^h,  on  dieir  tirxt  arrixal  in  the  eonntry,  as  lius  been  relan-d,  cauwd  tiiciii 
to  l)e  on  their  guard  at  this  time. 

At  \\m  tinte,  Jhpintl  had  in  iiii*  company  "not  less  than  an  hnndrrd;"  half 
of  whom  atti-ndi  '1  the  1mi\  to  the  bfial,  (Uid  the  irst  "stood  duof,"  willi  their 
bows  and  arrows,  looking  on.  jiapinet  dclivtnMl  up  the  boy  in  a  formal  man- 
ner, "hebniig  with  lieadw,  and  made  p«iiee  with  us;  we  (x  stowing  a  kiM'  oa 
liim,  and  likewise  on  another,  Uint  lirst  eutertained  the  boy,  and  brought  him 
thither." 


[Book  U. 

xl  himself 

nioniiiif;. 
[■crdiiig  to 

I  shirt,  aiul 

iiieiitioiird 
ation)  of 
,)tiv('s,  tiiiit 

II  Coniiiill 
>£\iA),  uitii 

iiii|i()rtant 
;  iutroduc- 

kIh,  srvtu'al 
Nmiset  ill 
iiahitinon,  i\ 
V  tlicy  liatl 
I  lightning 
11."  How- 
llcic  they 
at  ?S;uiJ>et. 
ihore  to  eat 

cy  hroii^lit 
)uu;h"  who 
courteous, 
His  enter- 
il  vurioiis." 
knew  hiiM. 
y  executed 
•cad  ol'  tho 
s,  ried  into 
many  died 
tiniH  were 
!i  supposied 
liitcil  here- 

relate  that 
)  years  old, 
(say  thtiy) 
n,  wecpinR 
told  that 
ent  aboard 
S<]Viinto 
aiiited  witli 
istrcss,  and 
other  Kufr- 
fjave  her  a 

7)  and  two 
0  wan  sent, 
led  .hfilnet 
late)  ^vith  ii 
hnin|L(h  too 
i<l)>  on  tho 
insed  liient 

Iml;"  half 
wiiii  their 
)rniai  nian- 
r  a  knife  on 
-oni;ht  iiiin 


Chap.  II.]        lYANOUGH.—ASPINET.— DEATH  OF  SQUANTO. 


IS 


Itfonough  did  not  accompany  the  expedition  in  their  return  from  Nauset,  but 
Went  iionio  l»y  land,  and  was  ready  to  entertain  the  company  on  their  return. 
From  contrary  winds  and  a  want  of  fresh  water,  the  voyagers  were  oWiged  to 
touch  again  at  Cinnnmquicl.  "  Tliore  (say  thoy)  we  met  again  vidi  lyanoiigh, 
and  tlinniost  of  liis  towru"  "He,  Ijeing  still  willing  to  gmtify  us,  took  a  mud- 
let,  and  led  our  men  in  the  dark  a  gi*eat  way  lor  water,  but  could  find  none 
good,  yet  brought  such  as  there  was  on  his  neck  with  them.  In  the  meantime 
the  women  joined  hand  in  hand,  singing  and  dancing  before  tiic  shallop;*  the 
men  also  showing  all  the  kinilness  they  could,  lyanotigh  himself  taking  u 
bracelet  from  about  his  neck,  and  hanging  it  about  one  of  us." 

They  were  not  able  to  get  out  of  the  harlxir  of  Cummaquid  fram  baffling 
winds  and  tides,  which  lijanouffli  seeing,  the  next  morning  he  ran  along  the 
shore  after  diem,  and  they  took  him  into  their  shallop,  and  returned  with  him 
to  his  town,  where  he  enteitained  them  in  a  manner  not  inferior  to  what  he  had 
done  before.  They  now  succeeded  in  getting  water,  and  shortly  after  returned 
home  in  safety. 

While  at  Nauset,  the  English  heard  that  Massasoit  had  been  attacked  and 
carried  otF  by  the  NarraganseLs,  which  led  to  tli(!  expedition  of  Standish  and 
Jllkrlon  against  Caunhitant,  as  will  be  found  relatetl  in  his  life. 

About  tliis  time,  six  snciicms  of  (lie  neighboring  country  had  tiieir  fidelity 
tested,  by  being  culled  upon  to  sign  a  treaty  subjecting  themselvijs  to  King 
Jnmes,  as  will  be  fimnd,  also,  in  tliat  'We.  But  to  return  again  to  ^hjrinet,  and 
other  saeluMiis  of  Ca[)e  Cod. 

By  the  ini])rovidencc  of  a  company  settled  at  Wessagusciis,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Mr.  Thortuts  Weston,  in  lo'2t2,  tliey  had  been  brought  to  the  very  brink 
of  .starvation  in  the  winter  of  that  year.  In  fact,  the  Plimonth  jieoplc  were  litit 
very  littler  better  ofl';  and  hut  tiir  th(^  kindness  of  the  Indians,  the  worat  ol" 
conseipiences  inigiit  have  ensued  to  both  these  iidiiiit  colonies. 

-As  the  winter  prfigrwsed,  t'le  two  colonies  eiilered  into  articles  of  agreement 
to  go  on  a  trading  voyage  among  thc!  Indians  of  Cape  ("od  to  buy  corn,  and 
whatever  elsi;  niighv  conduce  to  their  livelihood.  Squnvto  was  pilot  in  this 
expedition;  but  he  died  befiire  it  was  accomplished,  luid  the  record  "f  his 
death  stjuids  thus  in  WiNsi.ow's  Rki. ation  : — 

"  But  here  [at  Mananioyk,  since  Chatham],  though  they  had  determined  to 
make  a  second  eswiy  [to  |mss  within  the  shoals  of  Cajie  Cod] ;  ;,  et  titid  had 
otherwise  disposed,  who  struck  Tw]nnnhnn  with  sickness,  insomuch  as  he 
there  died,  which  crossed  their  soiithwurd  trading,  and  tlii^  more,  becnuse  the 
master's  sidficiency  was  much  donhied,  and  the  season  very  tein[»efruou8,  and 
not  fit  to  go  upon  discovery,  having  no  guide  lo  direct  them."  llju  dis<jni"r, 
according  ii>  Prince,  was  a  f  r,  "bleeding  iniieli  at  the  nost,  which  the 
Indians  reckon  a  fatal  synip*.  .'  He  desired  the  governor  wi.uld  pray  (or 
him,  that  lie  might  go  to  the  Knglisliinen's  (lod,  "lM'(|ueatliing  bi.ahingn  to 
sundry  of  his  i'lnglish  friends,  as  remenilininces  of  his  love;  of  whc'n  we 
have  a  great  loss." 

Thus  died  the  famous  S'luantn,  or  TitKi;u4xnliim,  in  Deciimber,  HliW.  To 
him  the  pilgrims  were  greatly  indebted,  all'.o  ,f:li  lie  often,  through  extnmx 
folly  and  shoHsightedness,  gave  them,  as  vv.  ',■  .^  himself  and  othei-s,  u  great 
deal  of  tioiilile,  as  in  t!ie  lile  of  Mii.isii.iinl  an.  H'lhomok  will  appear. 

Tims,  at  the  coiiiiiiencement  of  the  voyage,  the  pilot  was  taken  away  by 
death,  and  tin!  rx|)editioii  ca;ii(\  near  being  abandoned.  However,  iK-fore 
S(nuiiitu  died,  he  succeeded  in  iiitrtidiicing  ids  frii'iids  to  the  sachem  of  JMana- 
inoick  nnd  his  jieople,  when^  they  were  received  and  e«itertained  in  a  matmer 
that  would  do  lioiior  !•>  any  people  in  any  agl^  it  is  the  more  worthy  of 
reniiiik,  as  none  of  the  Knglisli  had  ever  I  eeii  there  befiiie,  and  were  niter 
t*t  la  1 1  If  CIS  lo  iheiiL  After  llie\  had  relreshed  iheiii  "  wilh  store  of  venison  and 
ollii  I-  victuids,  winch  thev  bidiuibt  llieiii  in  great  abundance,"  tliey  sold  them 
"  H  liii<riiliiiiilii  of  corn  aii'l  hrati.s,  thmnrh  Ihr  iiropic  were  'tut  few." 

From  Maniimoick  they  prweeded  n»  iNlassachnsettfi,  lii;t  could  do  nothing 

*  It  wiis  a  ciisiom  Willi  niuil  bulinii  natuiiiN  to  ilmu'c  uIh'ii  ulrii.  jcr;  ciiHio  Hiiioiig;  tlicm. 
Hiirnii  f.dhii'ittin  sHvs  it  \san  llif  in:iiiiicr  ol'  Ilic  IriiuiHiis  lo  diim  v  ••  lortquf  leu  Hitingtri 
j'liKsi  III  (/(IMS  Ui.r  ;/,!)»,  (.»/  ijiif  l,iirx  ninriiiis  iiiniii-nt  ilfa  ambattadttiri  pour  /aire  tltl  pruiHf 
iilwiu  (/i'f»in>.''— J/t/«o(;M  tit  L Amtiiifiif ,  ii.  1 10, 


If  • 


16 


SQUANTO. 


[Book  II. 


"T       1         -----..    — r*  •••7  „  , ,  _  „ 

llov  ever,  the  next  iiioriiiiiir,  ^Jspinet,  utteiidcd  by  ir.uiiy  oi'  liis  men, 
'je  L'ui  lisli,  "in  u  st!i*ely  niainicr,    uiul  restored  «l)  i Ik;  "triHes;"  for 


there,  as  Mr.  Weaton^s  men  liad  mined  the  market  by  giving  "  as  much  for  a 
quart  of  corn,  us  we  used  to  do  for  a  beaver's  skin."  Thi?rofore  they  returned 
again  to  Cape  Cod,  to  Nansct,  "  where  the  sachem  .^spinet  nstxl  tlie  governor 
very  kindly,  and  wliere  they  bought  8  or  10  hogsheads  of  corn  and  beans:  also 
at  a  place  called  MaUachiest,  where  th<!y  iiad  like  kind  entertainment  and  corn 
also."  While  here,  a  violent  storm  drove  on  shore  and  so  damaged  their  pinnace, 
that  they  could  not  get  their  corn  on  board  the  ship :  so  they  made  a  stack  of  it, 
and  secured  it  from  the  weather,  by  covering  it  witli  mats  and  sedge.  Aspinet 
was  desired  to  watch  and  keep  wild  animals  from  destroying  it,  until  they 
could  send  for  it ;  also,  not  to  suffer  their  boat  to  be  concerned  with.  AH  this 
he  faithfully  did,  and  the  gr  ,  eriior  n^turned  liomc  by  land,  "  receiving  great 
kindness  from  the  Indians  by  the  way."  At  this  time  there  was  a  great  sick- 
ness among  the  Massachusetts  ludiims,  "  not  unlike  the  plague,  if  not  the 
same ;"  but  no  particulai-s  of  it  are  recorded. 

Some  time  after,  Stmidish  went  to  bring  the  corn  left  at  Nauset,  and,  as  usual, 
gets  himscTimo  diiik'tdty  with  the  Intlians.  One  ot\'lsp{7iel^s  men  iiuppening 
to  come  to  one  '>f  Stamlwh^s  boats,  which  being  left  entii-ely  without  guard,  he 
took  out  a  <"  sv  trinkets,  such  as  "  beads,  scissors,  and  other  trifles,"  which  wiwa 
the  Engl'r!;  »  ij>i;iiu  found  ou  .  "he  took  certain  of  his  company  with  hin>,  and 
tver.t  to  tlic  tsKJii'iii,  tilling  Imn  what  hntl  happened,  end  re(piirii;g  the  same 
niirinu  or  the  ynwty  that  stole  them,"  "or  else  he  would  revenue  it  on  them  before 
''lis  dcp'iHare,''  iuid  so  departed  for  the  night,  "refusim^  ivhntsocvcr  kindmsslhey 
v^.r:d:'     -  •  .  -     -  •-    .- 

t'n  cxpoifiiix  cf  N. liic!,  die  English  deserved  ten  times  o'j  nuch  reprehension 
at  I'le  mu'i  .ir  'uicir^  them. 

Squaiilo  being  the  onlj  person'  that  escaped  die  grr.it  sickness  al  Patuxet^ 
inquirers  for  an  account  of  that  calamity  will  very  reii.fonubly  expect  to  find  it 
in  a  history  of  his  life.  We  then;foro  will  relate  ali  that  is  known  of  it,  not 
elsewhere  to  be  nolicinl  in  our  progress.  The  extent  of  it.s  ravages,  as  near  as 
we  can  judge,  was  from  Narraganset  JJay  to  Keimebcck,  or  jtcrhaps  Penob- 
scot, and  was  supposed  to  have  commenced  about  1()17,  and  the  length  of  its 
duration  seems  to  have  Imh'm  between  two  and  tlinu!  years,  as  it  wjis  nearly 
abated  in  161!).  The  Indians  gtiw  a  fVij';litful  account  of  it,  saying  that  they 
died  so  fast  "that  the  living  were  not  able  to  buiy  the  dead."  When  the  Eng- 
lish arrived  in  the  country,  their  bones  were  (iiiek  upon  he  ground  in  many 
places.  This  they  looked  upon  as  •>  great  providence,  inasmuch  as  it  had 
destroyed  "multitudes  of  the  barbovous  lieatheu  to  make  way  for  the  chosen 
jieoplo  of  Gotl." 

"  Sonio  licni  L'xpiri'd  in  fifjlit, — Ihc  liramU 
t^lill  rii  ,10(1  ill  llifir  l)oiiy  luinds, — 

I',  (iliiffiif  uiKJ  rainiiie  some." — CAMrBELL. 

All  wars  and  disasteiv,  iii  those  days,  were  thought  to  be  preceded  by  some 
strange  natural  appeant  ^cc  or,  as  appeared  to  them,  unnatural  appearance  or 
phenomciHin  ;  hence  'lie  appearance  of  a  comet,  ill  1G18,  was  considered  by 
some  the  preciu'sor  ,i.  this  pestilence.* 

VVe  will  give  hen-,  (roin  a  curious  work,  \  \\  the  laiiguag(!  of  the  author,  an 
interesting  passage,  rein ling  to  this  ,iielanch..ly  period  of  tin  liisi-iry  of  the 
people  ol"  J\[nji.<in.i(iil,  in  which  he  refei"s  to  i^cpuintv.  After  relating  lite  fate  of 
a  French  shipV;  crew  among  the  Wampanongs,  as  extracted  in  the  life  (^t'Mas- 
nasoit,  ill  continuation  of  tin-  account,  he  |)rocee(is  thus  :  "Hut  contrary  wise, 
[the  Indiiins  having  said  "they  were  so  many  that  God  could  not  kill  them," 
when  fine  of  the  KiMichmeii  reltuked  them  for  tln^ir  "wickedness,"  telling 
them  (lod  would  destroy  them,]  in  short  time  idler,  the  hand  of  (lod  fell 
lu-avily  upon  them,  with  such  a  mortall  stroake,  that  they  tlied  on  heaps,  as 
tlii'y  \:\\  ill  their  houses,  and  the  living,  that  were  able  to  sliitl  ft)r  tlieniselves, 
would  riiiiiK!  away  and  let  them  dy,  anil  let  their  carkases  ly  above  the  ground 

*  I'lir  car  Kill!  sct'iiis  lo  liiive  licni  very  friiillUI  in  riiincts,  "  nx  llirrein  no  Icsn  limn  four 
wrro  (ili-^  rvcd."  /.  Mallifr's  Ditroimr  ronctntiuo;  (\>mets,  lOM.  llnslon,  Vlmo.  108.1. 
Til  TO  m  ly  III-  si'cii  u  viiriuiis  piissngo  <'(inc(Tiiin|{  llio  coiiiul  of  IGIS  iii  Ruilniwrth'*  HUU 
t'l'l.  of  ilii'il  yrnr. 

t  .N'lnv  Lii^lisli  Caiman,  23,  by  Tliomat  Morion,  4to.  Amslerdnm,  l(i37. 


[Book  II. 


Ii  liii)>,  and 


<." 


k 


Chap.  II.] 


SQUANTO.— MASSASOIT. 


17 


without  biiriall.  For  in  a  place  wliore  many  inliabited,  there  hath  been  but 
one  letl  aHve  to  tell  what  bei-aine  of  the  rest ;  the  living  being  (as  it  seems)  not 
able  to  bury  the  dead.  They  were  left  for  crowes,  kites,  and  vermine  to  pray 
upon.  And  the  bones  and  skulls,  upon  the  severall  places  of  their  habitations, 
niiule  such  a  spectacle,  after  iny  coniiniiig  into  those  parts,*  that,  as  I  travailed 
in  that  forrest  nere  the  Massachussets,it  seemed  to  me  a  new-found  Golgotha." 

Sir  Ferdinarulo  Gorges,  as  we  have  seen,  was  well  acquainted  with  the  coast 
of  New  England.  After  his  design  failed  at  Sagadahock,  he  tells  us  that  he 
sent  over  a  ship  upon  his  own  accx)unt,  which  was  to  leave  a  company  under 
one  Vines,\  to  remain  ajid  trade  in  the  country.  These  were  his  own  servants, 
and  he  ordered  "them  to  leave  t!ie  ship  laul  sliip's  company,  for  to  follow  their 
business  in  the  us'ial  place,  (foi-,  he  says,  I  knew  they  would  not  be  drawn  to 
seek  by  any  mean-!,)  by  these,  and  the  help  of  those  natives  formerly  sent  over, 
I  come  to  be  tndj  informed  of  so  nmch  as  gave  mo  assurance  that  in  time  I 
should  want  no  undertakers,  though  as  yet  I  was  foi'ced  to  hire  men  to  stay 
there  the  winter  cpiurter,  at  extreme  i-ates,  and  not  without  danger,  for  that  the 
war|  had  consumed  the  Jiitshaba,  ajid  the  most  of  tlie  great  sagamores,  with 
such  men  of  action  (ls  Ibllowed  th(!m,  and  those  that  remained  were  sore 
atRicted  with  the  plague  ;  for  that  the  country  wius  in  a  manner  left  void  of 
inhabitants.  Notwithstanding,  Vines,  and  the  rest  with  him  that  lay  in  the 
cabins  with  those  people  that  died,  some  more,  some  less,  mightily,  (bleseed  be 
God  for  it)  not  one  of  them  ever  felt  their  IkukIs  to  ache  while  they  stayed 
there."  llere,  although  we  are  put  in  jjossession  of  several  of  the  most  impor- 
tant facts,  yet  our  venerable  author  is  delieieut  in  one  of  the  main  particulars — 
I  mean  that  of  dates.  Therctbro  w(!  gain  no  further  data  as  to  the  time  or 
eonthiuance  of  this  plague  among  the  Indians  ;  for  Sir  Ferdinando  adds  to  the 
above,  "  and  this  course  I  helil  some  yeara  together,  but  nothing  to  my  private 
profit,"  &-C. 

In  Capt.  Smithes  account  of  New  England,  published  in  1031,  he  has  a 
passjige  about  the  plague,  which  is  much  like  that  we  have  given  al)ovc  from 
Morton.  The  ship  cast  away,  he  says,  was  a  fishing  vessel,  and  the  man  that 
they  kept  a  prisoner,  on  teUing  them  lie  fearc^l  his  God  would  destroy  them, 
thtnrking  made  him  stand  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  and  collected  his  ])eople  almut 
it  that  the  jnan  might  see  how  numerous  tlu^y  were.  When  he  had  done  this, 
he  demanded  of  the  Frenchman  wlunher  his  God,  that  he  told  so  much  about, 
had  K)  many  men,  and  whethrsr  they  could  kill  all  those.  On  his  assuring  the 
king  that  he  could,  they  derided  him  as  bcjforc.  3oon  after,  the  plague  earned 
off  all  of  the  Massachusetts,  ."j  or  000,  leaving  only  liO,  of  whom  iiS  w>'re  killed 
by  their  neighbors,  the  other  two  escaping  until  the  English  came,  to  whom 
they  gav(!  tlmir  cr.untry.  The  l^^nglish  told  the  Indians  that  the  disease  was 
the  plague.  Ca])t.  Smith  says  this  account  i?i  second  hand  to  him,  and  therefore 
iK'gs  to  be  excused  if  it  be  not  true  in  all  its  i)articulai>i. 

We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  interesting  characters  in  Indian 
history. 

INIassasoit,  chief  of  the  Wampanoags,  resided  nt  a  nlace  called  Pokan»)ket 
or  I'awkuni.avvkut,  by  the  Indians,  which  is  now  iiicluaed  in  the  town  of  Bris- 
tol, Uhode  Isla'id.  He  was  a  chief  renowned  more  in  jteuce  than  war,  anil 
was,  us  long  as  he  liv(<l,a  friend  to  the  lOnglisli,  notwithstanding  they  conunitted 
repeated  uslU'|>atioll^  n|H>u  his  lands  and  liberties. 

This  chief's  name  has  been  written  with  great  variation,  as  yVoosamequin,  .flsuh- 
fnfqniv,  Oosamcinieti,  (haimkiu,  Owsmne(imn,Owsainenuinc,Ussnme(iuen,  fVasam- 
tgin,  &c. ;  but  tlui  name  by  which  lie  is  generally  known  in  history,  is  that  with 
which  we  commence  his  life.§     Mr.  Prince,  in  his  Annals,  says  of  that  name, 

*  Mr.  Morion  (irsl  oiiinc  ovor  in  H'tl2.  He  sollleil  iiour  Wcymoutli.  AfttT  grcnt  trouble 
and  losses  lioiii  lliosi'  <>!'  <i  dilli-mil  tclii^ioii,  lio  wiis  liiiiiislicd  olil  of  the  roiiiilry,  iiiid  liad  liis 
property  scirinsifrcd.lnit  soon  alU'r  returned.  He  die<liii  York,  Mc,  Ifrki.  ll'il  be  pretended 
Uiat  M'<'!.'ii  liiid  no  religion,  we  say.  "  Judge  not."'     He  prolossed  to  have. 

i  Ttlr.  RirUard  I'm.".-.  Anfrini  p.iijiliil  to  the    Life,  l)y    Ferd,  (worgi.s,  Ksq.  4to.  Lond.  10.5!). 

t  A  ifKkM  Wiir  amoiii(  lliu  Indians  ,it  tins  time  is  mrntioiied  by  most  u(  the  first  writers,  but 
Ihu  pnriieuliirs  of  it  eiiniiotbe  known.  It  secnij  to  have  been  bi>tweun  tlic,  Tarrntines  ami 
tribes  to  ibe  wei>t  of  Pasralaqua. 

tSomc  Imvc  derived  the  mime  of  Mnssaeliuselts  from  thiii  oiiief.  but  that  coniecliire  is  not 
a  he«ded.    If  aiiy  nitut  knew,  we  may  be  allowed  to  suppose  liiat  Roger  Williitiiu  did. 


)lii 


18 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  II. 


"  the  printed  accounts  generally  spell  him  MassasoU ;  Gov.  Bradford  writes 
him  Massnsojjt,  and  Massasoyet;  but  I  find  the  ancient  people,  from  their 
fathers  in  Plimouth  colony,  pi;onounced  liis  name  Ma-aaa-so-iV  Still  we  find 
no  inclination  to  change  a  letter  in  a  name  so  venerable,  and  wliich  has  been  so 
long  established ;  for  if  a  writer  suffer  the  spirit  of  innovation  in  himself,  he 
knows  not  wliern  to  stop,  and  wo  pronounce  him  no  antiquary. 

It  has  often  been  thought  strange,  that  so  mild  a  sachem  as  MassasoU  should 
have  possessed  so  great  a  country,  and  our  wonder  has  been  increased  when 
we  consider,  that  Indian  possessions  are  generally  obtained  by  prowess  and 
gi'eat  peraonal  courage.  We  know  of  none  who  could  boast  of  such  extensive 
dominions,  where  all  were  contented  to  consider  themselves  his  friends  and 
children.  Powhatan,  Pontiac,  lAttle-turtle,  Tecumseh,  and  many  more  that  we 
could  name,  have  swayed  many  tribes,  but  theirs  was  a  teni|)orary  union,  in  an 
emergency  of  war.  That  MassasoU  should  be  able  to  hold  so  many  tribes 
together,  widiout  constant  war,  required  qualities  belonging  only  to  few.  That 
iie  Wis  not  n  warrior  no  one  will  allow,  when  the  testimony  of  Annawon  is  ao 
direct  to  the  j)oirit.  For  that  great  chief  gave  Capt.  Church  "an  account  of 
what  mighty  success  he  had  had  formerly,  in  the  wara  against  many  nations 
of  Indians,  wluni  he  served  Asuhmequin,  PhUip's  father." 

The  limits  of  his  country  towards  the  Nif)muks,  or  inland  Indians,  are  not 
precise,  but  upon  the  east  and  west  we  arc  sure.  It  is  evident,  however,  from 
the  following  extract,  that,  in  1f>47,  the  Nipijiuks  v»eie  rauier  uucertani  about 
their  sachem,  and  probably  belonged  at  one  time  to  MassasoU,  and  at  another 
to  the  Narragansets,  or  others,  as  circumstances  iinjjelled.  "The  Nopnat 
(Nii)net,  or  Nipnuik)  Indians  having  noe  sachem  of  their  own  are  at  liberty ; 
part  of  them,  by  their  own  choice,  doe  appertaine  to  tlie  Narraganstn  sachem, 
and  pai-te  to  tin;  IMohegens."*  And  certainly,  in  KiGO,  those  of  Quabaog 
belonged  to  MassasoU  or  JVassamegin,  as  he  was  then  called  (if  he  be  the 
same),  as  will  be  (jvidcnt  from  facts,  to  be  found  in  the  life  of  Uncas.  He 
owned  Cape  Cod,  and  all  that  part  of  Alassachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  between 
Narraganset  and  IMassachusctts  bays;  extending  inland  between  Pawtucket 
and  Charles  rivei-s,  a  distance  not  satisfactorily  ascertained,  as  was  said  before, 
together  with  all  the  contiguous  islands.  It  was  filled  with  many  tribes  or 
nations,  and  all  looking  up  to  him,  to  sanction  all  their  exp(;ditions,  and  settle 
all  tlieir  dillictdties.  And  we  may  remark,  further,  with  regard  to  the 
Nipmid<s,  that  at  one  time  they  were  his  tributari<'s.  And  this  seems  the  more 
probable,  for  in  PhUip''s  war  there  was  a  constant  intercourae  between  them, 
and  when  any  of  his  men  made  an  esca])e,  their  course  was  directly  into  the 
country  of  th(!  Nipmuks.  No  such  intercourse  subsisted  between  the  Narra- 
gansets and  either  of  these.  Hut,  on  the  contrary,  when  a  messenger  from  thr 
Narragansets  arrived  in  the  eoimtry  of  the  Nipmuks,  with  the  heads  of  some 
of  the  Englif^li,  to  show  that  they  had  joined  ui  the  war,  he  was  at  Hi*st  fired 
upon,  tlioiiirli  aihrwards,  when  two  additional  heads  were  brought,  he  was 
received  with  tliem. 

MassasoU  had  sivend  places  of  residence,  but  the  princi])jil  was  Mount  Hope, 
or  Fokanoket.  The  English  early  gave  it  the  name  of  Mount  Ilopi^,  but  from 
what  circumstance  w(^  hav(!  not  learned.  Home  8Uj)pose  the  words  Mount  Hope 
corrupted  (i-om  the  l>:,;i;in  words  JfoH-/ou,t  hut  with  what  reason  we  'u-c;  not 
informed.  Siiuv  've  have  thus  early  noticed  the  seat  of  the  ancient  chiefs,  be- 
fore ])roceediii<r  with  the  life  of  the  first  of  the  Wampanoags,  we  will  give  a 
description  of  it.  It  appears  to  the  lM!st  advantage  from  the  village  of  Fall 
River,  in  the  town  of  Troy,  JMassjichusetts,  from  which  it  is  distant  about  four 
nnles.     From  this  ))lace,  its  top  very  much  resembles  the  dome  of  the  state- 


He  U'ariuid  from  llic  lu'Iiaii  llii'inselvos,  "  Ihat  the  Missdcliusetl.i  mere  called  sn  from  the  Blue 
Hills."  Ill  llio  v(i(iil)uliiry  (if  Iiidiiui  words,  l>y  Rev.  Joka  Cotton,  the  defiiiinoii  of  Massa- 
chusitt  is,  "  nil  lilll  in  the  form  of  art  arrow's  Iteati." 

•Records  of  llii!  IJ.  ("of.  ill  Itaiard,  ii.  !l'2. 

t  Alilen's  Colloctioii  of  l',|iiiiiplis,  iv.  (JIW.  President  Stiles,  in  his  notes  to  the  second 
edition  of  Ohuik  h'.s  Hist.  I'hilii-'s  W.-in,  \>.  7,  spells  it  MorU-haup ;  but  it  is  not  so  in  the 
text  of  either  ediuuii.  Moreover,  wo  have  not  been  ablw  to  discover  that  Man-lop  i^  derived 
from  Indian  word  or  words,  ami  do  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  il  a  corruption  of  th«  two 
£nf[liiih  wordu  commonly  used  in  uamjiig  it. 


Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


19 


house  in  Boston,  as  seen  from  many  places  in  the  vicinity,  at  fovir  or  fivo  miles' 
distance.  Its  lieight  by  admeasurement  is  said  to  be  about  200  foit.*  It  ia 
very  steep  on  the  side  towards  Pocasset,  and  its  appeai-ance  is  very  regidar. 
To  its  natural  ap|)earance  a  gentleman  of  Bristol  has  contributed  to  add 
materially,  by  placing  upon  its  summit  a  circular  summer-house,  asd  this  is  a 
principal  reason  wiiy  it  so  much  resembles  the  Massachusetts  b'tate-housc. 
This  mount,  therefore,  since  some  time  previous  to  1824,  does  not  a()prnr  as  in 
the  days  of  Massasoit,  and  ns  it  did  to  his  early  friends  and  ^ icitors,  Winsiois 
and  Hamden.  It  was  sufHciently  picturesque  without  such  luldition,  ns  an 
immense  stone  originally  formed  its  summit,  and  completed  its  ^melike 
ap[)eai'ance.  The  octagonal  sumnicr-houBe  being 'placed  upon  this,  cShipletes 
the  cupola  or  turret.  From  this  the  view  of  Providence,  Warren,  Bristol,  and, 
iMd;H?d,  the  whole  surrouuding  country,  is  very  beautiful. 

This  eminence  was  known  among  the  Narragansets  by  the  name  Pokanoket, 
ivhich  signified  in  their  language  the  wood  or  land  on  tlw  other  side  of  tJie.  water, 
juk!  to  the  Wampanoags  by  tlie  name  Sowtvams.  And  it  is  worthy  remark  here 
I  hat  Kuequeniiku  was  the  name  of  the  place  where  Philadelphia  now  stands. 
-Mr,  Hcckewelder  says,  it  signified  the  grove  of  the  long  pine  trees.  There  was  a 
place  in  Middleborough,  and  another  in  llaynham,  where  he  spent  some  part 
(if  particular  seasons,  perhaps  the  sunmier.  The  place  in  llaynham  was  near 
Fowling  Pond,  and  he  no  doubt  had  many  othei-s. 

Sir  Franeis  Drake  is  the  first,  of  whom  we  have  any  account,  that  set  foot 
upon  the  shores  of  New  England.  This  was  in  158(5,  about  seven  years  afler 
he  had  taken  jiossession,  and  named  the  same  countiy  New  England  or  New 
Albion,  upon  the  western  side  of  the  continent.  It  is  an  error  of  long  standing, 
that  Prince  Charles  named  the  country  New  England,  and  it  even  now  so 
stands  u|)on  the  j)ages  of  histoiy.  But  it  is  very  clear  that  Sir  IVancis  is  justly 
entitled  to  the  credit  of  it.  American  historians  siicm  to  have  looked  no  fur- 
tliei'  than  Prince  and  Robertson,  and  hence  asstu-t  that  Capt.  Smith  named  the 
country  New  England.  We  will  now  hear  Sniithj  on  this  mutter.  "New 
ICngland  is  that  i)art  of  America,  in  the  Ocean  sea,  opjiosite  to  A'oiw  Albion,  in 
the  South  Sea,  discovered  by  the  most  memorable  Sir  fVancis  Drake,  in  his 
voyage  about  the  world,  in  regard  whereof,  this  is  stiled  New  England." 

Capt.  Smith,  in  1(514,  made  a  survey  of  the  coast  of  what  is  now  New  Eng- 
land, and  because  the  country  was  already  named  New  Ehigland,  or,  which  is 
the  same,  New  Albion,  upon  its  western  coast,  ho  thought  it  most  proper  to 
stamp  it  anew  uijou  the  eastern.  Therefore  (^apt.  Smith  neither  takes  to  him- 
self the  honor  ol  naming  New  England,  as  some  writers  of  authority  assert,  nor 
does  he  give  it  to  King  Charles,  as  Dr.  Robertson  and  many  othei-s,  copying  him, 
have  done. 

The  noble  and  generous  minded  Smith,  unlike  Jhnericiu!,  would  not  permit 
or  sufi(3r  his  respected  iriend  and  cotiniijorary  to  be  deprived  of  any  honor 
duo  to  him  in  his  day  ;  and  to  which  we  may  attribute  the  revival  of  the  name 
New  England  in]Gl4. 

It  was  ujion  some  part  of  Cape  Cod  that  the  gi'cat  cireunmavigator  landed. 
He  was  visited  by  the  "king  of  the  eomitry,"  who  submitted  his  territories  to 
him,  as  Hioh  had  done  on  the  western  coast.  After  several  days  of  m".tual 
trade,  and  exchange  of  kindnesses,  during  which  time  the  natives  became 
greatly  attached  to  Sir  Francis,  he  de()arti'd  for  England.  Whether  the  "king 
of  the  country "  here  mentioned  were  Massasoit,  wv,  hiwi^  not  the  memis  of 
knowing,  as  our  accounts  do  not  give  any  nam(> ;  biu  it  was  upon  his  domin- 
ions that  this  first  landing  was  made,  and  we  have  therefore  thought  it  profjer 
to  be  thus  ])articular,  and  which,  we  venture  to  predict,  will  not  be  unaccepta- 
ble to  our  readere.^ 

*  Yamoydoii,  iW. 

t  Hce  his  "  DescriplUm  of  N.  England,"  nnd  tlie  error  may  henceforth  be  dispoiist'il  with. 

X  The  first  nulhuriiy  which  we  found  for  thcst!  interesting  farts,  (inleresling-  lo  crpi-ij  son  of 
New  England,)  is  a  work  entitled  "Naval  Riography,"  &.e.  of  Great  Britain,  2  Viils.  8vo. 
London,  18D5,  and  is  iri  these  words  :— "  The  first  attempt  towards  a  regular  colonization  of 
N.  England,  occurs  in  the  year  16(Xi.  It  will  easily  he  recollocied,  that  this  part  of  the  Amer- 
ican continent  was  first  distinguished  liy  the  captains  Barlow  and  Amidas ;  that  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  when  he  touched  here  on  his  return  from  the  W«8t  Indies,  in  1586,  was  the  first  Eng- 
lishman who  landed  in  tlicse  parts,  and  to  whom  one  of  the  Indian  Icings  submitted  his  territory  ) 


<»J 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  II. 


Smith  landed  in  many  plnoos  upon  tlio  slioros  of  Massasoifs  dominionn,  one 
of  wliicli  places  he  nuniwi  Plimouth,  which  luippenod  to  l)o  tlio  same  wJiidi 
cow  bcura  that  name. 

Our  accouiitN  nialce  Cnpt.  Bartkolomeio  Goanold  the  next  visitor  to  the  shores 
x)i' ■MnsaasoU,  a{\v.r '^\r  Francis  Drake.  Mis  voyage  wius  in  ]()0::i,  and  ho  wiw 
the  lii-st  who  came  iti  a  din-ct  course  from  Old  to  New  Enj,'lan(i.  Jfe  landed 
in  the  same  place  where  Sir  hVanns  did  Hi  yeai-s  Ix'fore.  The  route  had  hith- 
erto lu'cn  by  the  Canaries  luici  West  India  Islands,  and  u  voyage  to  and  from 
New  England  took  n)»  nearly  <  year. 

We  can  know  nothing  of  ,Un!  early  times  of  Maasojiott.  Oin*  next  visitor  to 
his  country,  that  wo  shall  here  notice,  wils  Capt.  Thoinas  Dermer.  This  was 
in  May,  KilO.  He  sailed  for  IMonhigon  ;  thenc(!,  in  that  month,  for  Virginia, 
in  an  o|)eu  j)inuaee ;  consecpiently  was  obliged  to  keep  close  in  shore.  Ho 
foiuid  i)laces  which  had  been  iuhalnted,  but  at  that  time  contained  no  people  ; 
and  fartiier  onward  nearly  all  were  dead,  of  a  great  sickn(!ss,  wiiicli  was  then 

itrevailiiig,  but  nearly  abated.  >Vhen  he  came  to  I'liuiouth,  ill!  were  dead, 
''roin  tiience  he  traveled  a  day's  journey  into  the  country  westward,  to  Nu- 
masket,  now  IMiddleborongh.  From  this  ])lac,e  he  sent  a  messengcu-  to  visit 
Mmsasoit.  In  this  expedition,  he  redeemed  two  frenchmen  from  MassasoiCs 
people,  who  had  been  cast  away  on  the  coast  three  yeare  beibre. 

Ihit  to  be  more  particular  with  Capt.  Dermer,  wc  will  hear  him  in  his  own 
niamier,  which  is  by  a  letter  he  wrote  to  Samitd  Purchase,  the  compiler  of  the 
Pilgrimage,  dated  '27  Dee.  Kill). 

"When  I  arrived  at  my  savage's  [i*?7?(«n/o's]  native  coimtry,  (finding  all 
dead,)  1  travelled  alongst  a  dtiy's  journey,  to  a  i)lace  called  JVummastn^uyt, 
where  finding  iidiabitants,  I  despatched  a' messtmger,  a  day's  jotiria-y  fartiier 
vest,  to  Pocanokit,  which  borderoth  on  the  s(?a;  whence  came  to  s(!(!  me  two 
kings,  attended  with  a  guard  of  50  armed  men,  who  being  well  satisfied  with 
that  my  savagci  atul  I  discoursed  unto  them,  (being  desirous  of  ntwc^lty,)  gave 
me  content  in  whatsoever  I  demanded  ;  wJieri!  I  found  that  foruuir  relations 
were  true.    Here  I  redeenu-d  a  I'reneliman,  and  alh;rwards  another  at  Massta- 

aml  that  <,";i|>l.  (in.siuil/,  who  nuiile  ii  litlio  st;iy  in  llie  siiiiiu  place,  gave  such  a  report  of  N. 
EiiglamI  as  to  .I'lrn't  tlio  ;itteiitiiin  ol  his  ii(lver,liiroiis  comitryineii,  some  of  wlioiii  iiiiinediatcly 
prociir  il  n  chauer,"  I've. — Vol,  I  p.  ;i37,  3'Xi.  If  wc  could  know  from  wlieuce  the  above  was 
taken  (that  is,  the  authority  the  writer  ol  tlui?  ivork  made  use  of),  it  might  at  once,  perhaps, 
settle  the  nueslion.  O/dtiiixm,  i.  -J,  has  the  same  fact,  though  not  quite  so  circumslaiiliallv 
related.  Mr.  Itancrojl.  in  his  I.  Vol.  of  the  Hist.  United  .States,  supposes  Oldmixou,  through 
carelessness,  mistakes  Di\ikf\i  landing  in  '  aliforiiia,  in  lo7'.l,  for  that  in  N.  England,  in  \bm, 
because,  as  we  suppose,  he  had  not  seen  the  fact  elf-'whero  stated.  Hut  Drake  was  iO  days 
from  Virginia  to  Plymouth,  which  would  give  liim  lime  enough  to  have  visited  N.  England. 
Sec  "  The  Life  andDangerous  Voyage'^  of  Sir  Frawis  Drake,"  &c.,  small  12mo.,  London, 
(without  d  lie),  page  l;i;i.     8ee  also  i<lilli'.s  Virginia,  p.  l(i. 

What  is  said  in  Blome's  account  of  America,  p.  210,  is  not  very  conclusive.  His  words 
are,  "  The  year  following  (l.ilJ.^),  I^ir  Iliclianl  (Ir/'eiiril,'  conveyed  an  English  colony  thither 
[this  author  niislakes  tlie  situation  of  the  places  he  desi  rilics,  in  a  wretched  manner],  under  the 
government  of  Mr.  Ralph  Lane,  who  continued  there  [yet  he  is  speaking  of  N.  Eiig.]  till  the 
Ji.:vl  vcnr  (15!i(!),  hut,  upon  som.;  ixtraordinary  occasion,  returned,  wiih  t^\T  Franrix  ])ialif, 
into  England,  being  acioiinled  by  some  the  first  d'^iii'.erei'  lliereof."  Jllome's  work  was 
printed  in  lti87,  and  may  have  btbn  Oldmiraii's  aiMliority.  ia  ihi-  Gent.  Mag.,  Vol.  XXV., 
p.  291,  it  is  said,  "  Sir  /•ViuiciV  ])niki .  who  made  a  discenl  on  tin;  coast,  continued  there  but  a 
very  short  lime,  so  that  whatever  had  been  known  of  this  country  was  so  much  forgotten  in  Hi()2, 
that  Gosiiold  fell  in  with  the  const  by  accident,  as  he  was  pursuiiic  another  design."  Forsters 
error  about  .Sir  Francis's  l)eiiig  on  the  coast  in  l.'JItj.  is  surprising  ;  but  it  is  still  more  surpris- 
ing that  any  one.  pretending  ti)  be  an  historian,  should  copy  it.  See  Forstcr,  2'J.'3,  and  Ans)Mch, 
Newfoundland,  ?t.  In  I'rince's  Wortliies  of  Decori,  an  account  of  Sir  Bernard  Drake's 
expedition  to  the  .Vew  England  seas,  in  l.'iSo,  liiay  be  seen  ;  also  in  Purchase,  v.  l(!f!2.  Quee;i 
ElUaJxth.  sent  over  Sir  Bernard,  with  a  naval  force,  to  dispossess  niiy  Portuguese,  or  others, 
that  lie  might  find  fishing  there.  He  found  many  vessels  employed  in  that  business,  soiiii!  of 
•which  he  captured,  and  dis|K'rsed  the  rest,  and  returned  to  England  with  several  Portuguese 
prizes.  Now  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  FJhabilh  luul  instructed  Sir  Francis  to  coi  st  up 
into  these  seas,  when  he  had  finished  his  designs  in  Soiilii  America  and  Virginia,  to  sec  if  there 
were  any  vessels  of  other  nations  usurping  the  rights  of  lier  citizens;  and  hence  inattentive 
writers  liave  confounded  the  names  of  Sir  Bernard  and  Sir  Francis,  they  being  both  distin- 
guished admirals  at  thai  lime,  and  both  having  the  same  surname,  and  originally  of  the  s.inje 
family.  The  expc<lilion  of  Sir  Bernard  was  llie  year  before  that  of  Sir  Francis,  and  hence 
arose  ihe  anachronism.  Several  English  navigators  had  been  on  this  coast  before  IGOO.  Capt. 
Gtorzt  Drake  made  a  voyage  to  thfi  river  St.  Lawrence  in  1693  j  but  whetlicr  any  of  them 
landed  in  what  is  uow  New  England,  is  at  present  unknown. 


gP 


if 


Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


21 


chusit,  who  tlirco  years  since  escaped  shipwreck  at  the  north-eiist  of  Cape 

Cod." 

W(!  have  nicntioiii'd  Ills  iiiterviovv  with  MdssnsoU,  wliorn  we  siip|)()Ho  was 
OIK!  oi"  th(!  kings  iiitiutioiied  in  tiio  letter,  and  C^uadcijuiiui  was  no  (loubt  the 
otluT. 

In  another  letter,  Mr.  Dermer  Hays  tiic  Indians  wonid  liavo  killed  him  at 
Nanuisket,  had  not  Sqitaido  cntnuitfMl  hard  for  hitii.  "Their  desire  of  revenge 
{he.  ad(lH)  wiis  ocra.-iioniMl  h.v  an  lOnglishnian,  wiio,  having  many  of  them  on 
board,  made  ffreat  slaughter  of  them  with  tliciir  mur<l(;r(!rs  and  small  shot,  when 
(as  th(!y  say)  they  otli^nid  no  injury  on  their  jmrts." 

Mr.  Thomm  Morton,*  tlas  author  who  inadi;  iiimself  so  merry  at  the  expense 
ot"  the  Pilgrims  of  Plimouth,  has  iIk;  li)llowing  passage  concerning  these 
Frenchmen: — "It  fortuned  some  W'w  yeiu-es  hiifore  the  Hnglish  canit;  to 
hdiiii)it  at  ii<!W  I'linniioniii  in  New  Ijigland,  tl:at,  ujton  some  distjist  given  in 
the  Massachussets  l{ay,  hy  I'Vencliiin  ii,  tlien  trading  there  with  tiie  nativ  ■  for 
beaver,  they  set  njum  the  men,  fit  such  advantage,  that  tiiey  killed  jn  of 
them,  burned  their  Bhip|»,  then  ri'.liiig  ai;  aiwlior  by  an  island  there,  no  iled 
PediUick^s  hlaml,  in  memory  of  Leoiuiril  i  cddoik  that  landed  there,  (whore 
jnnny  wilde  anckiesf  liaimted  iiiat  (imc,  w  liich  h(;e  thought  had  bin  tjmie,)  dis- 
tributing th('m  imto  five  sacJKims  wliiili  were  lords  of  tla;  stjverall  territories 
adjoyniug,  they  did  keep  tliem  so  long  as  tlnsy  liv(!d,  only  to  sport  themselves 
at  them,  and  made;  thi.'se  fiv{!  {''reiichmen  fetch  them  wood  and  water,  which  is 
the  generall  worke  they  require  of  a  servant.  One  of  these  live  men  outliving 
the  rest,  had  learned  so  mu(rli  of  their  language,  its  to  rebuke  them  f()r  their 
hloudy  (kicde:  saying  that  Cod  would  be  angry  with  them  for  it;  and  that  he 
would  in  his  displeasure  destroy  them  ;  but  the  sidvages  (it  seems,  boasting 
of  their  strength)  n^plyed,  and  said,  that  they  were  so  many  that  G'mI  could  not 
kill  them."  This  seems  to  be  the  same  story,  only  difliirently  told  liom  timt 
related  above  from  Smith. 

Dec.  11,  O.  S.,t  Ki^O,  the  j)ilgrinis  had  arrived  at  Flimoinh,  and  jiossessed 
themselves  of  a  jtortion  of  Miissasoifs  coimtry.  With  the  nature  of  their 
proceedings,  he  wius  at  firsi.  uuac(|Uaint(;d,  and  sent  occitsionally  some  of  his 
men  to  observe  tlusir  stnuige  motions.  Vi'ry  few  of  these  Indians,  however, 
were  seen  by  tin;  pilgi-ims.  At  length  he  sent  oiu?  of  his  men,  who  had  Ijcen 
some  time  with  the  English  fishing  vessels  about  th<!  country  of  the  Kennc- 
beck,  and  had  learned  a  little  of  their  language,  to  obstirvc;  more  strictly  what 
was  progressing  among  the  strangers  at  his  placi;  of  Patuxet,  which  these 
intrud<!i-s  now  called  Plimouth.*    This  was  in  March,  1G2I. 


*  III  his  "  New  Ciman."  22,  23. 

t  MoiU^rii  natiiriilisis  do  not  soem  lo  linvc  been  nc(|Maliitc!(l  wiili  tliis  animal ! 

i'l'lic  Icniflli  of  a  yoar  was  lived  l)y  Julius  Ccrsar  at  oti.')  days  and  (i  hours,  or  3G5i  days. 
This  j  of  a  day  l)oiiitj  oiniUcd  tiir  4  yoars  ainoiinlcil  to  a  \iliolc  day,  and  was  then  addecl  to 
tlie  .Tip.'i  in  Iho  nioiitii  c(  Ffhniani,  whicli  llh  ycMir  was  called  Imp  i/car,  because  it  leaped 
forward  oiic  day.  Hnl  hy  this  snppntatioii  it  was  perceived  that  the  yeur  was  too  long:,  and 
consei|noiitly  ilie  seasmis  were  (;cuinc;  out  of  place.  I'lipe  (irpfrorij  found,  in  I.W2,  that  the 
vernal  ec|uinox,  which  .at  the  lime  of  tlie  Niceiie  council,  A.  I).  325,  fell  on  21  March,  fell  now 
I  10  days  heyond  it ;  therefore  he  ordered  10  days  to  ho  struck  onl  of  October,  15!!2  ;  and  to 

prevent  the  recurrence  of  the  dillicnlty  in  fiiliiro,  decreed  that  3  days  bliould  be  abated  in  every 
'UX)  years,  by  resloriiiff  leap  years  to  oommoii  years  at  the  end  of  3  successive  centuries,  end 
makliif^  leap  vear  again  at  the  close  of  every  Itli  cciUnry.  Thus  1700,  1800,  1900,  2100,  &c. 
though  divisil)le  by  4,  are  common  years,  but  2(H)0,  2UX),  21)00,  &c.  are  loop  years.  This 
method  of  keeping  the  year  is  called  Nkw  Srvi.K,  and  that  before  the  reformation  by 
Gregory,  Oi.n  Srvr.K.  Kvrn  this  correction  does  not  set  the  year  exactly  right ;  but  the  error 
is  so  small  that  it  amounts  to  scarce  a  day  and  a  half  in  ."JOOO  years,  and  we  need  not 
trouble  ourselves  about  a  nearer  approximation. 

Hccanse  tiiis  correction  had  a  (,'atholic  or  Popish  origin,  Protestants  would  not  for  a  lontf 
time  adopt  it.  At  length,  in  the  year  1751,  the  English  Parliament  enaclert,  that  the  3d  of 
Kept,  of  that  year  sliou'd  bo  called  the  1  Ith,  thereby  striking  out  11  days,  which  their  calendar 
at  that  late  period  required,  to  reduce  it  lo  the  iSregorian.  And  hence  the  reason  of  our 
onlliuf'-  the  1 1  Dec.  ().  S.,  the  22  N.  H.  The  reason  also  of  our  adding  1 1  days  instead  of  10 
IS  obvious,  because,  in  adopting  the  Catholic  method  170  years  after  it  had  been  introduced 
by  Gregory,  niiolhrr  day  was  gained,  and  therefore  10-|-l:=i|  1. 

My  venerated  friend,"  Dr.  Timelier  of  Plimouth.  makes  an  error  in  setting  it  down  that 
we  should  add  but  10  days,  owing  lo  a  wrong  view  taken  of  the  matter  in  his  Hist,  of 
Plimouth.  Among  all  our  school-books,  it  is  j)itiful  that  no  one  explains  this  important 
mailer. 


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MASSASOIT. 


[Book  II. 


Hlh 


We  have,  in  speaking  of  Sanwset  and  Squanto,  observed  that  it  was  through 
the  agency  of  tlie  former  that  a  knowledge  was  gained  by  the  pilgrims  of  Mas- 
sasoit.  It  was  upon  22  March,  1621,  that  they  brought  the  welcome  news  to 
Plimouth,  that  their  chief  was  neai'  at  hand  ;*  "  and  they  brought  with  theirr 
(say  the  Pilgrims)  some  few  skins  to  truck,  and  some  red  herrings,  newly  taken 
and  dried,  but  not  salted ;  and  signified  unto  us,  that  dieir  great  sagainore, 
MasaaaoU,  was  hard  by,  with  Quadequhia,  his  brother.  They  could  not  well 
express  in  English  what  they  would ;  but  after  an  hour  the  king  came  to  the 
top  of  an  hill  [supposed  to  be  that  now  called  Watson^a,  on  the  south  side  of 
Town-brook]  over  against  us,  and  had  in  his  train  60  men,  that  we  could 
well  behold  them,  and  they  us.  We  were  not  willing  to  send  our  governor 
to  them,  and  they  unwilling  to  come  to  us:  so  SquaiUo  went  again  unto  him, 
who  brought  word  that  we  should  send  one  to  parley  with  him,  which  we  did, 
which  was  Edivard  fVinslow,  to  know  his  mind,  and  to  signify  the  mind  an(l 
will  of  our  governor,  which  was  to  have  trading  and  peace  wiih  him.  We 
sent  to  the  king  a  pair  of  knives,  and  a  copper  chain,  with  a  jewel  ui  it.  To 
Q^uadequina  we  sent  likewise  a  knife,  and  a  jewel  to  hang  in  his  ear,  and 
withal  a  pot  of  strong  water,  a  good  quantity  of  biscuit,  and  some  butter, 
which  were  all  willingly  accepted." 

The  Englishman  then  made  a  speech  to  him  about  his  king's  love  and  good- 
ness to  him  and  his  people,  and  that  ho  accepted  of  him  as  his  friend  and  ally. 
"  lie  Hked  well  of  the  speech,  (say  the  English,)  and  heard  it  attentively,  though 
the  interpreters  did  not  well  express  it.  After  he  had  eaten  and  drunk  himseltj 
and  given  the  rest  to  his  company,  he  looked  upon  our  nRssenger's  sw ord  and 
armo>*,  which  he  had  on,  with  intimation  of  his  desire  to  buy  it ;  but,  on  the 
other  side,  our  messenger  showed  his  unwillingness  to  part  with  it.  In  the 
«nd  he  left  him  in  the  custody  of  Ouadequina,  his  brother,  and  came  over  the 
brook,  and  some  20  men  followihg  him.  We  kept  six  or  seven  as  hostages  for 
our  messenger." 

As  Maasasoit  proceeded  to  meet  the  English,  they  met  him  with  six  soldiers, 
who  saluted  each  other.  Several  of  his  men  were  witi*  him,  but  all  left  their 
bows  and  arrows  behind.  They  were  conducted  to  a  new  house  which  was 
partly  finished,  and  a  green  rug  was  spread  upon  tiie  floor,  and  several  cush- 
ions for  Maaaasoit  and  his  chiefs  to  sit  down  upon.  Then  came  the  English 
governor,  followed  by  a  drunnnerand  trumpeter  and  a  few  soldiers,  and  after 
kissing  one  another,  all  sat  down.  Some  strong  water  being  brought,  the 
governor  drank  to  Maaaaaoil,  who  in  his  turn  "drank  u  great  draught,  that 
made  him  sweat  all  the  while  after." 

They  now  proceeded  to  make  n  treaty,  which  stipulated,  that  neither  JHfi.Ma- 
soit  nor  any  of  his  people  should  do  hurt  to  the  English,  and  that  if  they 
did  they  should  be  given  up  to  be  punished  by  them  ;  and  that  if  the  English 
did'tiMy  harm  to  him  or  any  of  his  people,  they  (tiie  Enfrlish)  would  do  the  like 
to  them.  That  if  any  did  unjustly  wiu'  against  him,  the  Engliisii  were  to  aid 
him,  and  he  was  to  do  the  same  in  his  turn,  and  by  ho  doing  King  Janic«wouhl 
esteem  him  his  friend  and  ally. 

"AH  which  (they  say)  the  king  seemed  to  like  well,  and  it  was  aiiplaudcd 
of  his  followers."  And  they  add,  "  All  the  while  he  sat  by  the  governor,  he 
trendthid  for  fear." 

At  this  lime  he  is  described  as  "a  very  lusty  man,  in  his  best  years,  an  able 
liody.  grave  of  c()unt(!nanre,  and  spaniof  Hi)ee(rh  ;  in  his  attire  littlt;  or  nothing 
diftiring  from  the  rest  of  his  followers,  oidy  in  a  gnat  chain  of  white  bono 
beads  about  his  neck;  and  at  it,  behind  his  neck,  hang^^a  little  bag  of  tobacco, 
which  he  drank,  and  gave  us  to  drink.f     His  face  was  painte«l  with  a  sad  i-ed 

•  Moiirl's  narrntivn  is  here  rontiniicd  from  llio  Insl  cxtrnct  in  p.  10,  without  nny  omissinn. 

1 1  jircsuino  tliiit  liy  "  (Iriiikiii;;  (olmrro,'' snu)kiii);  is  inuant.  'I'lio  jiil^rinis  vtnro  prnlintily 
not  aci|iiiiiiiliMl  with  tlio  iirni'lii-o  of  sinnkiiif;  ut  all,  atiil  lioiiro  lliis  sort  ot'  uiisiioiiiiT  is  not 
•trntiKc,  ihoiigli  it  inny  lie  thought  a  liltio  odd.  Mow  Inn^  smukiiijr  wont  fiy  the  namo  of 
Urinkinn;  at  I'miioiilli  \\\u  not  liiarii ;  Iml  in  111  Hi  this  entry  is  (oiiiid  in  tlie  riinioulli  records ; 
— "  Anili(tiiti  7Vi«((7ifr and  (iiarge  Pole  wero  clioiuii  ft  romniittuc  lo  draw  up  un  order  con- 
ccrniii;(  disorderly  drinkinjr  ol'Tohacco," 

Kdiii-r  \\'i//iniiu  says,  lu  lili  Key,  "  (lenerally  all  the  Mien  tlironglioul  tlic  country  Imvo  n 
toliiiccii-linif,  with  a  pipe  in  it,  hniit(Mii{  at  their  hark." 

Dr.  T!Mcktr  toys,  tliui  mi  iijced  niiin  in  I'llniouili,  who  wai  n  grc:U  iniokrr,  used  (o  term 


Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT, 


ss 


used  (o  tvrm 


like  murrey,  and  oiled  both  head  and  face,  that  he  looked  greasily.  All  hia 
followera  likewise  were,  in  their  faces,  in  part  or  in  whole,  painted,  some  black, 
some  red,  some  yellow,  and  some  white  ;  some  with  crosses  and  other  antic 
works ;  some  had  skins  on  them,  and  some  naked  ;  all  strtng,  tall  men  in  nn- 
pearauce.  The  king  had  in  his  bosom,  hanging  in  a  string,  a  great  long  knife. 
He  marvelled  much  at  our  trumpet,  and  some  of  his  men  would  sound  it  aa 
well  as  they  could.  Samoset  and  Sqvnnto  Stayed  all  night  with  us."  MassasoU 
retired  into  the  woods,  about  half  a  mile  from  the  English,  and  there  encamped 
at  night  with  his  men,  women  and  children.    Thus  ended  March  22d,  1621. 

During  his  first  visit  to  the  English,  he  exprcased  great  signs  of  fear,  and 
during  tlie  treaty  could  not  refrain  from  trembling.*  Thus  it  is  easy  to  see 
how  much  hand  he  had  iu  making  it,  but  loould  tliat  there  had  never  been  toorse 
ones  made. 

It  was  agreed  that  some  of  his  people  should  come  and  plant  near  by,  in  a 
few  days,  and  live  there  all  summer.  "That  night  we  kept  good  watch,  but 
tlioro  was  no  api)earance  of  danger.  The  next  morning  divers  of  their  i>eople 
oume  over  to  us,  hoping  to  get  some  victuals,  as  we  imagined.  Some  of  them 
told  us  the  king  would  have  some  of  us  come  to  see  him.  Cajrt.  Standish  and 
Isaac  Mderton  went  venterously,  who  were  welcomed  of  him  after  tlieir  man- 
ner. He  gave  them  three  or  four  ground  nuts  and  some  tobacco.  We  cannot 
yet  conceivi',  (they  continue,)  but  that  he  is  willing  to  have  peace  with  us ;  for 
tliev  ha\  e  seen  our  people  sometimes  alone  two  or  three  in  the  woods  nt  work 
and  fowling,  when  as  tiiey  offered  them  no  hiirm,  as  they  might  easily  have 
done ;  and  espociully  because  he  hath  a  jjotent  adversary,  the  NarrohigansPts,t 
that  are  at  war  with  hlni,  against  whom  he  thinks  we  may  bo  some  strength  to 
him  ;  f<)r  our  pieces  are  terrible  unto  them.  This  morning  they  stayed  till  10 
or  11  of  the  clock;  and  our  governor  bid  them  send  the  king's  kettle,  and  filled 
it  with  pens,  which  pleased  them  well ;  and  so  they  went  their  way."  Thus 
ended  t!,e  (irst  visit  of  MassasoU  to  the  pilgrims.  We  should  here  note  that  ho 
ever  after  treated  the  English  with  kiiKbiess,  and  the  pea(  e  now  concluded 
was  undisturbed  for  nearly  40  yeai"s.  Not  that  any  writing  or  articles  of  a 
treaty,  of  which  he  never  had  any  adequate  idija,  was  the  cause  of  his  friendly 
behavior,  but  it  was  the  natural  goodness  of  his  lieart. 

The  pilgrims  report,  that  at  this  time  he  was  at  war  with  the  Nnrragansets. 
Bui:  if  this  were  the  case,  it  could  have  been  nothing  more  than  some  small 
ski-mishing. 

Alean  while  Squanto  and  Samoset  reinainod  with  the  English,  instructing  them 
how  to  live  in  their  country  ;  ecjual  in  all  respects  to  Robinson  Crusoe^a  man 
tyi'lay,  and  had  De  Foe  lived  in  that  age  he  might  have  made  as  good  a  story 
from  their  history  as  he  did  from  that  ut' Alexander  Selkirk. — "Squanto  went  to 
fish  [a  day  or  two  after  MassasoU  left]  for  eels.  At  night  he  came  home  with 
as  many  iw  he  could  lift  in  oiw  band,  which  oin-  ueople  were  glad  of.  TIk'V 
were  fat  and  sweet.  H(!  trod  them  out  with  his  leet,  and  so  caught  them  with 
his  hands,  without  any  other  instrument." 

it  (Iriiiking  tolmrco,    Ilist.  I'.im.  31,    This  we  infer  was  wiUiiii  Ihc  ruoulluctiuii  of  llie  au- 
llior. 

The  iiolimi  liiiil  tolntrio  i^  so  railed  from  llip  iilnml  Tohiino,  is  errotipniisly  oiilcrlnitM'iI  by 
iiiuny.  Wlieii  .Sir  Fnitiri.^  Drakf  iliscovorod  lln-  romilry  to  llu'  iiorllt  of  Ciililiiriiiii.  in  157!5, 
llio  writer  of  the  acnxnit  of  his  vov»}ro  suvi,  th<'  Indians  prvscnlctl  the  ndnvirni  with  a  .small 
linsket  mndi-  of  nishi-s,  lillrd  widi  an  hi-rS  ll\oy  railed  ^iWi.  From  another  paasajre  it 
Bpiwars,  that  the  hidinns  of  ilmt  reffion,  like  those  "of  New  F.ngland,  hml  hagu  in  which  tobacco 
was  carried.     Hunieu'-f  Vciidgfn,  I.  '^V\~l. 

And,  with  this  fact  belore  him,  the  anihof  of  "  Talra  I'f  the  /ntiiam"  »ay»,  tlw  treoty  waf 
made  with  ilrlihrialiim  and  dieer/utwHs  on  the  part  of  Miif»a»<nt ! 

t  Few  Indian  names  have  been  spell  m'lre  ways  tlian  this.  From  the  nnlnrn  of  the  In<linn 
lancnni^r,  it  is  evident  lh!\l  no  r  slionid  be  nsi>d  in  it.  Nahigonsik  and  Nnntigansick.  It. 
H i7/wm.». — Nerheiransin ,  (InMn. — Nanlyerifinisiks,  < W/rni/rr.— Nnnolriirganset,  tVinsti/w'r 
Gox  i  Nrwf/iom  N.  Uns. — Nanhy^'insel,  Jiul'Xf  Johnson's  Life  of  dm.  Urtme.~^'V\\Q*v  ato 
but  few  of  tiM'  |H'rmnliUions  wilhoiW  ihe  /•,  and  lb<«e  with  it  are  still  more  numerous. 

The  mennini;  of  the  name  is  still  nneertnin.  Mndam  Knight,  in  her  JouriMl,  'il  nnd  °<!5, 
says,  at  a  |)liiri>  where  she  happened  lo  put  np  for  a  nii{ht  in  Inal  connlry,  he  heard  some  of 
the  "  town  toilers  "  disputing  nboni  Ihe  oriiriii  of  the  word  Narragantet. '  "  One  said  it  was  so 
named  by  Iiulians,  because  there  grew  a  brier  there  of  n  prodit;inns  height  and  hiipiess,  who 
quoted  an  hidiini  of  so  barbarous  a  mime  for  his  author  that  she  coidd  not  write  it.  Another 
Raid  it  meant  a  celelirated  spring,  which  wus  very  cold  iu  sununvr,  uud  "  a»  hoi  us  cuuld  be  , 
imagined  iu  the  winter." 


24 


jiASSASorr. 


[Book  II. 


I  I 


This  Squanto  became  afterwards  au  important  personage  in  Indian  politics, 
and  Bome  of  his  manGeuvres  remind  us  of  some  managing  politicians  of  our 
own  times.  In  1622,  he  forfeited  his  life  by  plotting  to  destroy  that  of  Massa- 
soit,  as  will  be  found  related  in  the  life  of  Hobomok.  On  that  occasion,  Massasoit 
went  himself,  to  Plimouth,  •♦  being  much  offended  and  enraged  against  Tisquan- 
tum ; "  but  the  governor  succeeded  in  allaying  his  wrath  for  that  time.  Soon 
after,  he  sent  a  messenger  to  entreat  the  governor  to  consent  to  his  being  put  to 
deatli ;  the  governor  said  he  deserved  death,  but  as  he  knew  not  how  to  get 
along  witliout  him  in  his  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  he  would  spare  hun. 

Determined  in  his  purpose,  Massasoit  soon  sent  the  same  messenger  again, 
accompanied  by  many  others,  who  ofi'ered  many  beaver  skins  that  Tisquardum 
might  be  given  up  to  them.  They  demanded  him  in  the  name  of  Massasoit, 
as  being  one  of  his  subjects,  whom,  (says  Winslow,)  by  our  first  articles  of 
jieace,  we  could  not  retain.  But  out  of  respect  to  the  English,  they  would  not 
seize  him  without  their  consent  Massasoit  had  sent  liis  own  knife  to  be  used 
in  cutting  off  his  head  and  hands,  which  were  to  be  brought  to  him. 

Meantime  Squanto  came  and  delivered  himself  up  to  the  governor,  charging 
Hobomok  witli  his  overthrow,  luid  telling  him  to  deliver  him  or  not  to  the  mes- 
Bengere  of  Massasoit,  as  he  thought  fit.  It  seems  from  the  nan-ative  that,  as 
the  governor  was  about  to  do  it,  they  grew  impatient  at  the  delay,  and  went 
off  m  a  rage.  The  delay  was  occasioned  by  the  appearance  of  a  boat  in  the 
harbor,  which  the  governor  pretended  might  be  tliat  of  an  enemy,  as  there  had 
been  a  rumor  thit  the  Frencn  had  meditated  breaking  uj)  the  settlement  of  the 
English  in  this  region.  This,  however,  was  doubtless  only  a  pretence,  and 
employed  to  wear  out  the  patience  of  his  unwelcome  visitors.  Hence  that 
Massasoit  should  for  some  time  after  "seem  to  frown"  on  the  English,  as  they 
complain,  is  certainly  no  wonder. 

The  next  summer,  in  June  or  July,  Massasoit  was  visited  by  several  of  the 
English,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Edward  fVinsloto,  Mr.  Stephen  Hopkins,  and 
Squanto  as  their  iiiteq)reter.  Their  object  wa.s  to  find  out  his  place  of  resi- 
dence, in  case  they  should  have  to  call  upon  him  for  assistance ;  to  keep  good 
the  friendly  corresjwndence  commenced  at  I'limouth  ;  and  especially  to  cause 
him  to  prevent  his  men  from  hanging  about  them,  and  living  upon  them, 
which  was  then  considered  very  burdensome,  as  they  had  begun  to  grow  short 
of  provisions.  That  their  visit  might  be  acceptable,  they  took  along,  for  a 
present,  a  troojier's  red  coat,  with  some  luce  ujwn  it,  and  a  copper  chain ;  with 
these  Massasoit  was  exceedingly  well  pleased.  The  chain,  they  told  him,  he 
must  send  as  a  signal,  when  any  of  his  men  wished  to  visit  them,  so  that  they 
might  not  be  imposed  upon  by  strangers. 

When  the  English  arrived  at  Pokanoket,  Massasoit  was  ab^mt,  but  was 
immediately  B(;nt  for.  Being  info»'nied  that  lie  was  coming,  the  Englisih  begun 
to  prepare  to  shoot  oft"  their  guns ;  this  so  ftightencd  the  women  and  children, 
that  they  ran  away,  and  would  not  return  until  the  interiireter  assunid  them 
that  they  need  not  fear ;  ond  when  Massasoit  arrived,  they  saluted  him  by  a 
discharge,  at  which  he  was  very  much  elated  ;  and  "who,  after  theii  manner, 
(says  one  of  the  company,)  kindly  welcomed  us,  and  took  ns  into  his  house, 
and  sot  us  down  by  him,  where,  having  delivered  our  message  and  presents, 
and  having  put  the  coat  on  his  back,  and  the  chain  almut  his  neck,  he  was  not 
a  little  proud  to  behold  himself,  and  his  men  also,  to  bob  their  king  so  bravely 
nttinnl."*  A  new  treaty  was  now  held  with  him,  and  he  very  good-naturedly 
assented  to  all  that  was  desired.  He  tli(\n  made  a  speech  to  his  men,  many  of 
them  biting  assembled  to  s(h;  the  English,  which,  as  near  as  they  could  learn  its 
niimning,  acquainted  them  with  what  courae  they  might  pursue  in  regant  to 
the  English.  Among  other  things,  he  said,  **  ^m  I  not  Massasoit,  commander 
qT  the  country  about  us  ?  Is  not  such  and  swh  places  mine,  and  the  people  of 
ttifm  ?  They  shall  take  their  skins  to  the  Enrrlish.  This  his  jieople  applauded. 
In  his  speech,  "  ho  named  at  least  thirty  places,"  over  which  he  had  control. 
"This  lieing  ended,  he  lighted  tnbarco  for  us,  and  fell  to  discoursing  of  Eng- 
liuid  and  of  the  king's  majesty,  marvelling  that  he  should  live  without  a  wife." 
He  seems  to  have  been  embittered  against  the  French,  and  wished  "us  not  to 
Buffer  Uiein  to  come  to  Narragtuisi>t,  for  it  was  King  Janus^s  country,  and  he 

*  Atourt'*  Reiation,  ia  Coi,  Sta**,  Hut.  Soc, 


Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


25 


was  King  James'a  man."  He  had  no  victuals  at  this  time  to  give  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  night  coming  on,  they  retired  to  rest  supperless.  He  had  but  one 
bed,  if  so  it  might  be  called,  "being  only  planks  laid  a  foot  fiyjn  the  ground, 
and  a  thin  mat  upon  them."  *  "He  laid  us  on  the  bed  with  fmnself  and  his 
wife,  they  at  the  one  end,  and  \ye  at  the  other.  Two  more  of  his  men,  for 
want  of  room,  pres^d'by  and  upon  us;  eo  that  we  were  worse  weary  of  our 
lodging  than  of  our  journey," 

"  Tlie  next  day,  many  of  their  sachim^  or  petty  governors  came  to  see  us, 
and  many  of  then*  men  also.  There  they  went  to  ^eir  manner  of  games  for 
skins  and  knives."  It  is  amusing  to  learn  that  the  English  tried  to  get  a 
chance  in  this  gambling  affair.  They  say,  "There  we  challenged  them  to 
shooi  with  them  for  skins,"  but  they  were  too  cunning  for  them,  "  only  they 
desired  to  see  one  of  us  shoot  at  a  mark  ;  who  shooting  with  hail  shot,  they 
wondered  to  see  the  mark  so  full  of  holes." 

The  next  day,  about  one  o'clock,  MassaioU  brought  two  large  fishes  and 
boiled  them ;  biH  the  pilgrims  still  thought  their  chance  for  refreshment  very 
small,  as  "there  were  at  least  forty  looking  for  a,  share  in  them;"  but  scanty  as 
it  was,  it  came  very  timely,  as  they  had  fasted  two  nights  aqd  a  day.  The 
English  now  left  him,  at  which  he  was  very  sorrowful. 

"  Very  importunate  he  was  (says  our  author)  to  have  us  stay  with  them 
longer.  But  we  desired  to  keep  the  sabbath  at  home,  and  feared  we  should 
either  be  light-headed  Ibr  want  of  $lcep  ;  for  what  with  bad  lodging,  the  sav- 
ages' barbarous  singing,  (for  they  used  to  sing  themselves  nsleep,)  lice  and  fleas 
within  doore,  and  musketocs  without,  we  could  hai'dly  sleep  all  the  time  of  our 
being  there ;  we  much  fearing,  tliat  if  we  should  stay  any  longer,  we  should 
not  be  able  to  recover  home  for  want  of  strength.  So  that,  pn  Friday  morn- 
ing, before  sunrismg,  we  took  our  leave,  and  departed,  Massaaoyt  being  both 
grieved  and  ashamed,  tliat  he  could  no  better  entertain  us.  And  retaining 
Tisqv.antum  to  send  from  place  to  plocc  to  procure  truck  for  us,  and  appointing 
another,  called  Tokamahamon,  in  his  place,  whom  vve  .'lad  found  faithful  before 
and  after  upon  all  occasions." 

This  faithful  servant,  Tokamahamon,  was  in  the  famous  "voyage  to  the 
kingdom  of  Nauset,"  and  was  conspicijous  for  liis  couraf?  in  the  expedition 
aganist  Caunbitant, 

In  1G23,  MassnsoU  sent  to  his  friends  in  Plimouth  to  inform  them  that  he 
was  very  dangerously  sick.  Desiring  to  render  him  aid  if  possible,  the  gov- 
ernor despatched  Mr.  Winslow  again,  ,witl>  some  medicines  and  corrliala,  and 
Hobbomok  as  interpreter,;  "having  one  Master  yo/m  Haniden,  a  gentleman  of 
London,  who  then  wintered  with  us,  and  desired  much  <o  see  the  country,  for 
my  consort."  t  In  their  way  they  foJmd  many  of  his  subjects  were  gone  to 
Pokanokct,  it  being  thc^r  ciistojn  for  all  friends  to  att^d  on  such  occasions. 
"  When  we  came  thither  (says  Mr.  fVimlow)  we  found  the  house  so  full  of 
men,  as  we  could  scarce  get  in,  though  they  used  their  best  diligence  to  make 
way  for  us.  There  were  thtsy  in  the  midst  of  their  charms  ibr  him,  making 
sucii  a  luilliph  noise,  as  it  distempered  us  that  were  well,  and,  therefore,  unlike 
to  ease  him  that  was  sick.  About  him  were  six  or  eight  w(>men,  who  chafed 
his  arms,  legs  and  thighs,  to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  they  had  made  an  end 
of  their  ciiafming,  one  told  him  that  his  friends,  the  English,  were  come  to  see 
him.  Having  imderatanding  left,  but  his  sjjght  was  wholly  gone,  he  asked,  who 
wca  come.    Tney  told  hirn  Winanow,  (for  they  cimnot  pronounce  the  letter  I, 

"La  Sail,'  says  (  Expedition  in  America,  p.  II.)  of  the  Indians'  beds  in  general,  dial  "  they 
are  mnde  i,p  widi  some  pieces  of  wood,  upon  which  Ihcy  lay  skins  full  of  wool  or  siraw,  but, 
for  their  covirine,  they  use  the  finest  sort  of  skins,  or  else  mats  finely  wrought." 

t  IVin.«/oir'«  Itflatton.  The  Mr.  Ilamden  mentioned,  is  supposed,  by  some,  to  l)c  the 
celebrated  Jni:n  Uantden,  fatnons  in  the  time  of  Charles  I.,  and  who  died  of  a  wound  received 
in  an  nitcinpl  to  intercept  I'rince  RiwrrI,  near  Oxford,  while  supporting  the  cause  of  tho 
parliament.     See  Ritpin's  Euclat)d,  ii.  iTI,  and  Kennet,  iii.  137. 

It  would  bo  highly  gratif^hig,  oajild  the  certainty  of  this  mntler  bo  known  ;  but,  as  yot,  we 

must  acknowledge  tl)^''itll  is  mere  speculiition.    f)everthcles.i,  we  are  pleased  to  meet  with 

the  names  of  such  N'ldiied  m.nrlyrs  of  lilwrty  upon  any  page,  and  oven  though  they  should 

somclinies  seem  rather  null  (iprojio.i  to  the  case  in  hand.      We  cannot  learn  tl.nt  any  of 

Hamdm's  biographers  have  discovered  that  ho  visited  America.    Still  Ihcro  U  a  preiumplion 

that  he  was 

'■  The  vHlnite  Uamphn,  that,  with  ilnuntlcas  breast, 

The  little  tyrant  of  his  flcldi  withstood." -(Jii*t'i  Ei.eot 


r  I      I 

I  ' 

■■ 


26 


HIASSASnlT. 


[Book  II- 


Iiut  ordinarily  Ji  in  the  place  tlioreof.)*  Ho  desired  to  speak  With  mC.  When 
J  (Munc  tn  him,  and  they  told  him  of  it,  he  put  forth  his  hand  to  me,  which  1 
took.  Then  ho  snid  twice,  though  veiy  in'wardly.  Keen  JVinsnoto?  which  is  to 
':■?",  Art  thou  Winsloiv'J  I  answered,  .^^ific,  that  is,  Yen.  Then  ho  douhlcd 
t!;  jsc  words :  Malta  neai  tvonclianet  namen,  fVinsnow ! — that  is  to  say,  0  Wins- 
Iv  10, 1  shall  never  see  thee  again !"  But  contrai-^^  to  his  own  expectations,  as 
V.  ,11  as  all  his  friends,  hy  the  kind  exertions  of  Mr.  Winslmo,  he  in  a  short  time 
eiitirely  recovered.  This  being  a  passage  of  gl'eat  intei'est  in  the  life  of  the  great 
Jilassasoit,  we  will  here  go  more  into  detail  conccraing  it.  When  he  had  become 
able  to  speak,  he  (Fesired  Mr.  fVinsloio  to  provMe  him  a  broth  from  some  kind 
of  fowl :  "  so  (says'  he)  1  took  a  man  with  me,  and  rtade  a  shot  at  a  couple  of 
(iucks,  some  sixscore  jiaces  off,  and  killed  one,  at  which  he  wondered:  so  we 
rprmned  forthwith,  antl  dressed  it,  making  more  broth  therewith,  which  lie 
niuoh  desired;  never  «lid  I  see  a  man  so  low  brought,  recover  in  thai  measure? 
in  so  short  a  time.  *  The  fowl  being  extraordinary  iat,  I  told  Hobbantock  I  niusr 
t;',ke  otf  the  top  thereof,  saying  it  would  make  him  very  sick  again  if  he  did  ear 
ii :  this  he  acquainted  Massa'ssowat  therewith,  who  would  not  he  persuaded  to 
It,  though  I  pressed  it  very  liiuch,  showing  the  strength  thereof,  and  the  weak- 
U'-ss  of  his  stomach,  which  could  not  popsihly  bear  if.  Notwithstanding,  he 
ii;adc  a  gross  meal  of  it,  and  ate  as  rhuch  as  would  well  ha:ve  satisfied  a  man  in 
l.ralth."'  As  Wimloiv  had  said,  it  made  him  very  sick,  and  he  vomited  with 
such  violencfe*  that  it  made  the  hlodd  stream  from  his  nose.  This  bleeding 
caused  thcnrgreat  alanii,  as  it  continued  for  four  hours.  When  his  nose  ceascti 
ltl.3e«ling,  he  ft.'U  asleep,  and  did  not  awake  for  6  or  8  hours  more.  After  he 
awoke,  Mr.  fVynslow  washe<l  his  fice  "and  supplied  his  beard  and  nose  with  a 
liunen  cloth,"  when  takhig  a  quantity  of  water  into  his  nose,  by  fiercely  eject- 
ing it,  the  blood  began  again  to  flow,  and  again  his  attendants  thought  he  could 
not  recover,  hot,  to  their  great  satisfaction,  it  soon  stopped,  and  he  gained 
strength  rapidly. 

For  this  attention  of  the  Englini'i  he  was  veiy  grateful,  and  always  believed 
t:i:U  his  preservation  at  tliis  time  was  owing  to  the  benefit  he  received  from 
yXr.  Wimloic.  In  his  way  on  his  visit  to  Massasoit,  Mr.  Winsloio  broke  a  bottle 
containing  some  prepnrntion,  and,  deeming  it  neccss'ary  to  the  sachem's  recov- 
ery, wrote  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth  for  another,  and  some  chickens  ,• 
ii:  which  lie  give  him  all  account  of  his  success  thus  far.  The  intention  was 
no  sooner  made  known  to  Masisasoit,  than  one  of  his  men  was  sent  oft',  at  two 
o'clock  at  night,  for  Plimouth,  who  returned  again  with  astonishing  quickness. 
The  chirkeiis  being  alive,  Mass/isoU  was  fto  pleased  with  them,  and,  being 
I)  ttLiyWoiild  not  sufi'er  them  to  he  killed,  and  kejit  them  with  the  idea  of  rais- 
ing mafc.  While  at  MassasoiVs  residence,  and  just  as  they  were  about  to 
•  ii'pwt,  the  sachem  told  Hohomok  of  a  plot  laid  by  some  of  his  subordinate 
^'i.iefs  for  tlio  pnq)ose  of  cutting  oft"  the  two  English  plantations,  which  he 
ciiiL*;i,'ed  him  to  acquaint  th(!  English  with,  wliicli  he  did.  Massasoit  state<l 
tliat  he  iiad  been  iiVged  to  join  in  it,  or  give  his  consent  thereulito,  but  had 
nlways  refubcd,  and  used  his  cndeavoi's  to  ]irevent  it.  The  particulars  of  the 
rvils'whicli  that  plot'  brought  upon  its  nuthors  will  be  found  in  the  histoiy  of 
iilttitwaituL 

At  this  time  the  English  became  niofe  sensible  of  the  real  virtues  of  Massa- 
soit tliun  ever  befort'.  His  gi'eat  anxiety  for  the  welfare  of  his  people  was 
manifested  by  his  desiring  Mr.  jyinslotu,  or,  as  fVinslote  hirnst  if  expresses  it, 
"He  caused  nie  to  gO  from  one  to  another,  [in  his  village,]  requesting  mo  to 
wash  their  mouths  also,  [many  of  his  people  being  sick  at  that  time,]  and  give 
to  eacli  of  tlieiii  some  ot  tlin  same  I  gave  him,  saying  they  were  good  folk" 

*  F.viTV  pfojde,  ami  coiisequenllv  overv  laiiKiiuf^c,  have  tlieir  peculiarities.  Pnron  Luhon- 
/.(H  .W-moircs  tie  la  Ameriiiiif,  ii.  i3l),  2J7,  says,  "  Je  dirai  de  la  tmtgtie  de.i  Hurani  et  des 
Iioit'iitni  ««€  chose  assez  ciirieute,  qui  est  quit  ne  s'y  trmnv  piiitU  de  leltres  labialet ;  c'tat  a  dirt, 
ik  b  f  m,  p.  Cepfndant,  cette  tangiif  des  Hurons  paroit  Hre  fort  bttte  el  de 
fait  LoM,'  qiwi  quill  lie  fermntljiiiiuiisleitrs  levrtsenparliuU."  Ami  "J'ujpai 
er  a  des  Ii 


qiioi  qu 
~a  vouUnr /aire  vrortoncer 


tin  ton  tmtt  a 

passe  quatrejourt 

htrons  te.s  leltres  lahioles,  maisje  n'tii  pll  ij  ri'llsitir,  et  jt  crois 


iii'en  dLi  atis  iJs  ne  poitrroiU  dire  res  ninis,  boii,  fill,  Monsieur,  PonlcliBrlrain ;  far  au  lieu  de 
dire  boil,  ih  diroient  ouoii,  an  lieu  de  fils,  its  nronmiceroievt  r\\s  ;  an  lien  de  mnnsiciu',  cnoun- 
!«icnr  au  lieu  de  I'outcliarirain.  Conchartraiii.''    Hence  il  seems  (heir  Inngunges  are  anaio- 


goui. 


Chap.  JI.] 


MASSA30IT. 


27 


An  account  of  his  character  as  given  by  Hohniolc  will  be  found  in  the  life  of 
that  chief  or  paniese. 

"  Many  whilst  we  were  there  (says  fVinslow)  came  to  see  him ;  some,  by 
their  report,  from  a  place  not  less,  than  100  miles  from  thence." 

.In  l(i32,  a  short  wai-  was  carried  on  between  Massasoit  and  Canonicus,  the 
sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  but  the  English  interfering  with  a  force  under 
thq  spirited  Captain  Staiidisli,  ended  it  with  very  little  bloodshed.  Massasoit 
expected  a  serious  contest;  and,  as  usual  on^uch  occasions,  changed  his  juur.t, 
and  was  ever  after  known  by  the  name  of  Otosamequin,  or  Ousttmequi7i.  Our 
historical  records  furnish  no  particulars  of  his  wa^-  with  the  Narragansets,  fur- 
tlier  tlian  we  hj^ve  stUed. 

We  may  infer  from  a  letter  vvi-ittcn  by  Roger  Williams,  tliat  sonic  oi' 
Plimouth  instigated  Massasoit,  or  Ousamequin,  as  we  should  now  call  him,  tt) 
lay  claim  to  Providence,  which  gave  that  good  man  some  ti-ouble,  because,  in 
that  case,  his  lands  were  considered  as  belonging  to  Plimouth,  ii;  whose  jnr;  - 
diction  he  was  not  suffered  to  reside;  and,  moreover,  he  had  bought  imd  ])t.iJ 
for  all  he  possessed,  of  the  Narraganset  sachems.  It  was  in  1G35  that  i\li-. 
fViUiams  fled  to  that  country,  to  avoid  being  seized  and  sent  to  England.  He 
found  that  Canonicus  and  Miantunnomoh  were  at  bitter  enmity  with  Oiisaiiu- 
quin,  but  by  his  great  exertions  he  restored  peace,  without  which  he  could  not 
have  been  secure,  in  a  border  of  the  dominion  of  eitlicr.  Ousamequin  was 
well  acquainted  with  BIr.  Williams,  whom  he  had  often  seen  during  his  two 
yeai-s'  residence  at  Plimouth,  and  was  a  great  friend  to  him,  and  tlicrefore  lie 
listened  readily  to  his  beuevolent  instructions ;  givuig  up  the  laud  in  dispute 
between  himself  and  the  Narraganset  sachems,  which  was  the  island  nov/ 
called  Rhode  Island,  Prudence  Island,  and  perhaps  some  others,  together  witij 
Providence.  "  And  (says  Mr.  Williams)  I  never  denied  him,  nor  Meantinomij, 
whatever  they  desired  of  me."  Hence  their  love  and  attachment  for  liiin.  for 
.  this  is  their  own  mode  of  livhig. 

It  appears  that,  before  Miantunnomoh^ s  reverses  of  fortune,  he  had,  by  some 
means  or  other,  got  possession  of  some  of  the  dominions  of  Ousamequin. 
For  at  the  meeting  of  tlie  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  in  the 
autumn  of  1G43,  they  order,  "That  Plymouth  lalwr  by  all  due  means  to  restore 
Woosamequin  to  his  full  liberties,  in  respect  of  any  encroachments  by  the 
Nanohiggansetts,  or  any  other  natives ;  that  so  the  properties  of  the  Indians 
may  be  preserved  to  themselves,  and  that  no  one  sagamore  encroach  upon  tlie 
rest  as  of  late  :  and  that  Woosamequin  be  reduced  to  those  former  terms  and 
agreements  between  Plymouth  and  him."  * 

Under  date  1638,  Gov.  Witithrop  says,  "  OwsameJcin,  the  sachem  of  Acoomc- 
jneck,  on  this  side  Connecticut,  came  to  [him]  the  govemor,  and  brought  a 
present  of  18  skins  of  beaver  from  himself  and  the  sachems  of  Mohegnu 
beyond  Coimecticut  and  Pakontuckett."  They  liaving  heard  that  the  EngK.-li 
were  about  to  make  war  upon  thenj  was  the  cause  of  their  sending  tlilx 
present.  The  govcnior  accepted  it,  and  told  Ousam'quin,  that  if  lliey  had  i;ut 
wrong'ed  the  Englisii,  nor  assisted  their  enemies,  they  had  nothing  to  fear  ; 
and,  giving  him  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  dismissed  him  well 
sntished.f 

In  IM\\  Ousamequin  sold  to  Miles  Slandish,  and  the  other  inhabitants  of 
Du.xbury,  "  a  tract  of  land  u.sually  cidlod  Sauffhluckel,"  seven  miles  square. 
This  was  Bridgewater.  It  had  l)i!eii  before  granted  to  them,  only,  however,  in 
prci'inption.  I'liey  agreed  to  pay  Ousamequin  seven  coats,  of  a  yard  and  u 
iiiilf  each,  nine  hatch('l.><,  eight  Iioch,  twoiUy  knives,  fimr  moose  skins,  and  t(  n 
»n(l  a  half  yards  of  cotton  cloth. 

I5y  a  deed  bearing  date  9th  Miurli,  1G53,  Ousemaquin  and  his  son  Wamsitli, 
[fyamsutin,]  afterwards  called  Jlkxamler,  sold  to  the  English  of  Plimouth  "ull 
those  Kin'erall  parcells  of  land  lyeing  on  the  sontii-ea.sterly  side  of  Sinknnke, 
nli;is  Rehoboth,  jjoundcd  by  a  little  bronke  of  water  called  Moskituasli  wesieriy, 
and  soe  riming  by  n  dead  swamp  eastward,  and  stx^  Ity  marked  trees  as  Ous a- 
me'juin  and  U'amsiito  directed,  unto  the  great  riuer,  aiid  all  the  meadow  niio:;t 


'Kocr.rds  uf  i!iC  U,  f',)I,..iiic», 


t  J^ririuil,  i.  2Ctl. 


28 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  U. 


the  sides  of  both,  and  about  the  neck  called  Chafthacust,  also  Papasquash  neck, 
also  the  meadow  from  the  bay  to  Keecomewctt,"  &c.  For  this  the  considera- 
tion was  "£35  sterling." 

By  a  writing  bearing  date  "  this  twcnty-ono  of  September,  1657,"  Omame- 
quin  says,  "  I  Vssamequen  do  by  these  presents  ratify  and  allow  the  sale  of  a 
certain  island  called  Chesewanockc,  or  Hogg  Islmid,  which  my  son  WamsiUa 
sold  to  Richard  Smith,  of  Poitsmouth  in  R.  I.,  with  my  consent,  which  deec' 
of  sale  or  bargain  made  the  7th- of  Febniaiy  in  the  year  1653, 1  do  ratify,  own 
and  confirm." 

In  1656,  Roger  Williams  says  that  Ousamequin,  by  one  of  his  sachems, 
"  was  at  daily  leud  with  Pumliam  about  the  title  and  lordship  of  Warwick ;  " 
and  that  hostility  was  daily  expected.  But  wo  are  not  informed  that  any  thing 
serious  took  place. 

This  is  the  year  in  which  k  has  been  generally  supposed  that  Ousamequin 
died,  but  it  is  an  error  of  Hutchinion^s  transplantmg  from  Mr.  Hubbard's  work 
into  his  own.  That  an  error  shoukl  flourish  in  so  good  a  soil  as  that  of  the 
"  History  of  the  Colony  of  Blassachusetts  Bay,"  is  no  wonder ;  but  it  is  a 
wonder  that  the  "  accurate  Hvichinson  "  should  set  down  that  date,  from  tliat 
passage  of  the  Indian  Wore,  which  was  evidently  made  without  reflection. 
It  being  at  that  time  thought  a  circumstance  of  no  consequence. 

That  the  sachem  of  Pokanoket  should  be  scai'cely  known  to  our  records 
between  1657  and  1661,  a  space  of  only  about  three  years,  as  we  have  shown, 
is  not  veiy  suri)rising,  when  wo  reflect  that  he  was  entu-ely  subservient  to  the 
English,  and  nearly  or  quite  alt  of  his  lauds  being  before  disposed  of,  or  given 
up  to  thefm.  This,  therefore,  is  a  plain  reason  why  we  do  not  meet  with  his 
name  to  deeds  and  other  instrunients.  And,  besides  this  consideration,  another 
sachem  was  known  to  be  associated  with  him  at  the  former  period,  who  seems 
to  have  acted  as  Ousamequin's  representative. 

He  was  alive  in  1661,  and  as  late  in  that  year  as  September.*  Several 
months  previous  to  this,  Oneko,  with  about  seventy  men,  fell  upon  a  defence- 
less town  within  die  dominions  of  Ousanwqxiin,  killing  three  persons,  and  car- 
lyhig  away  six  others  captive.  Ho  couiplahied  to  the  Gene»-al  Court  of 
Massachusetts,  which  interfered  in  his  behalf,  and  the  matter  was  soon 
settled,  f 

From  the  "  Relation  "  of  Dr.  /.  Mather,  it  is  clear  tliat  he  lived  until  1662. 
His  words  are, "  .5/exanrfer  being  dead,  [having  died  in  1663,]  his  brother  PAiitp, 
of  late  cursed  memory,  rose  up  in  his  stead,  and  he  was  no  sooner  styled 
sachem,  but  immediately,  in  the  year  1662,  there  were  vehement  suspicions  of 
liis  bloody  ti-eachery  agauist  the  English."  | 

Hence,  as  wo  do  not  hear  of  Jilexander  as  sachem  until  1662,  which  is  also 
die  year  of  his  death,  it  is  fair  t)  conclude  that  he  could  not  have  been  long  in 
ofiice  at  the  time  of  his  death  ;  nor  could  he  have  been  styled  "  chief  sachem" 
until  nfler  tlie  death  of  his  father. 

Whether  Massasoit  had  more  than  two  sons,  is  not  certain,  although  it  is 
confidently  believed  that  he  ha(l.  It  is  proliable  tliat  his  family  was  large.  A 
company  of  soldiers  from  Bridgcwater,  in  a  skirmish  with  Philip,  took  his 
sister,  and  killed  a  brother  of  Ousametniin,  whose  name  was  Unkotnpoen,  §  or 
Jlkkompoin.  ||  That  he  had  another  urothcr,  called  Q\iadequina,  lias  been 
mentioned. 

Gov.  Jf'inihrop  gives  the  following  anecdote  of  Oiuamequin.  As  Mr.  Ed- 
ward H'inslow  was  returning  from  a  trading  voyage  southward,  having  left  hia 
vessel,  ho  traveled  home  by  la*ul,  and  in  the  way  stopped  with  his  old  friend 
Massasoit,  who  agreed  to  accompany  him  the  rest  of  the  way.  In  the  mean 
time,  Ousamequhi  sent  one  of  his  men  forwai'd  to  Plimouth,  to  sururise  the 
jK'oplo  with  the  news  of  Mr.  Winslow's  death.  By  his  manner  of  relating  it, 
and  the  |miilciilar  circumstances  attending,  no  one  doubted  of  its  tnitli,  and 
every  one  was  grieved  and  mourned  exceedingly  at  their  great  loss.    But 

_  *  Some  records  whirli  Mr,  Das^gell  oniisultcd  in  preparing  liis  History  of  Attlcborough,  led 
him  to  ronrhule  tlmt  Afasaasoil  died  previous  to  June,  IGliO. 

t  Orii;iiml  manuscript  dorumenls.    Tlio  particular!)  of  these  matters  will  be  given  at  large, 
when  «e  come  lo  treat  of  the  life  of  I'nran. 
t  Rehuion,  *-'.  ^  /.  Mather,  U.  ||  Church,  38,  edit.  4to. 


Chap.  II.] 


EXPEDITION  AC-VINST  CAUMIITANT. 


•29 


presently  they  were  as  much  surprised  at  seeing  him  coming  in  coiiiji.uiy 
with  Otisamequiru  Wlien  it  was  known  among  tlie  people  that  the  f;ifi.„in 
had  sent  this  news  to  them,  they  demanded  why  he  siiouid  thus  deceive  them. 
He  replied  that  it  was  to  make  him  the  more  welcome  when  he  did  rotiirr., 
and  that  this  was  a  custom  of  his  peoj)le. 

One  of  the  most  renowned  captains  within  the  dominions  ofMassasoit  was 
Caunbitant,*  whose  residence  was  at  a  ])laco  called  Mettapoiset,  in  the 
present  town  of  Swansey.  His  character  was  much  the  same  as  that  oi'  tlie 
famous  Metacomet.  The  Endisli  were  always  viewed  l)y  him  as  intruders 
and  enemies  of  his  race,  ana  there  is  little  doubt  but  he  intended  to  wrebt 
the  country  out  of  their  hands  on  the  first  opportunity. 

In  August,  1621,  Caunbitant  was  KU[)po8ed  to  he  in  the  interest  of  the  Nnr- 
ragansets,  and  plotting  with  theiii  to  overthrow  Mtustaaoit ;  and,  being  at 
Namasket  seeking,  say  the  Pilgrims,  "to  draw  the  hearts  of  Alaasasoyt^s  sul)- 
jects  from  him ;  speaking  also  disdainfiilly  of  us,  storming  at  the  peace  be- 
tween Nauset,  Cummaquid  and  us,  and  at  Tisquantum,  the  worker  of  it ; 
also  at  Tokamdhamon,  and  one  Hohomok,  (two  Indians  or  Lemes,  one  of 
which  he  would  treacherously  have  murdered  a  little  before,  being  a  special 
and  trusty  man  of  MasaasoyCs,)  Tohamahamon  went  to  him,  but  the  other 
two  would  not ;  yet  put  their  lives  in  their  bauds,  privately  went  to  see  if 
they  could  hear  of  their  king,  and,  lodging  at  Naniaschet,  were  dicovered  to 
Coubatant,  who  set  a  guard  to  beset  the  liouse,  juid  took  Tisqvxtntum,  (for  he 
had  said,  if  he  were  dead,  the  Eii/'lish  had  lost  their  tongue.)  Hohbamok  see- 
ing that  TisqvMidum  was  taken,  and  CoubatarU  held  [holding]  a  knife  at  liis 
breast,  being  a  strong  and  stout  man,  brake  from  them,  and  came  to  New  Pli- 
mouth,  full  of  fear  and  sorrow  for  TiaquarUum,  whom  he  thought  to  be  slain." 

Upon  this  the  Plimouth  people  sent  an  expedition,  under  Standiah,  of  14 
men,t  "  and  Hohbamok  for  their  guide,  to  revenge  the  supposed  death  of 
Tisqxumtum  on  Cotibatant  our  bitter  enemy,  and  to  retain  J^epeof,  another 
sachem,  or  governor,  who  was  of  this  confederacy,  till  we  heard  what  was 
become  of  our  friend  Massasoyt." 

After  much  toil,  the  little  army  arrived  near  the  place  they  expected'to  find 
Cawnbitant.  "  Before  we  came  to  the  town  (says  the  naiTator)  we  sat  down 
and  eat  such  as  our  knapsacks  afforded  ;  that  being  done,  wo  threw  them 
aside,  and  all  such  things  as  might  hinder  ns,  and  so  went  on  and  beset  the 
house,  according  to  our  last  resolution.  Tiiose  that  entered,  demanded  if 
Cavhatant  were  not  there ;  but  fear  had  bereft  the  savages  of  sfteech.  We 
charged  them  not  to  stir,  for  if  CoubatarU  were  not  there,  we  would  not  med- 
dle with  them ;  if  he  were,  we  came  principally  for  him,  to  be  avenged  on 
him  for  the  supposed  death  of  Tisqwtntum,  and  other  matters :  but  howso- 
ever, we  would  not  at  all  hurt  their  women  or  children.  Notwithstanding, 
some  of  them  pressed  out  at  a  yn'ivate  door,  and  escaped,  but  with  some 
wound*.  At  length  perceiving  our  principal  ends,  they  told  us  Cottbatant 
was  returned  [home]  with  nil  his  train,  and  that  Tiaqiutnlum  was  yet  living, 
and  in  the  town ;  [then]  offering  some  tobacco,  [and]  other,  such  as  they 
had  to  eat" 

In  this  hurley  hurley,  (as  they  call  it,)  two  giuis  were  fired  "  at  random," 
to  the  great  terror  of  all  but  Squardo  and  Toknmahamon,  "  who,  though  they 
knew  not  our  end  in  coming,  yet  assured  theni  [»o  frightened]  of  our  honesty, 
[and]  that  we  would  not  hurt  thetn."  The  Indian  boys,  scemg  the  squaws 
protected,  cried  out,  J^eenaqiiata !  JVeensqtutea !  that  is,  I  am  a  aqvaw !  1  am  a 
sgtwip .' and  the  women  tried  to  screen  themselves  in  HobomoKi  presence, 
reminding  him  that  ho  was  their  friend. 

This  attack  upon  a  defenceless  house  was  made  at  midnight,  and  nnist 
have  been  terrible,  in  an  inconceivable  degree,  to  its  inmates,  especially  the 
sound  of  the  English  guns,  which  few,  if  any  of  them,  had  ever  heard  before. 
The  relator  proceeds :  "But  to  be  short,  we  kept  them  we  had,  luul  ma«le 
them  make  a  fire  that  we  might  see  to  search  tlic  house ;  in  the  meantime. 


•  Corbitant,  Cmthatant,  and  Conbitant,  were  ways  of  writing  liis  iiaino  also,  by  hU  con* 
(cmpornries. 
t  Ten,  says  the  Relation. 


3' 


TREATY  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  H- 


Hobhamok  gat  on  the  top  of  the  house,  und  called  JHaqtiantum  and  Tokama- 
hrnnon.^^  They  soon  coine,  with  some  others  with  them,  some  armed  and 
others  naked.  The  English  took  aw^y  the  bows  and  arrows  from  those  that 
were  armed,  but  promised  to  return  them  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  which  they 
probably  did. 

They  kept  possession  of  the  captured  wig^vam  until  daylight,  when  they 
rc'*!ased  their  prisoners,  and  marched  into  the  town  (as  they  call  it)  of  the 
Namaskets.  Here,  it  appears,  Sqtianto  had  a  house,  to  which  they  went,  and 
T  jok  breakfast,  and  held  a  court  afterward,  irom  which  they  issued  forth  tlie 
ibllowing  decree  against  Caunbitant : — 

"  Thither  came  all  whose  hearts  were  upright  towai'ds  us,  but  all  Couba- 
tanCa  faction  were  fled  awaj'.  There  in  the  midst  of  them  ^ve  manifested 
again  our  intendment,  assuring  them,  that,  although  Coubitant  had  now 
escaped  us,  yet  tliero  was  no  place  should  secure  him  and  his  from  us,  if  he 
continued  his  threatening  us,  and  provoking  others  against  us,  who  had 
kindly  entertained  him,  and  never  intended  evil  towards  him  till  he  now  so 
justly  desei-ved  it  Moreover,  it'Massasoyt  did  not  return  in  safety  from  Nar- 
rohigganset,  or  if  hereafter  he  should  molie  any  insurrection  against  him,  or 
offer  violence  to  T^quarUum,  Hobomok,  or  any  of  JUosscMcn/t'a  subjects,  we 
would  revenge  it  uj)on  him,  to  the  overthrow  of  him  and  his.  As  for  those 
[who]  were  woujided,  [how  many  is  not  mentioned,]  we  were  sorry  for  it, 
though  themselvc-  procured  it  hi  not  staying  in  the  house  at  our  command : 
yet,  if  they  would  return  home  with  us,  our  surgeon  should  heal  them.  At 
this  offer  one  man  and  a  woman  that  were  wounded  went  home  with  us, 
THsquantum  and  many  other  known  friends  accompanying  us,  and  offering 
all  help  that  might  be  by  carriage  of  any  thing  we  had  to  ease  us.  So  thot 
by  God's  good  providence  we  safely  returned  home  the  morrow  night  after 
we  set  forth."  *  * 

Notwithstanding  these  rough  passages,  Caunbitant  became  in  appearance 
reconciled  to  the  English,  and  on  the  13th  Sept  following  (1621)  went  to 
Plimouth  and  signed  a  treaty  of  amity.  It  was  through  the  intercession  of 
Maaaamit  that  he  became  again  reconciled,  but  the  English  always  doubted 
his  sincerity,  as  most  probably  they  had  reason  to.  The  ti'eaty  or  submission 
was  in  these  words : — 

"  Know  all  men  by  tliese  j)resents,  that  we  whoso  names  are  underwritten, 
do  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  the  royal  subjects  of  King  James,  king  of 
Great  Britain,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faitli,  &c.  In  witness 
whereof,  and  as  a  testimonial  of  tlie  same,  we  have  subscribed  our  namesj  or 
inarks^  as  foUoweth  :-^ 

Ohquamehud,        Nattawahunt,        Quadaquika, 

CaWNACOME,  CAtJNBATANT,  HuTTMOIDEN, 

Obbatinnua,         Chikkatabak,  Apannow." 

Of  some  of  these  sachems  nothing  is  known  beyond  this  transaction,  and 
of  others  very  little. 

066a/initrt  is  supposed  to  have  been  sdehem  of  Shawmift,  where  Boston 
now  stands. 

Cawnacome  and  ^Ipannoio  may  be  the  same  before  spoken  of  as  Coneconam 
and  Epanow,  thougli  I  am  rather  of  opinion  that  Apannow  means  Aspiwt  of 
Nausetf  J^atiawahurd  we  shall  again  meet  with,  under  the  name  J^ashoonoiu 
Coneconam  was  sachem  of  JWanomei,  on  Cape  Cod. 

When,  in  the  winter  of  1623,  the  English  traversed  the  country  to  trade 
with  the  Indians  for  corn,  they  visited  him  among  other  chiefs ;  who,  they 
say,  "  it  seemed  was  of  good  respect,  and  authority,  amongst  the  Indians. 
For  whilst  the  governor  was  there,  within  night,  in  bitter  cold  weather,  came 
two  men  from  Manamoyck,  before  spoken  of,  and  having  set  aside  their  bows 


•  From  Mourt.  ut  sitpra,  and  signed  only  with  the  capital  letter  A,  which  is  supposed  to 
stand  for  Isaac  Allerton,  who  accompanied  Standish  perhaps.  From  the  use  of  the  pronoun 
in  the  first  person,  the  writer,  whoever  he  was,  must  have  been  present 

t  See  chapter  i.  of  b.  ii. 


Chap.  II.] 


CAUNBITANT. 


31 


and  quivers,  according  to  their  maimer,  sat  down  by  the  fire,  and  took  a  pipe 
of  tobacco,  not  using  any  words  in  that  time,  nor  any  other  to  them,  but  all 
Remained  silent,  expecting  when  they  would  speak.  At  length  they  looked 
toward  Canacum;  and  one  of  them  made  a'  short  speech,  and  delivered  a 
present  to  hin),  ii'om  his  sachim,  which  was  a  basket  of  tobacco,  and  many 
beads,  which  the  other  received  thankfully.  After  which  he  made  a  long 
speech  to  him,"  the  meaning  of  which  Hobomok  said  was,  that  two  of  their 
men  fell  out  in  a  game,  "  for  they  use  gaming  as  much  ns  any  where,  and 
will  play  away  all,  even  their  skin  from  their  backs,  yea  their  wive's  skins 
also,"  and  one  killed  the  other.  That  the  murderer  was  a  powow,  "  one  of 
special  note  amongst  them,"  and  one  whom  they  did  not  like  to  part  with ; 
yet  tliey  were  threatened  with  wai-,  if  they  did  not  kill  the  murderer.  That, 
tlierefore,  their  sachem  deferred  acting  until  the  advice  of  Coneconam  was 
first  obtained. 

After  consulting  with  this  chief,  and  some  of  his  head  men,  these  messen- 
gers desired  HohomoKa  judgment  upon  the  matter.  With  some  deference 
fie  replied,  that  "  he  thought  it  was  better  that  one  should  die  than  many, 
since  he  had  deserved  it ; "  "  whereupon  he  passed  the  sentence  of  death 
upon  him." 

We  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice  this  chief,  at  whose  house  the  first 
act  of  a  tragic  scene  was  acted,  which  in  its  course  brought  ruin  upon  its 
projectors. 

When  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  and  Mr.  Join  Hamdtn  went  to  visit  MassaaoU 
in  his  sickness,  ui  1G23,  they  heard  by  some  Indians,  when  near  GawnbUa-nffs 
residence,  that  Massasoit  was  really  dead :  they,  therefore,  though  with  much 
hesitation,  ventured  to  his  house,  hoping  they  might  treat  with  him,  he  being 
then  thought  the  successor  of  Massaaovl.  put  he  was  not  at  home.  The 
squaw  sachem,  his  wife,  treated  them  with  great  kindners,  aad  learning  here 
that  Massasoit  was  still  alive,  they  made  all  haste  to  Pokanoket  When  they 
returned,  they  staid  all  ni^ht  with  CaunbUard,  at  his  hoKse,  who  accompanied 
them  there  from  MassasotPa. 

Sir.  Winslow  gives  the  account  in  these  words : — '•  That  night,  through  the 
earnest  request  of  ConbatanL  who,  till  now,  remained  at  Sowaams,  or 
Puckanokick,  we  lodged  with  nim  at  Mattapuyst.  By  the  way,  I  had  much 
conference  with  him,  so  likewise  at  his  house,  he  being  a  notable  politician, 

}'et  full  of  merry  jests  and  squibs,  and  never  better  pleased  than  when  the 
ike  are  returned  again  upon  him.  Amongst  other  things  he  asked  me,  if  in 
case  he  were  thus  dangerously  eick,  as  Massasoit  had  been,  and  should  send 
word  thereof  to  Patuxet,  for  maslikst,*  [that  is,  physic,]  whether  their  master 
governor  would  send  it;  and  if  he  would,  whether  I  would  come  therevnth 
to  him.  To  both  which  I  answered,  yea ;  whereat  he  gave  me  many  joyful 
thanks."  He  then  expressed  his  surprise  that  two  Englishmen  should  ad- 
venture so  far  alone  mto  their  counti*y,  and  asked  them  if  they  were  not 
afraid.  Mr.  Winslow  said,  "  where  was  true  love,  there  was  no  fear."  "  But," 
said  CaunbitanJt,  "if  your  love  be  such,  and  it  bring  forth  such  fruits,  how  comdh 
it  to  pass,  that  when  we  come  to  Patuxet,  you  stand  upon  your  guard,  with  Ow 
mouth  of  your  pieces  presented  towards  tw  ?  "  Mr.  Winslow  told  nim  that  was  a 
mark  of  respect,  and  that  they  received  their  best  fHends  in  that  manner ; 
but  to  this  he  shook  his  head,  and  answered,  that  he  did  not  like  such  salu- 
tations, t  ' 

When  Caunbitant  saw  his  visiters  crave  a  blessing  before  eating,  and 
return  thanks  afterwards,  he  desired  to  know  what  it  meant.  "  Hereupon  1 
took  occasion  (says  our  author)  to  tell  them  of  God's  works  of  creation  and 
preservation,  of  the  laws  and  ordinances,  especially  of  the  ten  command- 
ments." Tliey  found  no  particular  fault  with  the  commandments,  except 
the  seventh,  but  said  there  were  many  inconveniences  in  that  a  man  should 
be  tied  to  one  woman.    About  which  they  reasoned  a  good  while. 

When  Mr.  Winslow  explained  the  goodness  of  God  in  bestowing  on  them 
all  their  comforts,  and  that  for  this  reason  they  thanked  and  blessed  him, 


*  In  Williams's  K«y,  M<ukit  is  translated,  "  Give  me  some  ph^c." 
t  Good  News  fromn.  Engiaad,  CoU,  Matt.  Hist,  Soc. 


■  ■"rw^i'i?.' 


WITTUWAMET.— PEKSUOT. 


^BooK  II. 


"this  all  of  them  concluded  to  he  very  well;  and  said  they  believed  almost 
all  the  same  things,  and  that  tin;  same  power  that  we  call  God  they  called 
Kiehtaru"  "  Here  we  remained  only  that  night,  but  never  had  better  enter- 
tainment amongst  any  of  them." 

What  became  of  this  chief  is  imknown.  His  name  appearing  no  more  in 
oiir  records,  leads  na  to  suppose  that  he  either  fled  his  country  on  the  mur- 
der of  H'ittuwamtt,  Pekauot,  and  others,  or  that  he  died  about  that  time. 

WiTTuwAMET  wtts  a  Massachusetts  chief,  as  was  his  companion  Pekauot, 
but  their  particular  residence  has  not  been  assigned.  Wittuwamet  was  a  des- 
perate and  bold  fellow,  and,  like  most  other  warriors,  delighted  in  shedding 
the  blood  of  his  enemies.  It  is  not  improbable  hut  that  he  became  exasper- 
ated against  the  English  from  the  many  abuses  some  of  them  had  jiractised 
«pon  his  countrymen.  This  will  account,  perhaps,  for  all  the  severity  and 
malignity  portrayed  by  the  forefiitliors  in  his  clmructer.  Ho  was  one  of  those, 
they  say,  who  murdered  some  of  the  crew  of  the  French  ship,  cast  away 
ujton  Cfttiit)  Cod,  as  we  have  before  mentioned. 

That  fVittmeamtt,  Peksmt,  and  some  other  chiefs,  intended  to  have  freed 
their  country  of  intruders  in  the  year  1()23,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  and  in  re- 
lating the  rise,  progress  and  termination  of  their  league  to  effect  this  object, 
we  snail,  to  avoid  tlie  charge  of  partiality,  adhere  closely  to  the  record. 

We  hove  liefore,  in  speaking  of  Caunecum,  or  Coneconam,  mentioned  the 
voyage  of  the  governor  of  PI  i mouth  to  that  sachem's  country  to  ti'ade  for 
corn ;  that  was  in  January,  1623.  Not  being  able  to  bring  away  all  he  ob- 
tained, Captain  Miles  Standish  was  sent  the  next  month  to  take  it  to  Plimouth, 
also  to  purchase  more  at  the  same  place,  but  he  did  not  meet  with  very  good 
reception,  which  led  him  to  apprehend  there  was  mischief  at  hand.  And 
immediately  after,  while  at  Coneconam^s  house  with  two  or  three  of  his  com- 
pany, "  in  came  two  of  the  jyTassachusetts  men.  The  chief  of  them  was 
called  Wittuwamat,  a  notable  insulting  villain,  one  who  had  formerly  imbrued 
his  hands  in  the  blood  of  English  and  French,  and  had  oil  boasted  of  his 
own  valor,  and  derided  their  weakness,  especiidly  because,  as  he  said,  tliey 
died  crying,  making  sour  faces,  more  like  children  than  men.  This  villain 
took  a  dagger  from  about  his  neck,  which  he  hud  gotten  of  Master  WeslovHa 
people,  ana  presented  it  to  tiio  sacliem,  \Conec(mam,'\  and  after  made  a  long 
speech  in  an  audacious  manner,  framing  it  in  such  sort  as  the  captain,  though 
he  be  the  best  linguist  among  us,  could  not  gather  any  thing  from  it.  The 
end  of  it  was  afterwards  discovered  to  bo  as  followeth.  The  Massachu- 
seucks  formerly  concluded  to  ruinate  Mr.  WeatovHa  colony;  and  thought 
themselves,  being  about  30  or  40  men,  strong  enough  to  execute  the  same : 
yet  they  durst  not  attempt  it,  till  such  time  as  they  hod  gatliered  more 
strength  to  themselves,  to  make  tlieir  party  good  against  wa  at  Plimouth ; 
concluding  that  if  we  remained,  though  they  had  no  other  arguments  to  use 
against  us,  yet  we  would  never  leave  tlie  death  of  our  countrymen  unre- 
venged ;  and  therefore  their  safety  could  not  be  without  the  overthrow  of 
both  plantations.  To  this  end  tliey  had  formerly  solicited  this  sachem,  as 
also  the  other,  called  lanovgh,  and  many  otiiers,  to  assist  them ;  and  now 
a^n  came  to  prosecute  the  same ;  and  smce  there  was  so  fair  on  opportu- 
nity offered  by  tlie  captain's  presence,  they  thought  best  to  make  sure  of  him 
and  his  companv." 

Coneconam,  after  this  speech,  treoted  Standish  with  neglect,  and  wos  very 
partial  to  WittutDamet,  wliich  much  increased  the  jealousy  of  tlie  former. 
These  Indians  meantime  contrived  to  kill  Standiak,  having  employed  a  "  lusty 
Indian  of  Paomet "  to  execute  the  plan.  The  weather  was  severely  cold, 
and  Slandiah  lodged  on  shore  at  night,  and  this  was  the  time  he  was  to  have 
been  killed.  But  the  extreme  coldness  of  the  night  kept  him  from  sleeping, 
and  thus  he  avoided  assassination. 

We  have  had  occasion,  in  the  life  ofMcaaasoit,  to  mention  that  that  ctiief 
had  been  solicited  to  enpige  in  this  confederacy,  and  of  his  charging  Hobomok 
to  warn  tiie  English  of  it.  The  people  of  the  places  named  at  that  time  by 
Maataaoit,  as  in  the  plot,  ^vere  Nauset,  Paomet,  Succonet,  Mattachiest,  Mano- 
met,  Agowaywam,  and  the  Island  of  Capawack.  "Therefore,  (says  Mr. 
ffinalmo  in  his  Relation,)  as  we  respected  the  lives  of  our  countrymen  and 


•?;, 


Chap.  II.] 


WirrUWAMET.— WESTON'S  COLONY. 


33 


p,  cast  away 


our  own  safety,  he  advised  us  to  kill  tlie  men  of  Massachuset,  who  were  the 
authors  of  this  intended  mischief.  And  whereas  we  were  wont  to  say,  we 
would  not  strike  a  stroke  till  they  first  began,  IfJ  said  he,  [Mcuaaaoit  to  . 
Hobomok,]  upon  this  intelligence,  they  make  that  answer,  tell  them,  when 
their  countrymen  at  Wichaguseusset  are  killed,  they  not  being  able  to  defend 
themselves,  that  then  it  will  be  too  late  to  recover  their  lives,"  and  it  would 
be  with  difficulty  that  they  preserved  their  own ;  "  and  therefore  he  coun- 
selled, without  delay,  to  take  away  the  principals,  and  then  the  plot  would 
cease." 

Meanwhile  WeslorCa  men  had  fallen  into  a  miserable  and  wretched  condi- 
tion ;  some,  to  procure  a  daily  sustenance,  became  servants  to  the  Indians, 
"  fetching  them  wood  and  water,  &c.,  and  all  for  a  meal's  meat."  Those 
who  were  thus  degraded,  were,  of  course,  only  a  few  who  had  abandoned 
themselves  to  riot  and  dissipation,  but  whose  conduct  had  affected  the  well 
bein^  of  the  whole,  notwithstanding.  Some  of  these  wretches,  in  their  ex- 
trenuties,  had  stolon  com  from  the  Indians,  on  whose  complaint  they  had 
been  put  in  the  stocks  and  whipped.  This  not  giving  the  Indians  satisfac- 
tion, one  was  hanged.    This  wos  in  February,  1H23. 

About  this  ca])ital  punishment  much  has  been  written ;  some  doubting  the 
fact  that  any  one  was  hanged,  others  tiiat  it  was  the  real  offender,  &c.  But 
in  our  o|)inion  the  facts  are  incontestable  that  one  wos  hanged;  but  whether 
the  one  really  guilty  or  not,  is  not  quite  so  easily  settled.  The  fact  that  one 
was  hanged  lor  another  appears  to  have  been  of  common  notoriety,  both  in 
Old  and  New  England,  from  shortly  after  the  affair  imtil  the  beginning  of 
the  next  century.* 

Mr.  Hubbard]  has  this  passage  upon  the  affair: — "Certain  St  is,  they  [the 
Indians]  were  so  provoked  with  their  filching  and  stealing,  thot  they  threat- 
ened them,  as  the  Philistines  did  Samaon^s  fatlier-in-law,  after  tlie  loss  of  their 
corn ;  insomuch  that  the  company,  as  some  report,  pretended,  in  way  of  satis- 
faction, to  punish  him  that  did  the  thefl,  but,  in  liis  stead,  hanged  a  poor,  de- 
crepit old  man,  that  was  unserviceable  to  the  companyi  [an  old  bed-rid 
weaver,!]  *^d  burdensome  to  keep  alive,  which  was  the  ground  of  the  story 
with  whitih  the  merry  gentleman,  that  wrote  the  poem  called  Hcsibras,  did, 
in  his  poetical  fancy,  make  so  nmch  sport."  And  from  the  same  author  it  141- 
pears  that  the  circumstance  was  well  known  at  Pliraouth,  but  they  pretended 
that  the  right  person  was  hanged,  or,  in  our  authoi-'s  own  words,  "  as  if  the 
person  hanged  was  really  guilty  of  stealing,  as  may  be  were  many  of  the  rest, 
and  if  they  were  driven  by  necessity  to  content  the  Indians,  at  that  time,  to 
do  justice,  there  being  some  of  Mr.  JVeston's  company  living,  it  is  possible  it 
might  be  executed  not  on  him  that  most  deserved,  but  on  him  that  could  be 
best  spored,  or  who  was  not  like  to  live  long  if  he  had  been  let  alone." 

It  will  now  be  expected  that  wo  produce  the  passage  of  HudibraSk  Here 
it  is : — 


"  Thouifli  nice  and  dark  the  point  appear, 
(Quotii  Ralph,)  it  may  hold  up,  and  clear. 
That  Sinners  may  supply  the  place 
Of  suffering:  Saints,  is  a  plain  Case. 
Justice  (fives  Sentence,  many  times, 
On  one  Man  for  another's  crimes. 
Our  Brethren  of  New  Eng;land  use 
Choice  Malefactors  to  excuse. 
And  hang  the  Guiltless  in  their  stead, 
Of  whom  the  Churches  have  less  need  : 
As  lately  'I  happened  :  In  a  town 
There  lived  a  Cobbler,  and  but  one. 
That  out  of  Doctrine  could  cut  Use, 
And  menil  Men's  Lives,  as  well  as  Shoes. 
This  precious  Brother  having  slain, 
In  times  of  Peace,  an  Indian, 
(Not  out  of  !\lalico,  but  mere  Zeal, 
Because  he  was  an  infidel,) 


The  mighty  Tottifolttfinoy, 
Sent  to  our  Elders  an  Envoy, 
Complaining  sorely  of  the  Breach 
Of  Lcaguc,licld  forth  by  Brother  Patth, 
Against  the  Articles  in  force, 
Between  both  churches,  his  and  oun, 
For  which  he  craved  the  Saints  to  reader 
Into  his  Hands,  or  hang  ih'  Offender : 
But  they,  maturely  having  weiehed, 
They  had  no  more  but  him  o'  th'  Trade, 
(A  Man  that  served  them  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  Teach  and  Cobble.)  „ 
Resolved  to  spare  him ;  yet  to  do 
The  Indian  Hoghan  Moghgan,  loo. 
Impartial  Justice,  in  his  stead,  did 
Hang  an  old  Weaver  that  was  Bed-rid. 
Then  wherefore  may  not  you  be  skipp'd, 
And-in  your  Room  another  Whipp'd  7  " 


*  See  Col.  N.  II.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  MS.  and  b.  i.  chap.  iii.  ante. 

t  II  SI.  iV.  Kng.  77.  X  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  14S. 


34 


WITTUVVAMET.— WESTON  S  COLONY. 


[Book  II. 


The  following  note  was  early  printed  to  this  passage : — "  The  history  ol" 
the  cobbler  had  been  attested  by  jtersons  of  good  credit,  who  were  >ipon  t!ic 
place  when  it  was  done."  Mr.  Butler  wrote .  this  part  of  his  Hiidibrau 
before  1663. 

Thomas  Morton,  who  was  one  of  the  company,  though  perhaj)s  absp>!t  at 
the  time,  pretends  that  there  was  no  plot  of  the  Indians,  and  ii'iiiiiuates  tliat 
the  Plimoutlieans  caused  all  the  trouble,  and  that  tlieir  rasiiness  caused  tiic 
Indians  to  massacre  eimc  of  their  men,  as  wc  sliall  presently  relate  lioiu  a 
book  which  Mr.  Morton  published.*' 

"Master  Wes/on's  plantation  being  settled  at  Wessagiiscu.s,  his  8erv.•lllt^•, 
many  of  them  lazy  persons,  that  would  use  no  endeuvor  to  take  tiie  benefit 
of  the  country,  some  of  them  fell  sick  and  died. 

"One  amongst  tiie  rest,  an  able-bodied  imui,  that  ranged  the  woods,  to  pee 
what  it  would  afl'ord,  lighted  by  accident  on  an  iiidian  barn,  and  lioni  tiience 
did  take  a  cap  full  of  corn.  TJie  salvage  owner  of  it,  finding  by  the  loot 
[track]  some  English  had  been  there,  caiuc  to  tlie  plai.t;iiion,  and  made  com- 
plaint after  this  manner.  The  chief  commander  ol'  llie  eompajiy,  on  this 
occasion,  called  a  Parliament  of  all  his  i)eople,  but  tliose  tliat  were  sick  and 
ill  at  easc.f  And  wisely  now  they  must  consuli,  upon  this  laijie  couipiaiiit, 
that  a  privy  [paltry]  kuife  or  string  of  beads  vvoidd  well  enough  have  (|uali- 
fied:  And  Edward  lohnson  was  a  special  jutige  of  tiii.s  business.  The;  liict 
was  there  in  repetition,  construction  made,  that  ii  was  iellony,  and  by  the 
laws  of  England  pmiished  with  death,  and  this  in  executioi.  must  be  put  lor 
an  example,  and  likewise  to  appease  tlie  salvage ;  wiien  strnigiitways  one 
arose,  moved  as  it  were  vv'ith  some  com))ast;ion,  a/id  .'aid  he  could  not  well 
gainsay  tlie  former  sentence ;  yet  he  had  conceived,  within  the  compass  ol' 
his  brain,  an  embrio,  that  was  of  sjiecial  consocpience  to  be  delivered,  and 
cherished,  he  said ;  -that  it  would  most  aptly  serve  to  paciiy  the  salvage's 
complaint,  and  save  tlie  life  Of  one  that  might  (if  ueeil  should  be]  stand  them 
in  some  good  stead ;  being  young  and  strong,  fit  foi'  resistance  against  an 
enemy,  wliich  might  come  unexpectedly,  lor  any  tliiug  they  knew. 

"The  oration  made  was  liked  of  every  one,  jumI  he  intreated  to  show  the 
means  how  this  may  be  performed.  Says  he,  you  all  agree  that  one  iinist 
die,  and  one  shall  die.  This  young  man's  clothes  we  will  take  off,  and  put 
upon  one  that  is  old  and  impotent,  a  sickly  |u.>rson  that  cannot  escape  death; 
6uch  is  the  disease  on  him  confirmed,  that  die  he  must.  Put  tiu;  young 
man's  clothes  on  this  man,  and  let  the  sick  person  be  luuiged  in  the  other's 
stead.  Amen,  says  one,  and  so  says  many  more.  And  this  had  like  to  have 
proved  their  final  sentence;  and  being  there  confirmed  by  act  of  Parliament 
to  after  ages  for  a  precedent.  But  that  one,  with  a  ravenous  voice,  begun  to 
croak  and  bellow  for  revenge,  and  put  by  tliat  conchisivt!  motion;  alleging 
such  deceits  might  be  u  means  hereatkT  to  e.\as|ierate  the  minds  of  the  com- 
plaining salvages,  and  that,  by  his  death,  the  salvages  slioidd  see  tiieir  zeal 
to  justice,  and,  therefore!,  h(!  shoidd  die.  This  was  eonchnli'd  ;  yi't,  luner- 
theless,  a  scruple  was  made ;  now  to  comilcrmand  this  act  di<l  represent 
itself  unto  their  miinls,  whicli  was  how  they  sli(iulcl  dn  1o  get  the  man's  good 
will:  this  was  indeed  a  special  obstacle:  for  without  tlint  (tiiey  all  agreed)  it 
would  be  dangerous,  for  any  man  to  attempt  the  execiilioM  of  it,  lest  mis- 
chief should  beliill  them  every  man.  lie  was  a  person  that,  in  his  wrath, 
did  seem  to  be  a  second  Sampaon,  able  to  lu-at  out  their  brains  w  ilii  the  jaw- 
bon(M)f  an  ass:  therefon^  they  called  the  man,  and  bv  persuasion  got  him 
fjLst  bound  in  jest,  and  then  hanged  iiim  up  hard  by  in  good  earnest,  wiio 
with  a  weajmji,  and  at  liberty,  would  ha\('  put  all  these  w ise  judges  of  this 
riuliament  to  a  pittiliil  iwn  plu,i,(ii>i  it  hiitli  beiMi  credibly  re]iorU.Ml,)  and 
made  the  ehi(«f  jiidgi!  of  llieni  all  buckle  to  him." 

Tliis  is  ail  entire  clm|iter  of  the  .\kw  ('a>aan,  whicli,  on  account  of  its 
great  rarity,  we  have  gi\en  in  liill.  in  his  next  chapter  Mr.  Morton  procicds 
to  iiarntte  tlie  circiiinstances  of  the  "massacre"  ul'  ff'illuwiimft,  I'thuot,  and 
other  Mattsachusetts  ludiunti,  und  the  consotpiunces  of  it.    Jiut  \vu  shall  now 


*  rinlillrd  Nc'H  Kiiul(>li  {'iiiimiii.tld,  Aiii-i('r<liiin,  Wl. 

t  .Agiiiiiiit  (liiii  si'iiit'iiuc,  ii.  ;I...  ;:"iri-ai,  i-— '  A  jiuor  c(irii{i'alut." 


CuXp.  II.]     WASSAPLXEWAT.— MASSACRE  AT  WESSAGUSCUS. 


35 


otioM ;  alle<{iiig 


draw  from  the  Pliinouth  historian,  and  afterwards  use  MortorCs  chapter  as 
we  find  occasion. 

Mr,  Winslow  says  that  Mr.  WestorCs  men  "  kne^.'  not  of  this  conspiracy  of 
the  Lidians  before  his  [John  Sanders,  their  'oTerseer']  going  j  neither  was  it 
known  to  any  of  us  till  our  return  from  Sowaanis,  or  Puckanokick :  at  which 
time  also  another  sachini,  called  Wassapiiitieat,  brother  to  Ohtakiest,  the 
snchim  of  the  Massachusets,  who  had  formerly  smarted  for  partaking  with 
Conbatant,  and  fearing  the  like  again,  to  purge  himself,  revealed  the  same 
thing,"  [as  Massasoit  had  done.] 

It  was  now  the  23d  March,  1623,  "a  yeai-ly  court  day"  at  Plimouth,  on 
wliich  war  was  proclaimed,  "  in  public  court,"  against  the  Massachusetts 
Indians.  "  We  came  to  this  conclusion,  (says  Winslow,)  that  Captain  Standish 
should  take  so  many  men,  as  lie  thought  sufficient  to  make  his  party  good 
against  all  the  Indians  hi  tlte  Massachusetts  Bay ;  and  as  because,  as  all 
men  know  that  have  to  do  with  them  in  tliat  kind,  it  is  impossible  to  deal 
witli  them  uj)on  oj)en  defiance,  but  to  take  them  in  such  traps  as  they  liiy 
for  others;  therefore  he  should  pretend  trade  as  at  other  times:  but  first  gu 
to  the  English,  [at  Wessaguscire,]  and  acquaint  them  with  the  plot,  and  the 
(;n<l  of  tlieir  own  coming,  that,  comj)aring  it  with  their  own  carriages 
towards  them,  he  might  better  judge  of  the  certainty  of  it,  and  more  fitly 
take  opportunity  to  revenge  the  same:  but  sliould  forbare,  if  it  were 
I)ossil)le,  till  such  time  as  he  could  make  sure  fVittinoamat,  that  bloody  and 
bold  viliuin  bolore  pjjoken  of;  whose  head  he  had  order  to  bring  with  him, 
that  he  misrlit  Im  a  warning  and  terror  to  all  that  disposition." 

We  will  1  ow  hear  a  \vord  of  what  Mr.  Morton  has  to  say  upon  this  trans- 
action. "Aller  the  end  of  that  Parliament,  [which  ended  in  the  hanging 
of  one,*]  some  of  the  ](iantation  there,  abotit  three  ])ersonB,  went  to  live 
witli  Checal.awbnck  and  liis  company,  and  had  very  good  quarter,  for  all  the 
former  quarrel  with  the  Plimouth  ])la!nter8.f  They  are  not  like  Will  Som- 
fflf/s,  I  to  take  one  for  another.  There  they  purposed  to  stay  until  Master 
Weston^s  arrival :  but  tlic  IMiniouth  men  intending  no  good  to  him,  (as 
apjwan'd  by  the  ronscfiuencc,)  came  in  the  mean  time  to  Wessaguscus,  and 
there  pretended  to  feast  the  salvages  of  those  parts,  bringing  with  them 
pork,  and  things  for  tiie  purjjose,  which  they  set  before  the  salvages.  They 
eat  thereof  without  suspicion  of  any  mischief,  [and]  who  were  taken  upon 
a  watchword  given,  and  with  their  own  knives  (hanging  about  their  necks) 
were,  by  the  Plimouth  planters,  stabbed  and  slain.  One  of  which  was 
lian!.'e(l  up  tliere,  atler  tiie  Klaughter."§  When  this  came  to  the  knowledge 
of  Cliikalanbufs  peoide,  they  murdered  the  three  English  who  had  taken  uj> 
tiieir  residence  with  tlienij  as  they  lay  asleep,  in  revenge  for  the  nmrder  of 
tlieir  comi,rymeii.|| 

Atler  Shmdish  was  ready  to  jiroceed  against  JVittmmmel,  but  before  he 
set  out,  one  arrived  iVoiii  Wessaguscus  almost  liiniislied,1I  and  gave  the 
peophi  of  Plinuintii  fi  ImiientJihle  account  of  the  Hituati»)n  of  his  fellows; 
that  not  tlie  least  ol"  their  calamities  was  their  being  insulted  by  the  Indians, 
"whose  luildness  increased  abundantly;  insonnich  as  the  victuals  they  got, 

*  As  iiinitioneil  in  our  Inst  oxtrnct  from  tliis  author. 

t  Kcfcrrinp,  it  i«  siipjioscd,  lo  tlie  qiinrrd  with  Caunbilani. 

\  The  porsoii  who  iirnpo.'cil  li»i»)riiif(  a  sick  iimn  instead  of  the  real  oflentlor. 

\  New  F,ii(rlish  (;nnaiin,  11].  j|  Ibid. 

II  His  name  wos  Phitichius  Prat.  An  liidinn  followed  liim  lo  kill  him,  but,  by  iosinp  the 
dircrl  [inlh,  llic  Inillnn  mis^cil  him.  In  KiCi'i,  the  pencrnl  court  of  Massachiisellt,  in  answer 
to  n  i>clition  of  I'liiiirhitv  I'nit,  ihcn  of  Chiirlrslown,  which  was  arroinpaiiied  "  wilh  a  nar- 
rative of  the  slmiKhls  nn<l  hanlshins  that  llic  first  pliuUers  of  this  colony  underwent  in  their 
endeavors  to  plant  themselves  at  Plimouth,  and  dincc,  whereof  ho  wag  one,  the  court  jud^lli 
it  nuH'l  to  grant  him  WW  acres  of  laud,  where  it  in  lobe  had,  not  hinderiug  a  plantation." 
AfN.  unu^ns:  Ihe^li'f  in  our  utatf-hnue. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  disrover  the  narrativo  of  Prat,  afler  long  Nearrh.  Mr.  Ihthbard 
probably  used  it  in  compiliiifr  his  Hist,  of  Now  F.nrland. 

At  the  court,  3  May,  IfiCh^,  land  was  ordered  to  ne  laiil  out  for  Prat,  "  in  llie  wilderness  on 
the  east  of  the  Merrimack  River,  near  the  upper  end  of  Nacook  Ilrook,  on  the  soulh-eail  of  it." 
Court  FiU.i,  ut  supra. 

Prat  married,  in  I'limoulh,  a  dnuglitct  of  Ciithhrrt  Culliherlsnti,  in  1C30.  Sec  'i  Col.  Hill, 
Soc.  vii.  122. 


I 


'\M 


I;    ■ 


i 

I 

I  i 
t 


30 


MASSAfUn  AT  WKf^SA(ilJ.SrUS. 


IIlooK  11. 


they  [tlic  Indioiu)]  would  tuko  it  out  of  tlicir  potH,  iiiul  eat  [it]  iMjfore  tlieir 
fu(M!H,  uiul  tliiit  it  tlicy  tried  to  |)i-()V(!iit  tlutni,  tliry  would  fiold  u  kiiile  at 
tli«;ir  ImmHtH:  utid  to  Niitinfy  tiii^iM,  tiiey  liiid  liaiip't!  ono  of  tli(!ir  couiimny: 
"Tliut  tlioy  hud  Huld  tlirir  clollioH  li>r  corn,  uiid  wore  rcudy  to  marvc  both 
witli  cold  and  Inuigor  uIho,  Imjcuui-iu  they  could  not  endure  to  get  victuals  hy 
ruuHoii  of  their  nakedntiSH." 

TluH  truly  wuh  u  wretched  picture  of  tliiH  hcm-oikI  c.oiony  of  MasHacliUHetts, 
tho  knowledge  of  wlii(rli  (Hayw  Window)  "gave  mm  go<jd  encoiiiagc  inent  to 
nrocct'd  in  our  intentlnientH."  Accordingly,  the  next  ilny,  Stnndiali,  with 
rlobomok  and  eight  KngiiHhnien,  Htit  out  upon  the  ex|)e<litiou.  IIIh  taking  bo 
few  men  hIiowh  }iow  a  few  English  guiiH  w<'re  yet  feared  hy  the  IndianH, 
NeverthelcHH,  the  hiHtoriauH  would  have  \\h  underMland  that  Standisli  would 
t(d<«)  no  more,  IxM^auHe  he  would  not  have  the  JiidiauH  iniKtnmt  that  Ih;  came 
to  fight  them ;  and  they  would  iimimiate  tliat  it  wan  owing  to  hin  gnat  valor. 

VVhen  iStmidi/ih  arrived  at  WeHwigUMCUH,  he  l<)nnd  the  people  scattered 
ahoiit,  apprehending  no  danger  whatever,  engaged  in  their  onlinary  atrairis. 
When  he  tohl  them  of  the  dangtT  they  were  in  lioin  the  Indians,  tlH>y  said 
"they  feared  not  (he  Indians,  hut  lived,  and  siifli'red  them  to  Indg  >  with 
them,  not  having  sword  or  gun,  or  iiee<ling  the-  same."  Stnndwit  now  in- 
formed them  of  Ihi^  iilot,  which  was  the  lirsi  intimation,  it  a|ipearH,  they  had 
of  it.  He  ordered  tlu>m  to  call  in  their  m«;n,  and  enjoined  strcrecy  of  ITm 
inten<led  massacre.  Hut  it  seems  from  ff'huiloiii\s  ({elation,  that  the  Indians 
got  word  of  it,  or  mistrusted  his  design;  iirohahly  some  of  tlu^  \V(ssagus- 
cus  men  warni'd  them  of  it,  who  did  not  lu-lieve  lii(-re  was  )iny  jilot. 

Miuuitina^  uu  Indian  came  to  trade,  and  alhrwards  went  away  in  ti''>  "id- 
ship.  Standinh,  more  sagacious  than  llu!  rest,  said  he  saw  tieacheiy  ,m  hits 
<iye,  and  siisiiected  his  end  in  cominii;  there  was  discov«'r«'d.  Shortly  aller, 
PeAffiMj/, '' who  was  a  paiiiesrt,*  being  a  man  of  a  notable  spirit,"  came  to 
Hohomoky  and  told  him,  He  unifnslood  (he  caplnin  was  come  to  kill,  him  and  the 
rt9l  oj'llw  Indiana  Ihtir.  "Tell  him,  (said  Prk.sunl,)  we  know  it,  hut  liar  liiiu 
not,  neither  will  we  shun  him  ;  but  let  him  begin  when  he  dare  [sj  he  vill 
not  tak«'  lis  unawares." 

Tho  Indians  now,  as  wt;  might  expect,  liegan  to  prepare  to  meet  the 
danger,  and  the  Knglish  say  many  <>t  them  canit^  divers  tim(>s  into  their 
jiresence,  and  "  would  whet  and  siiarpen  the  point  of  their  knives,"  "and 
use  many  other  insulting  gestures  and  speeches.  Amongst  tlu!  rest,  fl'illV' 
immo/braggedof  tli(>e.\celleiicy  of  his  kiiil<>.  On  tlii>end  of  the  handle  there 
was  pictured  a  woinan's  liice  ;  but,  said  he,  /  have  another  at  home,  uhtrfwilh  1 
have  killed  both  /Vfiif/i  and  Enf!;liiih,  and  that  hath  n  imni's/ace  oji  it ;  ami  hy  and 
by  thene  tn>o  muM  nuirn/."  To  this  he  added,  IIinnaim  namk>,  iiiiNNAIm  mi- 
CHKN,  MATTA  «Mi'rs  :  that  is,  Hi/  and  by  it  should  ,ier,and  In/  and  by  it  should  eat, 
but  not  .tueak.  "Also  /VAsi/o/,  (continues  /riji.^/oj/-,)  being  a  man  of  greater 
stature  tlian  the  captain,  told  him  though  he  were  a  great  captain, yet  lie  was 
but  a  little  man  :  and,  said  he,  Ihov/rh  I  be  no  sachem,  yet  I  am  a  man  of  fpeat 
Strength  and  eowatte.  Tliesti  thiiigH  the  captuin  olwerved,  yet  burn  w  ith  pa- 
tience for  the  prescnl." 

It  will  be  s(<en,  in  what  we  have  ndated,  hh  well  as  what  wo  are  about  to 
udd,  that  Thomas  MovlotCs  account,  in  some  of  the  main  facts,  agrees  with 
that  of  ffinsiou:  I'ldinthe  latter  it  ap|»eais  that  >7(iti*/is/i, a(l«M-  considerable 
inanu'iivuring,  could  get  advantage  over  but  ti'w  of  tiie  Indians.  At  length, 
having  got /V*.<t««/ and  lfittuwnmat^']»)\\\  toiiethcr,  with  another  man,  and 
a  youth  of  some  eighteen  years  of  age,  whicli  was  brother  to  If'ittiiwamai, 
and,  villain  like,  tnul  in  his  steps,  daily  putting  muny  tricks  upon  the  weaker 
port  of  men,  and  having  about  as  iiuiny  of  his  own  company  in  a  room  » ith 
them,  irave  the  word  to  his  men,  and,  the  door  l»i>ing  liist  shut,  liegan  himself 
with  Pfcksuot,  and,  snalel^ng  his  oum  knife  from  his  neek,  thoiigli  with  much 

•  "  Tln<  Pnnip»c«  nri"  men  of  (rrnil  rourngi' nn<l  wisodoini',  unci  to  those  niso  llir  nniill 
ii|>|>onrrlli  ninr<<  riiiniliarlv  llinii  i«  oiIhtv,  iiml  us  wev  rmu'riiii',  iniilo'lli  rniK'iiiinl  \\\t\\  llinii  lit 
prtsrruo  llirin  fmiii  tli-nlli  liy  «ciiiinli  «illi  iirrowi,  knives,  liiitrlicis.  tie."  Miiis/mr's  Rtlu- 
liim.  bi  Niimkiiijf  !>(' Ilic  urif^iii  o(  rnhinni,  Chtirli'voi.r  say*,  siunv  liiiliniis  loM  liiiii  I  lint  it 
wiis  f;i\rn  liy  llu'  nHii  In  /ViMi'v,  n  iiHlioii  ii|>i)ii  llic  Wissinirl.      I'l'i/d^'c  tlana  I'Amtriiiuf. 


CitAP.    11] 


OBTAKIEST.— IIOIJOMOK, 


37 


struff;,'!"!!!;.',  and  killed  him  therewith — the  ])oint  wherci)f  Im  hnil  iiindo  as  slmrp 
as  n  iiofMllc,  iukI  fjroiiiid  tho  hack  also  to  nii  odj^o.  fVittuw^tmct  nml  tlic;  other 
man  the  rent  killed,  and  took  the  youth,  whom  thf.  r(i])tain  (••..iscd  to  he,  han;ic(l." 

Wr.  could  now  wisli  this  Ido'ody  tain  wcm'c  fiiiislicfl,  hut  we  liavd  |)roniisr(I 
to  kcnp  (-loso  to  the  ruronl.  Mr.  IVin/ilnw  eoiitiniirjH,  '*  IhU  it  is  incredible 
how  many  wounds  these  two  pnnicses  received  before  they  died,  not  vutking  mvj 
fearful  noise,  but  calchinf:^  nt  their  weapons,  and  drivimi;  to  the  last. 

"  ffobbnmock  stood  by  all  tiiis  tirrio,*  and  tiifddlod  not,  ohscrvln;,'  how  our 
ninn  dcmcvmod  thonisclvos  in  tliis  artion."  After  tho  affray  was  ciidod,  !in 
wild  to  Standvih,  "Ycstc>rday  Perksuot  hrnpf^fMl  of  liis  own  strniifrrh  and 
Htatnrp,  said,  thonph  yon  were  a  prnat  captain, yi't  }()ii  wcro  hut  a  little  man; 
hnt  to-diiy  (  sec  yon  an;  liij,'  enonffh  to  lay  him  on  tho  f^roniid." 

Stnndish  was  now  sent  to  a  conij)any  ol'  fVcslon^s  mv.n,  and  nrdcrod  them 
to  kill  tlm  Indians  that  wore  ainonj^  tlirni.  They  killed  ttro.  Iliinsclf  \vitli 
Hotnn  of  his  nion  killed  another,  at  anothr-r  plai-n.  As  thoy  wrrn  iHnHiiin;;^ 
this  business,  intondinj,'  to  kill  all  they  conhl  hiy  hands  upon,  "through  the 
nogliiinnco  of  ono  man,  an  Indijui  cscaiied,  who  (liscov<'red  [disclosod]  and 
crossed  their  proceedinjrs." 

.foined  liy  soint;  of  Mr.  f^'rnfon\t  mon,  Slandish  discovered  a  i't'W  Ttidians, 
and  piirsiM'd  them.  Slandish  <rained  a  hill  which  the  Indians  also  sti'ove  to 
oecnpy,  iind  whf»,  alVer  shootinij  a  few  arrows,  fled.  "  Whereupon  '7/oMrt- 
mork  east  off  hi:*  coiit,  mul  h(>inff  a  known  ])aniese,  theirs  hein;;  nrtw  killed, 
chased  tlieiii  so  fiist,  as  onr  ])eople  were  liot  al)ie  to  hold  way  with  him." 
One  who  made  a  stand  to  shoot  Slandish  hnil  his  arm  l)rok(>n  l)y  a  shftt, 
which  is  Mil  the  advantair*'  cinimed  by  the  F,n<rlisli.  The  Indians  jrot  into  a 
swamp,  find  after  some!  bravadoiiifr  on  both  sides,  the  pMrties  seponited. 
Afb'r  assisiinjr  the  settlers  of  VVessairiiscns  to  leave  the  pl.-ice,  t!ie  Hiit(lish 
returned  to  I'linionth,  takinj^  aloii;,'  tlie  head  of  fVlthiu'ttinrt,  v.liieli  they  set 
np  in  their  fort. 

Meaiiwliile  the  [ndinn  that  followed  Prnt  from  Wessajrnscns,  as  he  returned 
froni  !MMrioiiief,  calh-d  nt  I'limoiith  in  a  fi'ie;i(!ly  mnmii  r,  and  Avas  there 
seized  and  pnt  in  irons.  Heiri;;  asked  if  he  knew  the  head  of  Wilhtwamrt, 
said  he  diil,  and  "looked  pireonsly"  upon  it.  "Then  he  confessed  the 
plot,"  and  sMid  his  snehem.  Ohinkiest,  had  been  di-awn  into  it  by  the  impor- 
tunity of  mII  the  |)ei)ple.  He  denied  any  hand  in  if  himself  a?id  heiri'ed  bis 
lilt^  mi;.rhl  he  spared.  Said  he  was  not  a  Ma«sri"ln!set,  b.'t  only  reside<|  as  n 
straii'/er  amon*;  them.  T/oftomoA' "  (dso  <rav(;  n  <(ond  rcjain  of  him,  and  be- 
soniilit  fill-  him;  but  was  briherl  so  to  do  it.'  They  fin:d!y  concluiled  tosimrfl 
him,  "the  nnher,  becansi^  we  desired  he  mi,!xht  enrry  a  messatre  to  Ohtnktrtft.^* 
The  mes'^M'/e  they  charged  him  with  wns  this,  that  they  had  never  inteiidi  d 
to  denl  so  with  him,  until  they  were  fi)rced  to  it  by  their  treacherv,  fuid, 
flierefiire,  they  mi;.'ht  thindi  fhenuii'lves  for  their  own  overthrow  ;  and  e.s  he 
had  now  heiran,  if  he  persisted  in  his  com'se.  "  his  contitry  shonid  not  hold 
him:"  Ihnt  he  shonid  forthwith  send  to  I'limontli  "the  three  l''n'.rlishmen  ho 
had,  and  not  kill  them."t 

The  KiiL'iisli  beard  nothitifj  from  OWffA'»V,<<  for  a  lonjr  time  ;  at  lenjrth  he 
sent  a  \vnm;m  to  them,  (probably  no  iiKin  wonld  venture.)  to  tell  them  ho 
was  sorry  ihiit  the  I'^nglish  were  killed,  before  he  lienrd  from  them,  idso 
thiit  he  w  islied  for  iieaci>,  bnt  none  of  his  mi-n  <hirst  come  to  treat  about  it. 
The  Kniilisli  learned  from  this  wcmian,  that  be  was  in  frreat  <'onsternntion, 

)lac(',  CX' 
•rnir  wnn 
now  {.'emrnl  innon^  them,  and  many,  as  we  have  elsewhere  said,  died  through 
fcnr  tnid  want.    To  this  disnml  narrative  Mr.  lyinnlow  adds,  "  And  oertniiily 


Kill      i.ii^ii.^ii    iiitiiii.i    iiiriii     iiiin     **, •111(111,    (iiiii    111      ffiirf    III     L^iiiii    iiiiinii 

"baviii):  t'orsaken  his  dwellinfr,  and  daily  removed  from  place  to  |)li 
poctinji  when  we  wonld  tak<!  further  venjieance  on  him.      The  ten 


rai... 
I6M 


oy. 


*  Tlii<,  Mr  sii]i|i(>«e,  is  (lio  nlTair  to  wliicli  l'rrsi<liMit  /l//f)i  ivllmii'i.  in  liis  Aniorif  »ii  Ric 
ipliy,  (ill  I'll  )  when  Im  snys,  "  ho   [Ifolionwk]  fiMi;;hl  hriiirlij  liy  liU  [Sltmlinli'n]  side,  ia 
>2.1."     It  xlnmliiiK  Witl  luoking  on  ho  tij;liliiij;,  then  did  Ifobomok  Jiglit  hnirrhj  on  lliif 

ocrnwin. 

t  Mvitnii,  ill  liin  /V,.|/,  (\inauu.  111,  HBVi,  lhp«i>  llirce  inrTi  went  to  rcsido  willi  Chikataubut ; 

hcnr«  MkiIiih  very  r<'n'iiiiml)ly  «ii)r)rt'<tl«,  lliiil  il'  llir  I'liimnill,  (H'ople  inltiidi.'il  llii*  itii'ii  ol' 

^V(•!«suKllh^ll^  ,iiiy  good,  why  did  llitiy  iiol  fiml  leo  lliiil  "11  of  tlnMn  wore  niit  of  d.iiii(cr,  hcforo 

bcij'iiaiiiKf  w.ir  f  " 


as 


HOBOMOK.— SQUANTO'S  PERFIDY. 


[Book  II. 


M 


it  is  strange  to  hear  how  many  of  late  have,  and  still  daily  die  amongst 
them ;  neither  is  there  any  likelihood  it  will  easily  cease  ;  because  through 
fear  they  set  little  or  no  corn,  which  is  the  staff  of  liie,  and  without  which 
they  cannot  long  preserve  health  and  strength." 

These  affau-s  call  for  no  conunentary,  that  must  accompany  every  mind 
through  every  step  of  the  relation.  It  would  be  weakness,  as  appears  to  us, 
to  attempt  a  vindication  of  the  rash  conduct  of  the  English,  Amid  their 
sufferings,  some  poor  Indians  resolved  to  attempt  to  appease  the  wrath  of 
the  English  governor  l)y  presents.  Four  set  out  by  water  in  a  boat  for 
Plimouth,  but  by  accident  were  overset,  aiid  three  ot  them  were  drowned; 
the  other  returned  back. 

When  Mr.  Robinson,  the  father  of  the  Plimouth  church,  heard  how  his 
people  had  conducted  in  this  affair  with  the  Indians,  he  wrote  to  them,  to 
consider  of  the  disposition  of  Captain  Standish,  "  who  was  of  a  warm  tem- 
per," but  he  hoped  tiic  Lord  had  sent  him  among  them  for  a  good  end,  if 
they  used  him  as  they  ought.  "He  doubted,"  he  said,  "whether  there  was 
not  wanting  that  tenderness  of  the  life  of  man,  made  after  God's  image," 
which  was  so  necessary;  and  above  all,  that  "it  would  have  been  happy  if 
they  had  converted  some  before  tliey  had  killed  any." 

The  reader  has  now  passed  through  a  period  of  Indian  history  of  much 
interest,  wherein  he  will  doubtless  liave  Ibuud  much  to  admire,  and  more 
that  he  could  have  wished  otherwise.  Our  business,  however,  we  will 
here  remind  hirji,  is  that  of  a  dealer  in  facts  altogether,  and  he  must  take 
them,  dry  as  they  are,  without  any  labored  conunentaries  from  us.  Although 
we  have  had  occasion  to  introduce  Hobomok  several  times,  yet  there  remain 
transactions  of  considerable  interest  in  his  life  yet  to  be  noticed. 

HoBOMOK,  or  Hobbamock,  was  a  great  paniese  or  war  ca])tain  among  the 
Wampaiioags,  as  we  havt  already  had  occasion  to  observe.  He  came  to 
Plimouth  about  the  end  of  July,  1621,  and  continued  with  the  English  as 
long  as  he  lived.  He  was  a  principal  means  of  the  lasting  friendship  of 
Maasasoit,  which  Morton  says,  he  "much  furthered;  and  that  he  was  a 
proper  lusty  young  man,  and  one  that  was  in  account  among  the  Indians  in 
those  parts  for  his  valor."  He  was  of  the  greatest  service  m  learning  them 
how  to  cultivate  such  fruits  as  were  ])eculiar  to  the  country,  such  as  corn, 
beans,  &c.  The  account  of  his  mission  to  Maasasoit,  to  learn  the  truth  of  u 
report  that  the  Narragansets  had  made  war  upon  him,  and  his  interruption 
and  trouble  Irom  Caunbitani  are  already  related. 

Being  a  tiivorite  of  Massasoit,  and  one  of  his  cluef  captains,  the  pilgrinjs 
found  that  they  need  not  apprcliend  any  treachery  on  his  part,  as  Hobomok 
was  so  completely  in  their  interest,  and  also  in  that  of  the  great  sachem, 
that  he  woidd  atWise  them  if  any  thing  evil  were  on  foot  against  them. 
What  strengthened  them  in  tiiis  opinion  was  the  following  circumstance. 
The  Massachusetts  Indians  had  for  some  time  been  inviting  the  English 
into  their  country  to  trade  for  liirs.  When,  in  March,  1622,  they  began  to 
make  ready  for  the  voyage,  Hobomok  "  told  us,  (says  tVinslotv,)  that  he  feared 
the  Massachusetts,  or  Massaciniscuks,  for  they  so  called  the  people  of  that 
place,  were  joined  in  confederacy  with  the  Nanohigganneuks,  a  people  of 
Nfanohiggansef,  and  that  they,  tlierefore,  would  take  this  opportunity  to  cut 
off  ('apt.  Stmuiish  and  his  company  abroad ;  but  howsoever,  in  the  mean- 
time, it  was  to  be  feared,  [he  said,]  that  the  Nonohigganeuks  would  assault 
tlie  town  at  home ;  giving  many  reasons  for  his  jealousy ;  as  also  that  TKs- 
quanlum  was  in  the  conlederacy,  who,  [he  said,]  we  should  find,  would  use 
many  persuasions  to  draw  us  Irom  our  shallops  to  the  Indians'  houses  for 
their  better  advantage." 

Nevertheless,  they  j)roceede<l  on  their  voyage,  and  when  they  had  turned 
the  point  called  the  Gumrfs  JVose,  a  false  mesnenger  came  running  into 
Plimouth  town,  ajiparcntly  in  a  great  fright,  out  of  breath,  and  bleeding 
IVom  a  wound  in  his  face.  He  told  them  that  Caunbitani,  with  many  of  tlw 
NarragansetH,  antl  he  l)elievoil  Massasoit  with  them,  were  coming  to  de- 
stroy the  English.  No  one  doubted  of  his  sincerity,  and  the  first  thought  of 
the  people  was  to  bring  back  their  military  loader,  who  had  just  gone  ia 
the  bout  with  Hobomok.    A  piece  of  cannon  was  immediately  discharged, 


Chap,  n.] 


HOBOMOK.—SQUANTO'S  PERFIDY. 


S9 


which,  to  their  great  joy,  soon  caused  the  Iwat  to  return,  not  having  got  ovX 
of  hearing.  They  hart  no  sooner  arrived,  than  Hobomok  told  them  there  was 
no  truth  in  the  report,  and  said  it  was  a  plot  of  Squardo,  who  was  then  with 
them,  and  even  one  of  those  in  the  boat ;  that  he  knew  Massaaoit  would  not 
undertake  sucli  an  enterprise  without  consulting  him.  Hobomok  was  confi- 
dent, because  he  was  himself  a  great  chief,  and  one  of  Maasamt'a  counsel- 
lors. Squanto  denied  all  knowledge  of  any  plot,  and  thus  ended  the  aflUir. 
The  English,  however,  seemed  well  satisfied  that  Squanto  had  laid  this  shal- 
low plot  to  set  them  against  Massasoit,  thinking  they  would  destroy  him,  by 
which  means  he  expected  to  become  chief  sachem  himself;  and  this  seems 
the  more  probable,  as  Massasoit  was  for  some  time  irreconcilable  becttuse 
they  withheld  him  from  him,  when  he  had  forfeited  his  life,  as  in  our  nar- 
ration has  been  set  forth.  But  entirely  to  satisfy  the  English,  Hobomok  sent 
his  wife  to  Pokanoket  privately  to  gain  exact  mtelligence,  and  her  return 
only  verifie4  what  her  husband  had  said. 

"  Thus  by  degrees  (continues  fVinsloto)  we  began  to  discover  Titquantum, 
whose  ends  were  only  to  make  liiiiiself  great  in  the  eyes  of  his  countrymen, 
by  means  of  his  nearness  and  flivor  with  us ;  not  caring  who  fell,  so  he 
stood.  In  general,  his  course  was,  to  persuade  them  he  could  lead  us  to 
peace  or  war  at  his  pleasure ;  and  would  oil  threaten  the  Indians,  sending 
them  word,  in  a  private  manner,  we  were  intended  shortly  to  kill  them,  that 
thereby  he  might  get  gifts  to  himself,  to  work  their  peace,  insomuch  as  they 
had  him  in  greater  esteem  than  many  of  their  sachems ,  yea,  they  them- 
selves sought  to  him,  who  promised  them  peace  in  respect  of  us ;  yea,  and 
protection  also,  so  as  they  would  resort  to  him.  So  that  whereas  divers 
were  wont  to  rely  on  Maaawssowat  for  protection,  and  resort  to  his  abode, 
now  they  begcui  to  leave  him,  and  seek  after  Tiaquardum.  But  when  we 
understood  bis  dealings,  we  certified  all  the  Lidians  of  our  ignorance  and 
innocency  therein ;  assuring  them,  till  they  begun  with  us,  tfiey  should  have 
no  cause  to  fear :  and  if  any  hereafter  should  raise  any  such  reports,  tliey 
should  punish  them  as  liars,  and  seekers  of  their  and  our  disturbance ;  which 
gave  the  Lidiaus  good  satisfaction  on  aH  sides."  ^  For  these  and  the  like 
abuses,  the  governor  sharply  reproved  him,  yet  was  he  so  necessary  and 
profitable  an  instrument,  as  at  that  time  we  could  not  miss  him." 

To  the  end  that  he  might  possess  Iiis  countrymen  with  great  fear  of  the 
Englisli,  Titquantum  told  them  the  English  kept  the  plague  buried  in  their 
.«tore-hou9e,  and  that  they  could  send  it,  at  any  time,  and  to  any  place,  to 
ilestroy  whatever  persons  or  people  they  would,  though  they  themselvea 
stirred  not  out  of  doors.  Among  the  rest,  he  had  made  Hobomok  believe 
fills  tule,  who  asked  the  English  if  it  were  true,  and  being  informed  that  it 
^vns  not,  it  exploded  like  his  other  impostures. 

Tliere  is  hut  little  doubt  that  SqiuirUo  was  in  the  interest  of  Caunbitant, 
:\m\  lived  among  the  English  as  a  spy,  while  Hobomok  was  honestly,  as  he 
invtciulod,  a  strong  friend  to  them ;  but  for  some  time  it  was  neaily  imi)08- 
f'Me  for  them  to  know  which  was  their  best  friend,  as  each  seemed  emu- 
lous to  outvie  the  other  in  good  offices.  They  were,  however,  at  this  time 
.■otistietl ;  lor,  HohomoVa  wife  having  told  Maaaaaoit  what  had  happened,  and 
tliiil  it  uuH  one  of  Sqwinto'a  men  that  gave  the  alarm,  satisfied  hun  that  that 
.•<;ij;;iMi(»re  hud  caused  it,  and  ho  therelbr^  demanded  him  of  the  English, 
iliiil  he  might  |)Ut  him  to  death,  according  to  their  law,  a»  has  been  related. 
ISiit  the  EiiKJish,  regarding  the  benefit  resulting  to  them  tiom  saving  hia 
lile,  njore  than  keeping  inviolate  the  treaty  b»'fore  made  with  Maaaaaoit, 
ovndiid  the  demand,  and  thus  Squanto  wns  )>ermitteil  to  escape. 


IMomoh  was  greatly  beloved  by  Maaaaaoit,  notwithstanding  he  l)ecRme  a 
iroti'sst'tl  Christian,  and  Maaaaaoit  was  always  ojiposed  to  the  English  religion 
liuiself.  it  lias  been  told  in  the  life  of  the  groat  Maaaaaoit,  how  valuable 
wiM  tlio  agciu  y  «»f  Hobomok,  in  liiithfiilly  roveiiliiig  the  inischievous  jilot  of 
fMUnbilant,  wWu-U  teriiiinated  in  the  death  of  H'ittuivamet  imd  Pekauot.  He 
WHS  the  pilot  of  the  English  when  they  visited  Maaaaaoit  in  his  sickness, 
MJioiii  li(!li)ri«  their  (irrivnl  tlu-y  (■oiisi(li>re<l  (lead,  wliicli  cniised  great  niani- 
lisiiitinns  of  grief  in  Hobomok.  He  olh-ii  ••xcliiimcd,  as  they  were  on 
ilifjr  wnv,  "AVcn  ivomaau  Saffiimis,  iifin  womajni  Sairimua,"  Ace,  which  is, 


40 


A  VOYAGE.— NANEPASHE3IET.—0BBATINEWAT.        [Book  IL 


'>  i 


"My  loving  Sachem,  my  loving  Sachem !  many  have  I  known,  but  never  any 
like  thee."  Then,  turning  to  Mr,  Winslow,  said,  "While  you  live  you  will 
never  see  his  like  among  the  Indians ;  that  he  was  no  liar,  nor  bloody  and 
cruel  like  other  Indians.  In  anger  and  passion  he  was  soon  reclaimed ;  easy 
to  be  reconciled  towards  such  as  had  offended  him ;  that  his  reason  was 
such  as  to  cause  him  to  receive  advice  of  mean  men ;  and  that  he  governed 
his  people  better  with  few  blows,  than  others  did  with  mauy." 

In  the  division  of  the  land  at  Plimouth  among  the  inhabitants,  Hobomok 
received  a  lot  as  his  sliare,  on  which  he  resided  after  the  English  manner 
and  died  a  Christian  among  them.  The  year  of  his  death  does  not  appeal', 
but  was  previous  to  1642. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the  pilgrims  made  a  voyage  to  Massa- 
chusetts in  the  autumn  of  1621.  It  was  in  this  vovage  that  they  became 
acquainted  with  the  fame  of  JVanepashemet.  The  English  had  heard  that 
the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  had  threatened  them,  and  they  went  (says 
Mourt)  "partly  to  see  the  countiy,  paitly  to  make  peace  with  them,  and 
partly  to  procure  tlieir  truck." 

Squanto  was  i)ilot  in  this  voyage.  They  went  ashore  in  the  bottom  of  the 
bay,  and  landed  under  a  cliff  which  some*  have  siipposed  was  what  has 
been  since  calh'd  Copp's  Hill,t  now  the  north  part  of^  Boston.  This  was  on 
SOtli  Sept.  1621.  They  saw  no  Indians  until  some  time  after  they  went 
ashore,  but  found  a  parcel  of  lobsters  which  they  had  collected,  with  which 
they  refresl'.ed  themselves.  Soon  after,  as  they  were  proceeding  on  an 
excursion,  "  they  met  a  woman  coming  for  her  lobsters."  They  told  her 
what  they  had  done,  and  paid  her  for  them.  She  told  them  where  to  find 
Indians,  and  Squar.to  went  to  them  to  prepare  them  for  meeting  with  the 
English. 

Obbatineicat  now  received  the  voyagers.  This  sachem  (if  he  be  the 
same)  had  made  peace  with  the  English  at  Plimouth  only  seven  days  pre- 
vious, as  Ave  have  had  occasion  to  notice.  He  told  them  he  was  sachem  of 
tlie  place,  and  was  subject  to  Massasoit ;  and  that  he  dared  not  remain  long 
in  any  place,  from  fear  of  the  Tarratines,  who  were  "  wont  to  come  at  har- 
vest and  take  away  their  Com,  and  many  times  kill  them."  Also  that  Squaw- 
Sachem  of  Massachusetts  was  his  enemy.  This  Squaio-Sachem,  |  as  we  be- 
lieve, was  chief  of  those  inland  Indians  since  denominated  the  Nipncts,  or 
Nipmucks,  and  lived  at  this  time  near  Wachuset  Mountain.  The  English 
intended  §  to  have  visited  her  at  this  time,  but  found  the  distance  too  great 
to  proceed.  They  received  the  greatest  kindness  from  all  the  Indians  they 
met  with,  and  mentioned  that  erf  Obbatinewat  in  particular.  And  they  say, 
"  We  told  him  of  divers  sachims  that  had  acknoAvledged  themselves  to  he 
King  James  liis  men,  and  if  he  also  icould  submit  himself,  ||  we  would  be  his 
safeguard  from  his  enemies,  which  he  did." 

At  another  jilace,  "  having  gone  three  miles,  in  arms,  up  in  the  country, 
we  came  (say  they)  to  a  place  where  com  had  been  newly  gathered,  a  house 
pulled  down,  and  the  people  gone.  A  mile  from  hence,  Nanepashemel, 
their  king,  in  liis  life-time  had  lived.1I  His  house  was  not  like  others,  but  a 
scaffold  was  largely  built,  with  poles  and  planks,  some  six  foot  from  [the] 
ground,  and  th(!  house  u[)on  that,  being  situated  on  the  top  of  a  hill.  Not 
far  from  hence,  in  a  bottom,  wo  came  to  a  fort,"  built  by  Nanepaakemet.    It 

*  Dr.  Bil'.nap  appears  to  have  been  llic  llrsl  wlio  suggested  this.    See  his  Biog.  ii.  224. 

t  Wo  had  siippoKcc!  this  eminence  to  have  been  so  ciilled  from  a  copse  or  rhirap  ol'  trees, 
\y\\\c\\  for  a  long  lime  rrmaincil  upon  it,  after  it  became  known  to  the  whiles ;  out  Shaw, 
D-'scrip.  liosloii,  (17.  says  it  was  named  from  one  Cnfp,  a  shoemaker.  And  Snow,  Hist. 
Uoston,  10.5,  savs  Willinm  Copp  was  the  proprietor  of"  a  portion  of  the  hill." 

i  "Haolieins  or  sa<ramores,— which  are  but  one  and  the  same  title,— the  first  more  usual 
with  the  suiitliward,  tiie  other  with  the  northward  Indians,  to  express  the  title  of  him  that  hatli 
tlio  rjiief  comm.Tnd  of  a  place  or  people."    Hist.  N.  E.  (50. 

^  Shotfiirt.  (Hist.  Concord,  2)  says  she  wns  visited  at  this  time  by  these  voyagers,  but  I 
am  not  able  to  arrive  at  any  such  conclusion  from  any  source  of  information  in  my  pos- 
session. 

'I  II  ilof's  not  seem  from  this  that  ho  is  the  same  who  before  had  submitted  at  Plimouth,  as 
Xi.  I'rincf  stipfHwes. 

'.'  Mr.  S.'i-.iltnck  in  his  Hiyt.  Concord,  sajs,  this  "  was  in  Medford,  near  Mystic  Pond." 


IWAT.        [Book  IL 

Dwn,  but  never  any 
you  live  you  will 
ar,  nor  bloody  and 
an  reclaimed ;  easy 
at  his  reason  was 
I  that  he  governed 

u.y." 

habitants,  Hobomok 
t  English  manner 
I  does  not  appear, 

I  voyage  to  Massa- 
that  they  became 
sh  had  heard  that 
d  they  went  (says 
:e  with  them,  and 

the  bottom  of  the 
ed  was  what  has 
iton.  This  was  on 
le  after  they  went 
lected,  with  which 
proceeding  on  an 
!."  They  told  her 
lem  where  to  find 
meeting  with  the 

Bm   (if  he  be  the 

y  seven  days  pre- 

le  was  sachem  of 

i  not  remain  long 

t  to  come  at  har- 

Also  that  Squaw- 

achem,  |  as  we  be- 

the  Nipnets,  or 

.    The  English 

listance  too  great 

the  Indians  they 

And  they  say, 

themselves  to  be 

we  would  be  his 

in  the  country, 

gathered,  a  house 

e,  ^anepashemet, 

ike  others,  but  a 

foot  from  [the] 
n  of  a  hill.  Not 
Nanepashemet,    It 

his  Biog.  ii,  2U. 
e  or  rhimp  of  trees, 
e  whiles  ;  but  Shaw, 
Aud  Stunci,  Hist. 
hill." 

■the  first  more  usual 
title  of  him  that  hath 

heso  voyagers,  but  I 
rmatiou  in  my  pos- 

ittcd  at  Plimouih,  a< 

Mystic  PoikI." 


Chap  II.] 


NANEPASHEMET.— HIS  DEATH,  &c. 


41 


im 


was  made  with  "poles  some  30  or  40  foot  long,  stuck  in  the  ground,  as  tliic.k 
as  they  could  be  set  one  by  another,  aud  with  these  they  enclosed  u  ring 
some  40  or  50  foot  over.  A  trench,  breast  high,  was  digged  on  each  side.* 
One  way  there  was  to  get  into  it  with  a  bridge.  In  the  midst  of  this  pali- 
sado  stood  the  frame  of  an  house,  wherein,  being  dead,  he  lay  buried. 
About  a  mile  from  hence,  we  came  to  such  another,  but  seated  on  the  top " 
of  an  hill.  Here  Nanepashemet  was  killed,  none  dwelling  in  it  since  the 
time  of  his  deatli." 

According  to  Mr.  Ltuns,  JVanepaahemet  was  killed  about  the  year  1619,  aud 
his  widow,  who  was  Squaw-Sachum,  before  named,  continued  tlie  government.t 
He  left  five  children,!  four  of  whose  names  we  gather  fi'om  the  interesting 
History  of  Lynn ;  viz.  1.  Montotoatnpate,  called  by  the  English  Sagmtwre 
James.  He  was  sachem  of  Saugus.  2.  Abigail,  a  daughter.  3.  JVorwhaqua- 
ham,  called  Sagamore  John,  sachem  of  Winnesimet  4.  Winnepurkitt,  called 
Sagamore.  George,  or  George  Rumneymarsh,  the  successor  of  Montowampate  at 
Saugus.    Of  most  of  these  we  shall  speak  in  detail  hereafter. 

Squaw-Sa^^hem,  according  to  the  authority  last  mentioned,  was  the  spouse 
of  }Vy)pacowe',(f  or  JVebcotvU,  in  1635.  She  and  her  husband,  four  years 
after,  l(xJ9,  deeded  to  Jotham  Gihbones  "the  reversion  of  all  that  parcel  of 
land  which  lies  against  the  ponds  of  Mystic,  together  with  the  said  ponds, 
all  which  we  reserved  from  Charlestowu  and  Cambridge,  late  called  New- 
town, after  the  death  of  me,  the  said  Sqtutw-Sachem.''^  The  consideration  was, 
"the  many  kindnesses  and  benefits  we  have  received  from  the  hands  of 
Captain  Edward  Gibbones,  of  Boston." 

The  Squa-Sachem's  mark  '■^w 
Webcowit's  mark  -< — >- 

Webcowit  was  a  powwow  priest,  or  magical  physician,  and  was  considered 
next  in  importance  to  JVanepashemet  among  the  subjects  of  that  chief,  after 
his  death ;  as  a  matter  of  course,  his  widow  took  him  to  her  bed.  It  does 
not  appear,  that  he  was  either  much  respected  or  thought  much  of;  especial* 
ly  by  his  wife,  as  in  the  above  extract  from  their  deed,  no  provision  seems 
to  have  been  made  for  him  after  her  death,  if  he  outlived  her.  At  all 
events,  we  may  conclude,  without  hazard  we  think,  that  if  breeches  had 
been  in  fashion  among  Indians,  the  wife  of  JVebcowit  would  have  been  ac- 
comitable  for  the  article  in  this  case. 

In  1643,  Massachusetts  covenanted  with  "  Wassamequin,  JVashoonon,  Kutch' 
amaquin,  Massaconomet,  and  Squaw-Sachem"^  to  the  end  that  mutual  bene- 
fit might  accrue  to  each  party.  The  sachems  put  themselves  under  the 
government  of  the  English,  agreeing  to  observe  their  laws,  in  as  far  as  they 
should  be  made  to  understand  them.  For  this  confidence  and  concession 
of  their  persons  and  lands  into  their  hands,  the  English  on  their  part  agreed 
to  extend  the  same  protection  to  them  and  their  people  as  to  their  English 
subiects.ir 

What  had  become  of  Webanoit  at  this  time  does  not  appear ;  perhaps  he 
was  off"  powwowing,  or  at  home,  doing  the  ordinary  labor  of  the  household. 
We  hear  of  him,  however,  four  years  after, (1647,)  " taking  an  active  part" 
in  the  endeavors  made  by  the  English  to  Christianize  his  countrymen.  "  He 
asked  thtj  English  why  some  of  them  had  been  27  years  in  the  land,  and 
never  taught  them  to  know  Cod  till  then.  Had  you  done  it  sooner,  (said 
he,)  we  might  have  known  much  of  God  by  this  time,  and  much  sin  might 
have  been  prevented,  but  now  some  of  us  are  grown  [too]  old  in  sin." 

*  Might  not,  then,  the  western  moundt  have  bevn  formed  by  Indians  ? 

t  Hist.  Lynn,  16. 

\  Shatluck,  ib.  who  fixes  her  residence  at  Concord ;  she,  doubtless,  had  sevvral  places  of 
residence. 

4  His  name  is  spelt  WebcowUt  to  MS.  deed  in  my  possession,  and  in  Mr.  I'hdttiick's  MSS. 
Wibbacowitts,  as  appears  from  his  llistfiry. 

II  In  the  History  of  the  Narragansei  Country,  thenc  names  are  written  Wiwmmejnin, 
filaihawatwji,  Cutthamacke,  Masianomell,  and  Squa-Hachem.  See  3  Col.  Mati.  Hist.  Soc. 
i.  212. 

11  See  Gonkin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indian*. 


42 


SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Book  H. 


The  English  said  they  repented  of  their  neglect ;  but  recollecting  themselves 
answered,  "You  were  not  willing  to  heare  till  now,"  and  that  God  had  not 
turned  their  heaits  till  then.* 

Of  the  sachems  who  made  the  covenant  above  named,  the  first  we  suppose 
to  have  been  Massasoit,  on  the  part  of  the  Wampanoags,  who  at  this  time 
was,  perhaps,  among  the  Nipmuks ;  Nashoonon,  a  Nipmuk  chief,  with  whom 
Massasoit  now  resided.  His  residence  was  near  what  was  since  Magus  Hill, 
in  Worcester  county.  He  was  probably  at  Plimouth,  13  Sept,  1621,  where 
he  signed  a  treaty  with  eight  others,  as  we  have  set  down  in  the  life  of  Caun- 
bitant  His  name  is  there  spelt  JVattawahunt.  In  Winthrop's  Journal, 
it  is  Nashacmoam,  and  we  suppose  he  was  father  of  JVassowanno,  mentioned 
by  Whitney.]  Kukhamaquin  was  sachem  of  Dorchester  and  vicuiity,  and 
Massaconomd  WAS  Mascononomo.  '    ■'      «•■    sv  . 


CHAPTER  m. 

Some  account  of  the  Massachusetts — Geography  of  their  country — Chikataubut — 
Wampatuck — his  tear  xeith  the  Mohawks — Mascononomo — Canosicus — MoN- 
TOWAMPATE — Small-pox  distresses  the  Indian^ — WoNOHAQnAHAM — Winnepur- 

KIT —  MaNATAH(IUA — SCITTERYGUSSET — NaTTAHATTA  WANTS — WahGUMACUT- 

Jack-Stbaw— James.  .  ,       .  , 

WoT'long  before  the  settlement  of  Plimouth,  the  Massachusetts  had  been 
a  numerous  peojjle,  but  were  greatly  reduced  at  this  time ;  partly  from  the 
great  plague,  of  which  we  have  already  sjioken,  and  subsequently  from  their 
wars  witii  the  Tarratines.  O^  this  war  none  but  the  scanty  records  of  the 
first  settlers  are  to  be  had,  and  in  them  few  particulars  are  prcsci-ved ;  { 
therefore  it  will  not  be  expected  that  ever  a  complete  account  of  the  territo- 
ries and  })0\vcr  of  tlie  JMassachusetts  can  be  given ;  broken  down  as  they 
were  at  the  tunc  they  became  known  to  the  Europeans ;  for  we  have  seen  that 
their  sacliems,  wlien  first  visited  by  the  Plimouth  people,  were  shifting  for 
their  lives — not  during  to  lodge  a  second  night  in  the  same  place,  from  their 
fear  of  the  Tarratines.  Hence,  if  these  Indians  had  existed  as  an  independ- 
ent tribe,  tlicir  hi.story  was  long  since  swept  away  "  hi  gloomy  tempests," 
and  obscured  in  "a  niglit  of  clouds,"  and  nothing  but  a  meagre  tradition  re- 
mained. For  some  time  after  the  countiy  was  settled,  they  would  fly  for 
protection  Ironi  tlie  Tariatines  to  the  houses  of  the  English. 

It  is  said,  by  Mr.  Gopkin,  that  "  their  chief  sachem  held  dominion  over 
many  other  petty  governors ;  as  those  of  Weechagaskas,  Neponsitt,  Punka- 
l)aog,  Nonaiituui,  Nashaway,  some  of  the  Nipnuick  i)eo|)le,  as  far  as  Pokom- 
takukc,  as  the  old  men  of  Massachusetts  affirmed.  This  people  could,  in 
former  time8,  arm  for  war  about  3000  men,  as  the  old  Indians  declare. 
They  were  in  hostility  very  often  with  the  NaiTagansitts ;  but  held  amity, 
for  the  most  jmit,  with  the  Pawkunnawkutt8."§  Near  the  mouth  of  Charles 
River  "  used  to  be  the  general  rendezvous  of  all  the  Indians,  both  on  the 
south  and  norlii  side  of  the  country ."|I  Hidchinson^  says,  "That  circle 
which  now  makes  the  harbors  of  Boston  and  Charlestown,  round  by  Mai- 
den, Chclyca,  Nantaskct,  Hingham,  Weymouth,  Braintree,  and  Dorchester, 
was  the  capital  of  a  great  sachem,**  much  revered  by  all  the  plantations 
round  about.  Tiio  trailition  is,  that  this  sachem  had  his  principal  seat  upon 
a  small  hill,  or  rihing  upland,  in  the  midst  of  a  body  ot  salt  marsh  in  the 
township  of  Dorchester,  near  to  a  place  called  Squantum."ft    Hence  it  will 


•  Hist.  Coiirord,  25. 


t  Hist.  Worcester  Co.  174. 


\  This  war  was  oaiisml,  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  "upon  the  account  of  some  treacliery "  on 
the  part  of  the  westorn  tribes,  i.  e.  the  tribes  west  of  the  Merrimack.     Itist.  Neie.  Eng.  30. 

A  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  .Soc.  i.  14«.  ||  Hist.  N.  Eng.  32. 

tT  From  Neid's  I  fist.  N.  F.ng.,  probably,  which  see. 

**  It  will  he  a  good  wiiilc  before  the  present  possessors  of  the  country  can  boast  of  such  a 
capital. 

tt  Hist.  Moss.  i.  ICO.    ^Vnd  here  it  was,  I  suppose,  that  the  Plimoutli  people  landed  in  their 


Chap.  III.] 


CHIKATAUBUT-VISITS  BOSTON. 


43 


nno,  mentioned 
id  vicinity,  and 


be  observed,  that  among  the  accounts  of  the  earliest  writers,  the  dominions 
of  the  different  sachems  were  considered  as  comprehended  witliin  very 
different  limits ;  a  kind  of  general  idea,  therefore,  can  only  be  had  of  the 
extent  of  their  possessions.  It  is  evident  that  the  Massttchusetts  were  either 
subject  to  the  Narragansetts,  or  in  alliance  whh  them ;  for  when  the  latter 
were  at  war  witli  the  Pequots,  Chikataubvt  and  Sagamore  John  both  went 
with  many  men  to  aid  Canonieua,  who  had  sent  for  them.  This  war  began 
in  1632,  and  ended  in  1635,  to  the  advantage  of  the  Pequots. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  epeok  of  the  chiefs  agreeably  to  our  plan. 

Chilcataubut,  or  Chikkatabak, — in  English,  a  house-orfin, — was  a  sachem  ef 
considerable  note,  and  generally  supposed  to  have  had  dominion  over  the 
Massachusetts  Indians.  Thomas  Morion  mentions  him  in  his  New  Canaan, 
as  sachem  of  Passonagesit,  (about  Weymouth,)  and  says  his  mother  was 
buried  there.  I  need  make  no  comments  upon  the  authority,  or  warn  the 
reader  concerning  the  stories  of  Morton,  as  this  is  done  in  almost  every 
book,  early  and  late,  about  New  England ;  but  shall  relate  the  following 
from  him. 

In  the  first  settling  of  Plimouth,  some  of  the  company,  in  wandering  about 
upon  discovery,  came  upon  an  Indian  grave,  which  was  that  of  the  mother 
of  Chikatavbut.  Over  the  body  a  stake  was  set  in  the  ground,  and 
two  bear-skins,  sewed  together,  spread  over  it;  these  the  English  took 
away.  When  this  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Chikataubut,  he  complained  to 
his  people,  and  demanded  immediate  vengeance.  When  they  were  as- 
sembled, he  thus  harangued  them :  "  When  last  the  glorious  light  of  all  the 
sky  was  underneath  thia  globe,  and  birds  grew  silent,  I  began  to  settle,  as 
my  custom  is,  to  take  repose.  Before  mine  eyes  were  fast  closed,  me  tho't 
I  saw  a  vision,  at  which  my  spirit  was  much  troubled,  and  trembling  at  that 
doleful  sight,  a  spirit  cried  aloud,  *  Behold !  my  son,  whom  I  have  chorished ; 
see  the  paps  that  gave  thee  suck,  the  hands  that  clasped  thee  warm,  and  fed 
thee  oft ;  canst  thou  forget  to  take  revenge  of  those  wild  people,  that  hath 
my  monument  defaced  in  a  despiteful  manner ;  disdaining  our  ancient  anti- 
quities, and  honorable  customs.  Se^  now  the  snchem's  grave  lies  like  unto 
the  common  people,  of  ignoble  race  defaced.  Tliy  mother  doth  complain, 
implores  thy  aid  against  this  thievish  people  new  come  hither ;  if  this  be 
suffered,  I  shall  not  rest  in  quiet  within  my  everlasting  habitation.'  "* 

BAttle  was  the  unanimous  resolve,  and  the  English  were  watched,  and 
followed  from  place  to  place,  until  at  length,  as  some  were  going  ashore  in 
a  boat,  they  fell  upon  them,  but  gained  no  advantage.  After  maintaining 
the  fight  for  some  time,  and  being  driven  from  tree  to  tree,  the  chief  captain 
was  wounded  in  the  arm,  and  the  whole  took  to  flight  This  action  caused 
the  natives  about  Plimouth  to  look  upon  the  Englisn  as  invincible,  and  .'his 
was  the  reason  why  peace  was  so  long  mainuiincd  between  them.  Of  the 
time  and  circumstances  of  this  battle  or  fight  we  have  detailed  at  length  in 
a  previous  chapter. 

Mourfs  Relation  goes  far  to  establish  the  main  facts  in  the  above  account. 
It  says,  "  We  brought  sundry  of  the  prettiest  things  away  with  us,  and  cov- 
ered the  corpse  up  again,"  and,  "  there  was  variety  of  opinions  amongst  us 
about  the  embalmed  person,"  but  no  mention  of  the  bear-skins. 

From  a  comparison  of  the  different  accounts,  there  is  but  little  doubt,  that 
the  English  were  attacked  at  Namskekit,  in  consequence  of  their  depreda- 
tions upon  the  graves,  corn,  &c.  of  the  Indians. 

In  1621,  Chikataubut,  with  eight  other  sachems,  acknowledged,  by  a  writ- 
ten instrument,  which  we  have  already  given,  themselves  the  subjects  of 
King  James.  Ten  years  after  this,  23  March,  1631,  he  visited  Governor 
Winthmp  at  Boston,  and  presented  him  with  a  hogshead  of  corn.  Many  of 
"  his  sannops  and  squaws "  came  with  him,  but  were  most  of  them  sent 
away,  "  after  they  had  all  dined,"  although  it  thundered  and  rained,  and  the 
governor  urged  their  stay;  Chikalavbut  probably  feared  they  would  be 

voyage  to  Massachusetts  berore  spoken  of,  oiid  from  SquarUo  who  was  with  them  it  probably 
received  its  name. 

*  If  this  be  fiction,  a  modem  compiler  has  deceived  some  of  his  readers.  The  article  io 
the  AnaleHic  Magatint  may  have  been  his  source  of  information,  but  the  original  may  be 
seen  in  Morion's  iVeio  Canaan,  106  and  107. 


ii 


CHIKATAUBUT— HIS  DEATH. 


(Book  II. 


burdensome.  At  this  time  he  wore  English  clothes,  and  sat  at  the  govern- 
or's table,  "  where  he  behaved  himself  as  soberly,  &c.  as  an  Englisnman." 
Not  long  after,  he  called  on  Gfovernor  fVinthrop,  and  desired  to  buy  clothes 
for  himself;  the  governor  informed  him  that  "  English  sagamores  did  not 
use  to  truck ;  *  but  he  called  his  tailor,  and  gave  him  order  to  make  him  a 
suit  of  clothes ;  whereupon  he  gave  the  governor  two  large  skins  of  coat 
beaver."  In  a  few  days  his  clotheB  tvere  ready,  and  the  governor  "put  him 
into  a  very  good  new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  and  after,  he  set  meat  before 
them ;  but  he  would  not  eat  till  the  governor  had  given  Uianks,  and  after  meat 
he  desired  him  to  do  the  like,  and  so  departed." 

June  14, 1631,  at  a  court,  Chikaiavhvt  was  ordered  to  pay  a  small  skin  of 
beaver,  to  satisfy  for  one  of  his  men's  having  killed  a  pig, — which  he  com- 
plied with.  A  man  by  the  name  of  Plaatowe,  and  some  others,  having  stolen 
com  from  him,  the  same  year,  the  court.  Sept  27,  ordered  that  Plaatoiee  should 
restore  "  two-fold,"  and  lose  his  title  of  gentleman,  and  pay  £5.  This  I  sup- 
pose they  deemed  equivalent  to  four-fold.  H>s  accomplices  were  whipped, 
to  the  same  amount.  The  next  year  we  find  him  engaged  with  other  sachems 
in  an  expedition  against  the  Pequots.  The  same  year  two  of  his  men  were 
convicted  of  assamting  some  persons  of  Dorchester  in  their  houses.  "  They 
were  put  in  the  bilboes,"  and  himself  required  to  beat  them,  which  he  did.t 

The  small-pox  was  very  prevalent  among  the  Indians  in  1633,  in  which 
year,  some  time  m  November,  Chikatavbut  med. 

The  residence  of  the  family  of  CMkaiaubut  was  at  Tehticut,  now  included 
in  Middleborough.  He  was  in  obedience  to  MasaaaoU,  and,  like  other  chiefs, 
had  various  places  of  resort,  to  suit  the  different  seasons  of  the  year; 
sometimes  at  Wessnguscussct,  sometimes  at  Neponset,  and  especially  upon 
that  part  of  Namasket  |  called  Tehticut.  This  was  truly  a  river  of  saga- 
mores. Its  abundant  stores  of  fish,  in  the  spring,  drew  them  fit)m  all  parts 
of  the  realm  of  the  chief  sadhem. 

In  deeds,  given  by  the  Indians,  the  |)lace  of  their  residence  is  generally 
mentioned,  and  from  what  we  shall  recite  in  the  progress  of  this  article,  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  same  chief  has  difterent  residences  assigned  to  him. 

August  5, 1665,  Quincy,  then  Braintree,  was  deeded  by  a  son  of  Cfukatau- 
iut,  in  these  terms : — 

§  "  To  all  Indian  people  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come ;  fFampatuck, 
alias  Joaiah  Sagamore,  of  Massathusetts,  in  Newengland,  the  son  of  Chikatau- 
but  deceased,  sendeth  greeting.  Know  yoo  that  the  said  TVatmrntuck,  being 
of  full  age  and  power,  according  to  the  order  and  custom  of  the  natives, 
hath,  wiui  the  consent  of  his  wise  men,  viz.  Smuaiwg,  his  brother  Daniel, 
and  Old  Hahatun,  and  William  MananiomoU,  Job  JS/aaaott,  Manuntago  fViUiam 
MihantonW"  "For  divers  goods  and  valuable  reasons  therunto;  and  in 
special  for  "£21  10s.  in  hand.    It  was  subscribed  and  witnessed  thus : — 

JosiAH,  aliaa  Wampatuck,  his  |0  marke. 
Daniel  SquAHOo,  and  a  mark. 
Old  Nahatun,  and  a  mark. 
'  William  Manumon,  aruf  a  marA^ 

Job  Noistenns. 

Robert,  alias  Mamuntaoo,  and  a  meark. 
William  Hahatcn. 
In  prtaence  of 
Thomas  KETAHecirssoN,  and  a  mark  O. 
JosEPB  Marunion,  his  I —  mark. 
Thomas  Wethocs,  his  O  mark. 

*  However  true  this  might  have  been  of  the  governor,  at  least,  we  think,  he  should  not 
kave  used  the  plural. 

t  "  The  most  usual  custom  amongst  them  in  exercising  punishments,  is,  for  the  sachem 
«iU)er  to  beat,  or  whip,  or  put  to  death  with  his  own  hand,  to  which  the  common  sort  most 
qiueUy  submit."     WiUianu. 

t  Nfamaiiasuok  signified  in  their  \aaeuttffejuhes,  and  some  early  wrote  Namasoheuok. 

$  History  of  Quincy,  by  Rev.  Mr.  Whtitiey,  taken  from  the  original  in  the  possession  of  the 
Hon.  J.  Q.  Adam*. 

J  NicJiaton,ot  Ahaton,  end  the  same  sometimes  written  AeAou<en.  See  WorMngUm'a 
Jiut.  J)edham,2l.    He  sold  lands  upon  Chailes  River  in  1680.   ii. 


Chap.  III.] 


WAMPATUCK.— HIS  MOHAWK  WAR. 


45 


ink,  be  should  uo> 


ee  WorMtgtorii 


There  is  a  quit-claim  deed  from  "  Charles  Joaias,  alias  Josias  Wamvatuck, 
grandson  of  Ckikatavbut,  dated  19  Mar.  1695,  of  Boston  and  the  adjacent 
country,  and  the  islands  in  the  harbor,  to  the  "  proprietated  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Boston,"  to  be  seen  among  the  Suffolk  records.*  Wampaiuck  says, 
or  some  one/or  him,  "  Forasmuch  as  I  am  informed,  and  well  assured  from 
several  ancient  Indians,  as  well  thosBj^^of  my  council  as  others,  that,  upon 
the  first  coming  of  the  English  to  sitflbwn  and  settle  in  those  parts  of  New 
England,  my  above-named  grandfath^i  Ckikatai^ut,  by  and  with  the  advice 
of  his  council,  for  encouragement  thereof  moving,  did  give,  grant,  sell,  alien- 
ate, and  confh-m  unto  the  English  planters,"  the  lands  above  named. 

Besides  Josias,  there  signed  this  deed  with  him,  ^hawton,  sen.,  fVUliam  JHa- 
haton,  and  Robert  Momentange. 

Josias,  or  Josiah  JVampatuck,  was  sachem  of  Mattakeesett,t  and,  from 
the  deeds  which  he  gave,  must  have  been  the  owner  of  much  of  the  lands 
southward  of  Boston.  In  1653,  he  sold  to  Timothy  Hatherly,  James  Cudworth, 
Joseph  Tilden,  Humphrey  Turner,  William  Hatch,  John  Hoare,  and  James  Tor- 
rey,  a  large  tract  of  land  in  the  vicinity  of  Accord  Pond  and  North  River. 

In  16&,  he  sold  Pachage  Neck,  [now  called  Ptchmk,]  "lying  between 
Namas-sakett  riuer  and  a  brook  falhng  into  Teticutt  riuer,  viz.  the  most 
westerly  of  the  three  small  brookes  that  do  fall  into  the  said  riuer ; "  like- 
wise all  the  meadow  upon  said  three  brooks,  for  £21.  Also,  another  tract 
bounded  by  Plimouth  and  Duxbury  on  one  side,  and  Bridgewater  on  the 
other,  extending  to  the  great  pond  Mattakeeset ;  provided  it  included  not  the 
1000  acres  given  to  his  son  and  George  Wampey,  about  those  ponds.  This 
deed  was  witnessed  by  George  Wampey  and  John  Wampowes. 

After  the  death  of  his  father,  Josias  was  often  called  Josias  Ckikataubut. 
In  the  PiiHOUTH  Records  we  find  this  notice,  but  without  date :  "Memoran- 
dum, that  Josias  ChickabuM  and  his  wife  doe  ovme  the  whole  necke  of  Pun- 
kateesett  to  beloing  vnto  Plymouth  men,"  &c. 

In  1668,  "  Josias  Chickatabutt,  sachem  of  Namassakeesett,"  sold  to  Robert 
Studson  of  Scituate,  a  tract  of  land  called  JSTanumackeuitt,  for  a  "  valuable 
consideration,"  as  the  deed  expresses  it.  This  tract  was  bounded  on  the 
east  by  Scituate. 

Josias  had  a  son  Jeremy ;  and  "  Charles  Josiah,  son  of  Jeremy,  was  the  last  of 
the  race."t    Of  Josiah,  Sir.  Gookin  gives  us  important  information. 

War  between  the  Massachusett  Indians  and  Mohawks.  In  the  year  1669, "  the 
war  having  now  continued  between  the  Maquas  and  our  Indians,  a,bout  six 
years,  divers  Indians,  our  neighbors,  united  their  forces  together,  and  made 
an  army  of  about  6  or  700  men,  and  marched  into  the  Maquas'  country,  to 
take  revenge  of  them.  This  enterprise  was  contrived  and  undertaken 
without  the  privity,  and  contrary  to  the  advice  of  their  English  frienda  Mr. 
Eliot  and  myself  in  particular,  dissuaded  them,  and  gave  them  several 
reasons  against  it,  but  they  would  not  hear  us."  Five  of  the  Christian 
Indians  went  out  with  them,  and  but  one  only  returned  alive.  "  The  chief- 
est  general  in  this  expedition  was  tlie  principal  sachem  of  Massachusetts, 
named  Josiah,  alias  ChekatabvM,  a  wise  and  stout  man,  of  middle  age,  but  a 
very  vicious  person.  He  had  considerable  knowledge  in  the  Christian 
religion ;  and  sometime,  when  he  was  younger,  seemed  to  profess  it  for  a 
time ; — for  he  was  bred  up  by  his  uncle,  Kuchamakin,  who  was  tlie  first 
sachem  and  his  people  to  whom  Mr.  Eliot  preached."  § 

Of  those  who  went  out  with  Wampaivk  from  other  tribes  we  have  no  rec- 
ord ;  but  there  were  many,  probably,  as  usual  upon  such  exijcditions. 

This  army  arrived  at  the  Mohawk  fort  after  a  journey  of  about  200  miles ; 
when,  upon  besieging  it  some  time,  and  having  some  of  their  men  killed  in 
sallies,  and  sundry  others  sick,  they  gave  up  the  siege  and  retreated.  Mean- 
while the  Mohawks  pursued  them,  got  in  their  front,  and,  from  an  ambush, 

*  Printed  at  length  in  Snmo's  Hist.  Boston,  389,  et  eel. 
f  Dearie's  HUt.  Scituate,  144. 

I  Ibid.    Si/immnnr;  was  a  lirolher  of  Josiah,  and  ruled  "  as  sachem  during  the  minorily  " 
of  Jeremy.    Dr.  Harris,  Hist.  Dorchester,  IG,  17. 
$  1  Coll.  Masn.  Hist.  Hoc.  i.  IGG. 


1; 


III 


h 
il  III 


m 


hi  1 


46 


MASCONONOMO  OF  AGAWAM. 


[Book  II 


attacked  them  in  a  defile,  and  a  great  fight  ensued.  Finally  the  Mohawks 
were  put  to  flight  by  the  extraordinary  bravery  and  prowesB  of  ChikataubiU 
and  hi8  captains.  But  what  was  most  calamitous  in  this  disastrous  expedi- 
tion, was,  tne  loss  of  the  great  chief  CkHu^uhtU,  who,  after  performing  prodi- 
gies of  valor,  was  killed  in  repelling  the  Mohawks  in  their  last  attack,  with 
almost  all  his  captains,  in  number  about  50,  as  was  supposed.*  This  was  a 
severe  stroke  to  these  Indians,  aaitnbey  suffered  much  from  chagrin  on 
their  return  home.  The  Mohav^sl^onsidered  themselves  their  masters, 
and  although  a  peace  was  brought  about  between  them,  by  the  mediation  of 
the  English  and  Dutch  on  each  side,  yet  the  Massachusetts  and  others  of\cu 
suffered  from  their  incursions. 

A  chief  of  much  the  same  importance  as  Chikataubut  and  his  sons,  was 
MatcononomOf  or  Masconomo,  sachem  of  Agawam,  nince  called  Ipswich. 
When  the  fleet  which  brought  over  the  colony  that  settled  Boston,  in  ICSO, 
anchored  near  Cape  Ann,  he  welcomed  them  to  his  shores,  and  spent  some 
time  on  board  one  of  the  Bhip8.t 

On  the  28th  June,  1638,  Maacononomet  X  executed  a  deed  of  "all  his  lands 
in  Ipswich,"  to  John  Winthrop,  jr.,  for  the  sum  of  £20.§ 

At  a  court  in  July,  1631,  it  wos  ordered,  that  "  the  sagamore  of  Agawum  is 
banished  from  commg  into  any  Englishman's  house  for  a  year,  under  penalty 
often  beaver-skins."  ||  This  was  probably  done  in  retaliation  for  his  having 
committed  acts  of  violence  on  the  Tarratines,  who  soon  after  came  out 
with  great  force  against  Maacononomo ;  he  having,  "as  was  usually  said, 
treacherously  killed  some  of  those  Tarratine  families."1I  It  would  seem 
that  he  expected  an  attack,  and  had  therefore  called  to  his  aid  some  of  the 
sachems  near  Boston ;  for  it  so  happened  that  Montowampate  and  fVonoha- 

Suaham  were  at  Agawam  when  the  Tairatines  made  an  attack,  but  whether 
y  concert  or  accident  is  not  dear. 

To  the  number  of  100  mdn,  in  three  canoes,  the  Tarratines  came  out  on 
this  enterprise,  on  the  8  August  following.  They  attacked  Matconorumo  and 
his  guests  in  his  wigwam  in  the  night,  killed  seven  men,  wounded  Mucono- 
nomo  himself,  and  Montowampate,  and  Wanohaquaham,  and  sevaraT others  who 
afterwards  died.  They  took  the  wife  of  Montowampate  captive,  but  it  so  hap- 
pened that  Abraham  Shurd  of  Pcmmaquid  ransomed  her,  and  sent  her  home, 
where  she  arrived  on  the  17  September  the  same  autumn.**  From  Mr.  Cob- 
bePs  account,  it  appears  that  they  came  ugainst  the  English,  who,  but  for  an 
Indian,  named  Bobin,  would  have  been  cut  off,  as  the  able  men  at  this  time, 
belonging  to  Ipswich,  did  not  exceed  30 ;  and  most  of  these  were  from  home 
on  the  day  the  attack  was  to  have  been  made.  Robin,  having  by  some  means 
found  out  their  intentions,  went  to  John  Perltins,]^  and  told  him  that  on  such 
a  day  four  Tarratines  would  come  and  invite  the  English  to  trade, "  and  draw 
them  down  the  hill  to  the  water  side,"  when  40  canoes  full  of  armed  Indians 
wouJd  be  ready,  under  "  the  brow  of  the  hill,"  to  fall  upon  them.  It  turned 
out  as  SoMn  had  reported ;  but  the  Indians  were  frightened  off  by  a  false 
show  of  numbers,  an  old  drum,  and  a  few  guns,  without  efi'ecting  their 
objectti 

We  near  no  more  of  him  imtil  1644,  March  8,  when,  at  a  court  held  in 
Boston,  •  Cvtshamdtin  and  Squaw-Sachem^  Masconomo,  JSfashacoteam  and  Was- 
samofrin,  two  sachems  near  the  great  hill  to  the  wes^  called  fVachusett,  came 
into  the  court,  and,  according  to  their  former  tender  lo  the  governor,  desired 
to  be  received  under  our  protection§§  and  government,  upon  the  same  terms 

•  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  167. 

t  Hist.  N.  England. 

I  This  is  doubtless  the  most  correct  spelling  of  his  name.  It  is  scarce  spelt  Iwiee  alike  in 
the  MS.  records. 

5  Records  of  Gen.  Court,  v.  381.  ||  Prince,  367. 

IT  Hubbard's  N.  E.  145. 

*•  VVinthrop's  Joar.—Leieis's  Hist.  Lynn,  39,  W.—Felt'i  Hist.  Ipswich,  3. 

ft  Quarter-master,  "  living  then  in  a  lilde  hut  upon  his  father's  island  on  this  side  of  Jeof- 
ry's  Neck."    M8.  Narrative. 

tt  Cohbel's  MS.  Narrative. 

^j^  They  desired  this  from  their  great  fear  of  the  Mohawks,  it  is  said. 


Chap.  III.] 


MONTOWAMPATE.-WONOHAQUAHi 


47 


r  "all  his  lands 


twiee  alike  in 


that  Purrliam  and  Sacononoco  were.  So  we  causing  them  to  understand  the 
articles,  and  all  the  ten  commandments  of  God,  and  they  freely  adM^nting  tu 
all,*  they  were  solemnly  received,  and  then  presented  the  court  with  iwenty- 
six  fathom  of  wampum,  and  the  court  gave  each  of  them  a  com  of  two  yiurdH 
of  cloth,  and  their  dinner ;  and  to  them  and  their  men,  every  oi  •  of  them,  a 
cup  of  sac  at  their  departure ;  so  they  ^Mlpve,  and  went  away  very  joyful."t 

In  the  Town  Records  of  Ipswich,  umbBflate  18  June  1658,  a  grant  is  ma<l»>  to 
the  widow  of  Mcacononomo,  of  "  that  pilKjIl  of  land  which  her  husband  iiod 
fenced  in,"  so  long  as  she  should  remam  a  widow.  Her  husband  was  the  last 
of  the  sachems  of  Agawam,  and  with  him,  says  Mr. FeU,  descended  ''his  feble 
and  broken  scepter  to  the  grave."  He  died  on  the  6  March,  1658,  and  was 
buried  on  Sagamore  Hill,  now  within  the  bounds  of  Hamilton.  His  gun  and 
other  valuable  implements  were  interred  with  him.  "  Idle  curiosity,  wanton, 
saci'ilegious  sport,  prompted  an  individual  to  dig  up  the  remains  of  this  chief, 
and  to  carry  his  scull  on  a  pole  through  Ipswich  streets.  Such  an  act  of  bar- 
barity was  severely  frowned  ujjon,  and  speedily  visited  with  retributive  civil 
justice."  t 

MONTOWAMPATE,  sagamore  of  Lynn  and  Marblehead,  was  known  more 
generally  among  the  whites  as  Sagamore  James.  He  was  son  of  ,^anepashemet, 
imd  brother  of  fFonohaquaham  and  tVinnepurkilt.^  He  died  in  1633,  of  the 
small-pox, •''with  most  of  his  people.  It  is  said  that  these  two  promised,  if 
ever  they  recovered,  to  live  with  the  English,  and  serve  their  Grod."|| 
Moixtowaxnpale,  havuig  been  defrauded  of  20  beaver-skins,  by  a  man  named 
WattSi  who  had  since  gone  to  England,  he  went  to  Gov.  Wivthrop  on  the  26 
March,  1631,  to  know  how  he  should  obtain  recompense.  The  governor  gave 
him  a  letter  to  Emanvd  Douming,  Esq.  of  London,  from  which  circumstance 
it  >VDuId  seem  that  the  chief  determined  to  go  there ;  and  it  is  said  that  he 
actually  visited  England  and  received  his  due.1[  The  histories  of  those  times 
give  a  melancholy  picture  of  the  distresses  caused  by  the  small-pox  among  the 
*<  %vretched  natives."  "  There  are,"  says  Mather,  "  some  old  planters  surviving 
to  this  day,  who  helped  to  bury  the  dead  Indians ;  even  whole  families  of 
them  all  dead  at  once.  In  one  of  the  wigwams  they  found  a  poor  infant  suck- 
ing at  the  breast  of  the  dead  mother."**  The  same  author  observes  that,  before 
the  disease  began,  the  Indians  had  begun  to  quarrel  with  the  English  about 
the  bounds  of  their  lands,  "  but  God  ended  the  controversy  by  sending  the 
small-pox  among  the  Indians  at  Saugus,  who  were  before  that  time  exceeding- 
ly numerous." 

We  have  mentioned  another  of  the  family  of  JVanepaakemet,  also  a  sachem. 
This  was  Wonokaqucdrnm,  called  by  the  English  Sagamore  John,  of  Winisiraet. 
His  residence  was  at  what  was  then  called  Rumneymarah,  part  of  which  is 
now  in  Chelsea  and  part  in  Saugus.§  As  early  as  1(91,  he  had  cause  to  com- 
plain that  some  of  the  English  settlers  had  burnt  two  of  his  wigsvams. 
"  Which  wigwams,"  says  Governor  Dudlerf,^  "  were  not  inhabited,  but  stood  in 
a  place  convenient  for  their  shelter,  when,  upon  occasion,  they  should  travel 
that  way."  The  court,  upon  examination,  found  that  a  servant  of  Sir  R.  Sal- 
tonslall  had  been  the  means  of  the  mischief,  whose  master  was  ordered  to 
make  satisfaction,  "  which  he  did  by  seven  yards  of  cloth,  and  that  his  servant 
pay  him,  at  the  end  of  his  time,  fifty  shillings  sterling."!^  Sagamore  John  died 
at  Winisimet,  in  1633,  of  the  8mall-pox.§§  He  desired  to  become  acquainted 
with  the  Englishmen's  God,  in  his  sickness,  and  requested  them  to  take  his 
two  sons  and  instruct  them  in  Christianity,  which  they  did.|||| 

WinnepMriMtt,1T1I  who  married  a  daughter  of  Passaconaway,  makes  considera- 
ble figure  also  in  our  Indian  annals.  He  was  bom  about  1616,  and  succeeded 
Montowampate  at  his  death,  in  1633.    The  English  called  him  George  Rumruy- 

*  The  articles  which  tbey  subscribed,  will  be  seen  at  large  when  the  Manuscript  Hist,  of  the 
Praying  Indians,  by  Daniel  Oookin,  shall  be  published.  They  do  not  read  precisely  as 
rendered  by  Winthrop. 

t  }y\nthrop's  Journal.  %  Hist.  Ipswich,  5.  §  Lewis's  Hist.  Lynn,  16, 17. 

I  HisL  of  New  England,  195.  IT  Hitjtor^r  of  Lynn,  38.  «*  Relation,  &c.  S3. 

ft  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  26,  (idition  1696, 

it  Prince's  Chronologv-.  $}  History  of  New  England,  195,  660. 

II II  Wonder-working  Providence.  ITTI  Spelt  also  Winnaperket. 


n,j! 


ill 


•i.    ? 


48 


mi 


NATAHQUA.-NATTAHATTAWANTS. 


[Book  II. 


marsh,  and  at  one  time  he  was  proprietor  of  Deer  Island,  in  Boston  harbor. 
"  In  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  he  went  to  Barhadoes.  It  is  supposed  that  he 
was  carried  there  with  the  prisoners  who  were  sold  for  slaves,  at  the  end  of 
Philips  war.  He  died  soon  after  his  return,  in  1684,  at  the  house  of  Mumin- 
qmsn^  aged  68  years."  Ahawayetsquaine,  daughter  of  Poquanum,  is  also  men- 
tioned as  his  wife,  by  whom  he  hadJpKal  children.* 

Manalahqvn,  called  also  Bla4sk^umlm^  was  a  sachem,  and  proprietor  of  Na- 
hant,  when  the  w^jaccnt  country  wp^wttled  by  the  whites.  His  father  lived 
at  Swampscot,  and  was  also  a  sagamore,  but  probably  was  dead  before  the 
English  settled  in  tlie  country .f  A  traveller  in  this  then  J  wilderness  world, 
thus  notices  fflUiam,  and  his  possessing  Nahnnt.  "One  Black-william,  axi 
Indian  Duke,  out  of  his  generosity  gave  this  place  in  general  to  the  plantation 
of  Saugus,  so  that  no  other  can  a])propriate  it  to  himself."  He  was  a  great 
friend  to  tlie  whites,  but  his  friendship  was  repaid,  as  was  that  of  many  others 
of  that  and  even  much  later  times.  There  was  a  man  by  the  name  ot  Walter 
Bagnall,  nicknamed  Great  Wo<,  "a  wicked  fellow,"  who  had  much  wronged 
the  Indians,^  killed  near  the  mouth  of  Saco  River,  ])robably  by  some  of 
those  whom  he  had  defrauded.  This  was  in  Octobei-,  1031.  As  soirie  vessels 
were  upon  the  eastern  coast  in  search  of  pirates,  in  January,  1633,  they  put  in 
at  Richmond's  Island,  where  they  fell  in  with  Black-william.    This  was  the 

})lace  where  Bagnall  had  been  killed  about  two  years  before  ;  but  whether  he 
lad  any  thing  to  do  with  it,  does  not  ap])ear,  nor  do  I  find  that  any  one,  even 
his  murderers,  pretended  he  was  any  way  imijlii-ated  ;  but,  out  of  re\enge  for 
BagnaWs  death,  these  pirate-huntere  hanged  Black-william.  On  the  contrciy, 
it  was  particularly  mentioned  ||  that  Bagiiall  was  killed  by  SquiJraijset  and  his 
men,  some  Indians  belonging  to  that  part  of  the  country. 

This  Squidrayset,  or  Scittcrys^itssct,  for  wliose  act  Mannlahqua  sufRred,  was 
the  first  sachem  who  dccdetjl  land  in  Falmoutli,  Elaine;.  A  creek  near  the 
mouth  of  Presumpscot  River  perpetuates  his  name  to  this  day.  Mr.  lyUli.i 
supposes  he  was  sachei^i  of  the  Aucocisco  tribe,  who  inhabited  between  the 
Androscoggin  and  Saco  rivers;  and  that  from  Atieocisco  comes  Ciisco.'f 
There  can  be  but  little  doui»t  that  Bagnall  defl-rved  his  fhtc,**  if  any  deserve 
such ;  but  the  other  was  the  act  of  white  men,  and  we  k-ave  the  reader  to 
draw  the  parallel  between  the  two:  perhai)s  he  will  inquire,  JVerc  the  murderers 
of  MANATAHquA  brought  to  justice"^  All  we  can  answer  is.  The  records  are  si- 
lent.   Perhaps  it  was  considered  an  offset,  to  tin?  murder  of  Bagnnll, 

Mittahattaicants,  in  the  year  1(>42,  sold  to  Simon  If 'illanl,  in  behalf  of  "  Mr, 
Winthrop,  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  MweU,  and  Mr.  Alden,"  a  larg(;  tract  of  land  upon 
both  side  s  Concord  River.  "  Mr.  Winthrop,  w\v  present  governor,  1260  acres, 
Mr.  Dudley,  1500  acres,  on  the  S.  E.  wide  of  the  river,  Mr.  JVowell,  .500  acres, 
and  Mr.  Men,  500  acres,  on  the  N.  E.  side  of  the  river,  and  in  considtTation 
hereof  the  said  Simon  giueth  to  the;  said  J\''altahattau'nnts  six  fadom  of  waom- 
pampege,  one  wtustcoat,  and  one  bn!eches,  and  the  said  JVitttahattawants  doth 
covenant  and  bind  himself,  that  h(;e  nor  any  other  Indians  fthall  set  traps  with- 
in this  ground,  so  as  any  cattle  might  reeieve  hurt  thereby,  and  what  cattle 
shall  rec«MV(!  hurt  by  this  meaiies,  bee  shall  be  lyable  to  make  it  good."  [In 
the  deed,  jVattahaitawants  is  called  sachem  of  that  land.l 

Witnessed  hy  The  mark  of  #  Natahattawants. 

three  whites.  The  mark  y  %  Winmpin,  an  Indian 

,  that  tratkdfor  him.^ 


The  name  of  this  chief,  as  appeni-s  from  docinnents  copied  by  Mr.  Shatturk,tt 
was  understood  Tahattawnn,  Tahatlawants,  Mtawan,  Jlltawnnee,  and  .Ihatawa- 
nee.    He  was  sachem  of  Musketacpiid,  since  Concord,  and  a  supporter  and 

•Him.  Lynn.  fHisl.  N.  Eiig. 

*.UiX\.     li'illiiim  Wood,  niiilior of  IVne  Eng.  Prosprct. 

Wimhrop's  Jnitrnai,  i.  ra,  (ij.  ||  Winthrop,  ib. 

F  Col.  Mninc  Hifil.  8or.  i.  fill. 
*'  llr  IhkI,  ill  filiodt  tliroe  yi'iirs,  liy  extortion,  a.»  wo  infer  from  Winthrop,  nrcnmulated 
nhoiil  .CKK)  from  ninonc;  tlw  lii(liim<i.    Sec  .loiiriini  »l  mpra. 
tt  &>ul)'olk  Kcciir«l!i  of  L>ee<ii,  vol,  f,  Nu.  'H,        U  'bst,  CuiiconI,  Ma«s,  pattim  chap.  i. 


Chap.  III.] 


WAHGUMACUT.— JACK-STRAW. 


M 


49 


•:*r 


propagator  of  Christianity  among  his  people,  and  an  honest  ami  njiright  iiiaii. 
The  celebratetl  Waban  married  his  eldest  daughter.  John  Tahatlawan  wns  Lis 
son,  wiio  lived  at  Nashoba,  where  he  was  chief  ruler  of  the  praying  Indians — 
a  deserving  Indian.  He  died  about  1670.  His  widow  was  daughter  of  John, 
sagamore  of  Patucket,  ujjon  the  Merrimack,  who  married  Oonamoij^,  another 
ruler  of  the  praying  Indians,  of  Marlbora^il^.  Her  only  son  hy  Tahattawan  * 
\\as  killed  by  some  white  ruffians,  who  ea|te ;^pon  them  while  in  their  wig- 
wams, and  his  mother  was  badly  woundecfcpt  the  same  time.  Of  this  affair 
we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to'  be  fflore  particular.  JVaanashquaw,  an- 
other daughter,  marrieil  JVaanishcow,  called  John  Tliomas,  who  died  at  Natick, 
aged  110  years. 
"VVe  know  very  little  of  a  sachem  of  the  name  of  Wahgumacut,\  except  that 
he  lived  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  came  to  Boston  in  1G31,  with  a  request 
to  the  governor  " to  have  some  English  to  plant  in  his  country;"  and  as  un 
inducement,  said  he  would  "find  them  corn,  and  give  them,  yearly,  t^O  skins 
of  beaver."  The  governor,  however,  dismis,se<l  him  without  giving  him  any 
encouragement;  doubting,  it  seems,  the  reality  of  his  fricndslii]).  iJut  it  is 
more  jjrobabh;  that  ho  was  sincere,  jis  he  was  at  this  tim(!  in  great  (ear  of  the 
Pequots,  and  judgeil  that  if  some  of  the  English  would  reside  with  him,  ho 
should  be  able  to  maintain  his  country. 

There  accompanied  Wahgnmacut  to  Boston  an  Indian  named  Jackstraw,\ 
who  was  his  interpniter,  and  Sagamon>  John.  We  have  labor<!(l  to  find  some 
further  particulai's  of  him,  but  all  tliat  we  can  ascertain  with  certainty,  is,  that 
he  had  lived  some  time  in  England  with  Sir  Walter  I{alcgh,§     How  Sir  Walter 

*Mr.  Gookin  writes  tliis  name  Tohatooncr,  tlinl  of  the  fallier  Taliattawarre.  MS.  Hist, 
Praying  Imliatis,  105. 

t  Wahij^inndcut,  accordiiip'  to  Mr.  f^nx-nsre's  rending  of  Winlhrop.  Our  text  is  acconiine 
to  Priiire,  who  also  used  Winllirop  in  .MS.  It  is  truly  diverting  to  see  how  the  author  of 
Tail's  nf  tlir  Indians  has  disphivod  his  invention  upon  the  pas»a<;t;  in  i\'i!illiroj)'s  Journal 
bringing  to  our  knowledge  this  cliief.  ^\'e  will  give  tlie  passage  of  ^^'irllllr•tl|l,  that  the  rea<ler 
may  judge  whether  great  ignoranee,  or  inisrepresentnlion  "  of  set  purpose  "  be  chargenlile 
to  liini.  "He  [tiov.  M'inlltrop]  discovereil  alU'r  [U^uhoiniincnt  was  gone],  thai  tlie  said 
sagamore  is  a  very  Ircaelierous  man.  and  at  war  willi  the  Ptkoath  (a  far  grsater  sagamore.'') 
Now,  every  r-hiltf  that  has  read  about  the  In(!:ahs,  it  seems  to  us,  i  ught  to  know  that  the 
meaning  ol  Ptkoath  was  mistaken  by  the  governor,  and  no  more  meant  a  rhicf  than  tlio 
Massasoils  meant  what  the  I'liinoulh  people  rirst  supposed  it  to  mean.  In  the  one  case,  the 
name  of  a  Irilx^  was  mistaken  for  that  of  a  rliief,  and  in  the  ollur  the  chief  for  the  tribe. 
Mistakes  of  this  kind  were  not  uneonmioii  fiefore  our  fathers  beiuine  iicquainted  with  the 
ooiuitry.  Wiiithrop  says,  too,  the  iMohawks  was  a  great  sachem.  Now,  who  ever  Ihonglil 
there  was  a  chief  oi'  that  name  ? 

+  I'robably  so  immed  from  the  .Maidstone  miiii>ter,  who  flourished  in  IVal  Tyler's  rebellinn, 
and  whosf  real  name  was  John  Hall.  hM  all(Tvvar<ls  niok-iiamed  ./(irA"  Siraic.  He  became 
chaplain  to  irift's  army,  they  having  li-t  him  out  of  prison.  .\  text  which  ho  made  great  use 
of  in  preaching  lo  lijs  liberators  was  this  : — 

When  Ailani  dnlfe  and  F.ve  span, 
VVlio  WM  then  n  gentlciimn  f 

This  we  apprelieml  was  construed,  Down  with  the  nohllitij!    f>iee  liajrin's  Ens;,  i.  Vtl.     In 
Kennet,\.'l\l,  John  HViiic  is  called /((■<•  Straw.     He  was  beheaded. 

^"  The  im|iutntion  of  the  first  bringing  in  n(  lohnrro  into  Knglainl  lies  on  this  heroic  knight." 
}\  instanliii's  Worthies,  t'l'.l.  "  IJesiih's  the  consumption  of  the  purse,  and  impairing  oj  our 
inward  parts,  the  inmoderalc,  vain  and  phantnstical  abitse  of  the  hellish  weed,  corrujiteth  the 
natural  swenness  of  the  breath,  stutiilieth  the  bruin ;  and  indeed  is  so  prejudicial  to  the 
genend  estei'm  of  our  ccnnitry."  ihid.  211.  Whether  Jnck-straw  were  the  scrvnnl  who 
acle<l  a  iiiirt  in  the  often-told  anecdote  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  smoking  toliacix,  on  its  timl 
being  taken  to  Kngland,  we  shall  not  presume  to  assert ;  but,  for  the  sake  of  tlw!  anecdote,  we 
will  admit  the  fact ;  it  is  variously  related,  but  is  said  to  be,  in  substimce.  ns  ><illows.  At  one 
lime,  it  was  so  very  unpopular  to  use  tobacco  in  any  way  in  Knj{lnnd.  that  foaiiy  who  had  got 
attached  to  it,  useif  it  mdy  privately.  Hir  Walter  was  sinoking  m  his  sludv.  at  a  certain  time, 
Bud,  beinir  thirsty,  called  lo  his  servant  to  bring  him  a  tiuiknrd  of  beer.  Jirk  hastily  obeyed 
the  smnnioiis,  and  Sir  Walter,  forgetting  to  cease  smoking,  was  in  the  act  of  spouting  a 
volume  of  smoke  fnnn  his  month  when  his  servant  entered.  Jack,  '.ciiiig  his  muster  smoknig 
prodigiously  nl  die  mouth,  thought  no  other  but  he  was  all  on  lire  inside,  having  never  »ccn 
such  a  phi'iiomenon  in  all  Knglainl  before  ;  d;\shed  the  quart  of  liiiuor  at  once  in  his  face,  and 
rail  cut  scriMiming,  "  Mnssa's  a  lire  I   Mnssn's  ii  lire  !  " 

Hnviiig  dismissed  llie  ser\aiil,  every  one  might  rensonably  expect  a  few  words  concerninnr 
liis  master,  .^ir  Walter  Kaleirh  mny  tnilv  be  sind  lo  have  lived  in  an  iige  fruitful  iii  yreiit  and 
Worthy  eliariicters,    Cnptniu  Ji-hn' Smith  wm's  U}  onr  notice  throiigli  his  ngviicv,  iiml  the 

5 


60 


■PRINTER,  OR  JAMF.S-THE-PRINTER. 


[Book  II. 


Mil 


^    t' 


came  by  liini,  does  not  satisfactorily  appear.  Captains  Amidas  and  Jiarlow 
sailed  to  America  in  his  employ,  and  on  their  retnrn  carried  over  two  nativeis 
from  Virginia,  whoje  names  Were  Wanchese  nQCi  Manteo.*  It  is  barely  possible 
that  one  of  these  was  afterwards  Jack-straw. 

A  Nipmnck  Indian,  of  no  sma^|ate  in  his  time,  it  may  in  the  next  place  be 
projier  to  notice.  ■•  .  I^f?' 

James  Printir,  or  Jatnes-the-piitKlek,/  /VBa  the  son  of  jYaoas,  brother  of  Tiika- 
pewiUin]  and  Anaweakin.  When  a  cliild,  he  was  instrncted  at  tlie  Indian 
cliarity  school,  at  (Annhridge.  In  1651),  he  was  put  apprentice  to  SamutL 
Green,  to  learn  the  printer's  business  ;|  and  he  is  spoken  of  as  having  run 
awjiy  from  his  nias^tcr  in  1075.  If,  after  an  apprenticeship  of  IG  years,  one 
could  not  leave  his  master  without  the  charge  of  absconding,  at  least,  both  the 
master  and  aj)prent ice  should  be  pitied.     In  relation  to  this  matter,  ftlr. //w6- 

renowiieil  (irst  Eiia:lisli  rircimiimvijUiilor  was  liis  coiilciiiporarv.  He,  like  llic  last  immed,  wns 
born  in  the  ciuinly  of  Dovoiisliirc,  in  Uwi.  in  the  pnrisli  of  Iludley.  Sir  I Inmjjlirey  Gilbert, 
so  well  known  in  <iur  ann;\ls,  wns  liis  linlt'-ln'ollier,  his  father  having  married  Sir  Iium])hrei/.-i 
mother,  a  widow*,  l>v  whom  he  had  Wntler,  a  fonrlli  son.t  The  great  successes  and  dis- 
coveries of  tlio  celohrnled  admiral  Sir  Franc'u  Drake  gave  a  new  impetus  to  the  Englisli 
nation  in  marilime  atiairs,  and  conse(|uent  iherenpon  was  the  settlement  of  North  Amenta ; 
as  groat  an  era,  to  say  ilie  least,  as  was  ever  recorded  in  history.  No  one  shone  more 
oonspionons  in  those  undertakings  than  Sir  Wulli-r  llali'ffli.  After  persevering  a  long  time, 
he  established  a  colony  ni  V'ii'ginia,  in  1(107.  He  was  a  man  of  great  valor  and  address,  and 
a  favorite  with  the  great  (iueen  /■Uirulieth,  thtt  promoter  of  his  undertakings,  one  of  whose 
"maids  of  honor '' he  nnirrii'd.  In  this  alVair  some  charge  him  with  having  first  dishonored 
that  lady,  and  was  for  a  lime  under  the  <|ueen's  displeasure  in  consequence,  but  marrying  her 
restored  him  to  favor.  The  city  of  Ralegh  in  Virgmia  was  so  named  by  his  direction.  He 
was  conspicuous  with  Dra/.r  and  Hon'iud  in  the  deslruclion  of  die  Spanish  armada  in  1j88. 
On  the  death  of  the  i|ui'eii,  he  was  imprisoneil  almost  lit  years  in  the  tower  of  London,  upon 
the  charge  of  treason.  It  was  during  his  imprisonment  that  he  wrote  his  great  and  learned 
Viork.thf  llhlonj  I'f  ilu-  World.  The  alleged  crime  of  treason  has  long  since  been  viewed 
by  all  the  world  as  without  foundation,  ami  the  punishment  of  Rulegh  reflects  all  its  blackness 
upon  the  character  of  J'Uiir.i  I.  'I'lie  ground  of  the  charge  was,  that  Ralegh  mid  others  were 
in  a  cons])lriicy  against  the  kintr,  and  were  designing  to  place  on  the  Uirone  Anthella  S/eiro/V.t 
He  was  never  pardoned,  nllhiHi;;li  (he  king  set  him  at  liherly,  ami  permilleil  him  to  go  on  an 
ex|H'dilion  to  houlli  .\nierl(  a  In  search  of  a  eold  mine  of  which  Ik-  had  gained  some  intiina- 
lions  in  a  previous  visit  to  llinse  Cdunlrlcs.  lliS  attempt  to  tiiid  gold  failed,  but  he  look  the 
town  of  St.  Thomas,  ami  established  in  It  a  garrison.  This  was  a  depredation,  as  Spain 
and  England  were  then  at  peace,  but  Itiilejsh  'lad  the  king's  commission.  The  Spnnisli 
ambnssailor  complitined  loudly  against  the  transaction,  ami  llie  miserable  Jaiitfs,  to  e.vtricatc 
hiinselt',  and  appease  the  Spanish  king,  ordered  Rnli<j;h  to  he  seized  on  his  return,  who,  upon 
the  'lid  charge  of  (reason,  wa^  sciUciiced  to  be  beheaded,  which  was  executed  upon  him  'J'Jlh 
Oct.  l(ill!.\\  "  1  shall  only  hint,''  says  Dr.  J'i'lirhile,\\  "that  the  execution  of  this  great  man^ 
whom  Jtini's  was  advised  lo  sacrifice  to  the  advancement  of  the  pence  with  Spain,  hath  left  an 
indelible  slain  on  the  memory  of  (hat  misguided  monarch,"  It  appears  from  another  account  11 
that  Sir  W'iilti'r,  on  arrivingat  the  mouth  of  the  Oronoko,  was  taken  "desperately  sick,"  anil 
sent  lorward  a  company  umler  cnio  of  his  captains  in  search  of  the  gold  mine.  That  they 
were  uiel  by  the  Spaiii.irds,  who  altackeil  them,  and  that  this  was  the  cause  of  their  assault- 
ing ."*(,  Thomas,  and  being  obliged  to  descend  the  river  without  eliectiiig  the  object  they 
were  upon. 

The  following  cirruinstance  respecting  the  celebrated  History  of  the  World,  not  being 
generally  known,  cannot  but  be  acceptable  to  the  reader.  The  first  volume  (which  i.s  what 
wc  have  of  it)  was  published  belnre  he  was  Imprisoned  the  last  lime,  .lust  before  his  execu- 
tion, he  sent  liir  (he  publisher  of  it.  Wlirii  he  came.  Sir  Walter  took  hliii  by  the  hand,  and, 
■'  alter  some  disonirse,  ask(  lilin  how  (hat  work  of  his  sold.  Mr.  liiirre  [(hi'  iianie  of  (he 
publishei)  relumed  this  answer,  that  it  had  sold  so  slowly  lliat  it  had  undone  him.  At  which 
woriU  of  his,  Sir  Wa/Irr  Ralegh,  stepping  to  his  ilesk,  reaches  his  other  part  of  his  history  lo 
Mr.  Jiiirrr,:\\\U\\  \\('  had  ()roughl  down  lo  the  times  he  lived  in;  clapping  his  hand  on  his 
breast,  he  looV  the  other  unprinted  pari  of  his  works  into  his  hand,  with  a  sigh,  saying,  '  ,\h, 
my  friend.  hatV  the  first  part  undone  thee,  Ihe  siicond  volume  shall  undo  no  more;  this 
ungrateful  world  is  iinworlny  of  il.'  When,  immedinlely  goir  ;  lo  the  tire-side,  threw  it  in  , 
una  set  his  fuot  on  \l  till  it  wan  consumed."'" 

•See  Caiilei/s  lAk  Sir  W.  Raleirli.  i.  70,  ed.  I.ond.  tttlfi,  5  vols.  Ovn. 
tSoine  author  of  Imllan  (alei  might  delight  himself  for  a  lone  lime  in  ringing  changes  on 
this  lixlian  jireaeher's  ii,ime,  without  inventing  any  new  ones ;  lor  ills  not.  as  I  teinctnbcr, 


s|)elt  twice  alike  in  our  authorities. 


t  Thomas,  Hist,  rrintin^. 


♦  "(If  Olhi  nilhrrl,n(  Cninplon,  tNci."  Pnhrhtlr'ii  Uii-I.  />rf(in,  11.  310. 
t  MirA,  Hi<t.  Vlritinln,  7,  Heconil  ion,  snva  Kir,  Votwhrlt,  Drvnn,  il.  !il9. 
t  Ratlin's  KiiK,  11.  Kil.  ('nnilnl's  notes  In  Hnpin,  II.  lOS. 

I  HiKt.  l»evotnthlri>,  i.  !iW,  II 

*'  Winitanley,  Worthies,  OiT. 


i 


I  Winitauley,  VVuithlei,  'iSA. 


% 


It. 


[Book  U. 


Chap.  III.] 


JAMES-THE-PRINTER.— KUTCHMAK 


if 


51 


nidas  and  Barlow 
1  over  two  iiativeri 
t  is  barely  possible 

the  next  place  be 

brother  of  Tuka- 
to(l  at  the  Indian 
■entice  to  Samuel 
of  as  having  run 
of  IG  years,  one 
at  least,  both  the 
matter,  Mr.  Hiib- 

I  the  last  named,  wns 
r  Hnmplireij  Gilbert, 
■lied  Sir  Uiimphrei/.-i 
It  successes  and  d'is- 
Jcttis  to  the  English 
t  of  North  America  ; 
No  one  sliono  more 
severing-  a  long-  time, 
or  and  address,  ancl 
kinijs,  one  of  whose 
v'my;  first  dishonored 
ce,  but  marrying^  her 
V  his  direction."   He 
lish  armada  in  1j88. 
I'er  oC  London,  upon 
is  great  and  learned 
f  since  licen  vieueil 
ects  all  its  Mackness 
?gk  and  others  were 
e  Arahel/u  Slewart.t 
lied  him  to  go  on  an 
Saincil  some  intima- 
ed,  l)iil  he  look  the 
[iredalion,  as  Spain 
ion.      The  Spanish 
I  James,  to  extricate 
is  return,  who,  upon 
uted  upon  him  'I'Mh 
I  of  this  great  man,. 
1  Si>iiiii,  hath  left  an 
in  another  account  V 
speralely  sick,"  and 
!  mine.     That  ihev 
ise  of  their  nssnult- 
iig  the   object  tliey 

'  World,  not  hein^ 
inio  (which  is  what 
I  belore  his  oxecu- 
I  l>y  the  hand,  and, 
"  [die  name  of  iho 
ine  him.  At  which 
art  of  his  history  lo 
ing  his  hand  on'  liis 
sigh,  saying,  'Ah. 
to  no  more  J  this 
!-»idc,  threw  it  in , 


ringing  rhnngcs  on 
'I.  as  I  tenicinbcr, 
rintinf^. 

919. 
.910. 
195.  •  . 


bard  saya,*  "  He  had  attained  some  skill  in  printing,  and  might  have  attained 
more,  had  he  not,  like  a  false  villain,  ran  away  Irom  his  master  before  his 
time  was  out."  And  the  same  author  observes  that  the  name  printer  was 
superadded  to  distinguish  him  from  others  named  James. 

Dr.  /.  Mather  f  has  this  record  of  James-printer.  "  July  8,  [1676.]  Whereas 
die  council  at  Boston  had  lately  emitlflijj^  declaration,  signifying,  that  such 
I^idians  as  did,  within  14  days^come  ip  ftl  l|»  Jinglish,  might  hope  for  mercy, 
divers  of  them  did  this  day  return  /ronihiuiiopg  the  Nipmucks.  Among 
others,  Jam£s,  an  Indian,  who  could  not  only  read  and  write,  but  had  learned 
the  art  of  printing,  notwithstanding  his  apostasy,  did  venture  himself  upon  the 
mercy  and  truth  of  the  Engli^i  declaration,  which  he  had  seen  and  reatl, 
promising  for  tlie  future  to  venture  his  life  against  the  common  enemy.  He 
and  the  other  now  come  in,  affirm  that  very  mimy  of  the  Indians  are  dead 
since  this  wm*  began ;  and  that  more  have  diet!  by  the  hand  of  God,  in  res|)ect 
of  diseases^  fluxes  and  fevers,  which  have  been  amongst  them,  than  have  been 
killed  with  the  sword." 

Mr.  Thomas  says,|:  it  was  owing  to  the  amor  patri(2  of  James-printer  that  he 
left  his  master  and  joined  in  Philip''s  war.  But  how  much  amor  palriee  he 
must  have  had  to  have  kept  him  an  apprentice  16  ye(U"s  is  not  mentioned. 

It  was  in  1685  that  the  second  edition  of  the  famous  Indian  Bible  was 
r^ompleted.  From  the  following  testimony  of  Mr.  Eliot  will  be  seen  how 
much  the  success  of  that  luidertaking  was  considered  to  depend  owjames- 
ihe-printer.  In  l(i83,  in  writing  to  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle  at  London,  Mr.  Eliot 
says,  "  I  desire  to  see  it  done  before  I  die,  and  I  am  so  deeji  in  years,  that  1 
cannot  expect  to  live  long;  bt-sidcs,  we  have  but  one  man,  viz.  the  Indian 
Printer,  that  is  able  to  compose  the  sheets,  and  coiTt^ct  the  press  with  under- 
Standing."  In  anotljer,  from  the  same  to  the  .same,  dated  a  year  after,  he  says, 
"  Om*  slow  j)rogress  needeth  an  apology.  We  have  been  much  hindered  by 
thp  sicknens  the  last  year.  Our  workmen  have  been  all  sick,  and  we  have  but 
few  hands,  (nt  printing,)  o:ie  Englirfhiiiun,  and  a  boy,  and  one  Indian,"  &c. 

This  Indian  was  undoubtedly  James-the-printer.  And  Mr.  Thoman  adds, 
"  Some  of  Jflm€a'«  descendants  were  not  long  since  living  in  Grafton  ;  they 
bor<!  thesunitunc-of  Prinier.''^^ 

There  was  an  Indian  named  Job  JVesiUan,  who  was  altso  concerned  in  the 
Jlrst  edition  of  the  Inditui  Bible.  He  was  u  valiant  soldier,  and  went  with  the 
English  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  first  expedition  to  Mount  Hope,  where  he 
was  slain  in  battle.  "He  was  a  very  gotnl  linguist  in  the  English  tongue,  and 
was  Mr.  ElioVs  assistant  and  interpreter  in  his  translation  of  the  Bible  and 
other  booLs  in  the  Indian  language."|| 

In  a  lettt!r  of  the  conniiissipners  of  the  U.  C.  of  New  England,  to  the 
corporation  in  Engliuid,  we  find  this  jtostscrijit. — "Two  of  tin."  Indian  youths 
formerly  brought  up  to  read  an'  write,  are  put  appientire ;  the  one  to  a 
iiiipi'iiicr,  the  other  lo  Mr.  Grte  ihc  ]iriiiter,  who  take  fiieir  trades  and 
iitliow  their  business  verj-  well."  Jqitnts-the-prinlcr  was  probably  one  of  ihcse. 
\ts\ditn,  we  iirrsiimt',  was  only  an  interpreter.  The  altove-menlioned  letter 
wiis  dated  lOtli  Sept.  16(i0. 

Ill  l(l!>8,  Janus  was  teacher  to  five  Indian  families  at  Hassinanimisco.H 
In  17()1>,  lit^  siMMiis  to  have  got  through  with  his  apprenticeship,  and  to  have 
liad  some  interest  in  can\viiig  ou  the  printing  liiisiii('.'s.<.  For,  in  tli«>.  title 
pii;.res  of  the  Indian  and  l''.iiglisli  I'.siltcr,  ]>riiited  in  lliat  vcnr,  is  this  imprint: 
"ItOSTON,  N.  i;.  rpiirinlhomnnn,  au  11.  (Jrkk.n,  \  J.  rKLNTEU,  wutcht 
ffuhlianlitmiLr  Chiiimnukkf  ut  \rw  Eniflanil,  &(•.  17()1>." 

\Vi'  hIiiiII  ikiw  pa.xs  lo  imtice  a  .Ma.-isaclitisi'tls  sachem,  who,  like  too  many 
olhcrri,  d(n's  imt  appear  to  the  beet  advaiittige ;  nevertlicless,  we  doubt  not  but 
as  niiirh  so  as  lie  deserves,  as  by  the  se(|ut'l  will  be  seen.     We  mean 

hiilrliiiKikin,  known  iiI.mi  by  several  oihi'r  names,  or  variations  of  the  same 
tiiuiie;  IIS,  hutshamaipiin,  Culshamoqwn,  Culchamokin,  imd  many  more,  oh,  in 


-Niirr.-iiive.itr).  -tHrior  Him.  lilt. 

vUlii.|.  I'ruiling,  i.  :nj,  c:;!,). 

■I  liiliiriiialion  rniin  .Mr.  /..'.  7'm(<-i-i-»m(i,  Jr.— Ilussinnminisco,   Ilnssanamesil,  &c.  signified 
a  y/iirc  pf  slMfs,    Tliuinas,  i:t  i^jtrj. 


Hist.  Printing,  i.  2W. 
Itiookiii,  ///»'.  I'i:iiiin,'i-  Indium. 


52 


KUTCHAIAKIN.— WAR  WITH  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[Book  H. 


(litFerent  parts  of  our  work,  extracts  ^vill  necessarily  show.  He  was  one  of 
those  sachems  who,  in  1643 — 1,  signed  a  submission  to  the  EngUsh,  as  has 
ijeen  mentioned  in  a  preceding  chapter. 

In  163(5,  Kvtshamakin  sold  to  the  people  of  Dorchester,  Uncataquisset, 
being  tlie  part  of  that  town  since  called  Milton.  This,  it  appears,  was  at  some 
period  his  residence.  Thougii  he  mm  a  sachem  under  Woosamequin,  yet,  like 
Caunbilant,  he  was  opposed  to  tto^aetdement  of  the  English  in  his^  country. 
He  soon,  how(;ver,  became  reconciled  to  it,  and  became  a  Christian.  When 
Mr.  Eliot  (lesired  to  know  why  he  was  opposed  to  his  people's  becoming 
Christians,  he  said,  then  they  would  pay  hinj  no  tribute. 

When  the  English  of  Massachusetts  sent  to  Canonicits,  to  inquire  into  the 
cause  of  the  murder  of  Jolm  Oldham,  Kutshamakin  accompanied  them  a.s 
interjjreter,  fighter,  or  whatever  was  required  of  him. 

As  no  satisfaction  could  be  had  of  the  Pequots,  for  the  murder  of  Mr.  Old- 
havi,  it  was  resolved,  ui  1636,  to  send  an  army  into  their  country  "  to  fight  with 
them,"  if  what,  in  the  opinion  of  the  English,  as  a  recompense,  were  not  to  be 
obtained  without.  The  armament  consisted  of  about  90  men.  These  first 
went  to  Block  Island,  where  they  saw  a  f(iw  Indians  before  they  landed,  who, 
after  shooting  a  few  arrows,  which  wounded  two  of  the  English,  fled.  The 
Indians  had  here  "two  plantations,  three  miles  in  sunder,  alid  about  60 
wigwams,  some  very  large  and  fair,  and  above  200  acres  of  corn."  This  the 
English  destroyed,  "staved  seven  canoes,"  and  afler  two  days  spent  in  this 
business,  and  hunting  for  Indians  without  success,  sailed  to  the  main  land, 
where  Kutshamakin  performed  his  j)art  in  hastening  on  the  Pequot  calamity. 
Having  waylaid  one  of  that  nation,  he  shot  and  scalped  him.  The  scalp  he 
sent  to  Canonicus,  who  sent  it  about  among  all  his  sachem  f>iends;  thus 
expressuig  his  approbation  of  the  murder,  and  willingness  to  engage  his 
friends  to  fight  for  the  Englisli»  As  a  further  proof  of  his  approval  of  the  act, 
ho  not  only  thanked  the  Englisli,  but  gave  Kutshamakin  four  fathom  of 
wamjium. 

Capt.  lAon  Gardener  gives  us  some  particidars  of  this  affair,  which  are  very 
valuable  for  tiie  light  tluiy  tlu-ow  on  this  part  of  our  early  transactions  with  the 
Pequots.  The  affair  we  have  just  mentioned  happened  immediately  afler 
Endicott,  Tumtr,  and  Underhill  arrived  at  Saybrook,  from  Block  Island.  Capt. 
Gardener  then  commanded  the  fort,  who  spoke  to  them  as  follows  of  their 
undertaking:  "You  come  hither  to  raise  these  wasps  about  my  ears,  and  then 
you  will  tak(!  wing  and  flee  away."  It  so  came  to  pass ;  and  although  he  was 
much  opposed  to  their  going,  yet  they  went,  agre(!al)ly  to  their  instructions. 
Gardener  instructed  them  how  to  |)roceed,  to  avoid  benig  surprised ;  but  the 
Indians  j)laye(l  them  a  Yankee  trick,  as  in  the  sequel  will  appear. 

On  coming  to  the  Pecjuot  t()\vn,  they  inquired  for  the  sachem,*  wishing  to 
jiarley  with  him:  liis  jieople  said  "he  wiw  from  home,  but  within  three  hours 
lie  would  conic;  and  so  from  three  to  six,  and  thence  to  nine,  there  came 
none."  But  the  Indians  came  fearlessly,  in  great  numbers,  and  spoke  to  them, 
through  the  interpreter,  Kutshamiikin,  for  some  time.  This  delay  was  a  strata- 
gem which  succeeded  well ;  for  they  rightly  guessed  that  the  English  had 
come  to  injure  them  in  their  persons,  or  property,  or  both.  Therefore,  while 
some  weri'  entertaining  tlie  English  with  words,  others  earrieil  oft'  their  effects 
and  hid  them.  When  thev  had  done  this,  a  signal  was  given,  and  all  the 
Indians  ran  away.  The  I'^.nglish  then  fell  to  burning  and  destroying  evi-iy 
thing  liicy  could  meet  witii.  Gardener  had  sent  some  of  his  men  with  the 
others,  who  were  imaccountably  left  «)n  shon!  when  the  others  njiimbarked, 
and  were  puixued,  and  two  of  them  wounded  by  the  Indians. 

"The  Hay-men  killed  not  a  man,  save  that  one,  Kirhomiquim,  an  Indian 
sncliem  of  the  Bay,  killfd  a  Pecpiit ;  and  thus  began  tiie  war  between  the 
Indians  and  us,  in  these  pans."  f  Tlie  l*e(juots  henceforth  used  everj' means 
tit  kill  ilie  l",n<;lish,  and  many  were  taken  by  them,  and  some  tortured  in  their 
maimer.     "Thus  far,"  adds  Gardener,  "  I  had  written  in  a  book,  that  all  men 

•  Sissariis,  snys  \\'iiitliri>)i  (i.  l!'l.) ;  tuil  liciiisi  lolil  lii'  wiis  (joiic  to  Long  Islniiil,  the  gene- 
ral (IcmiiiKli  'I  to  <(M!  "  ilin  (iilmr  siicliiin,  &c."  wliirli  was  (Kiubtlcss  MononuUo. 
i'^Cvll.  Itisl.  y.'C.  i:i.  Ill,&c. 


Chap.  IV.] 


OF  THE  NAIIIUGANSETS.— TASilTASSUCK. 


53 


iuid  posterity  might  know  how  and  why  so  many  honest  men  had  tlieir  hlood 
shed,  yea,  and  some  flayed  alive,  others  cut  in  pieces,  and  some  roasted  aUve, 
oidy  hecause  Kichamokin,  a  Bay  Indian,  killed  one  Pequot." 

To  say  the  least  of  our  author,  he  had  the  best  possible  means  to  be  correctly 
informed  of  tlieso  mattere,  and  we  know  not  that  he  had  any  motive  to  mis- 
represent them. 

Governor  Jflnthrop  mentions,  under  date  1646,  tliat  Mr.  Eliot  lectured 
constantly  "one  week  at  the  wigwam  i4  •O^  JVabon,  a  new  sachem  near 
Watertown  mill,  and  the  other  die  next  W|^  in  the  wigwam  of  Cutshamekin, 
near  Dorchester  mill."  We  shall  have  occasion  in  another  chapter  to  speak 
of  KuLslianutkin. 

In  1648,  Cidcha\mkin,  as  he  was  then  called,  and  Jojeuny  a])pear  as  witnesses 
to  a  deed  made  by  another  Indian  called  Cato,  alias  Goodman.  Lane  and 
Gr^n  were  the  gnuitees  "  in  behalf  of  the  rest  of  the  people  of  Sudbury." 
The  tract  of  land  sold  adjoined  Sudbury,  and  was  five  miles  square;  for 
which  Cato  received  five  pounds.    Jujeuny  was  brotiier  to  Cato.* 

CHAPTER  IV. 


Of  the  great  nation  of  the  JVarrairansrts — Gcosrraphy  of  their  country'— G a jtomcvs 
— MiANTUNNOMOH — His  relation:; — .iitis  the  English  in  destroying  the  Pequots — 
Sells  Rhode  Island — His  difficulties  with  the  English — Visits  Boston — His  mag- 
nanimity and  independence — Charged  with  a  conspiracy  against  the  whites — Jlbly 
repels  it — Waiandance  becomes  his  secret  enemy — His  speech  to  Waiandance  and 
his  people — His  tear  with  Uncas — His  capture  and  death — Circumstances  of  his 
execution — Participation  of  the  whites  therein — Impartial  view  of  that  affair — 
Traditions — Ninigrf.t — Mexam,  alias  Mexano — Jiffair  of  Cuttaquin  and  Uncas 
— Character  of  Jlscassassotick — JVinigrrt  visits  the  Dutch — .Accused  by  the  English 
of  plotting  with  them — Mly  defends  himself — J{ot>ces  of  various  other  Indians — 
IVar  beticeen  JVinigret  and  .iscassassotick — Present  condition  of  his  descendants — 
Further  account  of  Pessacus — Killed  by  the  Mohawks. 

The  bounds  of  Narragansct  were,  as  described  in  the  times  of  the  sachems,  \ 
"  Pautuckit  River,  Quenebage  [Quabaog]  and  Nipmuck,"  northerly ;  "  westerly 
by  a  brook  called  Wequajiaug,  not  far|  from  i'aquatuck  River;  southerly  by 
the  sea,  or  main  ocean ;  and  easterly  l)y  the  Naidiiganset  Bay,  wherein  lieth 
many  islands,  by  deeds  bought  of  tin;  Nanhiganset  sachems."  Coweesett  and 
Miantick,  though  sometimes  applied  to  this  country,  were  names  only  of  ])laceH 
within  it.  According  to  Mr.  Gookin,  "  the  territory  of  their  sachem  extended 
aliout  30  or  40  miles  from  Sekuiik  River  and  Narragansitt  Bay,  inchiding 
Rhode  Island  and  odier  islands  in  that  bay."  Pawcatuck  River  separated 
them  from  the  Pequots.  This  nation,  under  CanoaiciM,  had,  in  l(i43,  arrived 
at  the  /ciiith  of  its  greatnes.«,  and  was  supposed  to  have  contained  a  population 
ot"  thirtn  thousami  Tiiis  estimate  was  by  Richard  Smith,  jr.,  who,  with  his 
IJither,  fived  in  their  country. 

In  17(!<!,  or  about  that  year,  Mr.  Snmiul  Drake  matlo  a  catalogue  of  the 
Narraganset  Indians.  This  catalogue  contained  the  names  of  about  :U5  per- 
sons. Mr.  Drake  spent  14  years  among  them,  chiefly  in  the  cai)acity  of  a 
sclioolmaster.  He  wrote  an  account  of  them,  Intt  whether  it  was  ever  pub- 
lished I  cannot  learn.  § 

A  census  of  tho^e  calling  themselves  a  remnant  of  the  Narragansets,  taken 
Fcl).  1H:W,  wils  ,'U.');  only  seven  of  whom  were  umnixed.  The  Imlians 
themselves  make  their  number  :X»4.  || 

Of  the  earlv  times  of  this  nation,  some  of  the  first  English  inhabitants 
learned  fVoni  the  old  Indians,  that  they  had,  previous  to  their  arrival,  a  suchem 
named  Tuahtaasiick,  and  tluiir  encomiums  upon  his  wisdom  and  valor  were 

■  Hiiflolk  Rcif.  Deedf!.    Tlirm  i«  no  iinino  siKiKMl  to  iho  denil,  Imt  in  the  plncn  tlicronr,  in  the 


pirlurc  of  Hoiim  I'our-lcwtMl  niiimiil  <lrnwii  on  W\i  luick. 
f  Woe  .1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Sor. 


^  .See  Ueatti/s  Joiiriml,  106. 


'210. 


t  Fni.r  or  five  miles,  snvs  finokin. 
II  MS.  jeiicr  of  Rev.  MV.  EIij, 


I 


I 


i    V 


il 


i  »* 


54 


CANONICUS. 


[Book  II. 


much  the  same  as  the  Delawares  reported  of  their  gi-eat  chief  Tanmny ;  that 
since,  there  iuul  not  been  his  equal,  &c.  Tashtaamck  had  but  two  children,  a 
son  and  daughter ;  these  lie  joined  in  marriage,  because  he  could  find  none 
worthy  of  them  out  of  his  family.  The  product  of  this  marriage  was  four 
sons,  of  whom  Canonicus  was  the  oldest.* 

Canonicus,!  the  great  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  was  contemporary  with 
riFiantunrwmoh,  who  was  his  nephew.  We  know  not  the  time  of  his  birth,  but 
a  son  of  his  was  at  Boston  in  1631,  tbe  next  year  after  it  was  settled.  But  the 
time  of  his  death  Is  minutely  recorded  by  Governor  fVinthrop,  in  his  "Journal," 
thus:  "  June  4, 1()47.  Canonicus,  the  great  sachem  of  Narraganset,  died,  a 
very  old  man."  He  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  about  85  years  of  age 
when  he  died. 

The  Wampanoags  were  in  great  fear  of  the  Narragansets  about  the  time  the 
English  came  to  Plimoutli,  and  at  one  time  war  actually  existed,  and  Massasoit 
fled  before  Canonicus,  and  applied  to  the  English  for  protection. 

Edward  M'insloiv  relates,  in  his  Good  News  from  New  England,  that,  in 
Feb.  1622,  Canonicus  sent  into  Pliniouth,  by  one  of  his  men,  a  bundle  of 
arrows,  bound  with  a  rattlesnake's  skin,  and  there  left  them,  and  retired.  The 
Narragansets,  who  were  reported  at  this  time  "  many  thousand  strong,"  hearing 
of  the  weakness  of  the  English,  "  begun,  (says  the  above-named  author,)  to 
breath  forth  many  threats  against  us,"  although  they  had  the  last  summer 
"desired  and  oI)tained  peace  with  us." — "Insomuch  as  the  common  talk  of 
our  neighI)or  Indians  on  all  sides  was  of  tlie  preparation  they  made  to  come 
against  »is."  They  were  now  iiiilioidcned  from  the  circumstance  that  the 
English  had  just  added  to  their  nuinlwrs,  but  not  to  their  arms  nor  provisions. 
The  slii|»  Fortune  had,  not  long  before,  landed  35  persons  at  Pliniouth,  and 
the  Narragansets  seem  to  have  been  well  informed  of  all  the  circumstances. 
This,  (says  Mr.  ff'inslow,) "  occasioned  them  to  slight  and  brave  us  witli  so 
many  threats  as  they  did.  At;  length  came  one  of  them  to  us,  who  was  sent 
by  Conai(d/»,  tlii'ir  chief  safliem  or  king,  accompanied  with  one  Tokamahamon, 
a  friendly  Iiuiiuu.  This  messenger  iiuiuind  tor  Tisquantum,  our  interpreter, 
who  not  being  at  home,  seemed  rather  to  be  glad  than  sorry;  and  leaving  for 
him  a  buiidli.'  of  new  arrows,  lapped  in  a  rattlesnake's  skin,  desired  to  depait 
with  all  exjiedition." 

When  Squanto  was  made  acquainted  with  the  cuTumstance,  he  told  the 
English  tiiat  it  was  a  challenge  for  war.  Governor  Bradford  took  the  rattle- 
snake's skin,  and  filled  it  witii  powder  and  siiot,  and  returned  it  to  Canonicus; 
at  the  same  time  instructing  the  messenger  to  bid  him  defiance,  and  invite  him 
to  a  trial  of  strength.  The  messenger,  and  his  insulting  cari'iagc,  had  the 
desired  efti  ct  upon  Canonicus,  fiir  lie  would  not  receive  the  skin,  and  it  was 
cast  out  of  every  coinniunity  of  tli<!  Indians,  until  it  at  last  was  returned  to 
Pliniouth,  and  all  its  contents.  This  was  a  demonstration  that  he  was  awed 
into  silence  and  respect  of  tiio  English,  by  the  decided  stand  and  hostile 
attitude  they  assumed. 

In  ]()2I,  soon  after  the  war  with  Caunbitant  was  over,  among  those  who 
sought  the  friendship  of  tlio  English,  was  Canonicus  himself,  notwithstanding 
he  was  now  courting  war  again  so  soon.  He  had  doubtless  nearly  got  rid  of 
the  fear  that  the  news  of  Standisli's  conduct  first  insiiired,  and  had  taken  up 
again  his  old  resolution  of  fighting  the  strangei-s  at  Pliniouth. 

He  is  mentioned  with  gi'cat  resi)ect  by  Rev.  Rofrer  fFilliams,\'m  the  year 
1054.  After  observing  that  mamf  huiulreds  of  the  English  were  witnesses  to 
the  friendly  dis|)ositi(in  of  the  Narragansets,  he  says,  "Their  late  famous  long- 
lived  Caunonicus  s.i  lived  and  died,  and  in  the  same  most  honorable  manner 
and  solemnity,  (in  their  way,)  as  ijou  laid  to  sleep  your  prudent  peace-maker, 
Mr.  fVinthrop,  (lid  they  honor  this  their  ]mident  and  peaceable  prince ;  yea, 

•Hutchinson,  i.  '138,  who  met  wiili  tliis  account  in  MS. ;  bul  we  do  not  g'ive  implicit  credit 
to  il,  as,  at  lii>st,  it  is  trndiliuii. 

t  Tiiis  s|)elliiifr  docs  not  convey  the  true  prnnuncialion  of  the  name ;  other  spelHn^  will  be 
noticed  ill  die  course  of  his  biutfrnpliy.  lis  sound  iippronched  so  near  the  Latin  word  canom- 
cus,  (hat  it  became  confounded  wiih  it.     Hiinnotme  was  early  written. 

X  Manuscript  letter  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts. 


[Book  II. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CANONICUS.— MASC  US. 


55 


f  Tamany;  that 
t  two  children,  a 
could  find  none 
irriage  was  four 

itemporary  witii 
of  his  birth,  but 
«ttled.  But  the 
n  his  "  Journal," 
aganset,  died,  a 
85  years  of  age 

out  the  time  the 
i,  and  Massasoit 
a. 

NGLAND,  that,  in 
n,  a  l)undle  of 
id  retired.  The 
strong,"  hearing 
nied  author,)  to 
lie  last  summer 
ommon  talk  of 
/  made  to  come 
istance  that  the 
5  nor  provisions, 
t  Plimouth,  and 
I  circumstances, 
avo  us  witli  so 
s,  who  was  sent 
!  Tokamahamon, 
our  interpreter, 
and  leaving  for 
!sired  to  depait 

ce,  he  told  the 
took  tlie  rattle- 
to  Canonicus; 
and  invite  him 
inge,  had  the 
in,  and  it  was 
as  returned  to 
lit  he  was  awed 
ud  and  hostile 

mg  those  who 

lotwitlistaiiding 

nrly  got  rid  of 

luid  taken  up 

,  t  in  the  year 
witn(!8.s('s  to 
!  famous  long- 
lorable  maimer 
peace-maker, 
p  l)i-ince ;  yea, 


ve  implicit  credit 

r  speljiii)^  will  be 
Biliii  word  canoni- 


through  all  their  towns  and  countries  how  frerjuently  do  many,  and  oft  times, 
our  Engiislnnen  travel  alone  witli  safety  and  loving  kindness  ?" 

The  following  statement  of  Roger  Williams  is  in  a  deposition,  dated  Narra- 
ganset,  18  June,  1(582,  and,  although  varying  a  little  from  the  alwve,  contains 
facts  very  pertinent  to  our  purpose.  He  says, "  I  testify  that  it  was  the  general 
and  constant  declaration,  tliat  Canoniciis  his  father  had  three  sons,  whereof 
Canoniciui  was  the  heir,  and  his  youngest  brother's  son  Menntinomy  (Ijccause 
of  his  youth)  was  his  marshal  and  executioner,  and  did  nothing  without  his 
uncle  Canonicus''  consent.  And  therefore  I  d(!clarc  to  po.sterity,  that  were  it 
not  for  the  favor  that  God  gave  me  with  Canonicus,  none  of  tliese  parts,  no, 
not  Rhode  Island,  had  becni  purchased  or  obtJiiued ;  for  I  never  got  any  tiling 
of  Canonicus  but  by  gift." 

When  Mr.  John  Oldham  was  kilkid  near  Block  Island,  and  an  investigation 
set  on  foot  by  the  English  to  ascertain  the  munlerei-s,  they  were  fully  satisfied 
that  Canonicus  and  Miantunnomoh  had  no  hand  in  the  afliiir,  but  that  "the  six 
other  Narraganset  sachems  had."  No  wonder  he  took  great  otlence  at  the 
conduct  of  the  English  concerning  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh.  The  Warwick 
settlers  considered  it  a  great  piece  of  injustice,  and  Mr.  Samtiel  Gorton  wrote  a 
letter  for  Canonicus  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  notifying  them  that 
he  had  resolved  to  bo  revenged  upon  the  Bloliegans.  U[)on  this  tlie  English 
despat('hed  messengers  to  Narraganset  to  inriuinj  of  Canonicus  whether  he 
authorized  the  letter.  He  treated  them  with  great  coldness,  and  would  not 
admit  tliein  into  his  wigwam  for  the  si)ace  of  two  houre  after  their  airival, 
although  it  was  exceedingly  rainy.  When  they  were  admitted,  he  frowned 
upon  them,  and  gave  them  answers  foreign  to  the  purpose,  and  referred  them 
to  Pessacus.  This  was  a  veiy  cold  reception,  compared  with  that  which  the 
messengers  received  when  sent  to  him  for  iiifoniiatiou  resi)ecting  the  death 
of  Mr.  Oldham.  "They  returned  with  acceptance  and  good  success  of  their 
business ;  oii.serving  in  the  sachem  much  state,  great  command  of  his  men, 
and  inarvelloiis  wisdom  in  his  answers;  and  in  the  carriage  of  the  whole 
treaty,  clearing  himself  and  his  neighbors  of  the  murder,  and  oflering  revenge 
of  it,  yet  upon  very  safe  and  wary  conditions." 

This  sacJKim  is  said  to  have  governeil  in  great  harmony  with  his  nephew. 
"The  chiefest  government  in  the  country  is  divided  between  a  younger  sachem, 
JMianlunnomu,  and  an  elder  sachem,  Cau7iaunacus,  of  aboiulburscoreyi^arsold,* 
this  young  man's  uncle ;  and  their  agreement  in  the  government  is  remarkable. 
The  old  sachem  will  not  be  ofiended  at  what  the  young  stichein  doth ;  and  the 
young  .sachem  will  not  do  what  he  conceives  will  displease  his  uncle."f  With 
this  passage  before  him,  .;Tr.  Durfec  versifies  as  tbilows,  in  his  poem  called 
Whatcheer : — 

"Two  miglity  cliiefs,  one  onutiniis,  wise,  and  old, 
One  yomi!!;,  nnd  slronjr,  and  tcrrlMe  in  fisiiit, 
All  Nnfragiinsct  nnd  ("owesot  hold  ; 
One  lodge  lliey  build — one  counsel  fire  llicy  liglit." 

"  At  n  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  at  Boston,  vij 
Sept.,  KUy,"  it  ^vas  agreed  that  Massachusetts,  in  behalf  of  the  ofher  colonies, 
"give  Conootuicus  and  the  Nanohiggiinsets  U)  understand,  that  from  time  to 
tune"  they  have  taken  notice  of  their  violatiiui  of  the  covenant  l)etween  them, 
notwithstanding  the  great  manifestations  of  their  love  to  them  by  the  English ; 
that  they  had  concurred  with  .Miantunnomoh  in  his  late  mischievous  plots,  by 
which  he  had  intended  "to  root  out  the  body  of  the  English"  from  the  coun- 
try, by  gifts  and  allurements  to  other  Jndiiuis;  and  that  he  had  invaded  Umas, 
contrary  to  tl-  "tripartie  covenant"  betwetiu  himself,  Uncas,  and  Connecticut. 
'I'li'-efons  knowing  "how  jieaceable  Conanacus  and  Mascus,  tin?  late  father  of 
.I'tiyanttnomo,  tfovorned  that  great  people,"  they  ascribed  the  late  "tumults  and 
outbreakings '' to  the  malicious,  rash  and  amliitious  spirit  o{  Mianlunnomohj 
more  than  to  "  any  aftected  way  of  their  own." 

Notwitlistanduig,  Miantunnomoh  being  now  juit  to  death,  the  English  and 
their  confederate  Indian  sachems,  namely,  "  I'nnis,  sagamore  of  tlie  Mohegins, 


♦This  WQ8  wriltcn  about  1613. 


t  Col.  U.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  vol.  i. 


m 


CANONICUS.— HIS  WAR  WITH  THE  PEQUOT.S. 


[DOOK  II- 


and  his  people,  Wooaamequine  mid  liis  pcopU;,  Sacaiiocoe  uud  his  people,  Pum- 
lutm  una  his  people,  were  disposcHJ,  tiit'y  said,  still  to  have  peace  with  the 
Narragaiisets ;  hut  should  expei-t  a  more  luithfid  ohservuuce  of  tlieir  agree- 
ment than  they  had  shown  hitlierto."  Tiiis  determination  was  to  be  innuc- 
diately  laid  Ijelbre  them,  and  a  pr(>ni|)t  answer  demimded. 

In  a  L'rave  assembly,  upon  a  certain  occasion,  Canonicua  thus  addressed 
Roger  Williams:  "I  have  never  suffercil  any  wrong  to  be  offered  to  the 
English  since  tlu:y  landed,  nor  never  will;"  and  oilen  repeated  the  word 
Wunnaunewayean.  "  It"  the  Englishman  speak  true,  if  he  mean  truly,  then 
shall  I  go  to  my  grav('  in  peace,  and  hope  that  the  English  luid  my  posterity 
shall  live  in  love  and  peace  together." 

When  Mr.  H'illiams  t^iM  he  hoped  he  had  no  cause  to  (|uestion  the  English- 
men's tounnaumivaiioiKk,  that  is,  faithfidness,  having  long  been  acquainted  with 
it,  Canonicus  took  a  stick,  and,  breaking  it  into  Km  pieces,  related  ten  instances 
wherein  they  had  proved  false ;  laying  down  a  piece  at  each  instance.  Mr. 
Willianis  satisfied  him  that  he  was  mistaktui  in  some  of  them,  and  as  to  others 
he  agreed  to  intercede  with  the  governor,  who,  he  doubted  not,  would  make 
Batistaction  for  them. 

In  1()35,  Rev.  Roger  Williams  found  Canonicua  and  Mianlunnotmh  carrying 
on  a  bloody  war  against  the  Wampanoags.  By  his  intercession  an  end  was 
put  to  it,  and  he  grew  much  in  i'uvor  with  all  the  sachems ;  especially  Canonicua, 
whose  "heart  (he  says)  was  stirnMl  up  to  love  me  us  his  son  to  his  last  gasp." 
He  sold  the  Island  of  Rhode  Island  to  William  Coddington,  Roger  Williania, 
and  others.  A  son  of  Canonicua,  named  Mnkaali,  is  named  by  Williams  as 
inheriting  his  father's  spirit.  This  son  is  also  called  Meika,  who,  after  his 
father's  death,  was  chief"  sachem  of  the  Narraganscts,  and  was  said  to  have 
been  his  eldest  son.  Many  particidais  of  him  will  be  found  in  our  progress 
onwnrd. 

At  the  time  of  the  Peqiiot  war,  much  pains  wus  tukcn  to  secure  the  friend- 
ship of  Caiwnicua  more  firndy.  JMr.  Williama  wrote  to  Governor  Wintkrop 
concerning  him  us  follows:  "Sir,  if  any  thing  be  sent  to  the  princes,  I  find 
Canottnicua  would  gladly  acce|>t  of  a  box  of  eight  or  ten  poinids  of  sugar,  and 
indeed  he  told  me  he  would  thank  Mr.  Governor  for  a  box  full."  In  another 
letter  which  Mr.  Williama  sent  to  the  sjuue  by  Mianlunnomoh  himself,  he  says, 
"I  am  bold  to  request  a  word  of  advice  of  you  conceriung  a  proposition  made 
by  Caunounicua  and  MiaiUunnomu  to  me  some  half  year  since.  Caunounicus 
gave  an  island  in  this  bay  to  Mi'.  Oldliam,  by  name  Ckibachuwese,  upon 
condition,  as  it  should  seem,  that  he  would  dwell  there  near  unto  them."  The 
death  of  Mr.  Olilkam,  it  appeaiv,  |)rrventfd  his  accepting  it,  and  they  offered 
it  to  Mr.  Williams  upon  the  saiiic!  conditions;  but  he  firet  desired  to  know 
whether,  in  so  doing,  it  would  be  perfectly  agreeable  to  Massachusetts,  and 
that  he  had  no  idea  of  accepting,  without  jmyiiig  die  chiefs  for  it;  said  he  told 
them  "once  and  again,  that  for  the  |)r('seiit  lie  mind  not  to  remove;  but  if  he 
had  it,  would  give  them  sntistiiction  for  it,  and  build  a  little  house  and  put  in 
some  swine,  as  understanding  the  place  tt)  have  store  of  fish  and  good  feeding 
for  swine."  When  Mianlunnomoh  heard  that  some  of  the  Massachusetts  men 
thought  of  occupying  some  of  the  islands,  Cano7iicua,  ho  says,  desired  he 
would  accept  of  half  of  it,  *'  it  being  spectacle-wise,  and  between  a  mile  or 
two  in  circuit;"  but  Mr.  Williatna  wrote  to  inform  them  that,  if  be  had  any, 
he  desired  the  whole.  This  wus  not  long  before  the  Pequot  war,  which 
probably  put  a  stoji  to  further  negotiation  upon  the  subject. 

There  was  another  chief  of  tlie  same  name  in  Philip'a  war,  which  Mr. 
Hubbard  denominates  "the  great  sachem  of  the  Narra^mnsets,"  and  who, 
"distrusting  the  profl"er8  of  the  English,  was  slain  in  the  woods  by  tho 
Mohawks,  his  squaw  surrendering  lierself:  by  this  means  her  life  was 
spared."  He  was  jirobably  a  younger  son  of  Canonicua,  or  an  immediate 
descendant. 

In  lG(i2,  a  war  broke  out  between  the  Narraganscts  and  the  Peqnots,  on 
account  of  disputed  right  to  the  lands  between  I'aucntuck  River  and  Wecapaug 
Brook.*     It  was  a  tract  of  considerable  conseiiuence,  being  about  ten  miles 


*  "  The  natives  arc  very  exact  aiid  punctual  in  tlie  bounds  of  tiieir  lauds,  belonging  to  ihif 


[Book  II. 

i  people,  Pum- 
)cuce  witli  the 
of  their  agree- 
B  to  be  hninc- 

thus  addressed 
jffered  to  the 
ated  the  word 
can  truly,  then 
J  my  posterity 

in  the  Euglish- 
cquainted  with 
d  ten  instances 
instance.  Mr. 
md  OS  to  others 
)t,  would  make 

wmoh  carrying 
)n  an  end  was 
ittlly  Canonicus, 
)  his  last  gasp." 
loger  Williams, 
by  Williams  as 
who,  after  his 
IS  said  to  have 
ti  our  progress 

•lire  the  friend- 
irnor  Winthrop 
princes,  I  find 
s  of  sugar,  and 
1."  In  another 
niself,  he  says, 
upo8ition  made 

Caunouniciis 
ichuwese,  upon 
I)  tlieiii."  The 
id  they  oft'ered 
sired  to  know 
iachusetts,  and 
it ;  said  he  told 
ove ;  hut  if  he 
use  and  put  in 
good  feeding 
achusetts  men 
ya,  desin^l  he 
'een  a  mile  or 

he  had  any, 
at  war,  which 

u;  wliirli  Mr. 

ts,"  and  who, 
oods  by  the 
her  life   wn.s 

an  immrdittte 

e  Pequots,  on 
nd  Wecapaug 
out  ten  miles 

belonging  tu  thi( 


Chap.  IV.] 


CANONICUS— SOKOSO. 


57 


wide,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  long.  Canonicus  drew  along  with  him,  besides  his 
own  men,  several  ol"  the  Massachustitts  sagamon.'s.  This  was  maintained  with 
ferocity  and  vaiious  succests,  until  1(JH5,  when  the  Peqiicjts  were  ilriven  from  it, 
but  who,  it  would  seem,  coiisidenul  themselves  but  little  worsted ;  for  Canonicus, 
doubting  his  ability  to  hold  |)<)rtsessioii  long,  and  ashamed  to  have  it  retaken  from 
him,  made  a  present  of  it  to  one  of  his  captains,  who  had  fought  heroically  in 
conquering  it;  but  Ik;  never  held  possession:  however,  alter  the  Pequots  were 
subdued  by  the  English,  tiiese  lands  were  possessed  by  the  Narragunsets  again. 

The  name  of  this  Pecjuot  captain  was  Sokoso,  sometimes  called  Soso,  Sosoa, 
&c.  He  had  killed  one  of  bis  countrymen  und  fted  to  the  Narragansets,  who 
protected  him.  This  tract  ol'  country  was  afterwards  in  dispute  btitwisen  the 
Enghsh.  Sokoso  having  deeded  it  to  some  ol'  th(!iii,  (!)  June,  1()(50,)  an  English- 
nmn  afterwards  testified,  tlmt  Sokoso  hud  acknowledged,  that,  although  he  hud 
received  money  for  it,  he  never  owned  it.  IJut,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Waicaloam,  the  wife  ol' Miantunnomoli,  there  wtus  doubtless  some  fai.se  swearing 
about  it.  It  was  reckoned  to  contain  5iO,000  acvcn,  and  tiie  following  is  attested 
concerning  it : — "1,  Watmloam,t\o  alHrm  it  to  hi',  Socho\'>  or  his  assigns',  and 
ftirther,  whereas  my  uncle  JVcnegrad  suyeth  that  it  is  iiis  land,  I  do  utterly  deny 
it  before  all  men;  for  it  was  conquercMl  i)y  my  huslmiid  .Miantoriomy,  und  my 
uncle  Caiwnicus,  long  before  tlie  Eiiglisli  had  any  wars  with  the  Pe(|uots;  and 
my  uncle  JVine/frad  had  no  hand  in  tiie  war.  Tiiis  land  was  given  and  past 
over  to  the  valiant  Captain  Soclio,  for  service  done  ibr  us  beliire  the  English 
had  any  ware  with  the  Pequots."  * 

It  is  said  that,  in  the  war  between  Uncas  and  Miantunnonwh,  two  of  the 
sons  of  Canonicus  fought  on  the  side  of  Mianlunnomoh,  and  were  wounded 
wlien  he  was  taken  jirisouer  at  Sachem's  Plain. 

Canonicus  has  been  the  subject  of  a  poem  which  was  imblishcd  at  Boston, 
in  1803.  t    Among  the  toieiable  passages  are  the  ibilowing: — 

"  A  mig;lily  prince,  of  vcncruMc  aj-o, 

A  peerless  warrior,  Iml  of  jieace  tlie  frieml; 
His  breast  a  treasury  of  maxims  snijo — 
His  arm,  a  host — to  punisii  nr  (li'iond." 

Canonicus,  at  the  age  of  84  years,  is  made  to  announce  his  approaching 
dissolution  to  his  people  thus : — 

"  I  ilic. — iMv  friends,  jou  liavc  no  cause  to  grieve : 
To  al>ler  fiaads  my  regal  power  I  leave. 
Our  god  commaiuls — to  lorliie  realms  I  liaslc, 
Compared  with  which  your  gardens  are  a  waste. 
There  in  full  bloom  eternal  spring  abiiles, 
Ami  swarming  lislics  glide  throiiyli  azure  tides ; 
Continual  sunshine  gii<ls  the  cloudless  skies, 
No  mists  conceal  Kecsuck(|uand  from  our  eyes." 

About  1(>42,  a  son  of  Canonicus  died,  at  wiiich  his  grief  was  very  great; 
Insonnich  that,  "having  buried  iiis  son,  lie  biinicd  his  own  ])a!ace,  and  all  his 
goods  in  it,  to  a  great  value,  in  solemn  nuiicmbraiict!  of  his  son." 

Like  other  men  ignorant  of  science,  Canonicus  was  superstitious,  and  was 
greatly  hi  fi;ar  of  the  English,  chiefly,  perhaps,  from  a  belief  in  their  ability  to 
liurt  him  by  eiichitntment,  which  beiief,  very  probubly,  was  occasioned  by  the 
story  that  Squanto  circulated,  of  wliich,  in  a  prtniniis  cliupter,  we  have  spoken. 
When  Roger  Williams  fled  into  his  (rountry,  \w  at  liist  vicjwed  him  with  dis- 
trust, and  would  only  frown  iqton  him;  tit  leiiglli  he  accused  him,  as  well  as 
the  other  English,  oi'  sending  the  plague  lunoiig  ilie  Indians ;  but,  ils  we  have 
siiid  before,  he  soon  became  reconciled  to  him,  gavt;  liim  liuids,  and  even 
protected  him.  They  became  mutual  helps  to  each  other,  and,  but  for  ani- 
mosities among  the  I'iiiglisli  lliemsdves,  it  may  b(?  (iiir  to  conclude,  friendship 
would  have  continued  witli  the  Narragansets  through  several  genertitions. 

or  that  prince  or  people,  even  to  n  river,  brook,  &c.  And  I  have  known  them  make  bargain 
.Tud  sale  amongst  Ihemselves,  for  a  small  pien',  or  i|uanlilv  of  tjround  ;  nolwillislanding  a 
sinful  opinion  ainoii^'M  manv.  thai  Christians  have  right  to  liea'lhen's  lands.''     R.  Willianu. 

'See  l'iit/n''s  History  ol'  ^■a^ragan^el,  in  Col.  U,  I,  Hist.  (Soc.  iii.  'JIB. 

t  I5y  Jo!in  I.iithnn).  A.  .Al.  in  tivo. 


,'S? 


! 


\\m- 


'H     .lij.- 


58 


MIANTUNNOMOII.— THE  PEQUOT  VVAK. 


[Book  II. 


MiANTUNNOMOH  *  wos  tile  son  of  a  chief  culled  Masciis,  nephew  of  Caiwni- 
cus,  brother  or  brother-iii-luw  to  JVinigret,^  aiid  brother  oi"  Otash.  And,  liom 
a  manuscript  t  among  the  papers  of  tiie  late  Dr.  Trumbull,  it  appears  thiU 
Mossup,  or  Moaipe,^  and  Canjana(]uond,\\  were  also  ins  brothere. 

"This  Miantonimo"  says  Mr.  jHwitarrf,  "  was  a  very  good  personage,  [that 
is,  well  made,]  of  tall  stature,  subtil  and  cunning  in  his  contrivements,  as  well 
as  haughty  in  his  designs."1I 

As  early  as  3  Aug.  1032,  this  chief  came  with  his  wife  to  Boston,  wliere  he 
staid  two  nights.  He  was  then  known  by  the  name  of  Mecumeh.  While  here 
he  went  to  church  with  the  English,  and  in  the  mean  while,  some  of  his  men, 
twelve  of  whom  had  accompanied  him,  it  scorns,  broke  into  a  house,  and 
committed  a  theft,  on  5  March.  Complaint  was  made  to  the  English  gov- 
ernor, who  "told  the  sachem  of  it,  and  with  some  difiieulty  caused  him  to 
make  one  of  his  sannaps  **  beat  them."  The  authors  of  the  mischief  wcri" 
UTimediatcly  sent  out  of  town,  but  Miantumiomoh  and  the  otheit-,  the  governor 
took  to  his  house,  "and  made  much  of  them."ft 

The  English  seem  always  to  have  been  more  favorably  inclinetl  towards 
other  tribes  than  to  the  Narrng  uisets,  as  appears  from  the  stand  they  took  in 
the  wars  between  them  and  their  enemies.  And  so  long  as  other  tribes  suc- 
ceeded against  them,  the  English  were  idle  sjiectators ;  but  whenever  the 
;  oale  turned  in  their  favor,  they  were  not  slow  to  intercede. 

In  the  Life  of  Canonicus,  the  i)art  Miantumiomoh  exercised  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  great  nation  of  the  Narragausets  is  related. 

In  1634,  Captains  Stone  and  JVorton  were  killed  by  the  Pequots,  and  in  1636, 
Mr.  John  Oldham,  by  the  Indians  "near  Block  Island."  Miantunnomoh  did  all 
in  his  power  to  assist  in  aj)prehending  the  murdenn-s,  and  was  at  mudi  jxiins 
and  trouble  in  furnishing  the  English  with  facts  relative  thereto,  from  time  to 
time.  And  when  it  was  told  at  Boston  that  there  was  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
bet>veen  the  Narragausets  and  Pequots,  Mianlunnomoh  was  unmediately  or- 
dered to  appear  there,  which  he  did  without  delay,  and  agreed  to  assist  them 
in  a  WOT  against  the  Pequots ;  without  whose  aid  and  concurrence,  the  English 
would  hardly  have  dared  to  engage  ui  a  war  against  them  at  that  time. 

Eai"ly  in  lti37,  (March  21,)  to  show  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  that  he 
kept  his  promise  of  warring  against  the  Pecjuots,  Miantunnomoh  sent  him,  by 
26  of  his  men,  a  Pequot's  hand  and  40  fathom  of  wampom.  The  war  with 
them  now  commenced,  and  though  of  short  duration,  destroyed  them  to  such 
a  degree,  that  they  appeared  no  more  as  a  nation.  One  hundred  of  the  Nar- 
ragausets joined  themselves  with  the  English  in  its  accomplishment,  and  re- 
ceived a  pait  of  the  prisoners  as  slaves  for  their  services.jj  When  tlie  war 
was  over,  Miantunnomoh  still  adhered  to  the  English,  and  seized  upon  such 
of  the  Pequots  as  had  made  their  escape  from  bondage,  and  returned  them  to 
their  English  masters ;  gave  up  to  them  his  claim  of  Block  Island,  and  other 
places  where  the  English  had  found  Pecjuots,  and  which  tlicy  considered  as 
belonging  to  them  by  right  of  conquest. 

About  the  same  time,  or  in  tJie  course  of  the  year  K);38,  troubles  had  grown 
to  an  alarming  height  between  the  Narragausets  and  Mohegans,  and,  us  ustuil, 

*  This  spelling  is  according'  lo  M'iiillirnp:  wc  |)ri't'er  U7//i(i«i.«',s- molliod,  ns  more  correct, 
whicli  is  Miantunnomn ;  but,  liavin;;  employed  llic  lorincr  in  our  first  edition,  it  is  retained  in 
tliis.  It  is,  however,  oftener  written  M>jant(mimn  now,  whicli  only  shows  another  pronuncia- 
lioii.  The  accent  is  usually  upon  the  pciiullinialc  sylluLle.  See  Callemhr'n  Cent.  Dis- 
course, page  1. 

tM.SS.  of  R.  Williams.  t  Now  published  in  the  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Hoc. 

^Called  also  C(i.?,«w,sY/»r»r/i,  or  Surqiiiiiieti,  and  Patinis ;  that  is,  Pessnnis.  He  "was 
killed  by  the  Moc|iii,  [Mohawks,]  in  the  wilderness,  about  20  miles  above  Pisatoqua,  in  his 
travel  eastward,  in  the  time  oC  the  Indian  wars,  and  other  Indians  with  him,  and  were  buried 
by  order  of  Major  IValdrnn."  3  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Hoc. 
'  II "  Receaue<l  this  First  of  Inly,  1()51),  of  Mnj''.  Iliimfreij  Adcrlon,  [AthfHoii,']  and  the  rest 
of  his  friends,  the  some  of  75  poinids  in  Wanipani  pcag  w"i  seucral  other  things  aa  gratuitv 
for  certaine  hinds  giucii  y  said  Majr.  Aderton  and  Ins  friends,  as  may  appeare  by  two  scucrall 
•feeds  of  gift.     I  say  receaued  by  me. 

CoGlNAC^UAN     .^^-  his  mork." 

[MH.  Documents. 

*r  Hist.  T'/":!;  Ens:.  "K/l.  **  A  name  the  sachems  gave  their  atleiidaiils. 

\\  Wlnthriji's  Joiirnp,],  *+  Miaul iniuomoli  receive<l  eighty.     .Mallier's  Relation,  39. 


Chap.  IV.] 


MIANTUNNOMOH.— INTRIGUES  OF  UNCAS. 


59 


I  in  the  govein- 


Roger  Williams  exercised  all  his  skill  to  restore  tranquillity.  Many  of  the 
Pequots  who  had  escaped  the  sword  of  the  war  of  1()37,  were  among  the 
Mohegans,  and  seem  to  have  taken  part  with  them  against  Mianttmrwmoh. 
They  did  this,  no  doubt,  that  the  Mohegans  might  screen  them  from  the 
English,  who  were  still  seizing  on  all  of  that  nation  against  whom  they  could 
find  any  cause  of  suspicion  of  having  been  engaged  in  murdering  the  English, 
or  in  arms  against  tliem. 

Miantunnomoh,  it  is  probable,  had  been  ordered  before  the  magistrates  of 
Connecticut,  to  give  some  account  of  the  Pequot  refugees  in  the  hands  of  the 
Mohegans,  us  well  as  of  those  in  his  nation ;  which  may  have  been  a  main 
cause  of  the  war  they  had  now  waged  against  liim.  For,  when  he  set  out  for 
Muilford,  he  had  a  guard  of  "upwards  of  150  men,  and  many  sachems,  and 
his  wife  and  children."  Mr.  Williams  was  with  him,  and  strongly  urged  him 
not  to  venture  upon  the  journey,  even  with  this  force,  because  of  the  hostility 
of  the  Mohegans;  but  the  sacliem  would  not  be  dissuaded,  although  he  had 
no  doubt  that  the  Mohegans  and  their  Pequots  were  in  great  force  not  far  off. 
And  while  they  were  on  their  march,  "about  660"  of  them  fell  upon  the 
Wunnashowatuckoogs,  a  tril)e  under  Canonicus,  where  they  committed  exten- 
sive robberie.s,  and  destroyed  "  about  23  fields  of  corn." 

Notwithstanding  this  great  Mohegan  army  had  prepared  an  ambush  to 
iiih  'rept  and  cut  off  Mianhmnomah,  and  gave  out  a  threat  that  they  would  boil 
him  in  a  kettle,  yet  he  went  to,  and  returned  safe  from,  Connecticut.* 

Gi.  this  occasion  he  discovers  great  braveiy,  if  it  bonier  not  too  closely 
iiI)on  temerity ;  for,  when  Williams  urged  him  to  retreat,  they  had  performed 
half  their  journey,  or  about  50  miles ;  and  Miantunnom/oKs  answer  was,  afler 
holding  a  council  with  his  chiefs,  "that  no  man  should  turn  back,  resolving 
rather  all  to  die." 

The  Mohegan  sachem,  Uncas,  was  at  the  same  time  ordered  to  appear  at 
Hartford,  to  give  an  account  of  the  Pequot  warriors,  or  murderers,  as  the 
Engli.sh  called  them,  in  his  keeping,  as  well  as  to  effect  a  reconciliation  of 
difiercnces  between  him  and  Miantunnomoh;  but,  instead  of  appearing,  he 
sent  a  messenger,  with  word  that  he  was  lame  and  could  not  ceme.  The 
governor  of  Connecticut,  JNlr.  Haynes,  at  once  saw  through  the  artifice,  and 
observed  that  it  wtis  a  lame  excuse,  and  immediately  sent  for  him  to  coyie 
without  delay. 

Whether  cured  of  his  lameness  or  not  before  coming,  we  are  not  informed; 
but,  in  a  few  days  afVer,  the  subtle  sachem  ai)peare(l,  not  daring  to  forfeit  the 
friendship  of  the  English,  which,  ii  seems,  he  preferred  to  hiding  longer  his 
guilty  face  from  the  ])r('sence  of  the  magnanimous  Miantunnomoh. 

Now  before  the  English,  Uncas  was  charged  with  the  depredations,  some 
of  which  were  too  well  attested  to  admit  of  a  denial,  and  others  were  dis- 
owned in  part.  The  inquiry  seems  to  have  ended  afler  the  parties  were  tired 
of  it,  without  any  advantage  to  the  injured  Narragansets,  and  we  hear  of  no 
measures  taken  for  their  relief. 

The  next  tiling  in  order  was  a  call  upon  Uncas  for  an  account  of  the 
Pequots  which  he  was  slieltering,  which  resulted  only  in  a  new  series  of 
falsehoods  from  him.  When  he  was  reciuested  to  give  tlieir  names,  he  said  he 
knew  none  of  them,  and  that  there  were  but  20  in  his  dominions.  Whereupon 
witnesses  were  called,  whose  testimonies  ])roved,  in  his  presence,  that  his 
statement  was  false.  "  Then  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  30."  At  length 
Mr.  Hames  dismissed  him,  with  orders  to  bring  in  their  names  in  10  days,  or 
he  would  take  those  Indians  by  force  out  of  his  country.  But,  when  Mian- 
tunnomoh was  called  upon  for  the  names  of  those  with  him,  nothing  was 
withheld, 

At  this  time,  at  the  request  of  the  English,  Miantunnomoh  consented  to  lay 
aside  all  animosities,  and  take  Uncas  by  the  hand.  When  he  liati  done  this, 
he  urged  Uncas  to  dine  with  him ;  but  the  guilty  sachem  would  not,  though 
pressed  by  the  English  for  some  time  to  do  so ;  and  thus  all  efforts  to  bring 
about  a  peace  vanished,  f 


•Coll.  R.I.  Hist.  Sociii.  145. 


tibid.  iii,  146,147. 


60 


MIANTUNNOMOII  SELLS  AQUIDNICK. 


[Book  n. 


i 


:    ; 


Rev.  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  aasocintes  {lurchased  Shaoinet,  nftci-wards 
culled  Warwick,  from  the  Earl  of  ^Varwi(!k,  of  Miantunnomoh ;  but,  as 
Gorton  could  do  nothing  right  ui  the  eyes  of  the  Puritans  of  Massachusetts, 
Pumham  was  instigated  to  claim  said  tract  of  rountiy;  and,  although  a 
sachem  under  Miantunnomoh,*  did  not  hesitate,  when  supported  by  the  Eng- 
lish, to  assert  his  claim  as  chief  aacliem.  And  tlie  government  of  Massachu- 
setts, to  give  to  their  interference  the  a])pearunce  of  disinterestedness,  which  it 
would  seem,  from  their  own  vindication,  tiny  thought  there  was  a  chance  to 
doubt,  "  Send  for  the  foresaid  sachems,  [who  had  complained  of  Mr.  Gorton 
and  others,  through  the  instigation  of  the  English,]  and  upon  examination 
find,  both  by  English  and  Indian  testimony,  that  Miantonomo  was  only  a 
usurper,  and  had  no  title  to  the  foresaid  lands."  f  This  is  against  the  testi- 
mony of  every  record,  and  could  no  more  have  been  believed  then,  than  that 
Philip  was  not  sachem  of  Pokanoket.  In  all  cases  of  jjurchase,  in  those 
times,  the  chief  sachem's  grant  was  valid,  and  maintained,  in  almost  every 
instance,  by  the  purchaser  or  grantee.  It  was  customary,  generally,  to  make 
the  inferior  sachems,  and  sonietimcs  all  their  men,  presents,  but  it  was  by  no 
means  a  law.  The  chief  sachems  often  permitted  those  under  them  to 
dispose  of  lands  also,  without  being  called  to  account.  This  was  precisely 
the  situation  of  things  in  the  Warwick  controversy,  of  which  we  shall  have 
occasion  again  to  si)eak,  when  we  come  to  the  life  of  Pumham. 

In  March,  1G38,  Miantunnomoh,  with  four  other  sachems,  sold  to  William 
Coddinglon  and  othei-s,  tlie  island  now  called  Rhode  Island,  also  most  of  the 
othei*s  in  Narraganset  bay,  "  for  the  full  payment  of  40  fathom  of  white  peag, 
to  be  equally  divided"  between  them.  Hence  *l/jan/un?iomoA  received  eigiit 
fathom.  He  was  to  "  have  ton  coats  and  twenty  ho(>s  to  give  to  the  present  in- 
habitants, that  they  shall  remove  themselves  from  the  island  before  next  winter." 
The  deed  of  this  purchase,  a  co\\\  of  which  is  in  my  possession,  is  dated 
24th  Mm-ch,  and  runs  thus:  "We,  Canonicas  and  Meantinomie,  the  two  chief 
sachems  of  Naragansuts,  by  virtue  of  our  general  command  of  this  Bay,  as 
also  the  particular  subjecting  of  the  dead  sachems  of  Aquednick,  Kitacka- 
mucknut,  themselves  and  lands  \into  us,  have  sold  unto  Mr.  Coddington  and 
his  friends  *  *  the  great  Island  ol'  Aquidnick,  lying  from  hence  [Providence] 
eastwai'd  *  *  also  the  marshes,  gi*ass  upon  Qiuuionigat  and  the  rest  of  die 
islands  in  the  bay,  excepting  Chabatewccc,  formerly  sold  unto  Mr.  JVinthrop, 
the  now  Gov.  of  Mass.  and  Mr.  Williams  of  Providence,  also  the  grass 
upon  the  rivera  and  coves  about  Kitackannickqut,  and  from  thence  to  Pau- 
posquat." 

"  The  mark  of  ^   Cononicus. 

The  mark  of  ©   Yotnesh,  [Otash, 
brother  of  Miantu.nnomoh.] 

The  mark  of  A,    Meantinomie. 

The  mark  of  , — ^  Asotamnet. 

The  mark  of  vv*v  Meihammoh, 

Canonic  us  ftw  son. 
"  This  witnesseth  that  I,  Wanamalanamct,  the  present  sachem  of  the  island, 
have  received  five  fathom  of  wampum  and  consent  to  the  contents. 

The  mark  of  «$>    Wanamatanamet. 
"Memorandum.  I,  Osemequon,  freely  consent"  that  they  may  "make  use 
of  any  grass  or  trees  on  the  main  land  on  Pocasicke  side,"  having  receiued 
five  fathom  of  wampum  also. 

The  mark  of  ^   Osamequen. 


I 


As  late  as  21  Sept.  1638,  the  hand  of  Miantunnomoh  is  set  to  an  instrument, 
with  tliat  of  Uncas.  Said  instrument  was  a  treaty  of  peace,  a  bond  for  the 
settling  of  difficulties  between   these   two  sachems  and  then-  men,  and  an 

*"Tlie  law  of  the  Iniiians  in  all  America  is,  that  the  inferior  sachems  and  subjects  shall 
plant  and  remove  at  tlic  pleasure  of  the  highest  and  supreme  sachems."  Roger  Williams. 
This  is  authority,  and  wc  need  no  otlier  commentary  on  tiic  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  court 
of  Massachusetts. 

t  In  manuscript  on  flic,  at  tlte  state-house,  Boston. 


[Book  II. 

let,  nfterwards 
lomoh;  l)ut,  as 
MossncJiusetts, 
id,  altliougli  a 
id  by  the  Eng- 
t  of  Mnssuchu- 
iness,  which  it 
rag  a  chance  to 
of  Mr.  Gorton 
II  examination 
10  was  only  a 
;ainst  the  testi- 
then,  tiian  that 
;hase,  in  tiiose 
I  ahnost  every 
)rally,  to  make 
It  it  was  by  no 
ncler  them  to 
1  was  precisely 
we  shall  have 

old  to  William 
so  most  of  the 
[)f  white  l)ea^', 
received  eight 
the  present  in- 
re  next  winter." 
.'ssion,  is  dated 
,  the  two  chief 
-){ this  Bay,  as 
nick,  Kitacka- 
Joddington  and 
B  [Providence] 
!ie  rest  of  die 
Mr.  Winthrop, 
ilso  the  grass 
lence  to  Pau- 

iNICUS. 

lESH,  [Otash, 

INTUNNOMOH.] 
TINOMIE. 
AM  NET. 
AMMOH, 

LNicus  his  son. 
of  the  island, 
Its. 

AMATANAMET. 

y  "make  use 
iving  receiued 

rIEQUEN. 


Ji  uistrument, 
bond  for  the 
men,  and  an 

(I  subjects  shall 
togfr  Witliama, 
ugs  of  the  couri 


Chap.  IV.] 


MIANTUNNOMOH.— TREATY  WITH  UNCAS. 


01 


obligation  from  both  to  appeal  to  the  English  when  any  ditBcnlty  shoidd  niise 
between  them.  This  treaty  was  done  at  Hartford,  the  sidwuiiico  of  whii'h 
follows : 

1st.  Peace  and  friendship  is  established  between  Miantunnonwh  on  the  \mvt 
of  the  Narragansets,  and  Poquim,  as  Uncas  was  llicii  sometiiuoH  culled,  on  tlie 
part  of  the  Mohegans.  And  all  former  injuries  and  wrongs  to  be  forgiven, 
and  never  to  be  renewed. 

2(1.  Each  of  the  sachems  agree,  "that  if  there  ,  .11  out  injuries"  from  citlier 
side,  they  will  not  revenge  them,  but  that  th(!y  will  aj)peal  to  th(j  Eiigjirsii, 
whose  decision  shall  stand ;  and  if  either  party  refuse  to  submit,  "  it  shall  ho 
lawful  for  the  English  to  compel  him." 

3d.  The  sachems  further  covenant  with  the  English,  that  tlicy  nor  none  of 
their  peopli;  shall  harbor  any  Indians  who  shall  bo  eneinies  to  them,  or  shall 
liave  murdered  any  white  people.  They  further  ayree  that  they  will,  "as 
soon  as  they  can,  either  bring  the  chief  sachem  of  our  late  enemies  the 
Pcaquots,  that  had  the  chief  hand  in  killuig  the  English,  to  the  sd  English,  or 
take  of "  his  head.  As  to  the  "murders  that  are  now  agreed  wjion  amongst 
us  that  are  living,  they  shall,  as  soon  as  they  can  possibly,  take  off  their 
heads." 

4th.  And  whereas  it  is  agreed  that  there  are  now  among  the  Narragansets 
and  Mohegans,  200  Pequot  men,  besides  squaws  and  papooses;  tills  article  is 
to  provide,  that  the  Narragansets  have  enough  of  them  to  make  up  80,  with 
the  11  they  have  already,  "and  Po^itime  his  niiiuber,  and  that  atlcr  they,  the 
Pcaquots,  shall  be  divided  as  above,  shuJi  no  more  bo  called  Peaipiots,  but 
Narragansets  and  Mohegans."  They  agree  to  pay  for  every  saiioj)  one  fathom 
of  vvampoin,  and  for  every  youth  iialf  as  much— "and  for  every  sanop 
papoose  one  hand  to  be  paid  at  killing-time  of  corn  at  Coiiiiecticiit  yearly, 
and  shall  not  suffer  them  for  to  live  in  the  country  that  was  formerly  theii-s, 
but  is  now  die  English's.  Neither  shall  the  Narragansets  or  ""  ' 
possess  any  part  of  the  Pequot  country  without  leaue  of  them." 


Mohegans 


John  Haines, 
Rog'r  Ludlow, 
Edw'rd  Hopkins. 


MlANTINOMMY,     •) 

PoquiA-Ai,  alias  Unkas.  -|-" 


The  wife  of  Miantunnomoh,  named  Wawaloam,  was  alive  as  late  as  16G1, 
as  apjieai-s  by  an  information  which  she  gave,  dated  25  June,  concernuig  the 
right  of  Sokoso  to  sell  the  lands  adjacent  to  Wecapaug. 

On  a  time  previous  to  1G43,  Roger  Williams  delivered  a  discoin-so  to  some 
Indians  at  their  residence,  as  he  was  passing  through  their  country.  Mian- 
tunnomoh  was  present,  and  seemed  inclined  to  believe  in  Christianity.  Mr. 
Williams,  being  much  fatigued,  retired  to  rest,  while  Miantunnomoh  and  othera 
remained  to  converse  upon  what  they  had  heard.  One  said  to  the  chief, 
"  Our  fathers  have  told  us  that  our  souls  go  to  the  south-west ; "  Miantunno- 
moh rejoined,  "  How  do  you  know  your  souls  go  to  the  south-west  ?  did  you 
ever  see  a  soul  go- that  way?"  (Stdl  he  was  rather  inclined  to  believe,  as  Mr. 
WiUianxs  had  just  said,  that  they  went  up  to  heaven  or  down  to  hell.)  The 
other  added,  "When  did  he  (meaning  Williams)  ever  see  a  soul  go  up  to 
heaven  or  down  to  hell }  " 

We  have  given  the  above  anecdote,  which  is  thought  a  good  illustration 
of  the  mind  of  man  under  the  influence  of  a  superstitious  or  prejudiced 
education. 

When  it  was  reported,  in  1640,  that  Miantunnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off 
the  Engliali,  iis  will  be  found  mentioned  in  the  account  of  JVinigret,  and 
several  English  were  sent  to  him  in  July,  to  know  the  truth  of  the  matter,  he 
would  not  talk  with  them  through  a  Pequot  interpreter,  because  he  was  then 
at  war  with  that  nation.  In  other  respects  he  complied  with  their  wishes, 
and  treated  them  respectfully,  agreeing  to  come  to  Boston,  for  the  gratification 
of  the  government,  if  they  a.  ;  u'.d  allow  Mr.  Williams  to  accompany  him. 
This  they  would  not  consent  to,  and  yet  he  came,  agreeably  to  their  desires. 
Wc  shall  presently  see  who  acted  be:^t  the  part  of  civilizod  mon  in  this  affair. 
6 


62 


MIANTUNNOMOn  ACCL'SED  OF  A   fONSPIRACV. 


[|5()0K    II. 


f: 


He  had  refused  to  use  a  Pequot  intor|)n>tor  for  good  ronsons,  but  when  ho  was 
at  Boston,  and  surrounded  liy  anueii  iiicii,  lie  was  oliliired  to  sul)niit.  "Tlie 
governor  being  as  resolute  iis  lie,  refused  to  use  any  other  interpreter,  tliinking 
it  a  dishonor  to  us  to  give  so  nineh  way  to  tlicni ! "  The  great  wisdom  of  the 
government  now  dis])l!iyed  itself  in  the  pei-son  of  Governor  Thomas  Dmllcy. 
It  is  not  to  be  expeeted  but  that  Miantunnomoh  should  resent  their  proceedings ; 
for  to  the  above  insult  tiiey  added  others;  "would  show  him  no  eountenanee, 
nor  admit  him  to  dine  at  our  table,  as  formerly  he  had  done,  till  he  had 
acknowledged  his  tailing,  &:c.,  which  he  readily  did."*  By  their  own  folly, 
the  English  hiul  made  themselves  jealous  of  a  powerful  chief,  and  they  appear 
ever  ready  iifrerwards  to  crcMlit  evil  nspoits  of  him. 

That  an  indepeuiVnt  chief  shoiMd  be  obliged  to  coidbrm  to  transitory 
notions  upon  s\ich  an  occasion,  is  absolutely  ridiculous  ;  and  the  justness  of 
the  following  remark  fr\)ui  him  was  cmough  to  have  shauK^l  good  men  into 
their  senses.  1  le  said,  "  fVhcn  i/our  people  come  in  me,  tlieji  itrc  pcrmiUed  to  use 
their  own  fa.ihions,  and  T  exptd  the  same  liherljj  when  I  come  to  yon." 

In  lii4'i,  ('onnticticut  becanv;  very  suspiciiMis  of  Miantunnomoh,  and  urged 
Massachusetts  to  join  them  in  a  war'against  him.  Tiieir  IJ'ars  no  doubt  grew 
out  of  the  consideration  of  the  probabh?  issue  of  a  war  witii  Uncas  in  his 
favor,  whirh  was  now  on  ihe  point  of  breaking  out.  Even  Massachusetts  did 
not  flunk  their  suspicious  well  founded  ;  yet,  according  to  their  re(|uest,  they 
sent  to  .Miantunnomnh,  Avho,  as  usual,  gave  them  satistactory  answers,  anil, 
agreeably  to  th'^ir  re(piest;'«'ame  again  to  Boston.  Two  days  "were  employed 
by  the  com-t  of  Mass'ichuseits  in  di  liberating  with  him,  and  we  are  aston- 
ished at  the  wisdom  of  the  great  <'liief,  (>ven  as  reported  by  his  enemies. 

That  a  simple  luaii  of  natiu'e,  who  never  knew  courts  or  law,  should  cause 
such  acknowledgmeius  as  I'ollow,  from  the  civilized  and  unse,  will  always  lie 
contemplated  with  intense  iulmiratiou.  "When  he  came,"  says  fVinthrop, 
"the  coiu't  was  assembled,  and  befon^  his  admission,  \\{>  considered  how  to 
treat  with  him,  liir  wi-  knew  him  to  be  a  v(>ry  subtli;  miui."  When  he  was 
admitted,  "he  was  set  down  at  the  lower  eud  of  the  tabli-,  over  against  the 
governor,"  but  would  not  at  any  lime  speak  upon  busimss,  unless  some  of  his 
counselloi*s  wen'  jm'seiit ;  saying,  "he  would  have  them  present,  that  thev 
might  bear  witness  with  him,  .-it  his  ri'turu  home,  of  all  his  sayings."  Tlu; 
same  author  further  says,  "  In  all  his  answers  he  was  very  delibi'rate,  and 
showwl  good  uudei-rttaiiding  in  the  princijiles  of  justice  and  equity,  and 
ingenuity  withal." 

lie  now  asked  for  his  accusers,  urging,  that  if  they  could  not  eMablish  their 
allegatit)ns,  they  ought  to  .sutler  Avliat  he  cvpected  to,  if  they  did;  but  the 
court  said  they  knew  of  none ;  that  is,  they  knew  not  whom  they  were,  and 
therefore  gave  no  credit  to  the  reports  until  they  had  ailvised  him  according 
to  a  foruH'r  agreement,  lie  thi'U  said,  "If  you  did  not  give  credit  to  it,  why 
then  did  you  disarm  tlie  'iidiaiis-'"  Ara-ssachiisetts  having  just  then  disarmed 
some  of  the  iVlerrimacks  under  some  pretence.  "He  gave  divers  reasons," 
sjiys  (ioveiiior  MV(i//iro/;,  f  "why  we  should  bold  him  ii-ee  of  any  such  con- 
spinicy,  and  why  we  slioulil  conceive  it  wiisareiiorf  raised  by  Vnens,  &e. 
and  therefore  ottt-red  to  meet  linens,  and  would  prove  to  his  (ace  his  treacln^ry 
against  tiie  English,  \c.,  and  told  us  he  would  come  t<i  us  at  any  time,"  af- 
ihough  he  said  some  had  tried  to  dissuade  him,  saying  that  the  I'.nglish  would 
put  him  to  death,  yet  he  feared  nothing,  as  he  wits  innocent  of  the  charges 
against  liiin.{ 

The  pimislunent  due  to  tlios(>  who  had  raised  the  accusations,  bore  heavily 
upon  his  breuxt,  and  "he  put  it  to  our  consideration  what  damage  it  had  lii!eii 
ti>  him,  in  tlinl  he  wius  forced  to  keep  his  men  at  hoiiii',  and  not  sutltr  (hem  to 
go  forth  on  hunting,  \'i-.,  til'  la;  had  given  the  English  satisfaction."  After 
two  dayx  spent  in  talk,  the  council  issued  to  the  satisthclioti  of  the  English. 
During  the  council,  a  table  wiw  Het  by  iloelf  tor  the  Indians,  which  j\Kati- 


"Wiitlhrop'/i  Jdiiriiiil.  t  Sei'  Ixiok  ill.  clmii.  vli. 

t  lliTc.  till'  rcuder  iniiy  willi  |iroprioly  oxrliiini,  \vni  miotlicr  micliaet  fitrrtttu :—"  I'our- 
qunv.  Mi'ssfignfun,  jr  dtmamie  qiir.  mon  JUulx  MTHtutfiir  loil  puai  puenil  taliuiiis,"  dec. 
HDitiif'H  I.eu  X.  iv.  137. 


ICV.         [Hook  II. 

but  whpii  lio  was 

0  submit.  "Tin- 
iTjUTtcr,  tliiiikiii<.' 
at  witidoiii  of  till' 

Thomas  Dudley. 
Iieir  proccLMJiiijrs; 

no  coiiiitcnaiifc, 
lone,  till  bo  bad 
y  tlicir  own  lolly, 

1  and  tliey  appear 

)rm  to  trant^itory 
id  the  justness  ot' 
d  frood  men  into 
•e  per  milted  to  mr 
you." 

lomoh,  and  urged 
■s  no  doubt  f^rew 
it'll  Uncas  in  bis 
Massac busetts  did 
leir  n'(|nest,  tliey 
ry  answei-s,  and, 
s  were  employed 
id  we  are  astoii- 
liis  enemies. 
law,  sbouid  cause 
e,  will  always  be 
,"  siiys  H'inthrop, 
)usi(lered  bow  to 
"  When  be  was 
,  ovi'r  against  tlie 
iilcss  some  of  bis 
treseiit,  tbat  tlu'V 
s  sayinjrs."  Tli'e 
y  deliberate,  and 
and   ecpiity,   and 

lot  cstablisb  tlieir 
ley  (lid;  but  the 
1  they  were,  and 

1  liim  aeeordiufi; 

eredit  to  it,  wby 
1st  then  disarmed 

divers  reasons," 
if  any  sueli  eon- 

l  by  Uiirns,  Are. 
iice  bis  treaeben 
at 


■  nirt  ireaehery 
any  time,"  af- 
le  f'.nglisb  would 
It  of  the  cbarffen 

mis,  bore  heavily 

iiM^re  it  had  been 

lot  siitli'r  tlieiii  to 

faction."     After 

the  I'liKlish. 

ins,  wiiieli  Mian- 


Sirrrttu  .•— "  Pour- 
I'lm  lulioiiiii,"  iV.i'. 


II 


■( 


Chap.  IV.]  MIANTUNNOMOH.— HIS  WAR  WITH  UNCAS. 


63 


tunnoinoh  appe&vs  not  to  have  liked,  and  "  would  not  eat,  until  some  food  hud 
been  sent  him  from  that  of  the  governor's." 

That  wisdom  seems  to  have  dictated  to  Massachusetts,  in  her  answer  to 
Connecticut,  must  be  acknowledged ;  but,  as  justice  to  Miardumu)m,oh  abun- 
dantly demanded  such  decision,  credit  in  this  case  is  due  only  to  them,  as  to 
him  who  does  a  good  act  because  it  was  his  interest  so  to  do.  They  urged 
Connecticut  not  to  conunence  war  alone,  "alleging  how  dishonorable  it  would 
bo  to  us  all,  that,  while  we  were  upon  treaty  with  the  Indians,  they  should 
make  war  upon  them ;  for  they  would  account  their  act  as  our  own,  seeing 
we  had  formerly  professed  to  the  Indians,  that  we  were  all  as  one ;  and  hi  our 
lost  message  to  Miantunnomoh,  had  remomber(;d  him  again  of  the  same,  and 
be  had  answered  that  he  did  so  account  us.  Upon  receipt  of  this  our  answer, 
they  forbarc!  to  enter  into  a  war,  but  (it  seemed)  unwillingly,  and  us  not  well 
pleased  with  us."  The  main  consideration  which  caused  Massachusetts  to 
decide  against  war  was,  "Tbat  all  those  intbrniations  [furnisheJ  by  Connecti- 
cut] might  arise  from  a  false  ground,  and  out  of  tho  enmity  which  was 
between  the  Nurrugansot  and  Mobigiin"  sachems.  This  wiis  no  doubt  one 
of  the  real  causes;  and,  bad  Miantunnomoh.  overcome  Uncas,  the  English 
would,  from  policy,  as  gladly  have  leagued  with  him  as  with  the  latter ;  tor  it 
was  constantly  pleaded  in  those  days,  that  their  .safety  must  depend  on  a 
union  with  some  of  the  most  powerful  tribes. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  on  fairly  examining  the  case,  that  Uncas  used  many 
arts,  to  induence  the  English  in  his  favor,  luid  against  his  enemy.  In  the 
progress  of  the  war  between  the  two  great  chiefs,  tlio  English  acted  precisely 
as  tlie  Indians  have  been  always  said  to  do — stood  aloof,  and  watched  the 
scale  of  victory,  determined  to  join  tho  (•onquerors :  and  we  will  here  digress 
tor  a  moment,  to  introduce  a  churucter,  more  fully  to  illustrate  the  cause  of  the 
opemtions  of  the  English  against  the  chief  of  the  Nurragansets. 

Miantunnomoh  had  a  wretched  enemy  in  H'aiandance,  a  Long  Island 
sachem,  who  bad  assisted  in  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots,  at  their  lust 
retreat.  Ho  revealed  the  plots  and  plans  of  Miantunnomoh;  and,  says  Lian 
Gardener,  "  he  told  me  many  years  ago,"  as  all  the  plots  of  the  Ninnigansets 
had  been  discovered,  they  now  concluded  to  let  the  English  ulont,'  until  they 
had  destroyed  Uncas  aiul  himself,  then,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Mohawks, 
"and  Indians  beyond  the  Dutch,  and  all  the  northern  and  eastern  Indians, 
would  eiLsily  destroy  us,  man  and  mother's  son." 

Mr.  Gardener  next  relates  that  he  met  with  MiantunnoDwh  at  Mcimticut, 
ff'aiandance^s  coimtry,  on  the  east  end  of  liong  Island.  That  Miantunnomoh. 
was  there,  as  Waiandancc  said,  to  bn-iik  up  the  inttircoiirse  with  those  Indians. 
There  weri!  others  with  Miantunnomoh,  and  what  they  said  to  f^aiandame  was 
tut  tbilows: — 

"  You  must  ffivc  no  more  wampum  to  the  Enfxliah,  for  they  are  no  sachen\s,  nor 
none  of  their  children  shall  he  in  their  place  if  they  die.  Tluy  have  no  tribute 
).':inn  them.  There  is  hut  one  Ai//g  in  England,  who  is  over  tliem,  all,  and  if  you 
should  send  him  l(H),{M)  fathom  of  ivampum,  he  would  not  f::ive  you  a  knife  for  it, 
nor  thank  you."  Then  said  /r(/mm/rt/i'T,  "They  will  come  and  kill  us  all,  as 
rliey  (lid  tlie  lV<|iiils;"  but  replied  the  Narragau.sets,  " A*",  the  Peumis  ffavt 
them  wampum  and  beaver,  which  they  loved  so  welt,  but  they  sent  it  them  agaiuj 
i(nd,  killed  them  because  tliey  had  klllid  an  Euarlinhnian  ;  /(i(^  you  have  killed  none, 
Ihenfore  /rive  them  nothintr." 

S'oiiii?  time  after,  .l/ic»(i/ioim»mf(/i  went  again,  "with  a  troop  of  men,  to  the 
same  iilare,  and,  instead  of  receiving  presents  as  formerly,  In-  gave  presentH 
to  H'nuindanre  ami  his  people,  and  made  the  following  speech: — 

"  Iti'iitliers,  we  must  Iki  ono  n.-  tho  l''.ii^r|isb  lire,  or  we  sbtdl  sotui  all  i)C 
deslioyi'd.  \  ou  know  oiir  fiilliers  had  plejity  of  deer  and  skins,  and  our 
pliiins  were  lull  of  deer  and  of  turkeys,  and  our  coves  and  rivers  were  full  of 
lish.     Itiit,  I  licit  hers,  since  these  Ijiglish  have  seized  upon  our  country,  they 


III  d 


own  tlie  grass  witli  scmIhs,  a 


iiid  tl 


le  trees 


witl 


I  axes. 


Tl 


leir  <'ows 


and 


t 


horses  eat  up  tile  gni^s,  and  their  hogs  spoil  our  beds  of  clams;  and   liiial 
»ve  shall  starve  to  death!     Tlierei; ire,  stand  not  in  your  own  light,  I  beseer 
Vfiii,  but  resolve  with  us  to  act  like  men.     ,\||  the  sachenm  both  to  the  east 
nil. I  \\\<\   lia\e  ji.iii".!  with  u-*,  am!  wr  are  all  rcMilv  d  to  liill  upon  them,  at  u 


64 


MIANTUNNOMOH  DEFEATED  AND  TAKEN  PRISONER.  [Book  II. 


L 


'I  wmi 


if 

m 


day  a])j)ointe(l,  and  therefore  I  have  come  secretly  to  you,  because  you  can 
ncr.siiaile  the  ludiuiis  to  do  Avhat  you  will.  Urothcrs,  I  will  send  over  50 
Indians  to  Miuiisses,  and  80  to  you  from  thence,  and  take  an  100  of 
Southaini)ton  Indians,  with  an  100  of  your  own  here.  And,  when  you 
see  the  three  fires  that  will  be  made  at  the  end  of  40  days  hence,  in  a 
clear  niglit,  then  act  as  we  act,  and  the  next  day  fall  on  and  kill  men,  women 
and  children,  but  no  cows ;  they  must  be  killed  as  we  need  them  for  pro- 
visions, till  the  deer  come  affain." 

To  this  speech  all  the  old  men  said,  "  Wwregen,"  i.  e.  "It  is  well."  But 
this  great  plot,  if  the  account  given  by  ff'aiandance  be  true,  was  by  hitn 
brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  English,  and  bo  failed.  "And  the  plotter," 
says  Gardener,  "next  si)nng  after,  did  as  Ahab  did  at  Ramoth-Gilead.— So  he 
to  Slohi'gan,*  and  there  had  his  fall."t 

Capture  and  death  of  Miantunnomoli. — The  war  brought  on  between  Uncas 
and  Miantunnomoh  was  i  t  within  the  juri.>)diction  of  the  English,  nor  is  it  to 
be  expected  that  they  could  with  certainty  determine  the  justness  of  its  cause. 
The  broil  had  long  existed,  but  the  ojjcn  rupture  was  brought  on  by  Uncus' 
making  war  upon  Scquassnn,  one  of  the  sachems  under  Miantunnomoh,  The 
Englisii  accoutits  say,  (and  we  have!  no  other,)  that  about  1000  warriora  were 
raised  by  Miantunnomoh,  who  came  upon  Uncas  unprepared,  havnig  oidy 
about  400  m»!n ;  yet,  after  an  obstinate  battle,  in  which  many  were  killed  on 
both  sides,  the  Narragaiisets  were  put  to  flight,  and  Miantunnomoh  taken 
prisoner;  that  lit;  endeavored  to  save  himself  by  flight,  but,  having  on  a  coat 
of  mail,  wiLs  known  from  the  rest,  and  seized  by  two  J  of  his  own  men,  who 
Jioped  by  their  treachery  to  save  their  own  lives.  Whereupon  they  imme- 
diately delivered  him  up  to  the  conqueror.  Uncas  slew  them  both  instantly  ; 
probably  with  his  own  iiand.  This  specimen  of  Ins  bravery  must  have  had  a 
sidiitary  etli'ct  on  all  such  as  afterwards  chanced  to  tliink  of  acting  the  part 
of  traitoi-s  in  their  vvai-s,  at  least  among  the  Narragansets. 

The  English  of  Rhode  Island  rather  fiivored  the  cause  of  the  Narragansets, 
nor  could  a  dift'erent  com-sc  be  expected  of  them,  satisfied  as  they  were,  thot 
that  nation  were  greatly  wronged ;  while,  on  the  otlier  hand,  Connecticut  and 
Blassaehu.sctts  niilier  fiivon-d  the  Mohegan.s.  That  Mianttmnomoh  should  not 
hulfer  in  his  iM-rson,  in  battles  which,  it  was  now  seen,  were  inevitabi'  Samuel 
Gorton  furnished  him  with  a  heavy  old  Englisii  armor,  or  coat  of  mail;  and 
this,  instead  of  being  beneficial,  as  it  was  intended,  proved  tlie  destruction  of 
his  friend.  For,  when  a  n'tnat  became  necessary,  not  being  used  to  this  kind 
of  ca|>ari.<nn,  it  both  olistrueled  his  efforts  at  resistanct;  and  his  means  of  flight. 
About  .')0  of  his  men  were  killed,  and  many  more  were  wounded. 

Being  lirouglit  befJire  Unras,  lie  remained  without  speaking  a  word,  until 
Uncas  sjioke  to  him,  and  said,  "  If  you  had  taken  me,  I  would  have  besought  you 
for  my  life,"  He  then  took  his  prisoner  to  liaitfonl,  and  at  his  iv(|ue8t1eft 
liim  a  prisoner  with  tiie  i'.nglisli,  niilil  the  nnnd  of  the  United  Colonies  should 
be  known  as  to  what  di.-^positiou  should  Im  made  «)f  him. 

The  sorrowful  part  of  the  tale  w  yet  to  be  told.  The  commissioners  of  tho 
United  Colonies,  having  eon vi'ned  at  Boston,  "taking  into  serious  considera- 
tion, they  say,  what  was  safest  and  best  to  Im;  done,  wei-e  all  of  opinion  that  it 
would  not  he  sali'  to  set  him  at  lilierty,  neither  iiad  we  sutlieient  ground  for  us 
to  |»ut  him  to  d('ath."§  The  awtid  (lesign  of  putting  to  death  their  friend  they 
liad  not  yrt  fixed  upon;  but,  calling  to  dieir  aid  in  council  "five  of  the  most 
judicious  elders,"  ^Uliiy  t\U  agreed  \\mi  he  ouehl  to  lie  put  to  death,"  This  was 
the  (inal  di-cision  ;  ami,  to  complete  the  deeiFof  darkness,  s»'erecy  was  enjoin- 
ed upon  all.     And  their  determination  was   to   be   made   known  tu  Uncus 


"  This  (foos  1(1  slmw  (linl  Ml  •iitiiimonwh  «:i>  not  killi'd  iiliovr  llnrtfiird,  a.i  Whilhrnp  »tnle« ; 
(i.r  tin-  roiiiilrv  m  mmiii-  ilisliimo  from  llio  nioiilli  of  I'cuiiol  RiviT  wiis  ciillnl  Molii->;<in.  It 
I'riiliiililv  iiu'lmli'il  NN'iiiilsor. 

t.t  <■;.//.  .l/,i,»-.  Hisl.  >'.»•.  iii.  IM. 

•  hi  till'  rccdnls  {II miiil,  ii,  Ut.)  lnU  niic  prrsim  is  iiu<iili<>iirc|  iin  hnvinj{  liiki-n  Vmiilininn- 
•II  •■|.  win.  (•  iimiic  «,is  'l\nili'iiihs,'ii :  ,\\\i\  liitrc  lie  is  nillfd  ii  Molii'jjmi  ii\|>litiii.  Tlinl  llu-ro- 
I'.irr  iIk«  N'.irrii'fnnMi'H  inml  to  kill  liim ;  iMiiie  unoii  liiiii  oiifc  in  ilio  iiittlii,  anil  tlaiigoroujly 
wi'iiiidc'l  liiiii,  nt  ill'  Ifiy  in  lii!i  widwnm  nslopp.     Mcc  mi/e  in  ihc  Life  of  ninigret, 

^  W'iittliitip,  ii.  IJl. 


ONER.  [Book  II. 

lecause  you  can 
ill  send  over  50 
ike  an  100  of 
\nd,  when  you 
ays  Iience,  in  a 
till  nu'u,  women 
I  tlieiii  for  pro- 
is  WELL."  But 
ie,  was  by  him 
\n(l  tlie  plotter," 
i-Gilcad. — So  he 

between  Uncaa 
glisli,  nor  is  it  to 
less  of  its  cause, 
[lit  on  by  Uncas^ 
hinnonioh.  The 
10  warriora  were 
3d,  having  only 
r  were  killed  on 
tunnomoh  taken 
tiaving  ou  a  coat 
i  own  men,  who 
pon  they  iuune- 
I  both  instantly ; 
lust  have  hml  a 
acting  the  part 

e  NarragansetB, 
they  were,  that 
Connecticut  and 
moh  siiould  not 
'vitabi'  Samuel 
It  of  mail ;  and 
destruction  of 
sed  to  this  kind 
neans  of  flight. 

I  a  word,  until 
ve  besought  you 
lis  ivquest  left 
'olonies  should 

issioners  of  the 
ous  coiisidera- 
>pini()u  that  it 
ground  (or  us 
mr  friend  they 
five  of  Ihr  inosl 
Ih."  'I'hiHwas 
cy  was  enioin- 
own  to  IJncas 


M'iiithrtip  slnlt"< ; 
I'll  Mohfiran.     It 


till.  Tlint  llii'fp- 
>iiiil  (luiiguruusly 
rnt. 


Ch.vp.  IV.]      MIANTUNNO.MOII.— CONDUCT  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 


6.> 


privately,  with  direction  that  he  sliould  execute  hiiii  within  his  own  jiirisuir- 
tioii,  and  without  torture. 

From  their  own  account  of  this  at!liir,  the  English  (of  the  United  C-'oloiiii  .s) 
.■^taiid  coiKh'uined  in  the  trial  of  time  at  the  bar  of  history.  It  is  ailowc'd  ili:iL 
Uncus  had  made  war  U|)on  Stquasson,  in  July,  1(>43,  and  <lonc  liiin  much 
injury;*  and  that,  according  to  a  previous  agreement  with  the  English,  Mian- 
lunnomoh  had  coinidained  to  the  governor  of  MassachiLsetts  of  the  coiiilmt 
of  Uncas,  and  had  received  answer  from  him,  "that,  if  Uncas  hiul  done  him 
.ir  his  friends  wrong,  and  would  not  give  satistaction,  he  was  left  to  taUc^  his 
own  couj-se."  No  account  is  given  that  Sequasson  had  injured  Uncas,  but  that 
Uncus  "set  u|)ou  Sequasson^  und  killed  7  or  8  of  his  men,  wounded  13,  burnt 
his  wigwams,  and  carried  away  the  Iwoty."  * 

We  will  now  go  to  the  record,  which  will  en;d)le  us  to  judge  of  the  jiistiu>s 
of  this  matter.  When  the  English  had  determined  that  ffncas  should  excinte 
.Miantunnonwh^  (//icoa  was  orderetl  to  be  sent  for  to  Hartford,  "with  some 
considerable  iiuniber  of  his  best  and  trustiest  men,"  to  lake  iiim  to  a  place  for 
execution,  "carrying  him  into  the  next  part  of  his  own  government,  and  there 
])iit  him  to  death:  provided  that  some  discreet  and  lUithful  persons  of  the 
l:Liiglish  accompany  them,  and  see  the  execution,  t!)r  our  more  fidl  sjitisfuc- 
tion ;  and  that  the  English  ineddli!  not  with  the  Ijwiil  or  body  at  idl."f 

The  commissionei-s  at  the  same  time  ordered,  "that  Hartford  furnish  Uncas 
with  a  competent  strength  of  English  to  dettiid  ]iim  against  any  present  fuiy 
or  assault,  of  the  Nanohiggnnsclis  or  any  other."  And  "that  in  case  Uncas 
shall  refuse  to  execute  justice  upon  .%a)dtwmy,,tliat  then  Mijuntenoino  bo  sent 
by  .sea  to  the  Mas.su'husetts,  there  to  be  kept  in  .sife  durance  till  the  com- 
missioners may  consider  I'urther  how  to  dis|K>se  of  liim."t 

Here,  then,  we  see  fully  develo|ied  die  real  state  of  the  case.  The  Mohe- 
gans  had,  by  accident,  captured  Miantunnomoh,  alh-r  which  event,  they  were 
more  in  tear  of  his  nation  than  beibn;;  which  proves,  beyond  doubt,  that  they 
would  never  have  dared  U)  put  him  to  death,  had  they  not  been  promised  the 
protection  of  the  English. 

No  OIK!  can  read  this  account  without  being  renunded  of  the  fate  of  .Vapo- 
him.  Wt!  do  not  say  that  the  English  of  New  England  ilreaded  the  power 
of  Mluntunnomoh  as  muck  as  those  of  Old  I'-nglanil  did  tint  of  A^apoleon 
atlcrwards;  but  that  both  were  sacriticed  in  consetiuence  of  die  liars  of  those 
into  whose  power  the  iijitune  of  wars  cast  them,  will  not,  we  |)res'une,  be 
tieuied. 

When  the  determination  of  die  commissKineis  and  elders  was  made  known 
10  Uncas,  he  "readily  undertook  the  e\(!Ciit'M»n,  and  tnking  .Miandinnomoh 
.iloiig  with  him,  in  the  way  between  Hartford  and  Windsor,  (where  Uncas 
hiith  some  men  dwell,)  Uncas'  brother,  following  alh'r  jyiianlunnonioh,  clave 
his  head  with  an  hatchet." J  Mather  says,  tliey  "very  liiirly  cut  ofi'  Ids 
liead."s^ 

i)r.  TrumhiUl\\  r  cords  an  arcount  of  caniiibaUsm,  at  this  time,  which  we 
iMiglit  to  caution  the  reaiU'r  against  niceiving  as  true  history,  as  it  no  doubt 
lists  on  the  authority  of  tradition,  which  is  wont  to  transfer  even  the  transuc- 
limis  of  one  continent  to  another,  which  is  this: — ^*  Uncas  cut  out  a  large  piece 
i<f  his  shoulder,  and  ate  it  in  .sivage  triiiniph;"  saying,  "'it  was  the  sweetest 
meat  he  ever  ate ;  it  iiiadt!  his  heart  strong.' "  II 

■  lliihlninl,  N.  E.  UA).  f  Renirils  of  tlic  U.  Ciiloiiios. 

;  W  iiilliiiip'.i  Jourmil,  |i.  l.'U.  As  lo  ll«'  (ilnoc  i)t'  Mianlmmomoh' a  ext'cillioii,  iV'iiillirop 
^riMiis  lo  liiivi'  lii'fii  ill  it  iiiisliiki'.  Il  Is  Mill  vory  likt'ly  llinl  lie  was  iakcu  in  llii>  o|i|)o»iif 
iliiTclion.  froin  f'lirnn's  iiwii  coiiiilry,  lis  \Viiuls(ir  was  I'riiiii  lliirlfiiril.  It  in  iiiso  iiiilikcly  that 
I  'iwds  liuil  mni  lUri'll  so  fur  from  his  pniiiilry  iipnii  llic  Tlmim'<i. 

.\  K''"'!*'"""'  wlio  InU'ly  visiti'il  liis  st'|Hilrlirf,  says  lli«  wnnilpriii);  Imliiuis  Imvi-  iiuule  a 
lii-!i|i  <>{'  suiiii's  ii|Hiii  Ilia  crave.  Il  is  a  wull-kHiiwii  nislmn  ot  the  riwp,  to  mlil  in  a  iiiiinii- 
Miriiliil  pill-  III'  llii'  (Innil  whi'iii'vor  lliry  iiass  liy  il,  Sm;  A  Cnll.  ^fl1ss.  Hiit.  Sor.  iii.  I.l'i.  aiiit 
./. //(•r.xirt'.v  i\nlis.  \\y  Hdim!  wrolclirilly  iiriiofiml  iii'i({lil><irs  In  this  sarrcd  pili'  (whiles,  of 
ciiiirM-)  liavr.  iiol  Inn^  siiicR.  laki'ii  stiuics  Irntn  il  lo  iiiako  wall !  lint  t'lioii^li  rriiinin  lo  nuirk 
llio  sjinl.     Il  is  ill  llio  cast  part  of  Norwich.     Calls.  Ihiil. 

^  MaKiialia.  ||  llislory  of  Ciiiiiiri-ticiil,  i.  I.Vi. 

l!  Thai  tills  is  Irndilloii,  niny  he  inferred  fruni  tlm  vlrciiinslaiirii  of  an  fiiunenllij  ohsciiro 
wrilct'i  jiulili>liiiii(  nearly  ihe  same  alory,  which  he  says,  in  hi*  huok,  took  place  mv,;\  the 


66 


DEATH  OF  MIANTUNNOMOH.— TRADITIONS. 


[Book  II. 


Wo  arc  now  pertain  that  what  Ur.  Tnimhull  Ims  given  U8  as  unquestionable 
liistorj',  from  a  "  manuscript  of  Mr.  //yrfe,"  is  only  tradition.  Having  been  put 
ill  iioHHcssioii  of  a  coj)y  of  that  manuscript,*  we  deem  it  highly  important  that 
ir  siioiild  b(!  laid  before  the  world,  that  its  true  weight  may  be  considered  by 
'ill  who  would  bo  correctly  informed  in  this  important  transaction, 

!{y  way  of  preliminary  to  his  communication,  Mr.  Hyde  says,  "The  follow- 
In;:  tacts  being  couimunicated  to  me  from  some  of  the  ancient  iathers  of  this 
town,  who  wore  contemporary  with  Uncas,"  &c.  "That  before  the  settlement 
of  Norwich,  the  sachem  of  the  Narraganset  tribe  [Mantunnomoh]  had  a  per- 
sonal quarr(;l  with  Uncas,  and  proclaimed  war  with  the  Moheg[anls:  and 
marched  with  an  army  of  900  fighting  men,  equipped  with  bows  and  an-ows 
and  hatchots.  Uncas  be[ing]  informed  by  spies  of  tlieir  march  towards  his 
i«oat,  Uncas  called  his  warriore  together,  about  (500,  stout,  hard  men,  light  of 
foot,  and  skilled  iti  the  use  of  the  bow ;  and,  upon  a  conference,  Uncas  told 
his  men  that  it  would  not  do  to  lot  y«  Nan-agansets  come  to  their  town,  but 
they  must  go  and  meet  them.  Accordingly,  they  marched,  and  about  three 
miles,  on  a  large  plain,  the  armies  met,  and  both  halted  within  bow-shot.  A 
l)arloy  was  sounded,  and  gallant  Uncas  proposed  a  conference  with  the  Narm- 


gaiiset  sacluMn,  wiio  agreed.  Autl  being  mot,  Uncas  saith  to  his  enemy  word[s] 
have  got  a  number  of  bl-ave  men  toith  you,  and  so  have  /. 
A^nt  it  n  pity  that  such  hravc  men  should  he  hilled  for  a  quarrel  between  you  and 


/?  Otdy  come  like  a  man,  ns  you  pretend  to  be,  and  we  tmll  fight  it  out.  If  you 
kill  nte,  my  men  shall  he  yours ;  bid  if  I  kill  you,  your  men  shall  be  mine.''  Upon 
which  the  Nurragansot  sachem  replied :  ^My  men  came  to  fight,  mid  theif  shall 
fifCM.' 

"  Uncas  having  bofiiro  told  his  men,  flint  if  his  enemy  shordd  refuse  to  figlit 
him,  he  would  lidl  down,  and  then  they  were  to  discharge  their  artillery 
[arrows]  on  them,  and  fall  right  on  them  as  fast  as  they  conid ;"  this  was 
done,  and  tiie  ftlohogans  rusliod  ujinn  MianlunnomoKs  army  "like  lions,"  put 
them  t<»  flight,  and  killed  "a  muuher  on  the  spot."  They  "pursued  the  rest, 
driving  some  down  lodges  of  rocks."  The  foremost  of  Uncas's  men  got 
ahead  of  Miantunnomoh,  and  impeded  his  flight,  dniv.infr  him  back  as  they 
))assed  him,  "to  givti  Uncas  ojipoitunity  to  take  him  himself." 

"In  the  pui-suit,  at  a  jilace  now  called  .*frtf/irm'»  P/ni;?,  f/ncaa  took  him  by 
the  shoulder.  Ife  then  set  down,  knowing  Uncas.  Unras\\u'n  gave  a  whoop, 
and  his  men  returned  to  him;  arid  in  a  council  then  lii'ld,  'twas  concluded  by 
iheni,  that  Un^as,  with  a  guard,  should  carry  said  sachem  to  Hartford,  to  the 
governor  luid  magistnitos,  (it  being  bofow^  the  charter,)  to  advise  what  they 
should  do  \\ith  him."  "  Uncas  was  told  by  them,  as  tlKTO  was  no  war  with 
the  English  and  Narragnnsots,  if  was  not  proper  for  them  to  intormoddle,  in 
the  afliiir,  and  advised  him  to  take  his  own  way.  Accordingly,  they  brought 
said  Narraganset  sachem  back  to  the  safue  spot  of  ground  whore  he  was  took: 
where  Uncas  killed  him,  and  cut  out  a  large  piece  of  his  shotdder,  roasrod, 
and  iMt  it'  and  sjiid, 'ft  im,»  the  swrrtest  meet]  he  everrnt;  it  made  him  have 
strong  hart.^  There  they  bury  him,  aiid  luHde  a  pillar,  which  I  have  soon  but 
ii  few  years  since," 

This  coumnmication  was  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  and  dated  at  Norwich,  0 
Oct.  176"!»,  and  signed  Richard  Hide.  The  just  n-mark  of  Mr,  Ely  upon  it  I 
cannot  withhold,  in  justice  to  my  subject. 

"The  above  ^Mnnuscrint  of  Mr.  Hyde,' m^  a  /rrff/iVioji,  is  a  valu.ibh^  jtajior, 
and  worthy  of  pn-sorvation ;  yet,  JM-ing  written  12.'>  years  after  the  event 
which  it  describes,  i'  is  surprising  that  I)r.  Trumbull  should  have  iiisortod  it, 

■     "      "" "  "      "t 

main 


ill  his  History  of  Connecticut,  in  its  jirincipnl  particulars,  as  matter  of  fact."] 
In  the  proceedings  of  the  cotrnnission«'rs  of  the  United  Colonies,  the  mai 


(IcHlli  of  Philip.  Onfkn,  lip  uny*,  rut  mil  a  pound  of  I'liillp'i  l)loo(linf;  linily  and  nle  it. 
Tlie  liook  is  l>V  one  Ihnry  Tnimlmll,  niiil  pnrporls  lo  In-  n  liislory  nf  llic  (lisrovi-ry  of  Anipr- 
icn,  till'  Iiiiliaii  wars,  Slc.  The  render  will  Hiiil  it  iiIxhiI  sliills  by  llic  mrpcl-sidc,  Inil  rarely  in 
a  rr«|ierinl>li>  liool<-Hinro.  Il  liaa  l>cpii  forced  through  muiiy  editions,  but  there  ii  scarce  • 
word  of  true  hi«lory  i'i  it. 

*  Hv  Rev   W'm.  Kill,  of  Connrrlirul. 

t  Trumbull  iinvH  inrni,  hui  (he  MS,  is  plnin,  Bnd  means  mtal. 

X  Manuscript  letter,  I  Mar.  lilM3. 


Chap.  IV.]       NINIGRET.— TROUBLE  WITH  MIANTUNNOJIOII. 


67 


facts  in  reference  to  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh,  contained  in  the  above 
account,  are  corroborated.  The  records  of  tlie  coinmlssioners  say,  that  Uncos, 
before  the  battle,  told  Miantunnomoh,  that  lie  had  many  ways  f>0Hght  his  life, 
and  now,  if  he  ilar(;d,  he  would  fight  liini  in  single  combat;  but  that  Man- 
<jmno7/ioft,  "  presuminir  upon  his  numbers  of  men,  would  have  nothing  but  a 
battle."* 

It  does  not  appear  from  these  records,  that  Vncas  had  any  idea  of  putting 
Miantunnomoh  to'  death,  but  to  extort  a  great  ))rice  from  his  countrymen,  tor 
his  ransom.  That  a  large  amount  in  Vtampum  was  collected  for  this  purpose, 
appears  certain;  but,  before  it  was  piiid,  Uncas  received  the  decision  of  the 
llnglish,  and  then  pretended  that  he  had  made  no  such  agreement,  or  that  the 
(jiiantity  or  quality  was  not  as  agreed  u])on,  as  will  more  at  length  be  seen  in 
llie  life  of  LTncas. 

NINKfRET  was  oft(!n  called  JVinicntJl,  and  sometimes  M;nckunat,j  JVini- 
frhul,  J\''cnegeldt ;  and  his  name  was  written  almost  as  many  other  ways  as 
times  mentioned,  by  some  early  writers.  Jaiu<no\  was  the  first  name  by 
which  he  was  known  to  the  English.  lie  was  gencndly  styUid  sachem  of  the 
Niantieks,  a  tribe  of  the  Narragansets,  whose  i)ri!iei|!al  residence  was  at  We- 
kapang,  now  Westerly,  in  Rhode  Island.  lie  was  cousin  to  Miantunnomoh,  § 
and  is  connnouly  nientif)ned  in  history  as  ilie  chief  sachem  of  the  Niantieks, 
which  always  made  a  part  of  the  great  nation  of  the  Narragansets.  JSiinigret 
married  a  sister  of  Cashawashdl,  otherwise  called  Harmon  Garret,  who  was 
his  nncle. 

The  relation  in  which  the  Niantieks  stood  to  tin;  Narragansets  is  plain,  from 
the  representation  given  by  Miantunnomoh  to  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts in  1(142.  In  treating  with  him,  at  that  time.  Governor  IVinlhrop  says, 
"  Some  difficulty  we  had,  to  bring  him  to  dt-si  rt  the  Niantieks,  if  we  had  just 
cause  of  war  with  them.  They  were,"  he  said,  "us  his  own  flesh,  being  allied 
by  continual  intermarriages,  &c.  lint  at  last  Ik;  cond(;scended,  that  if  they 
should  do  us  wrong,  as  he  could  not  draw  them  to  give  us  satisfiiction  for,  nor 
himself  could  satisfy,  as  if  it  were  for  blood,  &:c.  then  he  would  leave  them 
to  tis." 

On  th"  12  July,  1087,  Ayantmo,  as  his  name  w;is  written  by  Governor 
Winthrop  at  tliis  time,  came  to  IJoston  with  17  men.  The  objects  of  his  visit 
being  stated  to  the  gov<'rrior,  he  promised  him  an  answer  the  next  day;  lut 
the  governor,  un<ierstanding  meanwhile,  that  he  had  received  many  of  the 
Petpiots,  who  bad  taken  refuge  in  his  country  alhr  their  defeat  ut  Mystic,  first 
demanded  their  delivery  to  the  English.  JVinii^rd  was  very  loath  to  comply 
with  the  deinand ;  but,  finding  he  could  get  no  answer  to  his  i)ropositions 
without,  he  consented  to  give  up  tlu;  Pe(piots,  after  a  day's  consideration. 
The  govenun*  shortly  after  dismissed  bun,  with  instructions  to  treat  with  the 
English  <'aptains  then  in  the  I'equot  country. 

On  the  t(  Mar.  KKk^,  ^^Miantunnomoh  came  to  Boston.  The  governor, 
deputy  and  treasurer  treated  with  him,  and  they  parted  upon  fiiir  tt>rins." 
"We'gave  him  leave  to  right  liiinself  f()r  the  wrongs  which  Janemoh  and 
ff'eijuush  Cook  had  done  him ;  and,  f()r  thi;  wrong  they  had  done  us,  wo 
would  right  ourselves,  hi  our  own  time."||  lleiwe,  it  appears  Uiat,  at  this 
period,  they  were  not  so  closely  allied  as  they  were  aflerwiu'tls. 

The  next  year,  Janemo  was  coniplaine<l  of  by  the  Long  Island  IndiHiis,  who 
jiaid  tril>ut«!  to  the  English,  that  he  had  connnitted  some  rol)berirH  upon  them. 
Captain  Mason  was  sent  from  Connecticut  with  seven  men  to  requins  satisfac- 
tion. Janemo  went  hnmediutely  to  the  English,  and  the  mutter  was  amicably 
settled.  11 

When  it  was  rumored  tliat  Mianttmnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off  the 


I 


*  Sec  Hatard's  Hisloricnl  Collections,  II.  7,  10. 

\  .So  wrllliMi  l>y  Rof^rr  WiUinms. 

\  Mr.  I'rinrr,  in  Ills  edition  of  Hubhard's  NHrriitlvc,  prohRl)|y  mistook  iVinlhrrm's  MS., 
anil  wrote  As^anfmo  instead  of  Ayanevio.  Hot!  the  edition  IT75,  of  Nar.  p.  W,  Bn<l  ^VlnOiropf 
Jour.  i.  ifi. 

^  I'nnve  says  he  wai  uncle  to  MiaiUumiotiwIi,  {Chronology,  ii.  d<J.)  but  Uiat  coiald  act 
linvo  lieen. 

II  IViiUhrop's  Journal,  i.  243.  U  Ibid.  i.  267. 


ts 


NINIGRET.— DUTCH  AND  INDIAN  WAR. 


{13ooK  11. 


^      ■ 


Engliiili,  and  using  his  endeavors  to  unite  other  tribes  in  tlie  enterprise,  the 
English  sent  deputies  to  him,  to  learn  the  truth  of  the  report,  as  will  be  Ibuud 
else\vhero  fully  stated.  T4ic  deputies  were  well  satisfied  with  the  cairiage  of 
Miantunnomoli ;  but,  they  siiy,  '■'■Jananoh,  the  Niantick  sachem,  carried  himself 
proudly,  and  refusetl  to  come  to  us,  or  to  yield  to  any  thing ;  only,  lie  said,  he 
would  not  harm  us,  except  wc  invaded  him."*  Thus  we  cannot  but  form  an 
exulted  ojiinion  of  ,\'initi;n't,  in  the  person  of  Janeino. 

Jl  Dutch  ami  Indian  tear  raged  at  this  time,  and  was  conductei'  with 
unrelenting  barbarity  by  tiio  former  party.  It  grew  out  of  a  single  umrder, 
an  Indian  having  killed  a  Dutchman  in  a  drunken  frolic.  The  murderer  was 
immediately  <lemanded,  but  could  not  be  obtained;  and  the  governor  was 
urged  to  retaliate,  and  ol'tcn  (;alled  upon  to  take  revei,ge.  He  waived  the 
subject,  foi'cseeiiig,  no  doubt,  tiiat  I'etaliation  was  a  bad  course  to  ])ursue  for 
satisfaction,  especially  with  Indians.  However,  it  soon  happened  that  the 
J^Iohawks  lell  upon  tlione  Indian.-,  killed  about  30  of  them,  and  the  rest  fled 
their  coinitry  ;  many  of  whom  sought  jirotection  from  the  Dutch  themselves. 
Some  evil-minded  persons  now  thought  to  revenge  themselves  on  these 
Indians,  without  tin;  danger  of  sufliring  from  resistance.  It  is  reported  that 
an  inhuman  monster,  named  Mdiiw,  a  Dutch  captain,  obtained  the  consent  of 
the  governor  to  kill  sis  many  of  them  as  he  pleased ;  and,  acting  under  that 
authority,  surprised  and  murdered  70  or  80  of  them,  men,  women,  and 
children.  jVo  sooner  was  this  blow  of  assassination  struck,  than  the  Indians 
flow  to  their  arms,  and  began  lidstirnies  (tf  the  sjune  kind;  and,  with  such 
fury  was  their  onstst  made,  that  they  cut  olf  20  persons  or  more,  before  tlie 
alarm  could  spread  ;  and  tiny  were  soon  masters  of  their  settlements,  and  the 
Dutch  were  confined  to  their  fort.  Ily  employing  Cai)tain  Uiukrhill,  however, 
an  experienced  J^nglish  oHicer  in  the  Indian  wars,  and  some  others  of  the 
English,  the  Dutch  were  enabled  to  maintain  their  ground  ;  and,  fortunately, 
soon  after,  iiogec  ff'ilUnms  accidentally  arrived  there,  through  whose  mediation 
n  peace  was  elfccted,  and  an  end  was  put  to  a  bloody  war.  This  Marine,  who 
was  the  jn-incipal  cause  of  it,  (piarrelled  with  the  gov(!rnor,  on  account  of  his 
employing  Undcrhill  inslea(l  of  him,  and  even  attempted  his  life  on  the 
account  of  it.  Ho  ))resented  a  pistol  at  his  breast,  which,  being  turned  aside 
by  a  bystander,  the  governors  lili'  was  preserveil.  A  servant  of  Marine's 
then  dischiu-ged  a  gun  at  the  gov<'ni(ir,  but  missing  him,  one  of  the  governor's 
guard  shut  llie  servant  dead,  and  JLtrinc  was  made  |)ris()ner,  and  forthwith 
sent  into  Holland.  H'iUiams,  having  l)een  denied  a  i)assjige  through  N.  Eng- 
land by  the  law  of  banishment,  was  l()rced  to  take;  passage  for  England  at  N. 
York  in  a  Dutch  ship,  by  way  of  Uoiland;  and  this  was  the  rcason  of  his 
lieing  there  in  the  time  of  this  war. 

Ik'fore  this  war  was  brought  to  a  close,  ('a])tain  Underhilly  whh  his  company 
of  Dutch  and  English,  kilhul  about  IJOO  Indiiuis  on  the  main,  and  120  more  on 
Long  Island.  Tlie  Dutch  g(»vernor's  (imploying  the  lOnglish  was  charged 
upon  him  as  a  "plot"  to  engage  the  English  in  his  tpiarrel  with  the  Indians ; 
"  which,"  sajs  Ji'inlhrop,^  "  we  had  wholly  dechned,  us  doubting  of  the  justice 
of  the  cause." 

It  was  about  tlu!  beginning  of  this  war,  Sept.  1(>4!3,  that  "the  Indians  killed 
and  drove  away  all  the  English"  on  ihe  coast,  from  IManhatUui  to  Standord, 
the  extent  of  the  Dutch  claim  to  the  eastward.  They  then  passed  over  "  to 
Long  Island,  and  tlure  assaulted  the  Lwly  Mootley  in  her  house  divers  times;" 
but  she,  having  about  40  men  at  her  place  at  that  tune,  was  able  to  defend 
herself.  "Thes(!  Indians  at  the  same  time,"  contiimes  /fV/i/Aro;>,  {"  set  upon 
the  Dutch  with  an  inmlacable  fury,  and  killed  all  they  could  come  by,  and 
burnt  thoir  houses,  luul  killed  their  cattle  without  any  resistuiuie,  so  as  the 
governor  anil  such  ils  escaped,  betook  themselves  to  their  fort  at  Moidiaton, 
und  there  lived  and  cat  up  their  cattle." 

Among  the  English  people  who  were  nnirdcrod  when  this  war  began,  was 
a  Mrs.  Jtnn  Hulchimon,  from  whom  was  descended  the  historian  of  Massa- 
chusetts. She,  having  given  ofli-nce  to  the  Puritans  of  the  liay  state,  (as 
Mussachust'tts  was  then  called,)  by  her  peculiar  religious  notions,  to  avt)i(l 


*  Wimhrop'a  Journol,  ii.  8. 


t  Ibid.  ii.  157. 


}  Ibid.  ii.  13G. 


{DOOK  II. 

enterprise,  the 
us  will  be  Ibuud 
tlie  can-iage  of 
curried  himself 
"ily,  lie  said,  he 
Jot  but  form  an 

onductei'  with 
single  murder, 
murderer  was 
governor  was 
le  waived  the 
to  pui-sue  for 
>ened   that  the 
the  rest  Hod 
ch  themselves, 
ilves  on   these 
s  rej)oited  that 
the  consent  of 
iig  under  that 
(  women,  and 
fill  the  Indians 
ind,  with  such 
ore,  before  the 
iients,  and  the 
rhill,  however, 
othei-s  of  the 
ti,  fortunately, 
lose  mediation 
s  Marine,  who 
iccount  of  his 
s   liti;  on  tlic 
turned  aside 
t  of  Mariners 
he  governor's 
Hid  /()rthMith 
>ugh  N.  Eng- 
•>iigliuid  at  N. 
ix'asoa  of  liis 

his  company 
120  mon;  on 
kvas  charged 
the  Indians ; 
•f  the  justice 

iidians  killed 
to  Stund()rd, 
scd  over  "  to 
vers  times;" 
le  to  defend 
,1  "set  ujion 
>iiie  by,  and 
I',  so  as  the 
t  Monhaton, 


Cn\p.  IV.J 


NIXIGRET.— MOHEGAN  WAR. 


69 


legan,  was 


of  Massa- 
ly  state,  (as 
to  avoid 


IS, 


136. 


persesution,  fled  first  to  Rhode  Island,  and  afterwards  to  the  Dutch  posses- 
sions, not  far  beyond  Stauilbrd.  This  was  in  1()42.  When  the  Indians 
broke  uj)  tiio  settlements  there,  in  Sept.  1(543,  they  fell  upon  the  family  of 
this  woman,  killed  her,  a  Mr.  Collins,  her  sou-in-law,  and  all  her  family  ex- 
cept one  daughter  eight  years  old,  whom  they  carried  into  captivity,  and  such 
of  two  other  families,  Throckmorton  and  ComhilPs,  as  were  at  home;  in 
all  IG  persons.  They  then  collected  their  cattle  into  the  houses  and  set 
them  on  fire  and  burned  them  alive !  A  greater  slaughter  would  have  been 
made  at  this  time  and  place,  but  for  the  arrival  of  a  boat  while  the  tragedy 
was  acting,  into  which  sevcr.'d  women  and  children  escaped.  But  two  of 
the  boat's  crew  were  killed  in  tlicir  hiunanc  exertions  to  save  these  distressed 
})eoplL',  The  daughter  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  remained  a  prisoner  four  years, 
when  she  was  delivm-ed  to  the  Dutch  governor  at  New  York,  who  restored 
her  to  her  friends.  She  had  forgotten  her  native  language,  and  was  unwilling 
to  be  taken  from  the  Indians.  This  governor,  with  a  kindness  not  to  be  for- 
gotten, .sent  a  vessel  into  Connecticut  River,  where  its  captain  contrived 
to  get  several  Pcfjuots  on  board,  whom  he  secured  as  prisoners.  He  then 
iiiibrmed  their  IVieiuls,  that  they  would  not  be  set  at  libeily  until  the  captive 
girl  was  delivered  to  him.  This  had  the  desired  efiect,  and  she  was 
accordingly  rescued. 

Notwithstanding  a  peace  was  brought  about  in  the  manner  before  stated, 
yet  it  was  of  siiort  duration,  and  the  sparks  of  war  which  had  for  a  short  time 
laid  hid  in  its  own  embers,  was  by  sordid  spirits  limned  again  into  a  flame. 
The  series  of  murderous  acts  which  followed,  are  nowhere  recorded  within 
my  researches,  but  an  end  was  not  ])ut  to  it  until  iCMli.  It  ended  in  a  san- 
guinary battle  at  Strickland's  Plain,  near  what  is  since  Hoi-se  Neck  in  New 
York,  about  37  miles  from  the  city.  The  uumbors  engager]  on  each  side  are 
not  known,  nor  the  numbers  slain,  but  their  graves  are  still  pointed  out  to 
the  ciu'ious  traveller. 

To  return  to  our  morn  immediate  sid/ject. 

We  hear  little  of  jVi/ngre<  until  after  the  death  o^ Miantunnomoh,  In  1644, 
the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks  united  against  the  Mohegans,  and  for  some 
time  obliged  Uncus  to  confine  himself  and  men  to  bis  fort. 

This  nffiiir  prolmbly  took  place  early  in  the  spring,  and  we  have  elsewhere 
given  all  the  particulars  of  it,  both  authentic  and  traditionary.  It  appears, 
by  a  letter  from  Tho.  Peters,  addressed  to  (Jovernor  fVinthrop,  written  about 
the  time,  that  there  had  been  some  hard  fighting;  and  that  the  Mohegans 
liad  been  severely  beaten  by  the  Narragansets.    Mr.  Peters  writes: — 

"  I,  w  ith  your  son,  [John  Wintltrop  of  (^on.,]  were  at  Uncos'  fort,  where  1 
<lrcssed  seventc'en  men,  and  left  piasters  to  dress  seventeen  more,  who  were 
wounded  in  Unctts'  brother's  wigwam  belore  we  came.  Two  captains  and 
tine  common  soldier  were  buried,  and  since  we  came  thence  two  captain.s 
and  one  coimnon  man  more,  are  dead  also,  most  of  which  are  wounded  with 
Indicts.  Uncas  and  his  brollK^r  told  me,  the  Narnigausets  had  30  guns  which 
won  them  the  day,  else  would  not  care  a  rush  for  them.  They  drew  Uncas* 
l()rces  out  by  a  \vile,  of  40  appearing  only,  lint  a  tliousand  [lay  hid]  in  am- 
bush, who  jiursued  Unnis^  men  into  their  own  land,  where  tho  battle  was 
I'oiight  vnrio  marte,  till  God  put  fresh  spirit  into  the  i\If)lieagues,  and  so  dmve 
.ilie  Narragansets  back  again."  So  it  seems  tli.it  Uncus  had  been  taken  in  his 
own  play.  The  letter  goi's  on: — "'Twould  iiity  yoiu'  hearts  to  see  thi^m 
lUnciis^  men]  lie,  like  so  many  new  circumcised  Seciiemites,  in  their  blood. 
Sir,  whatever  iul()rmafion  you  liavi",  I  ilnn-.  boldly  say,  the  Narragansets  first 
brake  the  contract  lliey  mjille  with  the  English  last  year,  for  1  heli»ed  to  cure 
oik;  '/'iintiijiilcsun,  a  IMolicagiie  cn|itiuii,  who  first  fingered  [laid  humis  on] 
.yjiitutiniimio.  Some  cuiiiiiiig  sipiaws  of  Narragaiiset  led  two  of  them  to 
T'int!i/iiir9,ni^»  'vi^rwaiu,  wlicre,  in  the  night,  they  struck  hi:n  on  the  lirenst 

ibroMgh  the  coat  witil  an    liaitlirt,  mul    liml   li<>  nnt  funoud  it  with  hie  iiriri,  nn 

li'i|ic  I'oiild  111-  had  of  his  lilr,"  iv'i".  * 

"Tlie  English  tiiouglii  it  tlicir  coueern,"  says  Dr.  f.  M(ither,f  "not  to  suffer 
lii;;i  M  be  swiillowed  up  by  those  adversaries,  since  he  had,  (though  lor  his 


iVhitliivps  .Tiiiir.  ii,  ytifj,  yui. 


t  Rclmian,58. 


70 


MNIGRET.— \ARRA(;ANSET  WAR. 


[Book  II. 


own  ends,)  approved  liiniriolffaitlifiil  to  the  Eiifrlisli  fioiu  time  to  time."  An 
army  was  accordingly  raised  tor  tlic  relief  of  Unais.  "  But  as  they  were 
jn.st  marchinfj  o>it  of  Boston,  many  of  the  [)rincii)al  Narrajtanset  Indiann,  viz. 
Pessecits,  Mexano,*  and  lyUawash,  snjramores,  and  Awasequin,  dejinty  for  tiio 
Nianticks ;  tiiese,  witii  a  larjjte  train,  came  to  Boston,  suing  for  peace,  heiu;:' 
wdiing  to  submit  to  wiiat  terms  tiie  Englisii  siiould  see  cause  to  imiiose 
upon  them.  It  was  demanded  of  them,  that  tiicy  should  defray  the  charges 
tiiey  had  put  tiie  English  to,  f  and  that  the  sachems  should  send  their  sons 
to  be  kept  as  hostages  in  the  hands  of  tlu;  English,  until  such  time  ius  the 
money  should  be  paid."  Atlcr  remarking  that  from  this  time  the  Narragan- 
sets  liarbored  venom  in  their  h(?arts  against  the  English,  ftlr.  Mathtr  pro- 
ceeds:— "In  the  iirst  place,  they  endeavored  to  i)lay  kgerdeviain  i)i  their 
sending  hostages;  for,  instead  of  sachcnis'  children,  they  thought  to  send 
some  other,  and  to  make  the  English  believe  that  those  base  papooses  wen; 
of  a  royal  progeny;  but  they  had  those  to  deal  with,  who  were  too  wise  to  l>e 
so  eluded.  After  the  expected  hostages  were  in  the  hands  of  the  English, 
the  Narragansets,  notwithstanding  that,  were  slow  in  the  perlbrmance  of 
wJiat  they  stood  engaged  for.  And  when,  upon  an  impartial  disiiliargo  of 
the  debt,  their  hostages  were  restored  to  them,  tlioy  I)ecame  more  backward 
than  formerly,  until  they  were,  by  hostile  j)rp|)arations,  again  and  again 
territied  into  better  obedience.  At  last,  Cajit.  Jlikerton,  of  Dorchestei',  was 
sent  with  a  small  ])artyj:  of  20  English  soldiers  to  demand  what  was  lUie, 
He  at  first  entered  into  the  wigwam,  where  old  JVlnigrd  resided,  with  only 
two  or  three  soldiers,  appointing  the  rest  by  degrees  to  follow  him,  two  or 
tliree  dropping  in  at  once ;  when  his  small  company  were  come  about  him,  the 
Indians  in  the  mean  time  siii)i)osing  that  there  had  been  many  more  behind, 
lie  caught  the  sachem  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and  setting  a  pistol  to  liis 
breast,  protesting  whoever  escaped  he  should  surely  die,  if  lie  did  not  forth- 
with comply  with  what  was  recpiired.  Hereupon  a  great  trembling  and 
consternation  snr[)rised  the  Indians ;  albeit,  multitudes  of  them  were  then 
present,  with  spiked  arrows  at  their  bow-strings  ready  to  let  fly.  Tlie  event 
was,  the  Indians  submitted,  and  not  one  drop  of  blood  was  shed."  §  This,  it 
must  be  confessed,  was  a  high-handed  proceeding. 

"Some  space  after  that,  JVinigrtt  %\as  raising  new  trouble  agaiust  Mi^^ 
amongst  his  Nianticks  and  other  Indians ;  but  upon  the  speedy  sending  iiji 
of  Capt.  Davis,  with  a  party  of  horse  to  reduce  him  to  the  foi-mer  peace, 
who,  upon  the  news  of  the  cajitain's  apiiroach,  was  put  into  such  a  panic 
fear,  that  he  durst  not  come  out  of  his  wigwam  to  treat  with  the  captain,  till 
secured  of  his  life  by  mm,  which  he  was,  if  he  ijuietly  yielded  to  his  message, 
about  which  he  was  sent  from  the  Bay.  To  which  he  freely  consenting,  that 
storm  was  graciously  blown  over."  || 

Thus  having,  through  these  extracts,  summarily  glanced  at  some  prominent 
passages  in  the  life  otWinlirrcl,  we  will  now  go  more!  into  particulars. 

The  case  of  tbe  Narragansets,  at  the  period  of  the  treaty  before  spiJien  of, 
had  become  rather  desperate  ;  two  years  having  passed  since  they  agreed  to 
iwy  'iOOO  fiitlioni  of  "good  white  wampum,"  as  a  remuneration  for  the 
trouble  and  damage  tiicy  had  caused  the  English  and  JSIohegans,  and  they 
were  now  pressed  to  fidtil  their  engagements.  JVinisret,  then  called  Jancmo, 
was  not  at  J?oston  at  that  time,  but  ^himsaaqucn  was  bis  (lejiuty,  and  signeil 
the  treaty  tln-n  made,  with  Pessncu^i  and  others.  At  their  meeting,  in  July, 
1647,  Pessacus  and  others,  chiefs  of  the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks,  were 


*  Tlie  editor  of  JohrisDu's  Woiidcr-w 
^cat  mistake  in  itoliii:;'  tliis  vh'ivf  us 
iiiuiK.'s  of  lilt;  siinu'  porsdii,  who  uiis  llic 
lie  Wiis  cliirf  siicliem  (il'  llii'  .\urrii;;iin> 
womnii  ol'  greiil  power."  iiiul  no  oilier 

tunuoiiwU,  an  error  lias  -iireail.  llial  lias 

\  A  yciirly  trilmle  in  uanipum  was  iigreed 
/'li.Ui'/,  w':iif|i  (xlnces  the  all'.iir  in  lf)l.5. 
;  MS.  i'i'?miioia  anion;;  onr  sldU'  pifjurs, 
J  Rela'i  11  of  lla;  'J'ronliles,  ivLe.,  llu,  |i)77. 


cirking  Providence,  in  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  makes  a 
Miiviiiiiinti'iwli.  AlrikiidU,  Mi.taiino,  Mcikn,  &r.,  arc 
eldest  son  of  Cdti/iiiiviis.  Alter  the  death  of  liis  father, 
.els.  lie  married  n  sister  of  AVhiV/vV,  wlir.  was  "a 
than  the  faiiions  Qimiiipfw.  »i  ""o  •'"">  "v^M  M.<i,i». 
J  .|/.<^.M..<.  li^  Mjino  writers  mistaking  liim  for  Mian- 
oecasiinieH  imigh  confusion  in  aeoouiils  of  their  geiie- 


MiiiiHscnpt  Narrative  of  the  Rev.  T. 


Cohbd's  .MS.  Narrotive. 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET.— MOIinOAN   C 


.v:;;i.;v. 


ri 


f  ilio  Rev.  T. 


sent  to  by  the  English  commissioners,  as  will  l)e  found  in  the  life  of  Pessacus. 
Being  warned  to  come  to  Bo.ston,  Pcssacus,  not  being  willing  to  get  any  fur- 
ther into  trouble  by  being  obliged  to  sign  whatever  articles  the  English  Inight 
draw  up,  feigned  himself  sick,  and  told  the  messengers  he  had  agreed  to 
leave  all  the  business  to  .Yinip-et.  This  seems  to  have  been  well  imderstood, 
and  we  shall  next  see  with  what  grace  jYinigret  acted  his  part  with  the  com- 
missioners, at  Boston.    Their  record  runs  thus: — 

**  August  3d,  [1647,]  JVTnenraW,  with  some  of  the  Nynntick  Indians  and  two 
of  Peaancfc's  men,  came  to  Boston,  and  desiring  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  that  came 
from  Pequatt  plantation,  might  be  present,  they  were  admitted.  The  com- 
missioners asked  ATivegratt  lor  whom  he  (;ame,  whither  as  a  publick  person 
on  the  behalf  of  Pessar.kh  and  the  rest  of  tiie  Narraganscts'  confederates,  or 
only  for  himself  as  a  particidar  sagamore  ?  lie  at  first  answered  that  he  had 
spoke  with  PessacA",  but  had  no  such  commission  from  him;"  and  saidtliere 
hud  not  been  so  good  an  understanding  between  them  as  lie  desired;  but, 
irom  Mr.  Winthrop's  testimony,  and  the  answ(!r  Thos.  Stanton  and  Benedict 
Arnold  brought  from  Pessacxts,  and  also  tiie  testimony  of  Pcsnacus^  two  men, 
"it  api)eared  to  the  commissioners  that  whatever  ti)rmality  might  be  wanting 
in  Pessack's  expressions  to  jyine^mll,  yet  Pessack  had  fully  engaged  himself 
to  stand  to  whatsoever  JVineitralt  should  conclude."  Therefore  they  pro- 
ceeded to  demand  of  him  why  the  waminnu  had  not  been  paid,  and  why  the 
covenant  had  not  been  obseiTcd  in  other  iiarticulars.  J'i''ims;rd  ju'etended  he 
did  not  know  what  covenants  had  been  made.  lie  was  then  reminded  that 
his  dcj)Uty  executed  the  covenant,  and  that  a  copy  was  carried  into  his  conn- 
try,  and  his  ignorance  of  it  was  no  -xcuso  l()r  him,  for  Mr.  Williams  was  at 
all  times  ready  to  explain  it,  if  he  hatl  taken  the  pains  to  request  it  of  him. 
"There  could,  therefore,  be  no  truth  in  his  answere." 

JViitigret  next  demanded,  "  For  what  are  the  .Yarrasansets  to  pay  so  much 
tvampiimf  I  know  not  that  the;/  arc  indebted  to  the  English!"  The  commis- 
sioners then  repeated  tlx;  old  charges — tlus  breach  of  covenant,  ill  treating 
messengers,  and  what  he  had  said  himself  to  the  Englis>h  messengere,  namely, 
that  he  knew  the  English  would  try  to  bring  about  a  peace  at  their  meeting  at 
Hartford,  but  he  was  resolved  on  war,  nor  would  he  in(]uire  who  began  it — 
that  if  the  English  did  not  withdraw  their  men  I'roni  assisting  Uncas,  he  would 
kill  them  and  their  cattle,  &c.  According  to  ihe  records  of  the  commissioners, 
JVinigret  did  not  deny  these  charges  with  a  v(!rj'  good  fiice.  He  said,  however, 
their  messengers  provoked  him  to  say  what  he  did. 

In  order  to  waive  the  criminating  discom*se,  A'lnigret  called  for  documents; 
or  wished  the  English  to  make  a  statement  of  their  account  against  him,  that 
he  might  know  "how  the  reckoninge  stood."  The  English  answered,  that 
they  had  received  of  Pessarus,  MO  fathom  of  tvampum  at  one;  time: — After- 
wards some  kettles  and  about  15  fnlhom  7«orc,  "which  l)eing(!  a  contemptible 
some,  was  refused."  As  to  the  kettles,  they  said,  "TIk;  Narragaiiset  messen- 
gers had  sould  them  to  Mr.  .S7(riw;;/o»,*  a  brasier  in  Boston,"  for  a  shillii'g  a 
l)ound.  Their  weight  was  ^'^.1  lbs.,  (not  altogether  so  contemptible  as  one 
might  be  led  to  imagine,)  whicli  came  to  14£.  5,?.,  and  the  wampum  to  4£.  4s. 
6rf.t  Of  the  amotnit  in  Mr.  Sln'imptnn^s  hands,  the  ines.sengers  took  up  1£. 
prohably  to  defray  their  necessary  expinises  while  at  Boston.  The  rcnnainder 
an  Bhigiishman  attached  to  satisfy  "lor  goods  stollen  from  him  by  a  Nairagan- 
set  Indian." 

JYinigret  said  the  attachment  wai  not  valid,  "for  that  neither  the  kettles  nor 
wampum  did  lu'longe  to  Pessacks  himself,  nor  to  the  Indian  that  had  stollen 
the  goods,"  tind  therefore  imist  l)e  deducted  from  the  amount  now  due.  "The 
commissioners  thought  it  not  fit  to  press  the  attachment,"  but  reckoned  the 
kettles  and  wampum  at  70  fathom,  and  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  240 
fathom,  [in  all,"]  besides  u  |Hircel  sent  by  JVinigret  himself  *o  the  governor ; 
and  though  this  was  sent  as  a  jiresent,  yet,  as  it  was  not  accepted  by  the 
governor,  they  lefV  it  to  J\/inigret  to  say"  whether  it  shoukl  bo  now  so  con- 

*  Samuel  Shrimplnn.  prcil)nl)lv,  who  boiiglil  a  lioino  and  lands  of  F.phraim  Turner,  brasier, 
situated  in  Houston,  in  Ifi'l. 
f  Hence  4£.  is.  6d.-^  15  =  5s.  7frf.  =  value  of  a  fulliom  of  wampum  in  16'17. 


MMGUr.T.— MOIIWi.W  CONTKOVF.llSV. 


[Hook  II. 


:U 


sidorcd,  or  wIictliiT  it  should  lii-  tiikcii  in  iviyiticiit  of  llii'  dclit.  JViviffrrt  mM 
the  ffovcriior  slioidil  <lo  as  he  plcasid  ul)oiit  it.  It  \v;is  then  iiKiiiiicd  how 
iniicli  ho  luul  sent;  (it  Itciiifr  di'iiositcd  in  i'u{ali(tnwkin\t  hands,  im  wt;  hiivo 
clscwhi'iT  stntod  ;)  ho  siiid  ho  had  sent  .'U)  fathom  of  hlack,  and  '15  of  whiti',  in 
vahio  toj{('tlior  105  fatiioni.  I'lilnhaiiDliui  was  scut  for  to  stalt^  wlint  lie  had 
tcccivcd  in  trust.  Ho  had  produced  two  jrirdles,  "  witii  a  string  of  wanipnni, 
jdl  wliich  himself  rated  at  45  tiitliom,  airirmin<;  hv.  had  received  no  nion', 
fxeopt  Hs.  which  he  had  used,  and  woidd  repay."  He  was  hroufflit  before 
A'iniffret  and  (]uosfioned,  as  then;  ap|)eared  a  jjreat  difrorenco  in  their  uc- 
connts.  "He  nt  first  ()ersistcd,"  t^ays  onr  record,  "and  added  to  his  lyes,  l)Ut 
was  ul  la-st  convinced  [conlVomed]  by  ^Vinifxrct,  and  his  messenj^in'S  who  then 
brought  the  present,  and  besides  Viituhnmnlnii  liad  sent  him  at  tin;  same  time 
10  fathom  as  n  present  also."  It  still  remained  ti>  be  settled,  whether  this 
w.'unpnm  shonid  be  receiv<'d  as  a  part  of  (hi!  debt,  or  as  a  ]iresent;  and 
JVinifrrd  was  urged  t<»  say  how  it  sliould  be.  With  gn-at  magnanimity  he 
answen'd : — 

".If*/  lnn<rjif  shall  not  hrlir  'ujf  hciiii.  Jf'liclhir  tlir  debt  he  paid  or  not,  I  in- 
tended it  as  a  present,  to  the  ii;overn(ir." 

It  IS  unpleasant  to  contrast  \\n\  characters  of  the  two  ciiicfs,  Ciitshamokin 
nnd  JVluiffret,  because  the  I'ormer  had  long  had  the  advnnlasi'e  of  a  civilized 
iieighborluKxl,  and  the  lalter  was  from  the  de|)tiis  of  iht!  forest,  where  he  saw 
«n  Englishman  but  seldom.  We  could  say  much  upon  it;  but,  as  it  \h 
thought  by  miuiy  that  sucii  disiiuisitions  an;  un|)rolitable,  we  declini!  going 
into  them  hnv. 

What  wv  havt!  related  seems  to  have  fuiislied  th("  business  of  th(!  day,  and 
♦lonbtless  the  sliades  of  night  were  very  welcome  to  Cutslianwkin.  The  next 
day,  JViniirret  cam<!  into  coint,  with  the  d(>i)uties  of  Pessrtejis,  nnd  spoke  to  tlie 
following  effect : — 

"Before  I  came  hero  I  "xpcctcd  the  burilcu  had  IxMni  tlu'own  upon  me, 
Pessnrus  not  iiaving  done  what  he  agreed  to  do.  However,  1  have  considered 
upon  the  treaty  of  1(!45,  and  am  resolved  to  give  the  i'liglish  satistiiction  in 
all  things.  I  will  send  some  of  my  men  immediately  to  Narraganset  nnd 
Niantick,  to  m\sv  the  wampum  now  due  to  them,  and  hope  to  hear  what  they 
will  do  in  three  (i.iys.  In  ten  days  1  tliiidv  the  wampnm  will  arrive,  nnd  I 
will  stay  here  imtil  it  comes.  I  will  tell  this  to  the  Narraganset  confederates. 
But  if  there  shoidd  not  enough  at  this  lime  be  raised,  I  desire  some  forln-ar- 
anc(>  as  to  tim(>,  as  1  assure  you  that  tli(<  nMuaiiuler  shall  be  shortly  j)aid,  and 
you  shall  see  nie  true  to  <lie  i'Mglish,  hencetiirlh." 

This  si)eecli  gave  tin  commi^sionm-s  great  satislaclion,  nnd  they  proceeded 
to  other  business. 

The  messengei-s  sent  out  by  .Yiiiifi^ref  did  not  return  bo  soon  as  was  ex- 
pected; but,  on  the  l(!  August,  notice  was  given  of  their  nrrival ;  sadly, 
iiowever,  to  the  disai)pointment  of  the  conuuissionei-s,  for  they  brought  only 
yOO  fiithom  of  wampum.  The  feelings  (tf  the  comt  were  somewhat  chnngcd, 
and  they  rather  sternly  demanded  "what  the  reason  was,  tlia,  so  much  lieing 
due,  so  little  was  brought,  and  fr  in  whom  this  UOO  fathom  came."  JVinifp-et 
answered  that  he  wa^•  disn|)|M)inted  that  more  had  ii'^t  l)cen  brought,  but  said, 
if  ho  had  lH<en  nt  home,  more  would  have  been  oht.ined:  flint  100  latliom 
was  sent  by  Pessctats,  nnd  the  other  100  by  his  i)eople. 

The  commissioners  say,  that,  "not  thinking  it  meet  to  Iwgin  a  present  war, 
if  satisfaction,  (though  with  a  little  forlienrance,  may  bo  had  otherwise,)"  told 
JVinifrret,  that,  since  he  had  said  tite  wampum  would  have  been  gathen-d  aiid 
paid  if  he  hail  l)een  at  home  himself,  they  wotdd  now  give  him  S^O  days  to  go 
and  get  it  in ;  nnd,  if  he  coidd  not  procure  enough  by  500  fat/iom,  still  thev 
would  not  molest  him  imtil  "next  spring  planting  time."  Tiint,  ns  so  mucli 
was  still  due,  they  wotdd  reckon  the  present  Iwfore  mentioned  ;  Init,  if  they 
did  not  bring  1000  fathom  in  twenty  days,  the  conunissioners  would  send  no 
more  messengers  into  his  coiuitry,  "Itut  take  course  to  riglit  themsfilves." 
That,  if  they  weiv  "forced  to  seek  satisfaction  by  arms,  he  and  his  confede- 
rates must  not  expect  to  make  their  peace,  as  lately  they  had  done,  by  a  little 
wumpum.  In  the  mean  time,  though  for  breach  o.'  covenants  they  might  put 
their  hostages  to  death,  yet  the  comiuissioiiera  would  forthwith  deliver  the 


[Hook  U. 

JVIviiCirl  mM 
n(|uin'(l  how 
H,  IIS  VVt!  liiivi; 
)  of  wiiiti",  ill 

wlint  III'  had 
of  wtiiii|)iiin, 
,(•(1  no  more', 
■ouf?lit  hfforo 

ill  tliuir  u(v 
>  his  lyoH,  but 
(MS  who  then 
h(!  siiiiii^  lime 
whi'tlici'  tills 
)>i(sont;  and 
unanimity  Ik; 

I  or  nol,  I  iti- 

Ciituhamohin 
ol'  a  «'ivilizt'<! 
iviicn;  1 10  saw 

Itiit,  MS  it  is 
IiM'iiiK!  goins^ 

till!  (lay,  and 
I.  Tlic"  ii(!Xt 
I  sitokii  to  tlx; 

vn  upon  uu\ 
,(•  considcrod 
latistiu'tion  in 
raiijansct  and 
ar  what  tlioy 
arrive?,  and  I 
conlederntes. 
oin*}  forln-ur- 
tly  ]mid,  und 

■y  proceeded 

as  was  «>x- 
rivai ;  sadly, 
)roiifrlit  only 
lat  ciiangcd, 
innch  being 

;ht,  but  stiid, 
100  rathoni 

prpHcnt  war, 
wise,)"  told 
athered  luid 
0  days  to  go 
in,  still  they 
as  so  niurli 
but,  if  they 
nid  send  no 
hi'insfflvefi." 
lis  eonfede- 
I',  by  a  little 
y  might  put 
deliver  the 


Chap.  IV.]     NINIGRET— THE  ENGLISH  PREPARE  FOR  WAR. 


73 


children  to  J^inif^et,*  expecting  from  him  the  more  care  to  sec  engage- 
ments fully  satistiod.  And,  if  they  find  him  real  in  his  performance,  they  will 
charge  all  former  neglects  upon  Peasacua"  and  " in  such  case  they  expect 
from  JVinigret  his  best  assistance,  when  ho  shall  be  required  to  recover  the 
whole  remainder  from  him.  All  which  JSTinigret  cheerfully  ac(!eptcd,  and 
promised  to  ptirform  accordingly." 

Notwithstanding  all  their  promises,  the  Narraganscts  had  not  discharged 
their  deln  at  tlie  end  of  two  years  more,  though  in  that  time  they  had  paid 
about  1100  fathom  of  wampum.  At  their  meeting  this  year,  1649,  at  Boston, 
"the  commissioners  were  minded  of  the  continued  complaint  of  Uncos" 
against  the  Narragunsets,  that  they  were  "still  vndennining  his  peace  and 
seeking  his  mine,"  and  had  lately  endeavored  "  to  bring  in  tlie  Mowhaukes 
vi)pon  him,"  which  failing,  they  n<;xt  tried  to  take  away  his  life  by  witehcrafV. 
A  Narraganset  Indian,  named  Cuttanuin,  "  in  an  English  vessel,  in  Mohegnn 
River,  ran  a  sword  into  his  brejist,  wlicrby  hee  roceeved,  to  all  ajipctariuice,  a 
nioital  wound,  which  murtheinis  acte  the  assakint  then  confessed  htse  was,  for 
n  considerable  sum  of  wampum,  by  the  Narragansett  and  Nianticke  sachems, 
hired  to  attempt." 

Meanwhile  JVinigret,  understanding  what  was  to  be  urged  against  him, 
app(!are(l  suddenly  at  Boston  before  the  conunissioners.  The  old  catalogue 
of  delintiuenci(!S  was  read  over  to  him,  with  several  new  ones  ai)[»ended.  As 
it  resi)ected  Cvttaquin's  attempt  ujjon  the  lile  of  Uncas,  .Vtni'gre/  said  that 
neither  he  nor  Pessacua  had  any  hand  in  it,  but  that  "he  [Cuttanuin]  was 
drawn  thereunto  by  torttu-e  irom  the  Mohegans ;"  "but  he  was  tohl,  that  the 
assailant,  befbni  he  ciune  into  tlic  hands  of  the  Mohegans,  presently  after  the 
fact  was  committed,  layed  the  charge;  upon  Irim,  with  the  rest,  which  he 
confirmed,  the  day  following,  to  Capt.  Mason,  in  the  presence  of  tlio  English 
that  v.ere  in  the  l)ark  with  him,  and  often  reiterated  it  at  Hiu-tford,  though 
sinc(!  he  hath  denied  it :  that  he  was  pi-  scnted  to  Uncas  under  the  notion  of 
one  apfK;rtaining  to  Vssamequin,  whereby  he  was  acknowledged  as  his  friend, 
and  no  provocation  giv«;n  him."  CtMaquin  had  afiirmod,  it  was  said,  that  bis 
desperate  condition  caus(;d  him  to  attempt  the  lite  of  Uncas,  "through  his 
great  engag(;inent  to  the  said  sachems,  having  received  a  considerable  quan- 
tity of  wami)um,  which  he  had  spent,  who  otherwise  would  have  taken  away 
his  life." 

The  judgment  of  the  court  was,  that  the  sachems  were  guilty,  and  we  next 
find  them  engaged  in  settling  the  old  account  of  wampum.  J^/inigret  had 
got  the  commissioners  debiteel  more  than  they  at  first  were  willing  to  allow. 
They  say  that  it  appeared  by  tin;  auditor's  account,  that  no  more  than  1521)^ 
fathom  hath  been  credited,  "nor  could  jVYnioTe<  by  any  evidence  make  any 
more  to  appear,  only  ho  alleged  that  about  60()  fathom  was  j)hi(l  by  measure 
which  he  accounted  by  tale,  wherein  tlK^e  was  coiisidenlble  difleveiice.  The 
commission(>rs,  not  willing  to  adhere  to  any  strict  terms  in  that  particular, 
(iuid  though  by  agreement  it  was  to  be  paid  by  niieasure  ai:id  not  by  tale,) 
were  willing  to  allow  02  fathom  and  half  in  that  respect,  so  t'jiat  there  remains 
due  408  fiithom.  But  JVinigret  persisting  in  his  former  nfiirmation,  and  not 
endeavoring  to  give  aiiy  reasonable  satisfaction  to  the  commissioners  hi  the 
premises,  a  small  inconsidt;rable  parcel  of  beaver  beir.g  all  that  was  tendered 
to  them,  though  they  understood  he  was  better  provided."  They  therefore 
gave  him  to  understand  that  they  were  altogether  dissatisfied,  and  that  he 
might  go  his  own  way,  as  they  were  determined  to  protect  Uncas  according 
to  their  treaty  with  him. 

The  commissioners  now  expressed  the  opini  on  among  themselves,  that 
affairs  looked  rather  turbulent, aiift  advised  that  pnch  colony  should  hold  itself 
in  readiness  to  act  as  circurpfltnnces  might  require,  "  which  they  the  rather 
present  ir»  coufiid(;ration,  frofn  an  iuformatifjn  they  received  since  theif  sitting, 
of  a  marriage  shortly  intended  betwixt  ■^yj^nigrcts  daughter,  and  a  brother  or 
brother's  son  of  Sassaq:iMs,  tlic  malignr^nt^  furious  Pequot,  whereby  probably 


*  Glnd,  110  dimbt   lo  riil  lliomsol  yes  of  ,i,o  cxpcii<e  of  kerning  tliem  ;  for  it  must  be  remem- 
LT.!'.?.'„1IL'1,'A     l-iigliili  took  llwr   il  upr^^  ,,,p  eoiidilion  lliat  tlicy  should  support  tlicm  at  their 


owa  expease. 


74       VVAIANDANCE  SEIZES  MIAM'L.NNOMOH'S  MESSENC.EU.      [Book  II. 

their  aimB  are  to  gather  to^etlirr,  niid  reunite  tlie  scattered  conquered  Po 
qnatcH  into  one  body,  uiid  net  them  np  aj;aiu  as  a  distinct  nation,  which  hath 
always  been  witnessed  against  by  tiie  English,  and  may  hazard  the  peace 
of  the  colonics." 

The  Ibnr  years  next  succeeding  are  full  of  events,  but  as  they  happened 
chiclly  among  the  Indians  themselves,  it  is  very  didicult  to  Icuru  the  puiticu- 
loju  JVinif^ret  claimed  dominion  of  the  Indians  of  a  part  of  Long  Islanil,  as 
dhl  his  jiredeccssors ;  but  tiiosc  Indians,  seeing  the  English  domineering 
over  the  Narrogansets,  became  altogether  independent  of  them,  and  even 
waged  wars  upon  them. 

.Iscassasotick  was  at  this  j)eriod  the  chief  of  those  Indians,  a  wai'Iike  mid 
<'-ourageou8  chief,  but  as  treacherous  and  barbtu'ous  as  he  was  brave.  These 
islanders  Jiad,  from  the  time  of  the  l'e<ptot  troubles,  been  jirotected  by  the 
English,  which  luuch  increased  their  insolence.  Not  only  had  JVinigret,  and 
the  rest  of  the  Narragansets,  sulfen^d  from  his  insults,  but  the  Mohegans  had 
also,  as  we  shall  more  fully  make  appear  herealler. 

Wljeu  the  English  conunissioners  Jiad  met  at  Hartford  in  1C50,  Uiicits 
came  with  a  compl.-iint  to  them,  "that  the  Mohansick  sachem,  in  Long 
Island,  had  killed  som  of  his  men ;  bewitched  diners  others  and  himself 
also,"  which  was  doubtless  as  true  as  were  most  of  his  charges  against  tiie 
Narragansets,  "and  desired  the  coiumissioners  that  liec  ndght  be  righted 
therin.  But  because  the  said  sachem  of  Long  Island  was  not  there  to  an- 
swer Ibi-  himself,"  several  Englishmen  were  appointed  to  examine  into  it, 
and  if  they  l(>und  him  guilty  to  Jet  him  know  that  they  "  will  bring  trouble 
upon  themselves." 

At  the  same  meeting  an  order  was  passed,  "that  20  men  well  armed  be 
sent  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  tlie  ]\las.sachusetts  to  Pessicus,  to  demand  the, 
said  wampum,  [then  in  arrears,]  .which  is  308  fathom ; "  but  in  case  they 
could  not  get  the  wampum,  they  were  ordered  "  to  take  the  stutie,  or  the 
vallew  theroti  in  the  best  and  most  suitable  goods  they  can  find."  Or,  if 
they  could  not  find  enough  to  satisfy  all  demands,  they  were  ordered  to  seize 
and  "  bring  away  either  Pessncus  or  his  children,  or  such  other  considerable 
sachem  or  i)ersons,  as  tlicy  prize,  ami  may  more  |)robubly  bow  them  to 
reason."  « 

Fiom  Pessaais,  they  were  ordered  to  go  to  JVini^ret,  and  inform  him  that 
the  commissioner  bad  heard  "  that  he  had  giveii  his  daughter  in  marriage  to 
Sasecos  his  brotlur,  who  gathers  PequoLs  under  hiin,  as  if  either  he  tvoidd  become 
their  sachein,  or  ttgain  possess  the  Peqxiot  counlry^^  which  was  contrary  to 
"  engagements,"  aud  what  they  would  not  allow,  and  he  must  inform  them 
whether  it  were  so.  To  inform  him  also  that  Wequash  Cook  "complains  of 
sundry  wrongs."  And  that,  as  to  his  lumliug  in  the  Pccpiot  country,  t^  inform 
him  he  had  no  right  to  do  so,  as  that  country  belonged  to  the  English.  The 
termination  of  this  expedition,  in  which  .Vmigret  was  taken  "by  the  hair," 
has  been  previously  mentioned  in  our  extract  fiom  Dr.  Mather. 

We  have  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  given  some  account  of  the  acts  of  a 
chief  called  H'ainndance,  especially  relating  to  the  disorganization  of  the 
plans  of  that  groat  chief.  We  come,  in  this  place,  to  a  parallel  act  in  relation 
to  Mnigret.  About  a  yeuv  afler  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh,  JVinigret  under- 
took to  organize  a  ])lan  Ibr  expatriating  the  English;  and  sent  a  messenger 
to  ti'aiandance,  the  Long  Island  sachem,  to  engage  him  in  it.  Instead  of 
listening  to  his  message,  Wniandance  seized  upon  NxnigreVs  messenger, 
bound  him,  and  sent  him  to  Cajitain  Gardener  at  Saybrook  fort.  From  tlience 
he  was  sent,  under  a  guard  of  10  men,  lor  Hartford.  But  they  were  wind- 
bound  in  their  i)assage,  and  were  obliged  to  put  in  to  Shelter  Island,  where 
an  old  sachem  live(^  who  was  Waiandance's  elder  brother.  Here  they  let 
NinigreVs  ambassador  escape,  and  thus  he  had  knowledge  that  Iiis  plan  was 
discovered  and  overthrown. 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  the  sachem  Wniandance,  we  will  add  the 
account  of  his  last  acts  and  deatlh  One  fViUiam  Hamnwnd  being  killed  "  by 
a  giant-like  Indian"  near  New  York,  about  1637,  Captain  Gardener  told 
Waiandnnce  that  he  must  kill  that  Indian  ;  but  this  being  against  the  advice 
of  tiie  great  sachem,  his  brother,  he  declined  it,  and  told  the  captain  that  that 


Chap.  IV.]  NINIGRET  ACCUSED  OF  A  PLO"    WITH  THE  DUTCH. 


75 


Indian  was  n  mi|?lity  great  man,  and  no  man  dared  meddle  with  liim,  and 
that  lie  had  many  Iriends.  Some  time  after,  he  killed  another,  one  Thomas 
Farrinf^ton,  and  in  the  mean  time,  Waiandame's  brother  having  died,  he 
imdertook  his  execution,  which  he  accomplished.  This  was  his  last  act  in 
the  service  of  the  English  ;  "for  in  the  time  of  a  gi-eat  mortality  among  them, 
he  died,  but  it  was  by  poison ;  also  two-thirds  of  the  Indians  upon  Long 
Island  died,  else  the  Narragansets  had  not  made  such  havoc  here  as  they 
have." 

JVinigret  passed  the  winter  of  1052 — 1  anions  the  Dutch  of  New  \'ork. 
This  caused  the  English  great  suspicion,  especially  as  they  were  enemies  to 
the  Dutch  at  that  time ;  and  several  sagamores  who  resided  near  the  Dutch 
had  reported  that  the  Dutch  governor  was  ti7ing  to  hire  them  to  cut  off  the 
English  ;  consequently,  there  was  a  special  meeting  of  the  English  commis- 
sioners at  Boston,  in  April,  1053,  occasioned  by  a  rumor  that  the  Narragansets 
had  leagued  with  the  Dutch  to  break  up  the  English  settlements.  Where- 
upon a  letter  was  sent  by  them  to  their  agent  at  Nan-aganset,  Tlwmas  Stanton, 
containing  "divere  queries,"  by  him  to  he  inter|)reted  "to  JVinegrttt,  Pessiais 
and  Meeksain,  three  of  the  chiefest  Nnrraganset  sachems,"  and  their  answers 
to  be  immediately  obtained  and  reported  to  tJie  commissioners. 

The  questions  to  be  put  to  the  sachems  were,  in  substance,  as  follows : — 

1.  Whetlier  the  Dutch  had  engaged  them*  to  fight  against  the  English. — 

2.  Whetlier  the  Dutch  governor  did  not  endeavor  such  a  conspiracy. — 
.'J.  Whether  they  had  not  received  arms  and  munitions  of  war  from  the 
Dutch.— 4.  What  other  Indians  arc  engaged  in  the  jilot. — 5.  Whether,  con- 
trary to  their  engagement,  they  were  resolved  to  fight  against  the  English. — 
<i.  If  they  are  so  resolved,  tohat  they  think  the  English  loiU  do. — 7.  Whether 
they  had  not  better  be  true  to  the  English. — 8.  Similar  to  the  first. — 9.  What 
were  their  grounds  of  war  against  the  English. — 10.  Whether  they  had  not 
better  come  or  send  messengers  to  treat  with  the  English. — 11.  Whether  they 
had  hired  the  Mohawks  to  help  them. 

"  The  answare  of  the  sachems,  viz.  JS/inigrett,  Pesseciis  and  Mixam,  vnto  the 
queries  and  letters  sent  by  the  messengers,  Sarjeant  fVaite  and  Sarjeant  John 
Barren,  the  18th  of  the  second  month,  1053." 

Mexam  seems  to  have  been  the  first  that  answered ;  and  of  the  firet  query 
lie  said: — 

"  I  speak  unfeignedly,  from  my  heart,  and  say,  without  dissimulation,  that  I 
know  of  no  such  plot  against  the  English,  my  friends ;  implicating  either  the 
Dutch  governor  or  any  other  person.  Though  I  be  poor,  it  is  not  goods, 
guns,  powder  nor  shot,  that  shall  draw  me  to  such  a  plot  as  this  against  the 
English,  my  friends,  f  If  the  Dutch  governor  had  made  known  any  such 
intention  to  me,  I  would  have  told  it,  without  delay,  to  the  E'nglish,  my 
friends.  With  respect  to  your  second  question,  I  answer,  JVb.  What  do  the 
English  sachems,  my  friends,  think  of  us  ? — do  they  think  we  should  prefer 
goods,  guns,  powder  and  shot,  before  our  lives?  our  means  of  living?  both 
of  us  and  ours  ?  As  to  the  4th  queiy,  I  speak  from  my  heart,  and  say,  I  know 
of  110  such  plot  by  the  Dutch  governor.  There  may  come  false  news  and 
reports  against  us;  let  them  say  what  they  will,  they  are  false.  It  is  un- 
ne(?essaiy  to  say  more.  But  in  answer  to  the  lOtli  query  I  will  say.  It  is  just 
messengers  should  be  sent  to  treat  with  the  English  sachems,  but  as  for 
myself,  I  am  old,  and  cannot  travel  two  days  tog(>tlier,  but  a  man  shall  Ix;  sent 
to  speak  with  the  sachems.  I  have  sent  to  Mr.  Snalh,  and  VoIl\  his  man, 
to  speak  to  Mr.  Brmon,  and  to  say  to  him,  that  I  love  the  English  sachems, 
and  all  Englishmen  m  the  Bay :  And  des.'-e  M»-,  Broicn  to  tell  the  sachems 

"  The  tliird  person  singular,  lie,  is  used  tiiroiigliout,  in  llie  original,  as  it  was  supposoci  by 
tlio  propoiiiulers  that  eacli  chief  would  he  questioned  separately. 

t  Kvcry  one  must  ho  forcibly  reminded  of  the  answer  gi\en  liy  one  of  our  rovohilionary 
wortliies,  Joseph  /iwrf,  Esq.,  to  a  British  agent,  on  reading  this  answer  of  the  chief  Mexam, 
l!ll)u^^ll  not  under  circumstances  exactly  similar.  Mr.  Reed  was  promised  a  fortune  if  lie 
■would  exert  himself  ou  the  side  of  the  king.  Viewing  it  in  the  light  of  a  bribe,  he  replied  : 
••  I  nm  not  irnrtli  purrhasinfr.  but,  siii'h  us  I  dm.  the  kiiiir  of  (rreat  Britain  is  not  rich  enottgh 
lo  (In  it."     Dr.  Gordon's  America,  iii.  172.  cd.  London,  l-  vols.  Svo.  1786. 

J  ViiUcrUine  Whitman,  an  interpreter,  elsewhere  named. 


! 


■■i  ' 

II 


M 


76 


MESSAGE  TO  NINIGRET.— HIS  ANSWER. 


I  Book  II. 


of  the  Bay,  tliat  tlie  child  that  is  now  bom,  or  that  is  to  be  bom  in  time  to 
come,  shall  sec  no  war  innde  by  us  against  tlie  English." 
Pesaacus  spoke  to  this  purpose: — 

"  I  am  veiy  thankful  to  these  two  men  that  came  from  the  Massachusetts, 
and  to  you  Thomas,  and  to  you  Poll,*  and  to  you  Mr.  Smith,  you  that  are 
come  so  far  as  from  tlie  Bay  to  bring  us  this  message,  and  to  infomi  us  of 
these  things  we  knew  not  of  before.  As  for  the  governor  of  the  Dutch,  we 
are  loath  to  invent  any  falsehood  of  him,  though  we  be  far  from  him,  to  please 
the  English,  or  any  othera  that  bring  these  reports.  For  what  I  speak  with 
my  mouth  I  speak  from  my  heart.  The  Dutch  governor  did  never  propound 
any  such  tiling  unto  uh.  Do  you  think  we  are  mad?  and  that  we  have 
forgotten  our  writing  that  we  had  in  the  Bay,  which  doth  bind  us  to  the 
English,  our  friends,  in  a  way  of  friendship .'  Shall  we  throw  away  that 
writing  and  ourselves  too.'  Have  we  not  reason  in  us ?  How  can  the  Dutch 
shelter  us,  being  so  remote,  against  the  power  of  the  English,  our  friends — 
we  living  close  by  tlie  doors  of  the  English,  our  friends  ?  We  do  profess,  we 
abhor  such  things." 

Lastly,  wo  come  to  the  chief  actor  in  this  affair,  JVinip-et.  He  takes  up 
each  query  in  order,  and  answers  it ;  which,  for  brevity's  saJce,  we  will  give  in 
a  little  more  condensed  form,  omitting  nothing,  however,  that  can  in  any 
degree  add  to  our  acquaintance  with  the  great  chief.    He  thus  commences : — 

"I  utterly  deny  that  there  has  been  any  agreement  made  between  the  Dutch 
governor  and  myself,  to  fight  against  tlie  English.  I  did  never  hear  the 
Dutchmen  say  they  would  go  and  fight  against  the  English ;  neither  did  I 
hear  the  Indians  say  they  would  join  witli  tliem.  But,  while  I  was  there  at 
the  Indian  wigwams,  there  came  some  Indians  that  told  me  there  was  a  ship 
come  in  from  Holland,  which  did  report  the  English  and  Dutch  were  fighting 
togedier  in  their  own  country,  and  there  were  several  otiier  ships  coming  with 
ammunition  to  fight  against  the  English  here,  and  that  there  would  be  a  great 
blow  given  to  the  English  when  they  came.  But  this  I  had  from  the  Indians, 
and  how  true  it  is  I  cannot  tell.  I  know  not  of  any  wrong  tlie  English  have 
done  me,  tlierefoi-e  why  should  I  fight  against  Uiem  ?  Why  do  the  English 
sachems  ask  iiie  the  same  (piesiions  over  and  over  again  ?  Do  they  think  we 
are  mad—  and  would,  for  a  lew  guns  and  swords,  sell  our  lives,  and  the  lives 
of  our  w.yfes  and  children.'  As  to  their  tenth  question,  it  being  indifferently 
spoken,  whether  I  may  go  or  send,  though  I  know  nothing  myself,  wherein  I 
have  wronged  the  English,  to  prevent  my  going ;  yet,  as  I  said  before,  it  being 
left  to  mv  choice,  that  is,  it  Iwing  indift'erent  to  the  commissioners,  whether  I 
will  senu  some  one  to  s|)eak  with  them,  I  will  8end."f 

To  the  letters  which  the  English  messengers  carried  to  the  sachems,  Mexam 
anil  Pcssacus  said,  "  Wt  ilmre  there  may  he  no  mistake,  but  that  we  may  be 
umlerslood,  and  that  there  may  he  a  true  widerstandine  on  both  sides.  He  desire 
to  know  wlierc  you  had  this  luws,  that  there  was  sxich  a  league  made  betwixt  the 
Dutch  ami  us,  aiui  also  to  know  our  accusers." 

.VTm'/fJ''/,  though  of  the  most  ini|H)rtaiicc  in  this  affair,  is  last  mentioned  in 
the  records,  and  his  answer  to  the  letter  brought  him  by  the  messeng(!r8  is  as 
follows : — 

"You  lu-e  kindly  welcome  to  us,  and  I  kindly  thank  the  sachems  of  Massa- 
chusetts timt  they  siiould  think  of  nie  as  one  of  the  sachems  worthy  to  bo 
incpiired  (if  concerning  this  matter.  Had  any  of  the  other  sachems  been  at 
the  Dutdi,  1  should  have  feiu-cd  their  fblly  might  have  done  some  hurt,  one 
way  or  other,  but  tuey  have  not  been  then;,  /am  the  man.  1  have  ixtcn 
there  myself.  I  alone  am  answerabit;  li)r  what  I  have  done.  And,  as  I  have 
already  deelared,  I  do  ulleriv  deny  and  jiroieHt  that  I  know  of  no  such  plot  as 
has  been  ap|)reheMde(l.  Wiiat  is  the  story  of  these  great  rumors  that  I  hear  at 
Poeatocke— that  I  mIiouM  be  cutoff,  and  tl-at  the  lliiglisli  had  a qimrrel  against 

*  So  iiriiiicil  ill  llduinl,  lull  |iri>l>al>l,v  iiii-iiiih  iIiu  mimo  ai  Volli  V,  in  Iho  latter  case,  liaving 
liiTii  liiki'i;  ('(ir  /'.     \\r  liiin'  kiiiiu'ii  siirli  iiistaiict'.H. 

t  Tim  iMcrcdinjf  liciilciiro  iil'  iiiir  loxt,  (lie  nulliiir  of  Tnhs  of  the  huliaim  lliinks,  "  would 
)iiiZ7.'u  till!  iiiiKl  miislil'inin;  iiollticiiiii  of  iiioilcrii  limes."  IikU^cmI  !  Wliiil !  H  I'iiilniU'ljiliiii 
liii-mr 7  Kivilly,  \vi>  iiiniKit  roiici'i* (■  lliiil  il  oiiirhl  in  tlic  ji-iist  to  |iii/7.l<>  cvrn  a  UoiUm 
IxHj/tr,    W  a  piiiiii!  ukitl  any  ulicro,  wo  ii|i|ir('liciHl  it  i*  in  i>uaio  mt/tli/yiitg  wuid. 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET.— AVVASHAW. 


i  I 


me .'  I  know  of  no  siicli  cause  at  all  for  iriy  part.  Is  it  because  1  went 
thither  to  take  physic  for  my  health  ?  or  what  is  the  cause  ?  I  found  no  such 
entertainment  from  the  Dutch  governor,  when  I  was  there,  as  to  give  mc  any 
encouragement  to  stir  me  up  to  sucii  a  league  against  the  English,  my  friends. 
It  was  winter  time,  and  I  stood,  a  great  pait  of  a  whiter  day,  knocking  at 
the  governor's  door,  and  he  would  neitiier  open  it,  nor  suffer  otiiers  to  open 
it,  to  let  me  in.  I  was  not  wont  to  find  such  carriage  from  the  English,  my 
friends." 

Not  Jong  after  the  return  of  the  English  messengers,  who  brouglit  the  altovc 
relation  of  their  mission,  Awasluiio  ari'ived  at  Boston,  as  "luessenger"  of 
^^nigret,  Pesaacus,  and  Mexam,  with  "three  or  four"  othera.  An  inquisition 
was  immediately  held  over  him,  and,  from  his  cross-examination,  we  gather 
the  following  answers: — 

"wViniaiTef  told  me  that  he  went  to  the  Dutch  to  be  cured  of  his  disease, 
hearing  there  was  a  Frenchman  there  that  could  cure  him;  and  Mr.  John 
Winlhrop  knew  of  his  going.  He  carried  30  fathom  of  wampum,  ^ve  the 
doctor  10,  and  the  Dutch  governor  1.5,  who,  in  lieu  thereof,  gave  lum  coats 
with  sleeves,  but  not  one  gun,  tliough  the  Indians  there  gave  iiint  two  guns. 
Tiiat,  while  JS/inigret  was  there,  he  crossed  Hudson's  River,  and  there  an 
Indian  told  him  about  the  ai'rival  of  the  Dutch  shii)8.  As  to  the  corn  sent  to 
the  Dutch  by  jVuiigret,  it  was  only  to  pay  his  pa.ssage,  the  Dlitch  liaving 
brought  him  home  in  a  vessel.  Five  men  went  with  jViniip'd.  Four  came 
home  with  him  in  the  vessel,  jiiid  one  came  by  land  before.  One  of  his 
company  was  a  Moliegan,  and  one  a  Coneclicott  Indian,  who  live<l  on  the 
other  side  of  Hudson's  River.  A  canoe  was  furnished  with  60  fathom  of 
wampum,  after  jVnugret's  return  from  Moniiatoes,  to  be  sent  there  to  pay  for 
the  two  guns,  but  six  fathom  of  it  was  to  have  been  paid  to  the  doctor,  which 
was  then  due  to  him.  There  were  in  it,  also,  two  raccoon  coats,  and  two 
beaver  skins,  and  seven  Iniiians  to  go  with  it.  They  and  the  canoe  were 
cai)tured  by  Uncos." 

An  Indian  named  ^^  jyewcom-Matuxea,  sometimes  of  Rhode  Island,"  was 
one  that  accompanitnl  Awashaw.  "  One  John  LiglUfool,  of  Boston,"  said 
Matures  told  him,  in  Dutch,  (he  had  lived  among  them  at  Southhold,  and 
learne«l  their  languaj;e,)  that  the  Dutclmicn  vvonld  "cut  off"  the  English  of 
Long  Island.  "wVcifcom  also  confesseth  [to  him]  tliat  JVinieret  said  that  he 
heard  that  some  ships  wer<!  to  come  from  llolland  to  the  Monnattoes  to  cut  off" 
the  English."  "That  an  Indian  told  him  that  the  Dutch  would  come  against 
the  English,  and  cut  tiiem  oif,  but  they  would  save  the  women  and  childi-en 
and  guns,  for  themselves.  But  Capt.  Simkins  and  the  said  LigMfool  do  both 
allirni  that  the  saiil  ^Yewcoin  told  them  that  the  Dutchmen  told  him,  as  before 
[stated,]  though  he  now  puts  it  oft)  and  sjiitli  an  IiuUan  told  him  so,"  Sitiikins 
aftirmed  also  that  JVewcom  told  him  that  if  he  would  go  and  serve  tlio  Dutch, 
they  woidd  give  him  £100  a  year. 

On  i;\auiining  Miix-oni,  the  commissionerH  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  he 
was  guilty  of  pertidy,  and  that  they  shoidd  not  have  let  him  escape  without 
punishment,  but  for  his  being  considered  as  an  ambassador.  They,  there- 
fore, desired  ,'liv(t.ihaw  to  inform  JVinyrret  of  it,  that  he  might  st^nd  him  to 
them  again,  "  the  better  to  clear  liimsidf."  This  we  apprehend  was  not  done. 
Awushaw  next  notilied  th<!  court  that  lii^  had  not  doni>  with  iIkmu,  "  where- 
upon he  was  sent  for  to  speak  what  he  had  fiu'tlier  to  propoiunt."  He  de- 
miind(;d  how  they  came  by  their  information  "of  all  tliese  things  toncliing 
JVini/rrft."  They  said  from  several  Indians,  porUndarli/  "tlui  iMonheagc'  in- 
dinn  and  the  Narraganset  Imliaii,  which  wert>  both  taken  by  Unraa  his  nmn, 
who  had  confessed  the  plot  lufftire  Mr.  Hainra  at  Hartford."  Atoashaw  idso 
demanded  restitution  of  the  wampmn  taken  by  Uncna.  The  commissioiien* 
told  hitn  that  they  had  not  as  yet  understiHid  of  the  truth  of  that  action,  but 
when  they  hud  thoroughly  examined  it,  Ik;  should  have  an  atuwer, 

Ho,  all  tiiis  legislating  was  alMint  .Vii/ti^re/'«  goinfc  to  the  Dutch  ;  tiir  as  to  a 
jtlot  there  uppt-urs  no  evidence  of  any ;  hut  when  Vnma  had  committed  n 
great  deprediition  uiion  .Vuiig'/t/,  why — "that  altered  tiie  cimtt" — they  must 
inquiro  nito  it,  which  doiditless  was  all  right  so  liir;  but  if  a  like  roiiiplaiut 


78 


NINIGRET.— UNCAS'S  PERFIDY. 


[Book  U. 


had  been  preferred  against  JVinifp-et  by  Uncas,  we  have  reason  to  think  it 

would  have  Iwen  forthwith  "  inquired  into,"  at  least,  without  an  if. 

A  story,  it  coiniot  be  culled  evidence,  told  by  Uncas,  relating  to  JViny^eVs 
visit  to  the  Dutch,  is  recorded  by  the  coniniissiouers,  and  which,  if  it  amount 
to  any  thing,  goes  to  prove  himself  guilty,  and  is  indeed  an  acknowledgment 
of  his  own  perfiily  in  biking  JVinigreCs  boat  and  goods,  as  charged  by  Awa- 
shrno.    It  is  as  follows : — 

"  Uncos,  the  Muhegan  sachem,  came  lately  to  Mr.  Mains'  house  at  Hartford, 
and  informed  him  that  J^nnigrett,  sachem  of  the  Niantick  Narragansetts, 
went  this  winter  to  the  Monhutoes  "  and  made  a  league  with  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, and  for  a  large  present  oi'  wampum  received  20  guns  and  a  great  box 
of  powder  and  bmlcts.  JS/inigret  told  him  of  the  great  injuries  he  had 
sustained  from  Uncas  and  the  English.  That  on  tlie  other  side  of  Hudson's 
River,  J^nigret  had  a  conference  with  a  great  many  Lidian  sagamores,  and 
desired  their  aid  to  cut  oft'thcMohegans  and  English.  Also,  that,  al>out  two 
yeai-s  since,  JV^'?i^e/  "sent  to  the  Monheagc  sachem,  and  gave  him  a  present 
of  wampum,  pressing  him  to  procure  a  man  skilful  in  magic  workhigs,  and 
an  artist  in  poisoning,  and  send  unto  him  ;  and  he  should  receive  more  one 
Inmdredth  fiitiiom  of  wumpuin,  which  was  to  have  Itecn  conveyed  to  the 
Monhcage  suclicui,  and  the  powaugh  at  the  return  of  him  that  was  to  bring 
the  poison.  Uncas  having  iiiiclligence  of  these  things,  caused  a  narrow 
watch  to  be  set,  by  sea  and  land,  for  the  apprehending  of  those  persons;  and 
accordingly  took  them  iTtnrning  in  a  canoe  to  the  nundier  of  seven:  whereof 
four  of  them  were  Narragansets,  two  strangers  and  one  Pequutt.  Tliis  was 
done  in  his  absence,  while  lie  was  with  Mr.  Haines,  at  Conecticott,  and  curried 
by  those  of  his  men  that  took  tliem  to  Mohogan.  13eing  there  examined,  two 
of  them,  the  [VVaiiipeage*]  saciiem's  brother,  and  one  Narruganset  tK'ely  con- 
fessed the  whole  plot  formerly  expirssed,  and  that  one  of  their  company  was 
that  powaugh  and  prisoner,  pointing  out  the  man.  Upon  this,  his  men  in  a 
mge  slew  him,  feiu'uig,  us  lie  «aid,  least  lie  should  make  an  escape,  or  other- 
wise do  oitlicr  mischief  to  Umas  or  the  English,  in  case  tliey  should  cany 
him  witli  tlit^  rest  Iwfore  them,  to  Conecticott  to  be  further  exninined.  And 
being  brought  to  Conecticott  before  Mr.  Haines,  and  examined,  did  assert 
these  particulars." 

An  Indian  squaw  also  informed  "an  hiliabitant  of  Wethersfield,  that  the 
Dutch  and  Indians  giMicrally  were"  ctiiifcderating  to  cut  off  the  English,  and 
that  election  day,  [I(>.'>4,]  w.is  the  time  set,  "becaus*!  then  it  is  apprehended 
the  pliuitatioiis  will  be  lell  naked  and  unable  to  defend  themselvcH,  the  strength 
of  the  English  colonics  being  galliered  li'oiii  the  st<veial  towns.  And  the 
atoresaid  sipiaw  advised  tin-  sjiid  iidialiitunts  to  acquaint  the  rest  of  the  Eng- 
lisli  with  it,  desiring  they  would  remember  how  dear  their  slighting  of  her 
ioriii(>r  infnrination  of  tht>  IVquota  coming  upon  the  English  cost  tliein."f 

It  would  seem,  from  a  careful  examination  of  the  ntcords,  tlint  something 
)v.u\  been  siiggistcd  either  by  tiie  Dutch  or  Indians,  about  "cutting  otf  the 
Eiiifiisli,"  wliicii  justice  to  .Yinigrel  recpiires  us  to  state,  might  hav(>  Im-cii  the 
case  without  his  knowledge  or  participation.  For,  the  testimony  of  the  mes- 
sengers of  "  nine  Iiidiiui  sngamores  who  live  about  the  Moiiliatoes"  no  how 
iiiqiiicates  him,  and,  theret()re,  cannot  lie  taken  mto  account,  any  more  than 


"  Sec  (U'claralioii  onward  in  tlio  reroriiji,  {Ifiiz.  ii.  'i'^i.) 

t  Kcliirini;  lo  nii  iifliiir  <il'  li'tM,  uhirli  l>r.  /.  Mather  rdnlcs  ns  follows:  "  In  the  iiilprim, 
[wliilc  (\iiil  Mtismi  was  iirdici'iiiis;'  Savlirook  lorl,!  many  of  tin' IV(|iioils  wi-nl  lo  a  place 
nnw  (mIIi'iI  H'''liii-slir/il  on  ( 'mint'i'liriii  Ilivcr,  luiil  liavhiK;  conftMU'raU'd  willi  llio  Indians  of 
that  |ilai'i-,  (as  it  was  i(i<nrrallv  iIhuikIiI,)  tliev  Inid  in  aniluisli  fur  llm  I'>n){lisli  |k'<)|iU'  of  llmt 
|ilari',  n'ld  divors  of  inrm  )(oin^  to  tlii'ir  lalior  in  a  lar)^  fndd  adjoining;  lo  tlit-  town,  wero  set 
upon  1)7  the  balianii.  Nine  of  lln-  KnKlisli  were  sinin  upon  tlio  place,  and  some  honoi,  and 
two  yi  uiiR  women  wcro  liikoii  cnplivo."  Kflatiun  of  llie  TrouMrt,  Slc.  'Hi.-^Dt.  TrumbuU 
fnvsl'.is  lmp|)cncd  in  April.     Hi»l.  Con.  i.  77. 

^•'lic  caiw  of  tir  1  -.,  I  •''  the  |'<'(|n(ils,  nrcordinf(  lo  W'inthrop,  i.  iJfiO,  was  this.  An  Indian 
called  Sequin  lind  ^iv(>ll  tlu  KiikIinIi  lands  at  \\  cthcrsfiald,  that  he  mi){hl  live  l>y  tlicni  ami  liu 
urolccU'd  from  other  Indians,  lint  when  lie  came  lliprc,  and  had  set  ilowo  liis  Hi^wam,  iho 
English  drove  him  away  li,v  force.  Ami  henco  it  wu  suppoiod  that  he  had  plotted  their 
destruction,  as  oliove  roiatrd,  with  llir  Fc(|iiols. 


[Book  II. 

to  think  it 

>  JVinifpreVa 
f  it  amount 
wledgnient 
■•d  by  Jlwa- 

it  Hartford, 
Tagansetts, 
Dutch  gov- 
i  great  box 
ies  he  had 
f  Hudson's 
mores,  and 

almut  two 
n  a  present 
rkings,  and 
!  uions  one 
yod  to  tlie 
as  to  bring 

a  narrow 
rsona;  and 
:  wliereof 

This  was 
md  carried 
nined,  two 
th'cly  coM- 
iipauy  was 

men  in  a 
!,  or  otlier- 
Duld  carry 
led.  And 
did  assert 

I,  that  tlic 
glish,  and 
)rehendcd 
e  strength 
And  tiie 
the  Eng- 
ng  «)f  lier 

lM."t 

tonicthing 

ig  otr  the 

hffii  tiio 

tiie  mes- 

ni)  how 

noro  than 


llir  iiileriin, 
to  a  (tlure 
liuliaiiii  of 
)l)ll'  (if  lliut 
II.  wpro  sft 
lorsps,  Aiul 
TnunbuU 

An  Iiidiiin 
rill  iinil  1)0 
uwiim,  llio 
oiiod  their 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET.— ADDAM. 


what  an  Indian  niuued  Ronnessoke  told  JVicholas  Tanner,  as  interpreted  l)y 
another  Indian  called  Addam ;  the  latter,  though  relating  to  JVrnigret^s  visit, 
was  only  a  hearsay  afliiir.    Ronnessoke  waa  a  sagainore  of  Long  Island. 

Addam  also  interpreted  the  story  of  another  Indian,  called  Powanege,  "  who 
saith  ho  came  from  the  Indians  who  dwell  over  the  river,  over  against  the 
Monhatoes,  where  the  {)lot  is  a  working,  that  was  this:  that  the  Dutchmen 
asked  the  Indians  whether  they  would  leave  them  at  tlu;  la.«t  cast,  or  stand  up 
with  them.  And  told  the  Indians  they  shoidd  fear  nothing,  and  not  be  dis- 
couraged because  the  plot  was  discovered,"  &c. 

Adilnm  the  inter|)reter  had  also  a  story  to  tell.  He  said,  "  this  spring  ri()53, 
O.  S.]  the  Dutch  governor  went  to  Fort  Aumnia,  [since  Allmny,]  and  first 
went  to  a  place  called  Jtckkkanck,  [Hackinsack,]  a  great  place  of  Iiulians,  froin 
tlience  to  Moimesick,  [Minisink,]  thence  to  Opingona,  thence  to  Warranoke, 
thence  to  Fort  Auriuua:  Au<l  so  far  Ik;  w:iit  in  his  own  pcr.son.  From 
thcncf^  he  sent  to  Pocomtock,  [Deerlii-ld,  on  the  Connecticut,]  and  he  carried 
wirli  him  many  note  of  si-wan,  that  is,  bags  of  wampum,  aiul  delivered  them 
to  the  sagamores  of  the  places,  and  \.\wy  were  to  distribute  them  amongst  their 
irnn  ;  and  withal  hecarri(!d  powcUsr,  shot, cloth,  lead  and  gims;  and  told  them 
lie  would  get  all  the  great  Indians  imder  him,  and  the  Fiiiglish  shoidd  have  the 
scum  of  the  Indians,  and  he  would  have  those  sagamores  with  their  men  to 
cut  off  the  Knglish,  .ind  to  be  at  his  command  whenever  he  hiid  use  of  them, 
and  he  was  to  find  them  powdtu'  and  shot  till  he  had  need  of  them.  Further, 
he  sent  one  Govert,  a  DiUxriiman,  to  iMarsey,  on  Long  Island,  to  J^ltanahom, 
the  sagamore,  to  assist  him  and  to  do  ibr  him  what  h(>  would  have  [iiini]  do: 
Hut  the  sagamore  told  him  lu;  would  hav<>  nothing  to  [d(>]  with  it:  whereupon 
(Jovert  gave  tla;  sagamore  a  grc-  '  •  ttle  ♦.)  1m>  silent.  J^ttnnahnm  told  him  he 
had  but  20  men,  and  the  Engli.  U  '  n-.vi.r  done  him  wrong,  [and]  he  had  no 
caiis(>  to  fight  again.st  them.     Fi:.  .     iitli  that  A »i?ipg'/"ei<,  the  fiscal,*  and 

the  Dutch  governor  were  up  tv\.»  ■  y*  "  close  room,  with  other  sagamores ; 
and  tli(M-e  was  no  speaking  with  ah_  ,  . Kiem  except  when  thc^y  came  fora<"oal 
of  fire,  t  or  the  like.  And  much  sewaii  was  stu'ii  at  that  tiiiK!  in  JVinmgrel^s 
hand,  and  he  carried  none  away  with  him ;"  and  that  Ronnesstoke  told  him  that 
the  governor  bid  him  tly  for  his  lifi',  for  tlu;  plot  was  now  discoven-d. 

\evertheles.-j,  as  l()r  any  positiv<!testini(.ny  tiiat^VTni'^grc/  was  plotting  against 
the  I'itiglish,  there  is  none.  That  he  was  in  ii  room  to  avoid  com|)any,  whilo 
Ills  physician  was  attending  him,  is  very  proitiible. 

In  a  long  letter,  dated  iifitli  IMay,  KiT).'!,  whiili  the  governor  of  New  Amster- 
dam, Pftcr  Slin/vesinU,  wrote  to  the  Fnglish,  is  the  following  passage: — "It  is 
in  part  true,  as  your  woi-ships  conclude,  that,  about  January,  there  canu!  u 
strange  Indian  from  the  north,  culled  .Xlnnigrctt,  commander  of  the  Narragan- 
set.s.  Hut  he  came  hither  with  a  pass  fi-om  iMr.  John  fi'intltrop.  ir|»oii  which 
jiiisH,  as  v*'e  reinemlx'r,  the  occasion  of  his  coming  was  expn-ssed,  namelv,  to 
Ix!  cured  and  liealeil ;  and  if,  upon  the  other  side  r)f  the  river,  there  hath  (m'cu 
any  assembly  or  meeting  of  the  Inditkiis,  or  of  their  sagamores,  we  know  not 
'of  it.]  We  heard  that  lie  hath  been  upon  I<ong  Isltnid,  about  Nayacke,  when! 
le  hath  been  tiir  tlii^  most  part  ol'  the  winter,  ati<l  hath  had  wtveriil  IniliaiiH 
with  him,  but  what  hi*  hath  negotiated  with  them  reniiiins  to  us  unknown : 
only  this  we  kmiw,  that  what  your  worslii|»s  lay  unto  our  charge  lUf  falso 
H'poils,  and  li'igned  intbnimtiotis." 

The  war  with  .lirns.^nsnh'r,  of  which  we  shall  give  all  the  p-irticulars  in  our 
jiossession,  was  the  next  atfiiir  of  any  consideralile  moment  in  the  life  of 
.VTnigTfY. 

In  Ki.%4,  the  government  of  Rhode  Islimd  communicated  to  IMiiHsaclnim'tts, 
that  the  last  sunimiu*,  A/^nifCrel,  without  any  cause,  "that  hi!  doth  so  much  oh 
allege,  fi'll  upon  tlu;  Long  Island  Indians,  onr  tViends  and  tributaries,"  and 
killed  many  of  them,  and  ftMik  others  prisoners,  and  would  not  reston*  them. 
"This  snminiT  hi!  Iiatli  made  two  assaults  upon  them;  in  one  whereof  he 
killed  a  man  and  woman,  that  livi  d  upon  the  land  of  the  Fnglish,  and  within 

*  A  Pitlph  officer,  whono  duty  Ii  similar  In  thnt  of  troasuror  among  the  English. 
t  Ti<  IikIii  ilif  ir  pi|)cii,  doiilitlesi— the  Dutch  (ii;rci'iiiir  well,  in  the  particular  of  smoking, 
with  tlio  IniliHiii, 


•90 


NINIGRET.— ASCASSASOTICK'3  WAR. 


[Book  II. 


one  of  their  lownsliips ;  and  another  Indian,  that  kej)t  the  cows  of  the  Eng- 
lish," He  had  drawn  inai^  of  the  foreign  Indians  down  from  Connecticut 
and  Hudson  Rivers,  who  rendezvoused  upon  Winthrop's  Island,  where  they 
killed  some  of  his  cattle.*  This  war  began  in  1653,  and  continued  "  several 
years."  f 

The  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  seemed  blind  to  all  complaints 
against  Uncos;  but  the  Narragausets  were  watched  and  harassed  without 
ceasing.  Wherever  we  meet  with  an  unpublished  document  of  those  times, 
the  fact  is  very  apparent.  The  chief  ot  the  writers  of  the  history  of  that 
})eriod  copy  from  tiie  records  of  the  United  Colonies,  which  accounts  for 
their  making  out  a  good  case  for  the  English  and  Mohegans.  The  spirit 
which  actuated  the  grave  commissioners  is  easily  discovered,  and  I  need  only 
refer  luy  readers  to  the  case  of  Miantunnomoh.  Desperate  errors  require 
others,  oftentimes  still  more  desperate,  until  the  liret  ajipear  small  compared 
with  the  magnitude  of  the  last!  It  is  all  along  discoverable,  that  those 
venerable  r(!cords  are  made  up  from  one  kind  of  evidence,  and  that  when  a 
Narragansct  appeared  i.i  his  own  defence,  so  many  of  his  enemies  stood 
ready  to  give  him  the  lie,  that  his  indignant  spirit  could  not  stoop  to  contra- 
dict or  piu-ley  with  them ;  and  thus  his  assumed  guilt  passed  on  for  history. 
The  long-silenced  and  borne-down  friend  of  the  Indians  of  3Ioosehausic,t  no 
longer  sleeps.  Amidst  his  toils  and  perils,  he  found  time  to  raise  his  pen  in 
their  defisnce ;  and  though  his  letters  lor  a  season  slej)t  with  him,  they  are  now 
awaking  at  the  voice  of  day. 

Wlien  the  English  had  resolved,  in  1054,  to  send  a  force  against  the  Nar- 
ragausets, because  they  had  hud  diliiculties  and  ware  with  Aacaasasolic,  as  we 
liavc  related,  IMr.  JVillmms  exjjressod  his  views  of  the  matter  in  a  letter  to  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts  as  follows  : — "The  cause  and  root  of  all  the  present 
mischiefs  is  the  pride  of  two  barbarians,  ,1scassasidick^  the  Long  Island  sachem, 
and  Nenckunat  of  the  Narigensct;  The  former  is  i)roud  and  molish,  the  latter 
is  proud  and  tierce.  1  have  not  seen  him  these  many  years,  yet,  from  their 
sober  men,  I  liear  he  pleads,  Ist.  that  Ascassasutick,  a  very  inferior  sachem, 
(bearing  himself  ujion  the  English,)  hath  slain  three  or  foiu*  of  his  people, 
and  shico  that  sent  him  challenges  and  darings  to  fight  and  m<>iid  himself. 
2d.  He,  JSTtnekunat,  consulted  by  solemn  messengers,  with  the  chief  of  the  Eng- 
lish governors,  Maj.  JGnrfi'cot,  tluui  governorof  the  Massachuseiis,  who  sent  him 
an  implicit  consent  to  right  hinisili':  upon  which  they  all  plead  that  the  English 
have  just  occasion  of  displcasine.  :M.  After  he  had  taken  revenge  upon  the 
Long  Islandei"s,  and  brought  away  about  14  captives,  (tlivers  of  them  chief 
women,)  yet  he  restored  them  all  again,  upon  the  mediation  and  desire  of  the 
I'higlish.  4tli.  AfVer  this  peace  [was]  made,  the  Long  Islandt^re  pretending 
to  visit  J^vnekunal  at  Block  Islniid,  slaughtered  of  his  Narmgansets  near  IJO 
pf.'rsons,  at  midnight ;  two  of  them  of  great  note,  es()ecially  WepiltnmmodCa 
son,  to  whom  iWnekunai  was  uncle.  5th.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  war, 
although  he  had  drawn  down  the  inlanchu's  to  his  assistance,  yet,  upon  pro- 
testation of  the  English  against  his  jtroceedings,  he  retreated  and  dissolved  his 
army.  § 

The  great  Indian  apostle  looked  not  so  much  into  thesi;  particulars,  being 
entirely  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  praying  Indians ;  but  yet  we  occasionally 
meet  with  Inni,  and  will  here  introdui'e  him,  as  an  evidence  against  the 
proceedings  of  Uncas,  and  his  fiiends  the  connnissioners: 

"  The  case  of  the  Nipmuk  Indians,  so  ftu-  as  by  the  best  and  most  credible  in- 
telligence, I  huv(!  understood,  presented  to  tli(;  honored  general  court,  [of  Mas- 
sachusetts,! 1.  Uncita  his  men, at  miawares,  set  ujion  an  unarmed  poor  people, 
and  slew  eight  persons,  and  carried  captive  twenty-four  women  and  children. 
2.  Home  of  these  were  sidtjects  to  Massachusetts  government,  by  being  the 
subjects  of  Juaiihi.  1|  .'{.  Tiiey  sued  for  relief  to  the  worshipful  governor  and 
magistrates.  4.  Tliev  were  pleased  to  send,  (by  some  Indians,)  a  connnission 
to  Caj)t.  Deniion,  [of'  Stoningt<in,]  to  deiriand  these  captives.    5.  Uncaa  his 


*  Mamucript  dwutnftUt,  t  UW/'f  lliiit.  Lonfr  hluiiil.  i  Providnnce. 

SFroin  th<.  oi-igiiial  letttr,  in  mamncripl,  aiiiuiig  tlio  film  in  our  stule-houso. 
Soil  of  Cliikalaulntt. 


(Book  II. 


,  the  latter 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET. 


81 


6.  They  did  not  only  abuse  the  women 


answer  was,  (as  I  heard,)  insolent^ 

by  filthiness,  but  have,  since  this  demand,  sold  away  (as  1  hear)  some  or  all 
of  those  captives.  7.  The  poor  bereaved  Indians  wait  to  see  what  you  please  to 
do.  8.  You  were  pleased  to  tell  tliem,  you  would  present  it  to  the  free  court, 
and  they  should  expect  their  answer  from  them,  which  they  now  wait  for. 
9.  JVenecroJl,  yea,  all  the  Indians  of  the  country,  wait  to  see  the  issue  of  this 
matter."  * 

This  memorial  is  dated  12th  May,  1659,  and  signed  by  John  Eliot ;  from 
which  it  is  evident  there  had  been  great  delay  in  relieving  those  distressed 
by  the  haughty  Uncos.  And  yet,  if  he  were  caused  to  make  remuneration  in 
any  way,  we  do  not  find  any  account  of  it. 

In  KJOO,  "  the  general  court  of  Connecticut  did,  by  their  letters  directed  to 
the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  this  last  summer,  represent  an 
intolerable  affront  done  by  the  Narraganset  Lidians,  and  the  same  was  now 
complained  of  by  the  English  living  at  a  new  plantation  at  Mohegan,  viz: 
that  some  Indians  did,  in  the  dead  time  of  the  night,  shoot  eight  bullets  into 
an  English  house,  and  fired  the  same ;  wherein  five  Englishmen  were  asleep. 
Of  which  insolency  the  Narraganset  sachems  have  so  far  taken  notice,  as  to 
send  a  slight  excuse  by  Maj.  Atktrton,  that  they  did  neither  consent  to  nor 
allow  of  such  practices,  but  make  no  tender  of  satisfaction."  \  Bat  they 
asked  the  privilege  to  meet  the  commissioners  at  their  next  session,  at  which 
time  they  gave  tliem  to  understand  that  satisfaction  should  be  made.  This 
could  not  have  been  other  than  a  reasonable  request,  but  it  was  not  granted ; 
and  messengers  were  forthwith  ordered  to  "  repair  to  Ninigrtt,  Pessicus, 
Woquacanoose,  azid  the  rest  of  the  Narraganset  sachems,"  to  demand  "  at  least 
four  of  the  chief  of  them  that  shot  into  the  English  house."  And  in  case 
they  should  not  be  delivered,  to  demand  five  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum. 
They  were  directed,  in  particular,  to  "  charge  Nlnif^et  with  breach  of  cove- 
nant, and  high  neglect  of  their  order,  sent  them  by  Maj.  Wittard,  six  years 
since,  not  to  invade  the  Long  Island  Indians ;  and  [that  they]  do  account  the 
surprising  tiie  Long  Island  Indians  at  Gull  Island,  and  murdering  of  them, 
to  be  an  insolent  carriage  to  thu  English,  and  a  barbarous  and  inhuman  act" 
These  are  only  a  few  of  the  most  i)romiiicnt  charges,  and  five  hundred  and 
ninety-five  I  fathoms  of  wampum  was  the  price  demanded  for  them ;  and"tlie 
general  court  of  Coimecticut  is  desired  and  empowered  to  send  a  convenient 
company  of  men,  under  some  discreet  leader,  to  force  satisfaction  of  the 
same  above  said,  and  the  charges  of  recovering  the  same ;  and  in  case  the 
persons  he  dolivonMl,  they  siiall  he  sent  to  IJarhadocs,"  §  and  sold  for  slaves. 

It  appears  that  tiie  fi)rie  sent  by  Connecticut  could  not  collect  the  wampum, 
nor  secure  the  ofltnidtn's  ;  l)iit  for  the  payment,  condiscinilecl  to  take  a  Uiortgage 
of  all  the  Narraganset  country,  with  the  provision  that  it  should  be  void,  if  it 
were  paid  in  four  months,  (^uinsotimts,  \\  .V<negZi((/,  and  Scidlup,  11  signed  tho 
deed. 

JViittgret  ilid  not  ciigngo  with  the  other  Narraganset  chiefs,  in  PhUlp's  war. 
Dr.  Maihtr  **  calls  him  an  "  old  craily  sachem,  who  had  with  some  of  liis  men 
withdrawn  himself  froir.  the  rest."  lie  nmst  at  this  time  have  been  "an  old 
sachem,"  f()r  we  meet  with  him  as  a  chief,  us  early  as  IGJJS. 

Although  .Vuu'^rd  was  not  personally  engaged  in  PhUlp's  war,  still  ho 
nmst  have;  Eutlered  consideruhly  from  it ;  otlen  being  oiiliged  to  send  his 
people  to  the  English,  to  gratily  some  whim  or  cajirice,  and  at  other  times 
to  appear  himsidf  On  lU  Sept.  11)75,  eight  of  his  men  came  as  ambassadors 
to  Boston,  "having  a  certificate  li*om  Capt.  Smithy" \\  who  owned  a  large 

*  Munnnvript  shitf  pujifv.  \  Utrord  ol' llio  Uiiili'd  Colonics,  in  Hatard. 

I  Tho  HilililionnI  niiicly-fivo  wn»  for  onodicr  olVonoo,  viz.  '•  liir  iliu  insolcncics  commiHeil  at 
Mr.  Hirirslfi-'.i,  in  killini;  nil  Iiidiiui  scrvnnl  at  Mrs.  Jlnivster's  fool,  (u  her  greut  atVriglitmeut, 
and  sli'aiinir  I'orn,  {tc.,  luid  ollirr  itHVonls."     Hu:ar(l,  ii.  ^33. 

iS  ilei'ords  of  iht-  Unilt'il  C/'olonii's.  in  llazmd. 

II  Tlii^  siinir  ciillrd  (iiiniinxiiinitt,  lilt!  son  of  Afa/(iius.  Nrwcom  and  Awashar*  wert 
witn(.'>'i('!i.     'I'lio  doi'd  iut'lf  niav  lot  m'oii  i^ii  lilo  ainoii^  our  ^tcUt  I'af/fit, 

U  (irnnilMin  of  Ciinnniiiis,  son  of  Muc^niis,  and  lirollicr  o(  liH-ijiie^iiiien', 
*•  llrirf  History, -0. 

i\  ('ii|ii.iiii  liiihiinl  .*?miV/i,  probably,  who  selilod  <mile  uurly  in  thai  country.  We  find 
liini  tlicru  Ij  jtara  bcdiru  dii<i. 


82 


NINIGRET.— DIVISIOiN  OF  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[Book  II. 


estate  in  Nan'aganset.  After  having  finished  their  business,  tiiey  received 
a  pass  from  the  authorities  to  return  to  their  own  country.  This  certificate 
or  pass  was  fastened  to  a  staff  and  carried  by  one  in  front  of  the  rest.  As 
they  were  going  out  of  Boston  "  a  back  way,"  two  men  met  them,  and  seized 
upon  him  that  carried  the  pass.  These  men  were  brothers,  who  liad  had  a 
brother  killed  by  Philip's  men  some  time  before.  This  Indian  they  accused 
of  killing  him,  and  in  court  swore  to  his  identity,  and  he  was  in  a  few  days 
hanged.* 

Notwithstanding  these  affairs,  another  embassy  was  soon  after  sent  to 
Boston.  On  the  15  September  "  the  authority  of  Boston  sent  a  party  "  to  order 
J^nip-et  to  appear  there  in  person,  to  give  an  account  of  his  sheltering 
Qwitapen,  the  squaw-sachem  of  Narraganset.  He  sent  word  that  he  would 
come  ''provided  he  might  be  safely  renamed  back."  Mr.  Smith,  " living  near 
him,  offered  himself,  wife  and  children,  and  estate,  as  hostages"  for  his  safe 
return,  and  the  embassy  forthwith  departed  for  Boston.  A  son,  f  however,  of 
J\/inigret,  was  deputed  prime  minister,  "he  himself  being  \ery  aged." 

Captain  Smith  accompanied  them,  and  when  they  cuine  to  lloxbury  tiiey 
were  met  by  a  company  of  English  soldiers,  whose  martial  appearniice  so 
frightened  them,  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  presence  of  ftlr.  Smith,  they 
would  have  escaped  as  from  an  enemy. 

They  remained  at  Boston  several  da/s,  until  "  by  degrees  they  came  to  this 
agreement:  That  they  were  to  deliver  the  squaw-sachem  within  so  many 
days  at  Boston  ;  and  the  league  of  peace  was  then  by  them  confirmed,  which 
was  much  to  the  general  satisfaction ;  but  many  had  hard  thoughts  of  them, 
fearing  they  will  at  last  prove  treacherous."  J 

J\/inigret  was  opposed  to  Christianity ;  not  perhaps  so  much  from  a  disbelief 
of  it,  as  from  a  dislike  of  the  practices  of  those  who  professed  it.  When  JVIr. 
Mayheio  desired  JVTnigrcf  to  allpw  him  to  preach  to  his  people,  the  sagacious 
chief  "bid  him  go  and  make  the  English  good  first,  and  chid  Mr.  MayhetofoT 
hindering  him  from  his  business  and  labor."  § 

There  were  other  Niantick  sachems  of  this  name,  who  succeeded  j\tnigrd. 
According  to  the  author  of  the  "  Memoir  of  the  Mohegans,"  |j  one  would 
suppose  he  Was  alive  in  171G,  as  that  writer  himself  supposed ;  but  if  the 
anecdote  there  given  be  true,  it  related  doubtless  to  Charles  JVinigret,  who,  I 
suppose,  was  his  son.  He  is  mentioned  by  Mason,  in  his  history  of  the  Pcquot 
war,  as  liaving  received  a  |)art  of  the  goods  taken  from  Captain  Stone,  at  the 
time  he  was  killed  by  the  Pequots,  in  l(i34.  The  time  of  his  death  has  not 
been  ascertained. 

The  burying-places  of  the  family  of  J\/inigixt  are  in  Charlestown,  R.  I.  It 
is  said  that  the  old  chief  was  buried  at  a  place  called  Burying  Hill,  "a  mile 
from  the  street."  A  stone  in  one  of  the  places  of  interment  has  this  inscrip- 
tion:— 

"  Here  leth  the  Body  of  George,  the  son  of  Charlts  JVlnigref,  King  of  the 
J^atives,  and  of  Hannah  his  Wife,    Died  Decern':  y  22,  17,'i2:  aged  6  mo. 

"  George,  the  last  king,  was  brother  of  Man/  Sacltcm,  who  is  now,  [1832,] 
sole  heir  to  the  crown,  jyiary  does  not  know  her  age  ;  but  from  data  given  by 
her  husband,  John  Harry,  slm  must  be  about  (Ki.  Her  mother's  father  wns 
George  JVinigret.  TTiomas  his  son  was  the  next  king.  Esther,  sister  ol'  Thomas. 
Gtw^p,  the  hrother  of  Jl/«ri/ above  named,  iind  the  last  king  crowned,  died 
aged  about  20  ytjars.  George  was  son  of  Esther.  Mary  has  dnughtei-s,  but  no 
isons."  •! 

On  a  division  of  the  cajUive  Petiuots,  in  1037,  JVinigret  was  to  havo  twenty, 
"  when  he  should  satisfy  fora  ninrc  of  Eltweed**  Pomroye^s  killed  by  his  men." 
This  remitini'd  unsettled  in  l(i5!»,  a  sjiatu)  of  twenty-two  years.  This  debt 
certainly  was  outlawed !  Pot]iiin,  or  Poquoiam,  was  tiio  name  of  the  man  who 
kille<l  ilie  mare.ft  He  wiw  a  I'equot,  and  brother-in-luw  to  Miantunnotnoh, 
and  was  among  those  captives  assigned  to  him  at  their  final  dispersion,  when 

"  Olil  Indinii  riiroiiiric,  30.  t  I'rolmlilv  C<il(ipa:at. 

t  <'l<l  liidiiiii  <'lir(mirli',32.  vS  IKm^sliii's  Smmnnrv,  ii.  lIC. 

I    i.i  I  <','!/.  .Vii.'v.  Hi,/.  .sJdp.  ix.  C3.  *r  MM.  niimniiniiiiiion  ol'  Urv, 'Mm.  Klij. 

•  -  l':'!'i;r  ilv  ciillevj  I  llii.  |iioluiMv  rr<:iii  /.''/I'oci/.  ft  lliuiinl.  ii,  IHII.  IR'J. 


[Book  II. 

hey  received 
lis  certificate 
the  rest.  As 
rn,  and  seized 
lo  liad  had  a 
they  accused 
I  a  few  days 

ifter  sent  to 
rty  "  to  order 
lis  sheltering 
at  he  would 

"living  near 
'  for  his  safe 

however,  of 
^ed." 

loxbnry  they 
lipearanco  so 

.  Smith,  they 

came  to  this 
lin  so  many 
rnied,  which 
hts  of  them, 

111  a  disbelief 

WhenJVIr. 

lie  sagacious 

Mayheic  for 

ded  JS/inigret, 
I  one  would 
' ;  but  il'  the 
iffret,  who,  I 
)f  the  Pequot 
Stone,  at  the 
!ath  has  not 

m^,  R.  I.  It 
nil,  "a  mile 
this  inscrip- 

KinfT  of  the 
i  6  mo/ 
now,  [1832,] 
lata  given  l»y 
I  father  was 
r  of  Thomns. 
owned,  died 
litere,  but  no 

lave  twenty, 
>y  his  men." 
This  debt 
le  man  who 
antimnotmh, 
rsion,  when 


I. 

V.  ii.  llf!. 
Hm.  Kill. 

VJ.  ^ 


Chap.  IV.]    PESSACUS.— COMPLAINTS  BROUGHT  AGAINST  HIM. 


83 


the  Pequot  war  was  ended  ;  at  which  time  Pomeroy  states  "  all  sorts  of  horses 
were  at  an  high  price."  Mianlunnomoh  had  agreed  to  pay  the  demand,  but 
his  death  prevented  him.  Nmiffret  was  called  upon,  as  he  inherited  a 
considerable  part  of  MiantumwmoKs  estate,  especially  his  part  of  the  Pequots, 
of  whom  Poquoiam  was  one.  He  was  afterwards  called  a  Niantick  and 
brother  to  JVinigre^.* 

Pessacus,  often  mentioned  in  the  preceding  pages,  though  under  a  variety 
of  names,  was  bom  about  1(J23,  and,  consequently,  was  about  20  years  of  age 
when  his  brother,  Miantunnomoh,  was  killed,  f  The  same  arbiti-ary  coiu-se,  as 
we  have  seen  already  in  the  present  chapter,  was  pursued  towards  him  by  the 
English,  as  had  been  before  towards  Miantunnomoh,  and  still  continued 
towards  JVinigret,  and  other  Nairaganset  chiefr.  Mr.  Cobbett  makes  this 
record  of  him :  "  In  the  year  1645,  proud  Pessacus  with  his  Narragansets,  with 
whoni  J\/inigret  and  his  Niantigs  join ;  so  as  to  provoke  the  English  to  a  just 
war  against  them.  And,  accordingly,  forces  were  sent  from  all  the  towns  to 
meet  at  Boston,  and  did  so,  and  had  a  party  of  fifty  horse  to  go  with  them 
under  Mr.  Leveret,  as  the  captain  of  the  horse."  Edward  Gibbons  was 
commander  in  chiet|  and  Mr.  Thompson,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Braintree, 
"  was  to  sound  the  silver  trumpet  along  with  his  army."§  But  they  were 
met  by  deputies  from  Pessactis  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  an  accommodation 
took  place,  as  mentioned  in  the  account  of  J^nigret. 

The  commissioners,  having  met  at  New  Haven  in  September  164G,  expected, 
according  to  the  treatv  made  at  Boston  with  the  Narragansets,  as  particu- 
larized in  the  life  of  Vncas,  that  they  would  now  meet  them  here  to  settle  the 
remaining  difiiculties  with  that  chief.  But  the  time  having  nearly  expired, 
and  none  appearing,  "the  commissioners  did  seriously  consider  what  course 
should  be  taken  with  them.  They  called  to  minde  their  breach  of  couenant 
in  all  the  articles,  that  when  aboue  1300  fadome  of  wampan  was  due  they 
sent,  as  if  they  would  put  a  scorne  vpon  the  [English,]  20  fathome,  and  a  few 
old  kettles."  The  Narragansets  said  it  was  owing  to  the  backwardness  of 
the  Nianticks  that  the  wampum  had  not  been  paid,  and  the  Nianticks  laid  it 
to  the  Narragansets.  One  luindrcd  liithom  had  been  sent  to  the  governor 
of  Massachusetts  as  a  present  by  the  Nianticks,  they  promising  "to  send 
what  was  due  to  the  colonies  uery  speedily,"  but  he  would  not  accept  of  it. 
He  told  them  they  might  leave  it  with  Cuchamakin,  and  when  they  had 
|)erformed  the  rest  of  their  agreement,  "he  would  consider  of  it."  The 
commissioners  had  understood,  that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  Nairaganset 
sachems  had  raised  wampum  auiong  their  men,  "and  by  good  euidence  it 
appeared,  that  by  presents  of  wampum,  they  are  practisinge  witli  the  Molmwkes, 
and  with  the  Indyans  in  those  parts,  to  engage  them  in  some  designe  against 
the  English  and  Vncus."  Therefore,  "the  commissioners  liaue  a  cleiue  way 
open  to  right  theniselne.«,  accordinge  to  iustice  by  war ;  y(!t  to  shew  how  highly 
they  prize  peac^  with  all  in<Mi,  ami  particularly  to  manit(>st  their  forbearance  and 
long  sufFeringe  to  these  barbarians,  it  was  agreede,  that  first  the  Ibrementioned 
present  should  l)e  returned,"  and  then  a  declaration  of  war  to  follow. 

At  the  same  court,  cflmpiaint  was  brought  against  the  people  of  Pfssacu*  by 
"  Mr.  Pclham  on  behalf  ot  Richard  IVoody  and  Mr.  Pincham,"  [Pi7ic/ion,]  that 
they  had  committed  sundry  thefts.  IMr.  Broivn,  on  behalf  of  H'm,  Smith  of 
Kehoboth,  prefernxl  a  similar  charge ;  but  the  Indians  liavhig  no  knowledge  of 
the  procedure,  it  was  suspended. 

Thus  the  Narragansets  were  suftt'red  to  remain  unmolested  until  the  next 
year,  and  we  do  tiot  hear  that  the  story  about  their  hiring  the  Mohawks  and 
others  to  assist  riiem  against  Uncas  and  the  English,  turned  out  to  be  any 
tiling  else  but  a  sort  of  bugbear,  probably  invented  by  the  Mohegaiis.  "  One 
principal!  cause  of  the  comissioners  meetinge  together  at  this  time,  [20  July, 
1(547,1  being,"  say  the  records,  "to  consider  what  course  should  be  lield  with 
the  Narraganset  Indyans  ;"  the  charges  being  at  this  time  much  the  same  as 
«t  the   (trevious  meeting.     It  was  fh«'rt'fore  ordered  that  7T>nmas  Stunion, 

*  See  Hatard,  ii.  162.  '  "" 

t  MS.  lelter,  subscribed  with  the  mark  of  Ihe  sacliem  Piimham,  on  the  file  ni  our  rnpitnl, 
(Mass.) 
t  MS.  Nnrrative.  J  Mather's  Kclatioii,  and  Hazard. 


84 


PESSACUS  KILLED  BY  THE  MOHAWKS. 


[Book  IL 


Benedict  .Arnold,  and  Sergeant  fVaite  should  be  sent  to  Pessacks,  JVenegrate 
and  Wehetamuk,  to  know  why  they  had  not  paid  the  wampum  as  they  agreed, 
and  why  they  did  not  come  to  New  Haven ;  and  that  now  they  miglit  meet 
Uncos  at  Boston ;  and  therefore  were  advised  to  attend  there  without  delay ; 
but  "  yf  they  refuse  or  delay,  they  intend  to  send  no  more,"  and  they  must 
abide  the  consequences.  When  the  English  messengers  had  delivered  their 
message  to  Pessacus,  he  spoke  to  them  as  follows : — 

"  The  reason  I  did  not  meet  the  English  sachems  at  New  Haven  last  year, 
is,  they  did  not  notify  me.  It  is  true  I  have  broken  my  covenant  these  two 
years,  and  that  now  is,  and  constantly  has  been,  the  grief  of  my  sj)irit.  And 
the  reason  I  do  not  meet  them  now  at  Boston  is  because  I  am  sick.  If  I  were 
but  pretty  well  I  would  go.  I  have  sent  my  mind  in  full  to  J\imgret,  and 
what  he  does  I  will  abide  by.  I  have  sent  Potvpynaniett  and  Pomumsks  to  go 
and  hear,  and  testify  that  I  have  betrusted  my  full  mind  with  JVenegratt.  You 
know  well,  however,  that  when  I  made  that  covenant  two  years  ago,  I  did  it 
in  fear  of  the  army  that  I  did  see ;  and  though  the  English  kept  their  cove- 
nant with  me,  yet  they  were  ready  to  go  to  Nairaganset  and  kill  me,  and 
the  commissioners  said  they  would  do  it,  if  I  did  not  sign  what  they  had 
written." 

Moyanno,  another  chief,  said  he  had  confided  the  business  with  Ninigret  last 
spring,  and  would  now  abide  by  whatever  he  should  do. 

When  the  English  messengers  returned  and  made  known  wliat  had  been 
done,  the  commissioners  said  that  Pcasacus'  speech  contained  "  seuerall  pas- 
sages of  vntnith  and  guile,  and  [they]  were  vnsatisfyed." 

What  measures  the  English  took  "  to  right  theinselues,"  or  whether  any, 
immediately,  is  not  very  distinctly  stated ;  but,  the  next  year,  1G48,  there  were 
some  military  movements  of  the  English,  and  a  company  of  soldiere  was  sent 
into  Narraganset,  occasioned  by  the  non-jjayment  of  the  tiibute,  and  some 
other  less  important  matters.  Pessacus,  having  knowledge  of  their  approach, 
fled  to  Rhode  Island.  ^^Ninicrajl  cntertainod  them  courteously,  (there  they 
staid  the  Lord's  day,)  and  came  back  with  them  to  Mr.  Williams',  and  then 
Pessacus  and  Canonicus'  son,  Ijeing  delivered  of  their  fear,  came  to  them ;  and 
being  demanded  about  hiring  the  Mohawks  against  Uncas,  they  solemnly 
denied  it ;  only  they  confep^^ed,  that  the  Mohawks,  being  a  great  sachem,  and 
their  ancient  friend,  and  being  come  so  near  them,  they  sent  some  20  fathom 
of  wampum  for  him  to  tread  upon,  as  the  manner  of  Indians  is."*  The 
matter  seems  to  liave  rested  here  ;  Pessacits,  as  usual,  having  promised  what 
was  desired. 

This  chief  was  killed  by  the  Mohawks,  as  we  mive  stated  in  the  life  of  Ca- 
nonicm.  His  life  was  a  scene  of  almost  i)erpotual  troubles.  As  lute  as  Sep- 
tember, 1668,  his  name  stands  first  among  othei-s  of  his  nation,  in  a  complaint 
sent  to  them  by  Massachusetts.  The  messengers  sert  with  it  were,  Hicii'^. 
Wayt,  Captain  W.  Wright,  and  Captain  Sam'.  Mosely ;  and  it  was  in  terms 
tlius : — 

"  Whereas  Capt.  Wni.  Hudson  and  John  Viall  of  Boston,  in  the  name  of 
themselves  and  others,  proprietors  of  lands  and  farms  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  have  conij)lained  unto  us,  [the  court  of  Mass.,]  of  the  great  insolen- 
cies  and  injuries  offered  luito  them  and  their  people  by  several,  as  burning 
their  hay,  killing  sundry  horses,  and  in  special  manner,  about  one  month  since, 
forced  some  of  their  people  from  their  labors  in  mowing  grass  upon  their  own 
land,  and  assaulted  others  in  the  high  way,  as  they  rode  about  their  occasions ; 
by  iirowing  many  stones  at  them  and  their  horses,  and  beating  their  horses  as 
they  rode  upon  them,"  &c.  The  remonstrance  then  goes  on  warning  them  to 
desist,  or  otherwise  they  might  expect  severity.  Had  Mostly  been  as  well 
known  then  among  the  Indians,  as  he  was  afterwards,  his  presence  would 
doubtless  have  been  enough  to  have  caused  quietness,  as  perhaps  it  did  even 
at  this  time. 


*  Wintkrop's  Journal. 


[Book  II. 


Chap.  V.]       UNCAS.— HIS  CHARACTER  AND  CONNECTIONS. 


85 


,  JVenegrate 
they  agreed, 
might  meet 
hout  delay; 
I  they  must 
ivered  their 

n  last  year, 
It  these  two 
ipirit.  And 
If  I  were 
ivigret,  and 
vmsks  to  go 
i^ratt.  You 
ago,  I  did  it 
their  cove- 
ill  me,  and 
at  they  had 

\iinigret  last 

lit  had  been 
iueralJ  pas- 

iiether  any, 
there  were 
i-s  was  sent 
and  some 
•  approach, 
(there  they 
',  and  then 
them;  and 

solemnly 
leliem,  and 
20  fathom 

,"*  The 
lised  what 


te 


ife  of  Ca- 

as  Sep- 

complaint 

crc,  Ricit'*. 

in  terms 

name  of 
arraganset 
It  insolen- 
8  burning 
ntii  since, 
their  own 
)ccasions ; 

horses  as 
g  them  to 
as  well 
CO  would 

did  even 


CHAPTER  V. 

Uncas — His  character — Connections — Geography  of  the  Mohegan  country — General 
account  of  that  ruUion — Uncas  joins  the  English  against  the  Pcqxiots — Captures  a 
chief  at  Sachem's  Head — Visits  Boston — His  speech  to  Governor  Winthro-p — Sped- 
men  of  the  Mohegan  language — Sequasson — The  war  between  Uncas  and  Miantunno- 
moh — Examination  of  its  cause — The  J^arruganscts  determine  to  arcnge  their 
sachem's  death — Forces  raised  to  protect  Uncas — Pessacus — Great  distress  of  Uncas 
— Timely  relief  from  Connecticut — Treaty  of  1645 — Frequent  complaints  against 
Uncas —  fVequash — Obechickicod — N  o  w  e  Qu  A —  Woosamequin . 

Uncas,  called  also  Poquin,  Poquoiam,  Poquim,  sachem  of  the  Mohegnns,  of 
whom  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  say  consideu'abie,  has  loll  no  veiy 
favorable  character  upon  record.  His  life  is  a  series  of  changes,  without  any 
of  those  brilliant  acts  of  magnanimity,  which  throw  a  veil  r"'.'r  numerous 
errors.  Mr.  Gookin  gives  us  this  chamcter  of  him  in  the  year  1074:  (Mr. 
James  Filch  having  been  sent  about  this  time  to  preach  among  the  MohtJ^ans:) 
"I  am  apt  to  fear,"  says  he,  "that  a  great  obstruction  unto  his  laljora  is  in  the 
sachem  of  those  Indians,  whose  name  is  Unkas ;  an  old  and  wicked,  wilful 
man,  a  drunkard,  and  otherwise  very  vicious;  who  hath  always  been  an 
op|)oser  and  undermiuer  of  praying  to  God."  *  Nevertheless,  the  charitable 
Mr.  Htihhard,  wheii  he  wrote  his  Narrative,  seems  to  have  had  some  hopes 
that  he  was  a  Christian,  with  about  the  same  grounds,  nay  b(!tter,  perhaps, 
thmi  those  on  which  Bishop  Warhurton  declared  Pope  to  be  such. 

Uncas  lived  to  a  great  age.  He  was  a  sachem  before  tlic  Potjuot  wars,  and 
was  alive  in  1G80.  At  this  time,  Mr.  Huhhard  makes  this  remark  ujmhi  hiiu: 
"He  is  alive  and  well,  and  may  probably  live  to  see  all  his  enemies  buried 
before  him."  t 

From  an  epitaph  on  one  of  his  sons,  copied  in  the  Historical  Collections, 
we  do  not  infer,  as  the  writer  there  seems  to  have  done,  "  that  the  race  of 
Uncas"  was  "obnoxious  in  collonial  histoid  ;"  but  rather  attribute  it  to  some 
waggish  Englishman,  who  had  no  other  design  than  that  of  making  sport  for 
himself  and  othera  of  like  humor.  It  is  upon  his  tomb-stone,  and  is  as 
follows : — 

"  Here  lies  llic  body  of  Simsecio 
Own  son  to  Tineas  grandson  to  Oneko  I 
Who  were  the  famous  snrhcnis  of  Mohegan 
Bui  now  they  are  all  dead  I  think  it  is  werliepgen."  § 

The  connections  of  Uncas  were  somewhat  numerous,  and  the  names  of 
several  of  them  will  be  found  as  we  proceed  with  his  life,  and  elsewliere. 
Oneko,  a  son,  was  the  most  noted  of  them. 

In  the  beginning  of  August,  1075,  Uncas  was  ordered  to  ai)i)ear  at  Boston, 
and  to  siuTender  his  lU'nis  to  the  English,  and  give  such  oth(!r  security  for  his 
neutrality  or  cooperation  in  the  war  now  begiui  between  the  English  and 
Wampanoags,  as  nnght  be  required  of  him.  The  messenger  who  was  sent  to 
make  this  ie(itiisitioii,  soon  returned  to  Boston,  accompanied  by  three  sons  of 
Uncas  and  about  60  of  his  men,  and  a  ipiantity  of  arms.  The  two  younger 
sons  w»;re  taken  into  custody  as  hostages,  and  sent  to  Cambridge!,  where  they 
were  remaining  as  late  as  the  10  November  following.  They  are  said  to  have 
been  at  this  time  not  far  from  30  yeai-s  of  age,  but  their  names  are  not  men- 

*  1  Col/.  Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  i.  208.  Molieek,  since  MontvUle,  Connecticut,  about  10  miles 
north  of  New  London,  is  the  place  "whore  Unkas,  and  his  sons,  and  Wamilio,  arc  sachems." 
Ibid. 

\  Hisl.  New  V.w^.  H'el. — "  Alihoudi  he  be  \\  friend  to  the  English,  yet  he  and  all  liismen 
continue  pagans  siiil,' 1G7G.    Dr.  /  Afa/W,  llrief  Hist.  45. 

X  The  wriiir  or  sculptor  no  doubt  meant  the  contrary  of  this,  if,  indeed,  he  may  be  said  to 
have  meant  any  Ihinii;. 

^  A  genuine  Indian  word,  and,  ns  it  is  used  here,  means,  simply,  to*//.     "Then  they  bid 
me  stir  my  instep,  to  sec  if  that  were    frozen  ;  i  did  so.     When  they  suw  that,  (hey  saiil  that 
was  wHri-egen:'     Rockwell's  Aiir.  of  his  Captii-itij  atnoiig  tlie  Indium  in  1GT7. 
0 


86 


UNCAS    \SSISTS  IN  DESTROYING  THE  PEQUOTS.      [Hook  II. 


tioiied.*  Oneko  was  employed  with  liis  60  men,  and  proceeded  on  an  expe- 
dition, as  will  be  found  stated  elsewliorc. 

Uncas  was  originally  a  lV'()iiot,  and  one  of  the  26  war  captains  of  that 
fairioiis,  Inrt  ill-fated  nation.  Upon  somr  intestine  commotions,  lie  revolted 
against  his  sachem,  and  set  up  lor  himself.  This  took  place  abont  the  time 
that  nation  became  known  to  the  English,  perhaps  in  1634  or  5;  or,  as  it 
would  seem  from  some  circumstances,  in  the  beginning  of  the  Peqiiot  war. 
Peters,  j  an  author  of  not  much  authority,  says,  that  the  "colonists  declared 
him  King  of  Mohegan,  to  reward  him  lor  deserting  Sassacus"  Wo  are  told, 
by  the  same  author,  that,  after  the  death  of  Uncas,  Oneko  would  not  deed  any 
lands  to  the  colony;  upon  which  he  was  deposed,  and  his  natural  brother, 
Jlhimikck,  was,  by  the  English,  advanced  to  the  office  of  chief  sachem. 
Oneko,  not  acknowledging  the  validity  of  this  ])rocedure,  sold,  in  ])rocess  of 
time,  all  his  lands  to  two  individuals,  named  Mason  and  Harrison.  But, 
meantime,  .%imUeck  sold  tiie  sanu;  lands  to  the  colony.  A  lawsuit  followed, 
and  was,  at  first,  decidisd  hi  favor  of  the  colony  ;  but,  on  a  second  trial,  Mason. 
and  Harrison  got  the  case — but  not  the  property;  tor,  ns  Peters  tells  us,  "the 
colony  kc|)t  possession  under  Ahimileek,  their  created  King  of  Mohegan,"  jukI 
"found  means  to  confound  the  claim  of  those  compctitora  without  establish in,<? 
tlieir  own." 

By  thf^  revolt  of  Uncas,  the  Pe(]not  territories  became  divided,  ami  that  part 
calleil  Moheag,  or  Mohegan,  fell  generally  under  his  dominion,  and  extended 
from  near  the  Counecticut  River  on  th(!  south,  to  a  space  of  disputed  country 
on  the  north,  next  the;  Nairagansets.  By  a  recurrence  to  our  account  of  th<? 
dominions  of  the  Pcqiiots  and  Nanaganscts,  a  pretty  clear  idea  may  be  had 
of  all  three. 

This  sachem  seems  early  to  have  courted  the  favor  of  the  English,  which, 
it  is  reasonable  to  su])i)ose,  was  occasioned  by  the  fear  he  was  in  fi-om  his 
potent  and  warlike  neighbors,  both  on  the  north  and  on  the  south.  In  May, 
1637,  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  join  the  English  in  their  war  npon  the 
Pequots,  Knowing  the  relation  in  which  he  stood  to  them,  the  English  at 
first  were  nearly  as  afraid  of  Uncas  and  his  men,  as  they  were  of  the  Pecjuots. 
But  when,  on  the  15  of  the  same  month,  thcsy  had  arrived  at  Saybrook  foif,  n 
circumstance  happened  that  tended  nuich  to  remove  their  suspicions,  and  is 
related  by  Dr.  Mather  as  follows:  "Some  of  Uiicas  liis  men  being  then  at 
Saybrook,  in  order  to  assisting  the  English  against  the  Pequots,  esj)ied  seven 
Indians,  and  slily  (.-nconipassing  them,  slew  five  of  them,  and  took  one  prison- 
er, and  brought  him  to  the  Engli:?!!  Ibrt,  which  was  great  safisfiiction  and  en- 
couragement to  the  English ;  who,  before  that  exploit,  had  ninny  fears  touch- 
ing the  fidelity  of  the  Moheag  Indians.  Ih;  whom  they  took  prisoner  was  a 
perfidious  villain,  one  that  could  s])eak  English  well,  having  in  times  past 
lived  in  the  fort,  and  knowing  all  the  English  there,  had  been  at  the  slaughter- 
ing of  all  tlu;  English  that  were  slaughtered  thereabouts.  lie  was  a  contin- 
ual si)y  about  the  fort,  informing  Sassacus  of  what  he  could  leai'n.  When 
this  bloody  traitor  was  ex  cuted,  his  limbs  were  by  violence  pulled  from  one 
another,  and  burned  to  ashes.  Some  of  the  Indian  exccutioiiei-s  barbarously 
taking  his  flesh,  they  ga  c  it  to  one  another,  and  did  eat  it,  withal  singing 
abont  the  fire."  I 

Notwithstanding,  both  Uncas  and  Miantunnomoh  were  accused  of  harboring 
fugitive  Pequots,  after  the  Mystic  fight,  as  our  accounts  will  abundantly  prove. 
It  is  true  they  had  agreed  not  to  harbor  them,  but  jjerhaps  the  jihilanthropist 
will  not  judge  them  harder  for  erring  on  the  score  of  mercy,  than  their  Eng- 
lish friends  for  their  strictly  religious  jierseverance  in  revenge. 

A  traditionary  story  of  Uncus  pursuing,  overtaking,  and  executing  a  Pcquot 
sachem,  as  given  ui  the  Historical  Collections,  may  not  be  unqualifiedly  true. 
It  was  after  Mystic  fight,  and  is  as  follows :  Most  of  the  English  forces  pur- 
sued the  fiigitives  l)y  water,  west.vard,  while  some  followed  by  land  with 
Uncas  and  his  Indians.  At  a  point  of  land  in  Guilford,  they  came  upon  a 
great  Pequot  sach(!ni,  and  a  few  of  his  men.     Knowing  they  were  pureued, 


*  Old  Iiulian  Clironicle,  15. 

J  UcIaiiuM  of  the  Troubles,  &c.  <Vi. 


t  In  Ills  Hist,  of  Connecticut. 


[Hook  II. 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS.— MOHEG A N  LAN G U AG E. 


87 


an  (xpe- 


•'quots. 


they  had  gone  into  an  a'ljaceur.  peninsula,  "hoping  tiieir  puiEiuers  would 
have  passed  by  them.  But  Uncas  knew  Indian's  cratl,  and  ordered  some  of 
his  men  to  search  that  point.  The  Pequots  jjerceiving  that  they  were  pur- 
sued, swam  over  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  whicli  is  nai-row.  But  tiiey  were 
waylaid,  and  taken  as  they  landed.  The  sachem  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  to 
death.  Uncas  shot  him  with  an  arrow,  cut  off"  his  head,  uid  stuck  it  up  in 
the  crotch  of  a  large  oak-tree  near  the  harbor,  where  the  skull  remained  for 
a  great  many  years."  *  This  was  the  origin  of  Sachem's  Head,  by  which 
jiame  the  harbor  of  Guilford  is  well-known  to  coasters. 

Dr.  Mather  records  tlie  expedition  of  tlie  English,  but  makes  no  mention  of 
Uncaa,  He  says,  they  set  out  from  Saybrook  fort,  and  "  sailed  westward  in 
pursuit  of  the  Pequots,  who  were  fled  that  way.  Sailing  along  to  the  westward 
of  Mononowuttuckj  the  wind  not  answering  their  desires,  ttiey  cast  anchor." 
"  Some  scattering  Pequots  were  then  taken  and  slaui,  us  also  the  Peijuot 
sacheuj,  before  expressed,!  had  his  head  cut  oft",  whence  that  place  did  bear 
the  name  of  Sachem's  Head."  I 

Uncases  fear  of  the  Pequots  was  tloubtless  the  cause  of  his  hostility  to 
them ;  and  when  he  saw  them  vau(iuished,  he  probably  began  to  relent  his 
unprovoked  severity  towards  his  countrymen,  many  of  whom  were  his  netu- 
relations ;  and  this  may  account  tor  Ins  endeavors  to  screen  some  of  them 
from  tlieir  more  vindictive  enemies.  The  next  s|)ring  after  the  war^  5  March, 
1638,  "  Unkus,  alias  Okoco,  the  Monahegau  sachem  in  the  twist  of  Pefpiod 
River,  came  to  Boston  with  '67  men.  He  came  from  Connecticut  with  Mr. 
Haynes,  and  tendered  the  governor  a  present  of  20  fathom  of  wampuui. 
This  was  at  court,  and  it  Wiis  thought  tit  by  the  council  to  ref"use  it,  till  ho 
had  given  satisiaction  about  the  Picpiots  he  kept,  &c.  Upon  this  he  was 
much  dejected,  and  made  account  we  would  have  killed  him ;  but,  two  days 
after,  havuig  received  good  satisfaction  of  his  innoceucy,  &c.  and  he  promis- 
ing to  submit  to  the  order  of  the  English,  touching  the  Pequots  he  had,  and 
the  differences  between  the  NaiTagaiisetts  and  him,  we  accepted  his  present. 
And  about  half  an  hour  idler,  he  came  to  the  governor,"  and  made  the  follow- 
ing speech.    Layuig  his  hand  upon  his  breast,  he  said, 

"  This  heart  is  not  mine,  but  yours.  I  have  no  men :  they  are  all  yours.  Com- 
mand me  any  difficult  thing,  I  ivill  do  it.  I  will  not  believe  any  Indians^  words 
against  the  English,  If  any  man  shall  kill  an  Englishman,  1  loill  put  him  to 
death,  ivcre  he  never  'io  dear  to  me." 

"So  the  goyerno/  gave  him  a  fair  red  coat,  and  defrayed  his  and  his  men's 
diet,  aiid  gave  tiiciii  corn  to  relieve  them  homewai-d,  and  a  letter  of  protection 
to  all  men,  &>;.  and  he  departed  very  joyful."  § 

For  the  gratification  of  the  curious,  we  give,  from  Dr.  Edicards's  "Observa- 
tions on  the  Jlidikekaneew  [Moiiegun]  Language,"  the  Lord's  prayer  in  that 
dialect.  "  JVogh-nuli,  nc  spummuck  oi-c-on,  laugh  mau-weh  wneh  utu-ko-se-auk 
ne-an-nc  an-nu-woi-e-on.  Taugh  nc  aun-chu-ivut-am-mun  tva-ioeh-tu-seek  ma- 
weh  noh  pum-iiich.  JVe  ae-noi-hit-iceh  mau-weh  aw-au-neek  noh  hkcy  oie-check, 
ne  aun-chu-tmit-am-mun,  ne  au-noi-hil-tett  neek  spum-muk  oie-cheek.  Men-e- 
nnu-mth  noo-iiooh  wuh-liam-auk  tiptogh  nuh  idi-huy-u-tam-ank  ngum-mau-weh. 
Ohii-u-ut-a-mm-we-nau-nuh  au-nth  mu-ma-choi-e-au-keh  he  anneh  ohq-u-vi-a- 
mou-tvoi-e-auk  num-peh  neek  mu-ma-cluh  an-7ieh-o-(piau-keet.  Chcen  hqu-idc- 
tjurm-chth-si-Jr-kch  an-7ich-e-hcnau-nuli.  Pan-nee-wch  htou-we-nau-niOi  necn 
maum-teJi-kel.  Ke-ah  ng-weh-chch  kwi-ou-wau-tveh  mau-weh  noh  pum-meh ;  kt- 
an-woi ;  es-ta^i,  aw-aun  w-tin-noi-yu-wun  ne  au-noi-e-yon ;  han-wce-tveh  ne  kt- 
in-noi-cen." 

Such  wiis  the  language  of  tiie  Mohcgans,  the  Pequots,  the  Norinigausets  and 
Nipiiiucks;  or  so  near  did  they  approach  one  another,  that  each  could  under- 
stand the  odier  through  the  united  extent  of  their  territories. 

Uncus  was  said  to  have  been  engaged  in  all  the  wars  against  his  country- 
ini'M,  (lu  tlie  part  of  the  English,  during  his  lile-time.||  He  shielded  some  of 
ihe  iiilimt  scttlemeuts  of  Connecticut  in  times  of  troubles,  especially  Norwich. 


I 


*  FJist.  (liillfonl,  ill  1  Colt.  Mass.  Hist,  t-'oc.  100. 

f   lll-i  IliUllC  l.s  IKll   llU'lllloil'.'ll. 

J    ti  inlliroj.',  Jour.  i.  ^li.M). 


;  IJcluijiii,  111. 
.M;S,  ci'iiiiiir.iiii  i/.!()ii  oi'  Ui.'v. 


.Mr.  AVw. 


'1 


S3 


UNCAS.— TREATMENT  OF  MIANTUNNOMOII. 


[Book  II. 


To  the  inhabitants  of  this  town  the  Mohcgans  seemed  more  particularly 
atmched,  probably  from  the  circumstance  of  some  of  its  settlers  having 
relieved  tlit'm  when  besieged  by  JVinigret,  as  will  be  found  related  in  the 
ennuing  history.  The  remnant  of  the  Mohegans,  in  1768,  was  settled  in  the 
north-east  corner  of  New  London,  about  five  miles  south  of  Norwich ;  at 
which  place  they  had  u  reservation. 

The  Mohegans  liad  a  burying-place  called  the  Royal  hurying-ground,  and 
this  was  set  apart  for  the  family  of  Uncos.  It  is  close  by  the  fails  of  the  stream 
called  Yantic  River,  in  Norsvich  city ;  "  a  beautiful  and  romantic  spot."  The 
ground  containing  the  grave  of  Uncas  is  at  present  owned  by  C  Goddard,  Esq. 
of  Norwich.  This  gcntlcniau  has,  very  laudably,  caused  an  inclosure  to  be 
set  about  it.* 

When  the  conunissionei-s  of  the  United  Colonies  had  met  in  1643,  com- 
plaint was  made  to  them  by  Uncas,  that  Miantunnomoh  had  employed  a  Pequot 
to  kill  him,  and  that  this  Pequot  was  one  of  his  own  subjects.  He  shot  Uncas 
with  an  arrow,  and,  not  doubting  but  that  ho  had  accomplished  his  purpose, 
"  fled  to  the  Nanohiggansets,  or  their  confederates,"  and  proclaimed  that  he 
had  killed  him.  "But  when  it  was  known  Vncas  was  not  dead,  though 
wounded,  the  traitor  was  taught  to  say  that  Uncus  had  cut  through  his  own 
ai-m  with  a  flint,  and  hiied  the  Pequot  to  say  he  had  shot  and  killed  him. 
Myantinomo  being  sent  for  by  the  governor  of  the  Massachusetts  upon  another 
occasion,  brought  the  Pequot  with  him :  but  when  this  disguise  would  not 
serve,  and  that  the  English  out  of  his  [the  Pequot's]  own  moutli  found  him 
guilty,  and  would  have  sent  him  to  iJnctis  his  sagamore  to  be  proceeded 
against,  Myaniinomo  desired  he  might  not  be  taken  out  of  his  hands,  promising 
[that]  he  would  send  [him]  himself  to  Vncm  to  be  examined  and  punished ; 
but,  contrary  to  his  ])romise,  and  fearing,  as  it  appears,  his  own  treachery 
Inight  be  discouered,  he  within  a  (jay  or  two  cut  off  the  Peacott's  head,  that 
he  might  tell  no  tales.  After  this  some  attempts  were  made  to  poison  Vnctis, 
and,  as  is  reported,  to  take  away  his  life  by  sorcery.  That  being  discovered, 
some  of  Seqiiasson^s  company,  an  Indian  sagamore  alfied  to,  and  an  intimate 
confederate  with  Myantinomo,  shot  at  Uncus  as  he  was  going  down  Conectacatt 
River  with  a  aiTow  or  two.  Vncus,  according  to  the  foresaid  agreement," 
which  was,  in  case  of  difficulty  between  them,  that  the  English  should  be 
applied  to  as  umpires,  complained  to  them.  They  endeavored  to  bring  about 
a  peace  between  Uncas  and  Sequasson ;  but  Sequasson  would  hear  to  no  over- 
tures of  the  kind,  and  intimated  that  he  should  be  borne  out  in  his  resolution 
by  Miantunnomoh.  The  result  was  the  war  of  which  we  have  given  an 
account  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh.  We  have  also  spoken  there  of  the 
agency  of  the  English  in  the  affair  of  Miahtunnomoh^s  death ;  but  that  no  light 
may  be  withheld  which  can  in  any  way  reflect  upon  that  impoittmt  as  well  as 
melancholy  event,  wo  will  give  all  that  the  commissioners  have  recorded  in 
their  records  concerning  it.  But  fii-sdy,  we  should  notice,  that,  after  Miantun- 
nomoh was  taken  prisoner,  the  Indians  afiirmed,  (the  adherents  of  Uncas 
doubtless,)  that  Miantunnomoh  had  engaged  the  Mohawks  to  join  him  in  his 
wars,  and  that  they  were  then  encamped  only  a  day's  journey  from  the  fron- 
tiers, waiting  for  him  to  attain  his  libeny.    The  record  then  proceeds : — 

"These  tlihigs  being  duly  weighed  and  considered,  the  commissioners 
apparently  see  that  Vncus  cannot  be  safe  while  Myantenomo  lives ;  but  that, 
either  by  secret  treachery  or  open  force,  his  life  will  be  still  in  danger. 
Wherefore  they  think  he  may  justly  put  such  a  false  and  blood-thirsty  enemy 
todealli;  but  in  his  own  jurisdiction,  not  in  the  English  plantations.  And 
advising  that,  in  the  manner  of  his  death,  all  mercy  and  moderation  be  showed, 
contrary  to  the  practice  of  the  Indians  wlio  exercise  tortures  and  cruelty. 
And  Vncus  having  hitherto  shown  himself  a  friend  to  the  English,  and  in  tins 
cniving  their  advice ;  [therefore,]  if  the  Nanohiggansitts  Indians  or  others 
shall  unjustly  assiiult  Vncus  for  this  execution,  upon  notice  and  request  the 
lOnglisli  promise  to  assist  and  protect  him,  as  far  as  they  may,  against  such 
violfiice." 

We  [ircsumc  not  to  commentate  upon  this  affair,  but  we  would  ask  whether 


*  3  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  135. 


[Book  II. 


Chap.  V.] 


tJNCAS. 


89 


it  does  not  appear  as  probable,  tliat  Uncas  had  concerted  the  plan  with  liif* 
Pequot  8ubj(!et  for  the  destruction  of  Miantunnomoh,  us  that  the  latter  had 
plotted  for  the  destruction  of  the  former.  Else,  why  did  Mianlunnonwh  put 
the  Pequot  to  death  ?  The  commissioners  do  not  say  that  the  Pequot  had  by 
his  confession  any  how  implicated  Miantunnomoh.  Now,  if  this  Pequot  iiad 
been  employed  l)y  him,  it  does  not  seem  at  all  likely  that  he  would  have  put 
him  to  death,  especially  as  he  had  not  accused  him.  And,  on  the  other  hand, 
if  he  had  acknowledged  himself  guilty  of  attempting  the  life  of  his  own 
sachem,  that  it  might  be  charged  upon  others,  it  is  to  us  a  plahi  reason  wliy 
Miantunnomoh  should  jiut  him  to  death,  being  fully  satisfied  of  his  guilt  upon 
his  own  confession.  It  may  be  concluded,  therefore,  that  the  plot  against 
Uncas  was  of  his  own  or  his  Pequot  subject's  planning.  The  Pequot's  going 
over  to  Miantunnomoh  for  protection  is  no  evidence  of  that  chiof's  imrticipation 
in  his  plot.  And  it  is  highly  probai)le  that,  after  they  had  left  tiii!  English 
court,  his  crime  was  aggravated,  in  Miantunnomoh^ s  view,  by  some  new  con- 
fession or  discovery,  winch  caused  him  to  be  forthwith  executed. 

As  though  well  assured  tliat  the  justness  of  their  interference  would  be 
called  in  question,  the  commissioners  sliortly  after  added  another  clause  to 
their  records,  iis  much  in  exoneration  of  their  conduct  as  they  could  Und 
words  hi  which  to  express  themselves.  They  argue  that,  "  whereas  Uncas 
was  advised  [by  them]  to  take  away  the  life  of  Miantunnonwh  whose  lawful 
captive  he  was,  tiicy  [the  Narragansets]  may  well  underetand  that  tiiis  is  with- 
out violation  of  any  covenant  IxtAcen  thein  and  us;  for  Uncas  being  in  con- 
federation with  us,  and  one  that  hath  diligently  observed  his  covenants  before 
mentioned,  for  aught  we  know,  and  requiring  advice  froiri  us,  upon  serious 
consideration  of  the  preniisps,  viz.  his  treacherous  and  murderous  disposition 
against  Uncas,  &c.  and  how  great  a  disturber  he  hath  been  of  tluf  common 
peace  of  the  whole  country,  we  could  not  in  respect  of  the  justice  of  the  case, 
safety  of  the  country,  and  faithfulness  of  our  friend,  do  otherwise  than  approve 
of  the  lawfulness  of  his  death  ;  which  agreeing  so  well  with  the  Indians'  own 
manners,  and  concurring  with  the  practice  of  other  nations  with  whom  we 
are  acquainted  ;  we  jjcrsuaded  ourselves,  however  his  death  may  be  grievous 
at  [)resent,  yet  the  peaceable  fruits  of  it  will  yield  not  only  matter  of  safety  to 
the  Indians,  but  profit  to  all  that  inhabit  this  continent." 

It  is  believed  that  the  reader  is  now  ])ut  in  possession  of  every  thing  that 
th(^  English  could  say  for  themselves,  upon  the  execution  of  Miantunnomoh. 
He  will  therefore  be  able  to  decide,  whether,  as  we  have  stated,  their  judg- 
ment was  made  up  of  one  kind  of  evidence  ;  and  whether  the  Narragansets 
had  any  lawyers  to  advocate  their  cause  before  the  commissioners. 

After  JMian<un?M)moft  was  executed,  the  Narragansets  demanded  satisfaction 
of  Uncas  for  the  money  they  had  raised  and  paid  for  the  redenq)tion  of  their 
chief.  This  demand  was  through  tiie  English  commissioners;  who,  when 
they  were  met,  in  Sejit.  1(544,  deputed  Thomas  Stanton  to  notify  both  parties 
to  appear  before  them,  that  they  might  decide  upon  the  case  according  to 
the  evidence  which  should  be  produced. 

It  appears  that  Kienenw,*  the  Niantick  sachem,  immediately  dej)utcd 
Weetowisse,  a  sachem,  Pawpiamet  and  Pummumshe,  captains,  from  the  Narra- 
gansets, with  two  of  their  men,  to  maintain  their  action  before  the  commis- 
sioners, and  to  complain  of  some  insolences  of  Uncas  besides.f  On  a  fuli 
hearing,  the  commissioners  say,  that  nothing  was  substantiated  by  th  -.. 
"  Though,"  they  say,  "  several  discourses  had  passed  from  Uncas  t .  ;d  bin 
men,  that  for  such  quantities  of  wampum  and  such  parcels  of  other  goods  to 
a  great  value,  there  might  have  been  some  probability  of  snaring  his  life." 
Hence  it  appears  that  Uncas  had  actually  entered  upon  a  aegotiation  with 
the  Narragansets,  as  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  has  been  stated ;  and  it  does 
not,  it  is  thought,  require  but  a  slight  acquaintance  with  the  general  drift  of 
these  afTairs,  to  discern,  that  Uncas  had  encouraged  the  Narragansets  to  send 


*  The  same  afterwards  called  Niiiigret.  Janemo  was  doiihlless  (he  proiiuiicialioii,  Jbeirig 
nl  tliat  time  pronounced /j;  tlicrelbre  Jianemo  miffht  iiave  boon  soinclimes  underslood  Kimi-- 
mo.     Winthrop  writes  the  name  Ayammo  in  one  instance. 

t  The  author  of  Tales  of  the  IviHians  seems  dismally  confused  in  attempting  to  narraie 
these  alTairs,  but  see  llaxard,  ii.  2d  and  %. 
8» 


90 


UNCAS.— PESSACUS. 


[Book  II. 


wampum,  that  is,  their  money,  giving  tliem  to  understand  tliat  lie  would  not 
be  hard  with  them ;  in  so  fur,  that  they  had  trusted  to  his  generosity,  aiul  sent 
him  a  eonsidtirahle  amount.  The  very  face  -of  it  shows  dearly,  that  it  was  a 
trick  of  Uncas  to  leave  tiie  amount  indefinitely  stated,  which  gave  him  the 
chance,  (that  a  knave  will  always  seize  ujton,)  to  act  according  to  the  caprice 
of  Ills  own  mind  on  any  pretence  atlerwards. 

The  commissioners  say,  that  "no  such  parcels  were  brought,"  though,  in 
a  few  lines  uftir,  in  their  records,  Ave  I'ead:  "And  for  that  wampums  and 
^oods  sent,  [to  Uncus,]  us  tliey  were  but  small  parcels,  and  scarce  considerable 
for  such  a  purpose;,"  namely,  tlie  redemption  of  their  chief:  and  still,  they 
add ;  "  But  Uncas  deuieth,  and  the  Narrugansot  deputies  did  not  alledge, 
much  less  pro\(!  that  any  ransom  was  agreed,  nor  so  much  as  any  treaty 
begun  to  r(;decm  tlieir  imprisoned  sachem."  Therefore  it  njipears  quiti; 
clear  that  Uncas  hud  all  the  English  in  his  favor,  who,  to  preserve  his  fiieiid- 
.shij),  caressed  and  called  him  their  friend ;  while,  on  the  other  huiul,  the 
agents  li-om  tlie  Narragansets  were  frowned  upon,  and  no  doubt  labored  under 
tlie  disadvantage  of  not  being  personally  known  to  the  English. 

As  to  tlie  goods  wiiich  Uncas  had  received,  the  commissioners  say,  "A 
l)art  of  tiiem  [w,  re]  disposed  [of]  by  Miantunnomoh  himself,  to  Unras^  coiui- 
sellors  and  captains,  for  some  favor,  either  past  or  hoped  for,  and  [)art  weni 
given  and  sent  to  Uncas,  and  to  his  s(piavv  for  preserving  his  litii  so  long,  and 
using  him  courteously  (luring  his  imprisonment." 

Here  ended  this  matter;  but  hefore  the  Xarruganset  deputies  left  the  court, 
the  Englisli  made  them  sign  an  agreemiuit,  that  they  would  not  make  w;u' 
upon  Uncas,  "vntill  after  the  next  planting  of  corn."  And  even  then,  that 
they  should  give  ;10  da^  s' notice  to  the  Englisli  before  commencing  hostili- 
ties. Also  that  if  "any  of  the  Nayaiitick  I'ecotts  should  make-  any  assault 
upon  Uncas  or  any  of  his,  they  wi^uld  deliver  them  up  to  the  i'^nglish  to  be 
pimislied  according  to  their  demerits.  And  that  they  would  not  use  any 
means  to  pmcin-e  tii<!  Mawliakes  to  conic  against  Unras  during  this  truce." 
At  the  sain  •  time  tlie  English  took  due  care  to  notify  the  Narraganset  com- 
missioners, liy  way  of  awing  them  into  terms,  that  if  they  did  molest  the 
Mohegans,  all  tlu;  Ihiglish  would  be  U|)on  them. 

Tile  date  of  this  lUfri'ement,  il'  so  W(!  may  call  it,  is,  "Hartford,  tlie  xviijih 
of  Septeiiiher,  1(>-1I,"  and  was  signtul  by  four  bulians ;  one  liesides  those 
named  above,  called  Chimouj<;h. 

That  no  passage  might  he  lell  open  for  excuse,  in  case  of  war,  it  was  also 
mentioned,  ihat  "pmof  of  the  ransom  charged "  must  be  made  siitistiictory 
to  the  English  hefore  war  was  begun. 

The  power  of  Pcssavus  and  JSi'inignt  at  this  time  was  much  feared  hy  the 
English,  and  they  were  ready  to  helieve  any  reports  of  the  hostile  doings  of 
the  Narragansets,  who,  since  the  subjection  of  the  I'eipiots,  had  made  them- 
selves masters  of  all  their  neighliors,  except  the  I'higlish,  as  the  I'ecpiots  had 
done  1)1  lori'  them.  The  IMohegans  were  also  in  great  li'ar  ot'  them,  as  well 
after  as  helitre  the  death  ol"  Sliantuntwrniih  ;  but  tt»r  whose  misll)rtune  in 
being  made  a  prisoiKsr  by  a  stratagem  of  Uncas,  or  his  captains,  the  I'liglisli 
might  have  seen  tiir  greater  troubles  lioni  them  than  they  did,  judging  lioni 
the  known  ahililies  of  that  great  chief 

There  was  "a  meeting  extraordinary"  of  the  conimissicuiers  of  the  rnit(!d 
Colonies,  in  July,  lt!45,  at  Hostoii,  "concerning  tlu'  I'leiich  business,  and  tlio 
wars  between  I'issicua  and  Uncus  being  hegim."  Their  first  business  was  to 
despatch  away  messengers  to  request  the  appearance  of' the  head  men  oftlio 
belligerents  to  appear  themselves  at  ISoston,  or  to  send  some  of  their  chief 
men,  that  the  dilliciilties  between  them  might  he  settled. 

Tliese  messengei-s.  Sergeant  John  Damrs,  [Davis!]  Hinrtlirl  ,'lrnoUI,  and 
hYancis  Smiith,  on  their  first  urrixal  at  Nairiigansel,  were  wehonied  by  tli« 
sachems,  Who  ofTered  them  guides  to  conduct  them  to  Uncas;  but,  either 
having  understood  their  intentions,  or  judging  lioni  tlnir  appearance  tlint 
the  English  messengers  iiieiuit  them  no  good,  changed  their  deportment 
altogether,  and  in  the  mean  time  seeretlv  despatelied  messengers  to  the 
Nianticks  befiire  them,  giving  them  to  un(fei-siand  what  was  going  forward. 
After  this,  say  the  messengers,  "  tiiere  was  nothing  but  proud  uiid  insolent 


CriAP.  v.] 


UNCAS.— DEraNDED  BY  THE  ENGLISH. 


91 


ih,  in 


"A 


liy  till) 
iiigs  of 

tlicin- 
ots  liail 
IKS  ■vvcll 

MIC  ill 
i'.ii<j;lihli 

1!^   ll'DIII 

t  nitod 

.'Mill  the 

was  to 

oftlio 

fiiiet' 

/(/,  aiul 
liy  tli« 
I'itiicr 

«•!>  tlinf. 

rtiiioiit 
ll>   tlio 

•rwuril. 

iiHolent 


passajrrs  [from  JViiiigret.]  TFic  Indian  gnidcs  whicli  tbcy  liad  brought  with 
tlipin  from  Pumham  and  Sokakanoco  wero,  liy  frowns  and  threatening  speeches, 
(lii«conrage(l,  and  returned ;  no  otlier  guides  could  bo  obtained."  The 
sachems  said  tliey  knew,  by  wliat  was  done  at  Hartford  last  year,  that  the 
English  wonld  urge  poiu-o,  "6h<  //icy  iccre  resolved,  they  said,  to  have  no  peace 
without  Uncus  his  /«'«./."  As  to  who  began  tlic  war,  tliey  cured  not,  but  they 
were  resolved  to  continue  it ;  that  it"  tiie  English  did  not  withdraw  their 
Koldiers  from  Uncas,  t\n\\  should  consider  it  a  breach  of  former  covennnts, 
and  would  jn'ocnre  as  many  Mohawks  as  the  English  had  soldiers  to  bring 
against  them.  They  )'e\ilfd  T''ncas  for  ha%-ing  wounded  himself,  and  then 
charging  it  upon  them,  and  said  li(^  was  no  friend  of  the  English,  but  would 
now,  if  ht>  durst,  kill  the  t'ngiisli  messcngcn-s,  and  Jay  timt  to  them.  There- 
fore, not  bring  able  to  proced,  tlu;  ICnglish  messengers  returned  to  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  emd  acquainted  Pcs.mciis  of  '.vhat  had  passed,  desiring  he  wonld 
furnisii  them  with  guides;  "h;~,  (in  scorn,  as  they  apprehended  it,)  offered 
them  an  old  Peacott  sipiaw." 

Tlv^  mcssengi'iv  now  tiioiiglit  tlieuisi'Ivs  in  danger  of  being  mas- 
sj'.cred  ;  "t!n'e(^  Indians  with  hatclnts  standing  behind  the  intcMim^tcr  in  a 
.-'isplcious  manner,  while  he  \\;is  speaking  with  Pe<isncu,i,  mid  thi;  rest,  irowning 
and  e\[)ressing  much  di:^teni;)i>r  in  tlieir  countenance  and  carriage."  So, 
without  nnich  loss  of  tim.',  they  began  to  n'fraci^  their  stc])s.  On  leaving 
Pc.isacux,  they  told  him  they  slioiild  lodge!  at  an  English  trading  house  not  fur 
ofl'that  night,  and  if  he  wanted  to  send  any  word  to  the  English,  he  might  send 
to  them.  In  lh(!  morning,  he  invited  tiicni  to  retin*n,  and  said  he  wo;'l(l  furnish 
fliein  with  guides  to  visit  F;iffi,?,  but  he  would  not  suspend  hostilities.  Not  daring 
to  risk  the  jinu'iiey,  the  messengers  returned  home.  .Inwll,  tlit'  interpreter, 
testified  fliat  this  wius  a  true  re!ati(Mi  of  what  had  passed,  which  is  necessary  to 
he  liornc  in  mind,  as  something  may  aiipear,  as  we,  proceed,  impeuching  the 
venicity  of  .flrnohl. 

.Meanwhile  the  commissioners  set  f^)rth  an  armament  to  defend  f/jirrr*,  at  all 
hazards.  Tojnstily  this  movement,  they  declare,  that,  "considering  the  great 
proAocations  offereil,  and  the  necessity  we  should  Ih^  jjut  unto  of  making  war 
upon  the  Narrobiggin,  iScc.  and  bi-iug  also  careful  in  a  matter  of  so  great 
weight  and  general  eoncermnent  to  s(!e  the  way  cleared  and  to  give  satisfaction 
to  all  the  colonists,  did  think  tit  to  advise  with  such  of  the  magistrates  and 
elders  of  the  IMiLssachusetts  as  were  thiii  at  hand,  and  also  witii  some  of  the 
chief  military  eonunanders  tluM'e,  who  being  assembled,  it  was  then  agr<>ed  : 
Fii-st,  that  our  euiragemeiit  bound  us  to  aid  and  tlefi'iid  the  Mohegan  sachem. 
Secondly,  that  this  aid  could  not  be  intended  only  .<>  defend  him  and  his,  in 
his  li)rt  or  habitnticai,  but,  (necording  to  tiie  comiuon  !icce[)tation  of  such 
covenants  or  engagements  considered  with  the  ground  orocca-sion  thereof,)  so 
to  aid  him  as  hw  might  be  preserved  in  his  liberty  and  estate.  Thirdly,  tlint 
this  aid  must  be  speedy,  least  he  inijjlit  be  swallowed  nj)  in  the  mean  time, 
and  so  come  too  late." 

"According  to  the  counsel' and  rloK'rmination  aforesaid,  the  commissioners, 
considering  tlie  present  danger  of  Uiicits  the  Mohegan  sachiMii,  (his  tort  having 
been  divei*s  times  assaulted  by  a  great  army  of  the  Narrohiggansets,  &c.) 
ngieed  to  have  10  siddiers  sent  with  all  ex|>editio!i  for  bis  defi-nse."  Lien- 
tenant  .'llhirlon  and  Sergeant  John  Davit  led  f Iiis  company,  coinhicted  by  two  of 
"<'i(/r/i((w(iA-ia',»"  Indians  as  guides.  ,lthfiiou  was  orilercd  not  to  make  nn 
"Mltemi)t  upon  the  town  otlu  rwise  than  in  Vncafl'  defence."  Cnptnin  Mason 
of  Connectieiit  was  lo  join  bim,  and  take  the  chief  command.  Forty  men 
were  ordered  also  from  (^oimr-cticnt,  and  !tO  from  New  Haven  under  I/u-n- 
teiiant  Smbf.  In  their  instructions  to  Manon,  the  commissioners  say,  "  We  ho 
now  aim  at  the  |)rotection  of  the  IHoliegans,  that  we  wonld  have  no  op|w»rtn.iity 
neglected  to  weaken  the  Narragaiisets  and  their  confederates,  in  their  numlMT 
of  men,  their  ciine  ciinoes,  wigwams,  wampum  und  goods.  We  look  upon 
the  Nianticks  as  the  chief  iiieendiari<'s  and  cnnscH  of  the  war,  und  HJioiild  l)« 
glad  they  might  first  (i'cl  the  smnrt  of  it."  The  Niiuiticks,  therpfon-,  were 
particniarlv  to  lie  bad  in  view  by  Afasnn,  and  he  wan  informed  nt  the  winio 
time  that  itlassachnsetts  and  I'liinoiitli  were  forthwith  to  send  "another  army 
to  invade  tiiu  Nnrrugansettf." 


I 


m 


UNCAS.— BESEIGED  IN  HIS  FORT. 


[Book  II. 


Tlic  roniini.s.sioncrs  now  ])ioceo<lccl  to  make  choice  of  a  corninander  in 
fhitf'  of  tlio  two  armies.  IM.ijor  Edward  Gibbons  was  uiiuniniously  elected. 
In  liis  instructions  is  this  ))assiig(; :  "  Whereas  the  scope  and  cause  of  this 
expedition  is  not  only  to  aid  the  Moliepnis,  but  to  ofTond  tlie  Narragansets, 
Niantifks,  and  otiier  tiieir  confe(h;rates."  lie  was  directed  also  to  conclude  u 
pcuc(!  with  them,  if  they  desiri'd  it,  provided  it  were  made  with  special 
reference  to  daniajres,  &c.  And  they  say,  "IJut  withal,  according  to  our 
engagements,  you  are  to  |)r<)vitle  for  iJncas'  future  safety,  that  his  plantations 
be  not  invaded,  tliat  iiis  men  and  squawsmayattend  their  planting  and  fisiiing 
and  other  occasions  witiiout  fear  or  injury,  and  Vssatnequitie,  Pomhain, 
Sokakonoco,  Culclinmnkln,  mid  other  Indians,  friends  or  subjects  to  the  English, 
bo  not  molested,"  &(•. 

goon  alh;r  the  dt.'atli  of  Miantunrwmnh,  which  was  in  September,  ICA^,  his 
brother  Pcssacus,  "th(!  new  sacli(>m  of  Narraganset,"  tlien  "a  yoinig  man 
about  20,"  sent  to  Governor  IVinlhrop  of  Massaehu.setts,  as  a  present,  an  oiler 
coal,  a  girdle  of  wampum,  and  some  of  that  artich;  besides,  in  value  about 
£1.^.  TIh^  mi'ssengcr,  named  fiasliose,'^  also  a  sa(dii;in,  told  the  governor  that 
his  chicl"  desired  to  continue  in  peace  with  tiie  English ;  but  tiiat  he  was 
about  to  make  war  upon  Uncus,  to  av<.'ng(!  tiu;  deatii  of  his  Imrtiier,  and  hoped 
they  would  not  interii're,  nor  aid  Uiiciui.  The  governor  said  they  wislKul  to 
be  at  peace  with  ail  Indians,  and  tliat  all  Indians  would  be  at  peace  among 
themselves,  and  that  tliey  must  agnic  to  tliis,  ttr  they  could  not  acccipt  their 
j)resent.  fFitsliont  said  he  was  instructed  no  liu-ther  than  to  make  known  ins 
mission  and  leave  the  present,  wliicli  Ik"  did,  and  returned  to  his  own  country. 
This  was  in  February,  1()44,  N.  S.  W'iiliin  the  same  month,  the  same  messenger 
appi-ared  again  at  IJoston  ;  and  "  his  errand  was,  (says  Governor  H'intlirop,)  that, 
seeing  they,  at  our  reiiui'st,  had  set  siill  this  year,  that  now  this  next  year  we 
would  grant  their  n;(iuest,  and  siitljr  tiiem  to  fight  with  OhAiw,  with  niiuiy 
urguments."  lint  \n'  was  answered,  that  the  English  woidd  not  allow  such  u 
proceeding,  luid  if  liiey  persisted  all  the  Ijiglish  woidd  fldl  upon  them. 

Planting  time,  and  '•]{)  days  besides,  had  jtassed  before  the  English  sent  an 
army  to  invade  the  Narragaiisets.  Pissw  iis  and  the  otiier  chiefs  had  done  all 
tluiv  could  do  to  cause  th(!  I'luglish  to  remain  neutral,  but  now  determintjd  to 
wait  no  longer,  aiul  hostile  acts  were  committed  on  both  sides. 

The  tniciitionary  account  of  I'nats's  being  besic^ged  in  his  fort  by  the 
Xarragansets  will  very  properiv  be  IooU(h1  (<>r  in  this  coniuiction,  as  it  hits 
not  only  adoriu'd  somt! /(//t«  of  the  Iud!(tm,hnt  has  been  s(>riously  urged  as 
trntii  ill  more  imposing  forms.  What  we  are  about  to  give  is  contained  in 
a  lettir,  dated  at  New  ilaven,  1!J  September,  17!Mi,  by  Wni.  Lrjflngurll,  t\m\  di- 
rected Dr.  Trumbull. 

"At  the  time  the  Aloliegan  tribe  of  Indians  wen;  iHfsieged  l»y  the  Narragan- 
set tribe,  in  a  lint  near  the  River  Thames,  betwe«'n  Norwich  and  New 
London,  the  jirovisions  of  ilie  l)esiege<l  iieing  nearly  exhiiusted,  Uncas,  \\\v\v 
sacliem,  fiiiiid  means  to  inliirm  the  settleisat  Saybrookof  tlieirdistress,and  the 
danger  they  would  be  in  liomthe  Nanagansets,  il'llie  iMohegan  tribe  were  cut 
oil".  Ensign  Thomas  LcffinifwiU,  out!  olihe  first  settlers  there,  loaded  a  canoe 
with  beef,  corn  and  peas,  and  in  the  night  tim(<  paddled  from  Saybr<K)k  into  the 
Thames,  and  iiad  the  address  to  get  tlii-  whole  into  the  fort  of  the  iM-sieged  ; — 
received  a  deed  from  Vivas  of  the  town  ol'  '  rwicli,  and  made  his  escape 
that  very  night.  In  conseipienci!  of  which,  the  iM-siegers,  linding  Vnfa.i  had 
procured  relief,  raised  the  siege,  and  the  Aloliegan  triiio  were  saved,  and  have 
ever  proved  strict  friends  to  the  N.  Ilngland  settlers."! 

Tins  idiove  agrees  very  well  with  Mr.  Ihidv's  account.  "When  Vnnts  and 
tribe  were  attat^ked  by  a  potent  enemy,  aiitl  blocked  up  in  their  li>rt  on  a  hill, 
by  the  sidi;  of  the  great  river,  and  alinnst  starved  to  dealh  l.ieiit.  Thus. 
Lt^txgweU,  Capt.  Btnj.  Unwsler,  of  said  Norwich,  and  others,  secretly  carried 

•  Pcflmin  the  «niin'  n>i  .liivn/icr*. 

t  ('o|>icil  I'rnin  tin'  i)rii(liiiil,  liir  llir  niillior.  I)V  Itcv.  W'm,  h'.lti,  wlio  lliim  rcmiirkK  ii|hiii  iI  ; 
"Tliiii  Iriidilldii,  rroni  ii  lii|^lily  r<'«i[HH'lHlilt*  niiiiito.  Tntmtiull  kIiiU's  it.H  limliiry)  yel,  in  Nuiiin 
iniiKir  |tniiiU,  Hi  li'ii»l,  il  uoiilil  ncnii  oliviuu*  (iial  Ilia  Iradilluii  cutilil  not  liav«  M«q  alrietly 
prcierved  Ibr  150  yeurn."    MS.  lellrr. 


Chap.  V.] 


INTERFERENCE  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 


98 


their  provision,  in  tlie  nigiit  soasons,  upon  which  the  enemy  raised  the  siege."* 
In  .coiisiderution  ol'wliicii,  "  Uncas  guvc  sundry  doniiic,;)^'  of  hind,"  &c.t 

At  the  congress  ol'tlie  coininissiouers  iit  Boston,  iv  lUJj,  above  mentioned, 
it  WU8  ascertained  that  tlie  present  from  Pessacus  still  remained  among  them, 
and  therefore  he  might  think  it  was  probable  that  the  English  had  complied 
with  their  desires,  a.s  they  had  not  returned  it.  Lest  this  should  be  so  under- 
sto  J,  Captain  Hardins,  Blr.  Helhonie,  and  Beimlict  Arnold,  were  ordered  and 
conmiis-sioncHl  to  repau'  to  the  Narragansct  country,  and  to  see,  if  possible, 
"Pwciw,  Canoivnacus,  Jancmo"  and  otiicr  sachems,  and  to  return  the  present 
belbre  mentioned,  and  to  inform  them  that  the  English  were  well  aware  of 
thejr  beginning  and  prosecuting  a  war  ujiou  Uncas,  and  then*  "  having 
wounded  and  slain  div<;r8  of  his  men,  seized  many  of  Jiis  canoes,  taken  some 
prisoners,  sjtoiled  much  of  liis  corn,"  refused  to  treat  with  him,  and  threaten- 
ed th<!  J'higlisli.  I\<!verthei('ss,  if  thiy  would  come  themselves  forthwith  to 
iioston,  they  should  be  hciird  and  protected  in  their  journey,  but  that  none 
<\c(!pt  themselvi'H  would  be  treated  with,  and  if  tliey  refused  to  come,  the 
pjiiglish  were  prepared  for  war,  and  would  proceed  innnediately  against 
tiiem. 

Harding  and  Jf'elhornc  proceeded  to  Providence,  where  Jlmold  was  to  join 
them.  But  he  was  not  tiiere,  and  they  were  informed  that  he  daied  not 
venture  among  tiie  Narragimsets.  Whither  lie  had  been  acting  the  traitor 
with  them,  or  something  (piite  as  much  tf)  nlerit  condemnation,  we  will  leave 
the  reader  to  judge  fi'om  tiie  relation.  TIk;  two  former,  tiierefbre,  made  use  of 
Ili'verend  Mr.  WUliams  as  iiitirpnter  in  their  business,  but  were  reprimanded 
by  ilie  connnissioners  for  it  on  tli<nr  return.  On  going  to  tlie  NiU'rnganset 
sachems,  and  o|iening  their  business,  it  ap()eared  that  all  they  were  ordered 
to  charge  them  witli  whs  not  true;  or,  at  i(;ast,  d'Miied  by  them.  These 
charges,  it  appeai-s,  had  been  lueftnTed  by  .Iniold,  and  sworn  to  upon  oath. 
The  chiefs  said  "tliat  luncmo,  th(!  Nyaiilick  sachem,  had  been  ill  divers  days, 
but  had  now  sent  six  men  t()|)reseiit  his  nspecls  to  the  l'jUglish,au(l  todi^clare 
his  assent  and  submission  to  what  tlie  Narrohiggenst.t  sachems  and  the  Eng- 
lish should  agree  upon." 

It  was  in  the  end  agreiui,  that  the  chiefs,  Pcssaciui,  Mexam,  and  divers 
others,  should  proceed  to  llusioii,  Mgr(  ealily  to  tlii;  desin;  of  the  English, 
which  they  did,  in  company  with  Hanliiif!  and  Jf'dhomr,  who  brought  liack 
the  old  present,  ami  fiir  which  they  also  nceived  the  censure  of  the  ccmgresa. 
They  arrived  at  Jtoston  iust  as  the  second  levy  of  troo|)s  were  marching  out 
ti>r  tiieir  country,  and  llius  the  expiHJition  was  stayed  imtil  the  result  of  a 
treaty  should  lit.'  madi!  known. 

It  apjieared,  on  a  e(infei-eiice  with  the  coiiimissiojieivi,  that  the  sachems  did 
not  fully  miiierstaiul  the  nature  nl'ail  the  charges  against  theni  before  leaving 
their  country,  and  injustice  to  them  it  should  be  observed,  tiiat,  so  fiir  as  the 
record  goes,  their  <'ase  appears  to  us  the  t'asiest  to  be  defended  of  the  three 
parties  concerned.  They  told  the  eoniiiiissioners  of  sundry  charges  they  hud 
against  Uncat,  but  they  said  they  could  not  hern-  them,  fur  Uncus  was  not 

*  Moine  vpry  licnulirni  verm's  iippiiirt'd  scvrrnl  yi  nr'*  since  in  ihc  ConiitH'ticiit  iMirror,  to 
wliicli  il  si'ciiH  llic  iiliDM'  \mi\  niveii  ri'^o.  Tlii'V  wire  iircl'iici'il  willi  llic  (lillowing  niiiung 
Miller  (ilKervmidii'i  :  '  in  llie  iiel(;lil)iirhiio(l  of  Moliogiiii  is  a  null'  recess,  environed  (ly  rock*, 
vvliicli  siill  reluiiis  ihe  naniu  of  llie  '  clmir  of  Viirns;'  iin<t  tli.it  tlio  |>t.'0|)l»  of  Uticas  were 
|>erisliini(' uilli  liunger  wlicii  l.fjjiii^u'eli  l>r(ju^lit  liini  reliol'.  Uu  givo  the  rolluwing  ttanzu 
I'ruin  i(:  — 

"  The  numiirrh  sni  on  his  roeky  llironc, 
Uel'ori'  liini  the  wnlers  liiy  ; 
His  tfiuirds  were  sliii(ieless  coliiinii*  of  sloiir, 
Tlicir  ItiHy  lieliiiels  with  moss  o'erifrown, 
And  llicir  spears  ol'  liie  lirm  ken  gray. 

"  His  lamps  were  llie  licklo  stars,  dmi  liennied 

'I'lironn-h  dii'  veil  ol  tlieir  iiiiilniifhl  shroud, 
Am'  llie  reilileMinu:  thi^hes  dial  (illidly  |;leain<'d 
\\  Ihii  die  distanl  lires  of  die  war-dnnee  Kiri'iinied 
•  W  here  his  foes  in  fiiinlic  revel  screnined 
Nealli  dieir  canopy  of  cloud,"  iVc. 
t  .MS.  letter  lo  Dr.  Trumhill,  before  cited,  niid  lifo  u(  Miiiiilimiwmoh. 


i 


94 


UNCAS.— TREATY  MADE  AT  BOSTON. 


[Book  II. 


tlinre  to  speak  for  Iiimself ;  and  that  they  had  hindered  his  being  notified  of 
their  coming.  As  to  a  breach  of  covenant,  they  maintained,  for  some  time, 
they  had  committed  none,  and  that  their  treatment  of  tlie  English  had  been 
misrefjreseiited.  "But,  (says  our  record,)  after  a  long  debate  and  some 
priuate  conferrence,  they  had  with  Serjeant  CulUcutt,  they  acknowledged 
they  had  brooken  promise  or  coiienant  in  the  afore  menconed  wnrrs, 
and  ofTerred  to  make  another  truce  with  Vncas,  either  till  next  jjlanting 
tyme,  as  they  had  done  last  yeare  at  Hartford,  or  for  a  yeare,  or  a  yeare  and 
a  quarter." 

They  had  been  induced  to  make  this  admission,  no  doubt,  by  the  persua- 
sion of  CuUicid,  who,  probably,  was  instructed  to  inform  them  that  the  safety 
of  their  country  depended  upon  their  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  Eng- 
lish at  this  time.  An  army  of  soldiers  was  at  that  moment  i)arading  tlio 
streets,  in  all  the  pomposity  of  a  modern  training,  which  must  have  reminded 
them  of  the  horrible  destruction  of  their  kindred  at  fllystic  eight  years 
before. 

The  proposition  of  a  truce  being  objected  to  by  the  English,  "one  of  the 
sachems  offered  a  stick  or  a  wand  to  the  conunissioners,  expressing  himself, 
that  therewith  they  put  the  power  and  disposition  of  the  war  into  their  hands, 
and  desired  to  know  wJiat  the  English  would  require  of  them."  They  were 
answered  that  the  exj)enscs  and  trouble  they  had  caused  the  English  were 
very  great,  "besid(!s  the  damage  V^ncas  had  sustained;  yet  to  sliow  their 
moderacon,  they  would  require  of  them  but  tivoo  thousand  ftithome  of  wiiite 
wampon  for  their  owne  satisfarcon,"  Itut  that  tlicy  siiouid  restore  to  Uncas  all 
the  captives  and  canoes  taken  fiom  him,  and  make;  restitution  for  all  the  corn 
they  had  spoiled.  As  for  the  last-mentioned  offence,  the  sachems  asserted 
there  had  been  none  sucli ;  for  it  was  not  the  manner  of  the  Indians  to  de- 
atroy  com. 

This  most  excellent  and  indirec'  -ejiroof  must  have  had  no  small  effect  on 
those  who  lieard  it,  as  no  doubt  some  of  the  acrtors  as  well  as  the  advisers  of 
the  destruction  of  the  Indians'  corn,  previous  to  and  during  the  Peijuot  war, 
were  now  present:  Block  Island,  and  the  fertile  fields  ujion  the  shores  of  the 
Connecticut,  must  have  magnified  before  their  imaginations. 

Considering,  therefore,  that  this  charge  was  merely  imaginary,  and  tliat 
Uncas  had  taktni  and  killed  some  of  their  people,  tli<'  English  consented  that 
Uncas  "might"  restore  sucii  captives  and  canoes  as  he  had  taken  from  them. 
Finally,  they  agreed  to  pay  the  ^^•atnlHml,  "enuiing  onely  some  ease  in  the 
manner  and  tymes  of  pa)  ment,"  and  on  the  evening  of  "the  xwVjth  of  the  (i 
month,  (August,)  IMCi,"  lulieles  to  the  f()llo\> ing  efli;ct  were  signed  by  the 
principal  Indians  ju'esent: — 

1.  That  the  Narrag.insets  aiul  Nianticks  had  made  war  upon  the  Moliegans 
contrary  to  former  freatiis;  that  tln^  iiiiglish  had  sent  messengers  to  them 
without  success,  which  had  made  them  pn^iare  for  war. 

y.  Thot  ciiii'fs  duly  authorized  were  now  at  Boston,  and  having  acknowl- 
edged their  breachot' treaties,  having  "thereby  not  oidy  endamaged  I'ltras, 
itut  had  brought  ninch  charge  and  iiouble  vpou  all  the  I'iUglish  colonies, 
which  they  conlist  were  just  they  should  satisfy." 

;i.  That  the  sachems  agi'ee  tiir  their  nati(His  to  ])ay  I"  the  l'',nglisli  '2000 
futhoni  "of  good  uhit(>  wampum,  or  a  third  jtart  ol' good  black  wampou- 
pi'atre,  iu  fi»nr  payments,  namely,"  TidO  ttitliom  in  '20  days,  ')()()  in  liiur  mouths, 
oOO  at  or  before  next  jilanting  time,  and  .'iOO  in  tw<i  years,  which  tin;  English 
agree  to  aece|»t  as  lull  "  salistiiecon." 

4.  That  each  piu'ly  ol'  the  hidians  was  to  restore  to  the  (»ther  all  things 
;aken,  and  where  canoes  were  destroyed,  others  "in  the  roome  of  them,  tiill 
'.<fi  goiitl,"  were  to  he  givi  ii  in  retiu'u.  'I'he  English  obligated  theuist  Ives  liir 
iJncas. 

5.  Thni  as  man)  naillers  cannot  be  treated  of  on  accrnnit  of  the  absence  of 
Vncas,  they  are  to  be  deterred  until  llie  next  mi'etinir  of  the  commissioners 
;it  llartfiird,  iu  Sept.  jlilii,  where  both  parties  slionld  l»e  heard. 

('.  Til  •  Narragaiisi  t  iiinl  Niaiitii-  .siclienis  liiiid  tlicmselves  to  keep  peace 
wiiii  the  English  and  tla  ir  successors,  "and  with  I'luas  the  Mohegan  saciiem 


i 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS.— MEXAM. 


95 


ity  the 


and  his  men,  with  Vssamequin,*  Pomham,  Sokaknooco,  Cutchamakin,  Slioanan,\ 
Passaconaway,  and  all  others.  And  tbat,'in  case  difficulties  occur,  they  are 
to  apply  to  the  English. 

7.  They  promise  to  deliver  up  to  the  English  all  fugitives  who  shall  at  any 
time  be  found  among  them  ;  to  pay  a  yearly  trihutc,  "  a  month  before  Indian 
hai-vest,  every  year  ailer  this,  at  Boston,"  "  for  all  such  Pecotts  as  live  amongst 
them,"  accordmg  to  the  treaty  of  1638; J  "namely,  one  fathom  of  white 
wampum  for  each  Pequot  man,  and  half  a  fathom  for  each  Poacott  youth, 
and  one  hand  length  ofwam[)um  for  each  Peacott  man-child;  and  if  H'eek- 
tcash  Cake§  refuse  to  ])ay  this  tribute  for  any  Peacotts  with  him,  the  Narro- 
higgunset  sagamores  promise  to  assist  the  English  against  him ;"  and  to  yield 
up  to  the  English  tiie  whole  Peciiiot  country. 

8.  The  sachems  promise  to  deliver  lour  of  their  children  into  the  hands  of 
the  Eiiglisli,  "  viz'.  Pissncus  his  eldest  sonn,  the  sonn  of  Tassaqvtannicitt, 
biotlier  to  Pissams,  Jhmshanoc  his  soiui,  and  Eivnngesoi's  sonn,  a  Nyantick,  to 
be  ke|)t  as  pledges  or  hostngcH,"  until  the  wampmn  should  be  all  \mA,  and  they 
bad  met  ifncas  at  Hartford,  and  Jammo  and  fVypelock^  had  signed  these  arti- 
cles. As  tlie  children  were  to  lie  sent  for,  Witowasli,  Pomamse,  Jaimssoe,  and 
lVauf[hwamino  offered  their  persons  as  security  lor  their  delivery,  who  were 
accej)ted. 

9.  Both  the  securities  and  hostages  were  to  be  supported  at  the  charge  of 
the  English. 

10.  That  if  any  hostilities  were  committed  while  this  treaty  was  making, 
and  before  its  provisions  were  known,  such  acts  not  to  be  considered  a  viola- 
tion thereof, 

11.  They  agree  not  to  sell  any  of  tlieir  lands  without  the  consent  of  the 
commissioners. 

12.  If  any  Pequots  should  be  foiuid  among  them  who  had  murdered  Eng- 
lish, they  were  to  be  dclivfu'ed  to  the  English.  Here  follow  the  names,  with 
a  mark  to  each. 

Pesseccs, 
Al'msaaql'kn,1I  deputy 

for  the.  JVianlicks, 
Abdas, 

POMMUSH, 
CUTCHAMAKIiVS', 

Wf.f.kesaxno, 

WlTTOWASn. 

We  do  not  see  Mexnni's  or  Mixnnno's  name  among  the  signers,  although 
he  is  UKMitioneil  as  being  ))rcs('nt,  unless  another  name  was  then  applied  to 
him.  There  were  four  iutfrprctcrs  eniployd  upon  tlic;  occasion,  namely, 
Sergeant  CiiJlicid  and  bis  l:i{lian  man,  Vulrhamnkin  and  Jo.iias.^* 

From  this  time  to  tin;  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  country 
seems  not  to  have  Imcu  niiicli  disturbeil.  In  the  mean  time,  jiowever,  Uncaa, 
without  any  regard  to  rhe  piomist!  and  oi)ligations  the  English  had  laid  theni- 
Beives  iuidi;r  for  him,  undertook  to  eliasti.Je  a  Narraganset  sachem  for  some 
alleged  ()ffenc(>.  On  o|)euing  llieir  enngress,  at  New  llav<!n,  letters  from  Mr. 
Morton  and  Mr.  Pdcr.s,  at  l*e(|not,  were  read  by  the  conuniRsioiiers,  giving 
neeonnts  of  Unrns^i  ])erfldy.  The  comiilainants  were  sent  to,  and  infi)rmea 
that  IJiKat  was  shortly  to  Ite  there,  and  tliat  tli(;y  should  bring  their  proof  in 
onhir  to  a  trial. 

Meanwhih!  Uncas  came,  who,  afler  waiting  a  ft^w  days,  and  liLs  accusers 
not  appearing,  was  examined  and  dismissed.  It  a|)|)ears  that  the  English  at 
Nameoke,  since  Saybrook,  wem  the  sufl'ering  partv,  fw  th<'ir  neighltorhood 
was  the  scene  of  f/nrrtV*  depredations.  Of  some  ot  the  charges  h(^  acknowl- 
edged liiTUself  guilty,  especially  of  iigliting  Mrrkimish  [We(|uash]  Cookr  so 
near  t(»  the  |)lantati()n  at  Pe(|ui>t ;  although  he  alleged  that  some  of  the  Eng- 
lish there  had  encourage('  Wripmsh  to  himt  upon  bis  lands.     Il«'  was  informed 


OiiMmrquin. 
Hce  page  CA,  antt, 
Aicatrquin. 


t  I'prhii(n  Slinfhiitiim,  or  Shohin. 
J   WeqiMsIt  Vook.  \\  Wfpilenmnrlt. 

•'•  Hon  of  t'hiki 


katauhul,  prol)BWy. 


96 


UNCAS.— NUMEROUS  CHARGES  AGALNST  HIM. 


[Book  H. 


tliuir  words,  while  tlicir 


that  liis  brother  hod  also  been  guilty  of  some  offence,  but  neither  the  accuser 
nor  the  accused  were  present,  luid,  therefore,  it  could  not  be  acted  upon.  So, 
after  a  kind  of  reprimand,  Uncas  was  dismissed,  as  we  have  just  incntioued. 
But  before  he  had  left  the  town,  Mr.  JVm.  Morton  arrived  at  court,  with  three 
Indians,  to  maintain  the  notion  against  him ;  he  was,  therefore,  called  in,  and  a 
hearing  was  had,  "but  the  cominissionoj's  founde  noe  cause  to  altef  the  former 
writinge  giuen  hiin."  This  was  as  regarded  the  affair  with  Wequash.  Mr. 
Morton  then  produced  a  Pe(]uot  jjowwow,  named  Wampmhet,  who,  lie  said, 
had  charged  tineas  with  having  hired  him  to  do  violence  to  another  Indian,  or  i 
to  procure  it  to  be  done,  which  accordingly  was  effected,  the  Indian  being 
wounded  witli  a  hatchet.  This  crime  was  at  first  laid  to  die  charge  of  ff'e- 
quash,  as  tineas  had  intended.  "Kut  after  [wards,]  the  Pe(juat's  jiowwow, 
troubled  in  conscience,  could  have  no  rest  till  he  had  discoured  Vneus  to  bo 
the  author."  He  fii"st  related  his  guilt  to  Robin,*  an  Indian  servant  of  Mr. 
WhUhrop ;  but,  to  the  surprise  of  the;  whole  court,  Wampushet,  the  only  wit- 
ness, on  being  questioned  through  Mr.  Stanton,  the  interjiniter,  told  a  story 
diametrically  the  revci-se  of  what  he  had  before  stated.  "  He  cleared  Vneus, 
and  cast  the  i)lot  and  guilt  vpon  JVeckwash  Cooke  and  Robin;"  "and  though 
the  other  two  Pequats,  whereof  the  one  was  Rohin^s  brother,  seemed  much 
offended,"  and  said  Unras  had  hired  him  to  alter  his  charge,  "yet  he  pei-sisted, 
and  said  Mekwash  Cooke  and  Roinn  had  giuen  him  a  payre  of  breeches,  and 
promised  him  25  fadome  of  waiiiinim,  to  cast  the  plot  iii)on  Vneus,  and  that  the 
English  plantacon  and  l*e(]uats  knew  it.  The  commissioners  abhorring  this 
dinilish  falshoode,  and  advisinge  Vneus,  il'he  (xpected  any  favoiire  and  respect 
from  the  English,  to.haue  no  hand  in  any  such  designes  or  vniust  wayes." 

Hence  it  a[)pears  that  the  court  did  not  doubt  much  of  the  villany  of  Uncas, 
but,  for  reasons  not  re(iiiin;d  lien;  to  Ik;  named,  Ik;  was  treated  as  a  fond 
parent  ofteii  treats  a  disobedient  child  ;  reminded  of  the  end  to  which  suiMi 
crimes  lead;  and  seem  to  threateir  chastiscmiiit  in 
deportment  holds  out  quite  difH-rent  language. 

At  the  congress  of  the  I fnifi'd  (.'oloiiics,  at  IJostou,  in  .Tidy,  1047,  Mr.  Jb/jn 
IVinthrop  of  Connecticut  presented  a  petition,  "  in  the  name  of  many  Peipiatls," 
in  the  preamble  of  which  Casmamon  and  Obechiquod  are  named,  re(|uesting 
that  they  might  have  liberty  to  dwell  soiMewhcre  under  the  protection  of  the 
English,  which  they  might  appoint.  They  acknowledged  that  their  sachems 
and  people  had  done  very  ill  against  the  English  formerly,  for  which  they  had 
justly  suffered  luid  been  rightlidly  conqiiere<!  by  the  J'!nglisli ;  but  that  they  had 
had  no  hand,  by  conseni  or  otherwise,  in  shedding  the  blood  of  the  English, 
and  that  it  was  by  the  advice  of  jYce(jiiash  +  that  they  fled  (i'om  their  country, 
being  promised  by  him  that  the  English  would  not  hurt  them,  if  they  did  not 
join  against  them.  The  names  of  (!2  craving  pardon  and  protection  were  at 
the  same  time  communicated. 

In  answer  the  commissioners  say,  that  while  Jf'equash  lived  he  had  made  no 
mention  of  "such  innocent  Pequats,  or  from  any  other  person  since  ;"  and  on 
"enquiry  from  Tlwmas  Stanton,  from  Fo.ron,  one  of  fJ^nrus  his  na  .i,  and  at  last 
by  confession  of  the  Pequats  present,  found  that  some  of  the  iietitionei-s  were 
in  Mistick  fort  in  tight  against  the  English,  and  fled  away  in  the  smoke,"  and 
that  othei-s  were  at  other  times  in  arms  against  the  English  and  Mohegans, 
and,  therefore,  the  ground  of  their  petition  was  false  and  deceitftd. 

It  appears  that  they  had  taken  refuge  under  Uncas,  who  had  ))roniised  them 
good  usage,  which  was  probably  on  condition  that  they  should  pay  him  a 
tribute.    They  resided  at  this  tim<!  at  Namyok. 

At  the  same  court,  Obechiquod  comitlained  that  Uncas  had  forcibly  taken 
uway  liis  wife,  and  criminally  obliged  her  to  live  with  him.  "  Vron  la-ing 
present,  as  Uncases  deputv,  was  questioned  about  this  base  and  unsufli'rable 
outrage  ;  he  denied  that  tineas  either  took  or  ke|)t  away  Ohceliiquod^s  wife  by 
fori!e,  and  affirmed  that  [on]  Obeclti(iuod\i  withdmwing,  with  other  Pequots, 

*  HIS  inilioii  name  was  Casntamon,  pvrlmps  the  same  as  Casiiutiimamon,  or  Canatinemon, 
inc. 

t  U'i'7«aj/i,  till'  traitor.  He  licramo  a  noted  prayinj^  Indinii,  nftcr  llip  Po(|iiol  war,  and 
was  sii|i|)osu(l  to  luivu  died  by  puiiiuii.  Frf(|ULUt  nicntiuii  will  be  limiid  uf  liim  cUcwltero  in 
our  work. 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS  ACCUSED  OF  PERFIDY. 


wore 
■'  1111(1 


(I  thorn 
liiin  a 

taken 
iH'iiig 
"orahlo 
vile  by 
luots, 


from  Vncas,  liis  wife  refused  to  go  with  him ;  and  that,  among  the  Indians,  it  is 
usual  when  a  wife  so  deserts  her  husband,  another  may  take  her.  Obechiquod 
affirmed  that  Uncas  had  dealt  criminally  before,  and  still  kept  her  against 
her  will." 

Though  not  satisfied  in  jroint  of  proof,  the  comniissionei-s  said,  "Yet  ab- 
horing  that  histful  adulterous  carriage  of  Uncas,  as  it  is  acknowledged  and 
mittiguted  by  Foion"  and  ordered  that  he  should  restore  the  wife,  and  that 
Ohccliiquod  have  liberty  to  settk;  under  the  protection  of  tiie  English,  Mhere 
they  should  direct.* 

Comjilainte  at  this  time  were  as  thick  upon  the  head  of  Uncus  as  can  well 
be  conceived  of,  and  still  we  do  not  imagine  that  half  tin;  crimes  he  was  guilty 
of|  are  on  record.  Another  Indian  named  SanapS,  ut  the  same  time,  coni|)laiu- 
ed  that  he  hud  dealt  in  like  manner  with  the  wife  of  another  chief,  since  dead ; 
that  he  had  taken  away  his  corn  and  beans,  and  attempted  his  life  also.  The 
court  say  they  found  no  proof,  "  fii-st  or  last,  of  tlioHe  cimrges,"  still,  as  to  the 
corn  and  beans,  "  Foxon  conceives  Uncas  seized  it  becaiisi;  Sannop,  with  a 
Pequot,  in  a  disorderly  manner  withdrew  himself  from  Uncus."  ibnice  it 
seems  not  much  evidence  was  required,  as  Uncus^s  de|)uty  uniformly  pleaded 
guilty;  and  the  court  could  do  no  less  than  order  that,  on  investigation,  he 
should  niako  restitution.  As  to  Sannop,  who  was  "  no  Petiuot,"  but  a  "  Con- 
necticut Indian,"  he  had  liberty  to  live  under  the  i)rotectioii  of  the  English 
also. 

To  the  charges  of  the  Poquots  against  Uncas,  of  "  his  vnjustico  and  tyranny, 
drawHige  wanipaju  from  them  vpon  new  pn;tenc(!S,"  "they  say  they  bane 
giuen  him  wamiwrni  40  times  since  they  came  viulcr  him,  and  that  tiiey  haue 
sent  wamiMim  by  Iiim  to  the  English  ^5  times,"  and  had  no  account  that  he 
ever  delivered  it;  it  was  answered  by  iTsjo/i,  that  Uncas  had  received  wam- 

Imm  divers  times  as  tribute,  but  denied  that,  iii  jjaiticniar,  any  had  been  given 
lim  for  the,  English,  and  that  "ho  thinks  the  nomber  of  525  times  to  bo 
altogether  false." 

There  were  u  long  train  of  charges  against  Uncas  for  his  oppression  of  the 
Pcquots. 'vhicli  when  the  commissioners  had  iieard  through,  they  "ordered 
thcc  y^ncus  be  duly  reproved,  and  seri;  -isiy  enforined  that  the  English  cannot 
owne  or  protect  him  in  any  Milawful,  much  lesse  trecherous  and  outrageous 
com-ses."  And  notwithstanding  the  commissioners  sei.'m  not  to  doubt  of  the 
rascality  of  their  ally,  yet  nothing  seems  to  have  been  done  to  relieve  tlie 
distressed  Pequots,  because  that  "after  the  [Pequot]  warre  they  spared  the 
iiues  of  such  as  had  noe  hand  in  the  blmide  of  the  English."  To  say  the  least 
of  which,  it  is  a  most  extraordinary  consideration,  tiiat  l)ecause  some  innocent 
people  had  not  been  destroyed  in  war,  they  might  be  harassed  accorduig  as 
the  caprices  of  abandoned  minds  might  dictate. 

Mr.  John  If'inlhrop  next  prefei-s  a  coini)laint  against  Uncas  from  another 
(|uanor:  the  Nipmuks  had  been  attack(;d,  in  KVKi,  by  180  Mohegans,  under 
Mywemia,  a  brother  of  Uncas.  It  does  not  app'ar  that  he  killed  any  of  them, 
but  mbbed  tiiem  of  effects  to  a  great  amount;  among  which  are  enmnerated 
J35  fathom  of  wampum,  10  copper  kettles,  10  "  great  hempen  baskets,"  many 
boar  skins,  deer  skins,  &c.  Of  this  charge  Foxon  said  Uncas  was  not  guilty, 
for  that  he  knew  nothing  of  .Yowcqita's  proceedings  in  it ;  that  at  the  time  of 
it  [Sojitember]  Uncus,  with  his  chief  counsellors,  was  at  New  Haven  with  the 
commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies ;  and  that  JVowaiua  had  at  the  same 
time  robbed  some  of  Uncases  own  peoi>le. 

It  was  also  urged  by  ffinthrop,  that  not  long  before  the  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners in  September,  1047,  this  sf.me  JVotoeqna  had  be»!n  with  40  or  50  men 
to  Fisher's  Island,  where  he  had  broken  up  a  canoe  belonging  to  him,  and  greatly 
alarmed  his  man  and  an  Iiulian  who  were  there  at  that  time.  That  JVoivequa 
next  "hovi'red  against  the  English  plantation,  in  a  suspicious  manner,  with  40 
or  50  of  his  men,  many  of  them  armed  with  giinns,  to  tlie  affrightmont  not 
onely  of  the  Indians  on  the  shore  (soti  that  some  of  them  began  to  bring  their 
goods  to  th(!  English  houses)  but  divers  of  the  English  themselues." 

*  This  cliii'f  is  till'  siiiiH'.  we  bolicvo,  ciilli'il  in  it  lalor  |inrt'ot'  the  recoriis  (lia/iir<l,  ii.  H3) 
Ablioifnrkirnnil.     Ilr  whs  HihvI,  willi  seven  olhers,  ten  liiliiom  of  wnin]mii1  (or  jjoiiig  lo  tiglil 
tile  i'ucuniiitiick  biiliiuis  widi  I'licuf.  in  (lie  suimiicr  of  1()J1). 
D 


98 


UNCAS.— WAR  Wmi  THE  NIPMUKS. 


[Book  II. 


Tlirso  chnrfifes  I)eing  admitted  by  jPoxon- thn  comiiiissioiiprs  "ordered  tliiit 
rnrus  Iroiii  them  be  fully  inl'oriiiod,  Ibat  lie  must  either  regulate  nud  continue 
his  brother  in  a  righteous  and  peareable  rranic  for  the  future  vnderstaudinge, 
and  providing  that  V|)on  due  |)roof  due  reHtitutiou  to  be  made  to  such  as  liaue 
been  wronged  by  liim,  or  «'!«(!  wiioly  cli-sert  and  leauc  him,  tiiat  the  Narrageu- 
si'tf  and  othei-s  may  recjuere  ajid  recouer  witisfaction  as  they  caii." 

We  pass  now  to  the  year  1(!51,  oinitting  to  notice  some  few  events  nion;  or 
less  connected  with  our  sul)ject,  which,  in  another  chapter,  may  properly  jjass 
under  reviews 

Last  year,  Thomas  Stnnlon  had  been  ordered  "to  get  an  account  of  the  num- 
ber and  names  of  the  several  T'ecpiots  living  among  the  Narragansets,  Niaiiticks, 
or  Mohegair  Indians,  &c. ;  who,  by  an  agreement  made  after  the  I'eqnot  war,  arc 
justly  tributaries  to  the  English  coIoni(.'s,  and  to  receive  the  tribute  due  I'or  this 
last  year."  Stanlon  now  appearcid  as  interpreter,  and  with  him  came  also 
Uncaa  and  s)!veral  of  his  men,  Wtqucuih  Cook  and  some  of'^JVInnaaafl^s"  men, 
"  Robert,  a  Pequot,  sometimes  a  servant  to  Mr.  ff'inthrop,  and  some  with  him, 
and  some  Pequots  living  on  Long  Island."  Tht^y  at  this  time  delivered  31^ 
fatliom  of  wiimpum.    Of  this  Uncos  brought  7!),  J^inigrcCs  men  1)1,  &c. 

"This  wampum  being  laid  down.  Uncus  and  others  of  the  Pequots 
demandful  why  this  tribute  was  required,  how  long  it  was  to  continue,  iuid 
whether  the  children  to  be  born  herealter  were  to  pay  it."  They  were 
answeird  that  the  tribute  had  been  due  yearly  trom  the  Pequots  since  1G38, 
on  account  of  their  nunders,  wai-s,  &c.  upon  the  English.  "Wherefore  the 
commissioners  might  hav(!  re(piired  both  account  and  jiayment,  as  of  a  just 
debt,  for  time  i)ast,  but  are  cont(;nted,  if  it  be  thankfully  accepted,  to  remit 
what  is  |)ast,  accounting  only  from  Ifi.'jO,  when  Thomas  Stuntoii's  employment 
and  salary  began."  Also  that  tlie  tribute  should  end  in  ten  years  more,  and 
that  children  hereafter  born  should  be  <!xempt.  Hitherto  all  male  children 
were  taxed.  ' 

The  next  matter  with  which  we  shall  proceed,  has,  in  the  life  of  Ousaine- 
quin,  been  merely  glanced  at,  and  reserved  for  this  jJacc,  to  which  it  more 
pro])erly  belongs. 

We  have  now  arrived  to  the  year  IfiGl,  and  it  was  in  the  spring  of  this  year 
that  a  war  broke  out  between  Uncas  and  the  old  sachem  before  named.  It 
seems  very  clear  that  the  Wauq)anoags  had  been  friendly  to  the  Narragansets, 
for  a  long  time  previous;  being  separated  from  them,  were  not  often 
involv(Ml  in  their  troubles.  They  saw  how  Uncas  was  favored  by  the  English, 
and  wirre,  therefore,  careful  to  have;  nothing  to  do  with  the  Mohegans,  from 
whom  they  were  still  farther  reuKned.  Of  the  rise,  jirogress  and  termination 
of  their  war  upon  the  Quabi  ogs,  a  tribe  of  Nipmuks  belonging  to  Jf'asama^n, 
the  reader  may  gather  the  most  inqyortant  facts  from  some  docuinents,*  which 
we  shall  hi  the  next  place  lay  before  him. 

"Mercurhs  i)f.  Qiauaconk,  or  a  declaration  of  the  dealings  of  Unca3 
and  the  Mohegin  Indians,  to  certain  Indians  the  inhabitants  of  Quabaconk, 
21,  ;W  mo.  KKil. 

"  About  ten  weeks  since  f/jicna'  son,  accompanied  witli  70  Indians,  set  upon 
the  Indians  at  (.iuabaconk,  and  slew  three  pereons,  and  carried  away  six  pris- 
oners; among  which  were  one  stjuaw  and  Iier  two  children,  whom  when  lie 
had  !»rought  to  the  fort,  Uncas  dismissed  the  squaw,  on  conditions  that  she 
would  go  home  and  bring  him  £25  in  peag,  two  guns  and  two  blankets,  for 
the  n^lease  of  lu-rself  and  her  children,  which  as  yet  she  hath  not  done,  l)eing 
retauied  by  the  sagamore  of  Weshakeim,  in  hopes  that  their  league  with  the 
English  will  fiec!  them. 

"At  the  same  thne  he  carried  away  also,  in  stuff  and  money,  to  the  value 
of  £37,  and  at  such  tiuH^  as  Uncas  received  notice  of  the  displeasure  of  the 
Englis/i  in  the  Massachusetts  by  tlie  worshipful  Mr.  ffmthrop,  lie  insolently 
laughed  them  to  scorn,  and  professed  that  hn  would  still  go  on  as  ho  had 
begini,  and  assay  who  d(u*ca  to  controll  him.  Moreover,  four  dayB  since 
tliere  came  home  a  prisoner  that  escaped ;  two  yet  remaining,  whom  Uncaa 


'  In  innnuscript,  unci  never  before  published. 


Chap.  V.] 


UCFLECTIONS.— MESSAGE  TO  IJNCAS. 


99 


tlireatoiiK,  tlio  one  of  tlicm  to  kill,  and  the  other  to  sell  away  an  a  slave,  and 
still  threatens  to  continue  his  war  against  them,  notwithstanding  any  prohibi- 
tion whatsoev(!r ;  whose  very  threats  are  so  teri'ihle,  that  our  Indians  dure  not 
wander  far  from  tlie  towns  about  the  Indians  for  fear  of  surprise. 

From  the  relation  of 

Pambassua, 
and  testimony  of 

Wasamagin, 
quaqupquunset, 

and  others."      ' 

From  this  narrative  it  is  veiy  )»lain  that  Uiicas  eiu'cd  very  little  for  the  dis- 

i)leasure  of  the  English :  it  is  ])luin,  also,  that  he  knew  as  well  as  they  what 
Lept  them  from  dealing  as  severely  with  hini  as  wirii  the  Narragansets,  his 
neighbors.  They  must  suceumb  to  liini,  to  keep  him  in  a  temper  to  aid  hi 
fighting  their  battles  when  called  iijion.  Ilence,  when  he  had  committed  the 
grossest  insults  on  other  Indians,  th(>  wheels  of  Justice  often  moved  so  slow, 
that  they  arrived  not  at  their  oliject  until  it  hud  become  quite  another  inat'er. 
It  must,  however,  be  considered,  that  the  English  were  very  peculiarly  sit- 
uated— upon  the  veiy  margin  of  an  unknown  wilderness,  inclosed  but  on  one 
side  by  Indians,  whose  chief  business  was  war.  They  had  destroyed  the 
Pefjuots,  but  this  only  added  to  their  fears,  for  they  knew  that  revenge  lurked 
still  in  the  breasts  of  many,  who  only  were  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to 
gratify  it ;  therefore,  so  long  as  one  of  the  most  miinerttus  tribes  could  possi- 
bly be  kept  on  their  side,  the  English  considered  themselves  in  saiety.  They 
had  made  many  missteps  in  their  procetrdings  with  the  Indians,  owing  some- 
times to  one  cause  and  sometimes  to  another,  for  which  now  there  was  no 
remedy;  and  it  is  doubtful  whether,  even  at  this  day,  if  any  set  of  men  were 
to  go  into  an  unknown  region  and  settle  uiiiong  wild  men,  that  they  would 
get  along  with  them  so  much  better  than  our  fathers  did  with  the  Indians 
here,  as  some  may  have  imagined.  These  are  considerations  which  must  be 
taken  into  account  in  estimating  the  "  wrongs  of  the  Indians."  They  seem 
the  more  necessary  in  this  place;  for,  in  the  biograjiby  of  Uncas,  there  is  as 
much,  perhaps,  to  censure  regarding  tlie  acts  of  the  English,  as  in  any  other 
article  of  Indian  histoiy. 

The  narrative  just  recited,  being  sent  in  to  the  court  of  Massachusetts,  was 
referred  to  a  select  committee,  who,  on  the  1  .Iiine,  reported, 

That  letters  should  be  sent  to  Uncas,  signifying  how  sensible  the  court  was 
of  the  injuries  he  had  done  them,  by  his  outrage  iiiion  the  Indians  of  Quaba- 
conk,  wlio  lived  under  their  sagamore,  Wassamagin,  as  set  forth  in  the 
narrative.  That,  therefore,  they  now  desired  him  to  give  up  the  captives  and 
make  restitution  for  all  the  goods  taken  from  them,  and  to  forbear  ibr  time  to 
come  all  such  unlawful  acts.  That,  if  fVnssamairin  or  his  subjects  had  or 
should  do  him  or  his  subjects  any  wrong,  the  i'-nglish  woiihl,  upon  due 
proot;  cause  n^conipense  to  be  made.  Also  that  Uncas  be  giv(!n  to  under- 
sr.iiid  !!;id  assured,  that  if  he  refuse  to  comply  with  the  request,  they  were 
tlieu  resolved  to  right  the  hijurics  upon  him  and  his,  and  lor  all  coats  they 
might  he  |mt  to  in  the  service.'  "That  for  the  encouragement  and  safety  of 
the  sayd  K'assnmnfcin  and  his  subjects,  there  be  by  order  f)f  Major  Willard 
tliroo  or  tour  armed  men,  wt.-ll  accomodate  in  all  respects,  with  a  proporcoii 
of  jtowder,  bulletts  and  match  sent  li-om  Iiancast(!r  to  Quabaeonk  vnto  the 
.sayd  HasfKimairin,  there  to  stay  a  night  or  two,  and  to  shoote  of  their  miis- 
((iii'ts  so  ofh'ii,  and  in  siicii  wise,  as  the  major  shall  direct,  to  terrihe  the 
eni'iiiics  of  li'dsmmnirin,  iind  so  to  return  home  again."  To  inform  Wassama- 
fCin  (iiid  his  subjects,  that  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  would  esteem  it  an 
aekiiowlcil;;inciit  of  their  regard,  it"  they  would  permit  them  to  have  the 
captives  to  be  reeoven.'d  fiom  Uncas,  to  bring  them  u|>  in  a  proper  manner, 
lliat  they  mi^fht  bi'  serviceable  to  their  ti-ieii(is,  \c.  Also,  "aduice  and  re- 
quire U'nssaiiuitnn  and  his  men  to  be  verie  carel'iill  of  iiiiuring  or  any  ways 
Jirouokiiig  of  /  i,'(ts,  or  eiiy  of  his  m'u,  as  h(i  will  answer  our  di.spleasure 


100 


UNCAS  WAR  WITH  ALEXANDER. 


[Book  11. 


therein,  and  inciuT  due  pniiisslimciit  for  the  game."  That  if  Uncos  committed 
any  other  liostilo  uotH,  lie  nmst  eoiiijiluiu  to  tlicm,  &c.*  Tlius  JVassamegin 
was  SIS  iiiiK'h  tliroutcned  as  Lhuas. 

Malters  seein  to  have  rciiiaiiiod  tlius  until  the  meetin;,'  of  tiio  cominiseion- 
ers  in  S('i)teml)cr  following;  when,  in  due  course,  the  business  was  called  up, 
and  acted  upon  as  follows : — 

"  Vpon  complaint  made  to  th  coniissionars  of  the  Massachusetts  against 
Vnkas,  tiiis  followinjj  iiiessag(!  was  sent  to  him: — 

"  Vucns,  wee  haue  rei-ciiied  information  and  complaint  from  the  generall 
court  of  tlie  Massachusetts  of  youer  hostile  invading  of  Wosanwquin  and  the 
Ir.dians  of  Qualmkutt,  whoe  are  and  longc  haue  l)iiie  subjects  to  the  English, 
killing  some  and  carrying  away  others;  spoyiing  theire  goods  to  the  valine  of 
;531l).  as  th(;y  allege."  That  he  had  done  this  contrary  to  his  covenants,  and 
had  taken  no  notice  of  the  demands  of  the  Massachusetts,  though  some  time 
since  they  had  ordered  him  to  deliver  uj.  the  captives,  make  remuneration, 
&c.  And  to  ail  he  had  returned  no  answer ;  "  which,"  continues  the  letter, 
"  seemes  to  bee;  an  insolent  and  proud  carriage  of  youers.  We  cannot  but 
wondir  att  it,  and  must  l)(;are  witness  against  it."  He  was,  as  before,  rcciuired 
to  return  the  captives,  &c.  and  give  reasons  for  his  operations;  and  if  he 
neglected  to  do  .0,  the  Massachusetts  were  at  liberty  to  right  themselves. 

in  the  mean  time,  as  we apprelund,  a  letter  from  Uncos  was  received,  writ- 
ten by  Caiitain  Mason,  which  was  as  follows : — 

"Whereas  there  was  a  warrant  sent  from  the  court  of  Boston,  dated  in  my 
last  *o  Vncaa,  sachem  of  ]Moiirgen,  wlierin  it  Wfxs  declared  vi)on  the  com- 
j)laint  «)f  ff'esamequen,\  a  .sachem  subject  to  the  Massachusetts,  that  the  said 
Viicas  had  offered  greai  violence  to  th  'ire  subjects  at  Quabauk,  killing  some  and 
taking  others  captiue ;  which  warrant  came  not  to  Uncas,  not  aboue  20  dales 
before  these  presetits,  who,  being  summoned  by  Major  John  Mason,  in  full 
scope  of  the  said  warrant,  wherein  he  was  deeply  charged  if  he  did  not  return 
the  captiues,  and  £33  damage,  then  the  Massachusetts  would  recouer  it  by 
force  of  amies,  which  to  him  was  iiery  grieuous :  professing  he  was  altogether 
ignorant  that  they  wfre  subjects  belonghig  to  the  Massachusetts  ;  and  further 
said  that  they  were  none  of  If'esamequen's  men,  but  belonging  to  Onopequin,  his 
deadly  enemie,  whoe  was  there  borne;  one  of  tlie  men  tlien  taken  was  his 
own  cousin,  wlio  had  formerly  fought  against  him  in  his  own  person ;  and  yett 
sett  hjm  att  libertit;;  and  linthc^r  saith  that  all  the  captiues  were  sent  home. 
Alsoe  that  fyesaniequi7t[^s]  son}  and  diners  of  his  men  had  fouglit  against  him 
diuers  times.  This  he  desired  might  bee  returned  as  his  ausware  to  the 
coniissioners. 

"Alexander  allis  ffamstdtn,  sachem  of  Sowamsctt,  being  now  att  Plymouth, 
hee  challenged  Quabauke  Indians  to  belong  to  him  ;  and  furdier  said  that  lieo 
did  warr  against  Vncas  this  summer  on  that  account.  § 

Signed  by 

John  Mason." 


*  Here  pikI  our  iMSS.  rdiUiii;;  (o  this  alTair. 

t  By  Uiis  il  would  seem  (hat  Mnssasnit  hnd,  for  some  lime,  resided  among  the  Nipmucks. 
He  had,  |)robnl)ly,  given  up  I'okanokel  to  liis  sons. 

t  There  can  scarce  l)o  ;•  doubt  that  lliis  refers  to  Alexander,  and  that  the  next  paragraph 
confirms  il ;  hence  Massasoil  was  alive  in  May,  Ififil,  as  we  have  before  slated.  And  the 
above  lelter  of  Mason  was  probably  written  in  SejUember,  or  while  the  commissioners  were 
in  scj^ion. 

«J  !t  seems  always  to  have  been  uncertain  to  whom  the  Nipmucks  belonged.  Roger 
U'(7/(a;n,v  savs,  ill  I'lKiH,  " 'i'liat  all  the  Neepmucks  were  umiucstionably  subject  to  the  Nan- 
higonsel  sncliems.  aiwl,  in  a  special  manner,  to  Mejksah,  the  son  of  Caunoimiais,  !\nd  late 
husliaiid  to  Ibis  ol<l  Kiiinw-t^nchem,  now  only  surviving.  I  have  abundant  and  daily  proof  of 
it,"  &,c.     Ml^.  letter.     Sec  life  Mussnsoit,  b.  ii.  ch.  ii. 

At  one  lime.  Kutalianut/rin  claimed  some  of  the  Nipmucks,  or  consented  to  be  made  a  tool 
of  by  some  of  them,  for  some  private  end.  Hut  Mr.  Ptirt'limi  said  they  would  not  own  him  as 
a  sachem  any  longer  "  than  the  sun  shiiied  upon  hini.^'  Had  tiicy  beloiiLfed  to  him.  Massn- 
oluiscils  must  have  owned  iheiii.  which  would  have  involved  them  in  miicli  difficulty  in  16V8, 
!-v  reason  of  several  murders  anion"  them. 


Chap.  VI.] 


UNCAS.— SAS.SACL'S. 


101 


The  particiilar.s  ol'  tlio  issue  of  tlicse  troubles  were  not  recorded,  and  the 
presuiiiptioii  U,  that  Uncus  eoujplied  Avith  the  reasonable  requetits  of  the  F-ng- 
lish,  and  the  old,  peaceable  Ousamequin,  being  unwiHing  to  get  into  difficulty, 
put  up  vvitli  the  result  without  avenging  his  wrongs.  His  son,  Wnnisulla,  as 
will  be  sefMi,  about  this  time  foiuid  himself  involved  in  difficulties  nearer 
honit!,  which  prol)ably  i)revented  him  fiom  continuing  the  war  against  Uncus, 
Jiad  he  been  otlierwise  dis[»osed. 


Hite 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Of  the  Peqiiot  nation — Geography  of  their  country — Sassacus,  their  first  chief,  kiioion 
to  the  English — Tassaijuanolt — iVar — The,  muse  of  it — We^uash — Canonicus  and 
Miantunnomnh  accused  of  harlioring  fugitice  Pcquots — Sussamon — Mononotto — 
Otash — Cassassinnamon. 

"  But  siiicH  I've  incntionnd  Sansacits'  grout  name, 
TImt  iliiy  so  much  u  turror  wlioru  it  cuiiiu  ; 
Let  inc,  ill  pruHi'dition  of  my  story, 
fiiiy  soinetliiiiii;  of  liis  prido  and  Itingdom's  glory," — VVolcott. 

It  is  said  by  Mr,  Hubbard,*  that  the  Pequots,t  "being  a  more  fierce,  cruel, 
and  warlike  people  than  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came  down  out  of  the  more 
inland  i)arts  of  the  continent,  and  by  force  seized  u[)on  one  of  the  goodliest 
j)lai'('s  near  the  sea,  and  became  a  terror  to  all  their  neighbors."  The  time  of 
their  emigration  is  unknown.  They  made  all  the  other  tribes  "  stand  in  awe, 
though  fewer  in  number  than  the  Narragansets,  that  bordered  next  upon 
them."t 

Their  country,  according  to  Mr.  Gookin,§  "the  English  of  Connecticut 
jurisdiction,  doth  now,  [1674,]  for  the  most  part,  possess."  Their  dominion, 
or  tliat  of  their  chief  sachem,  was,  according  to  the  same  author,  "over  divei-s 
petty  sagamores ;  as  over  [)att  of  Long  Island,  over  the  Mohegans,  and  over 
the  sfigamores  of  Quinapeake,  [now  New  Haven,!  yea,  over  all  the  j)eople  that 
dwelt  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  over  some  ot  the  most  southerly  inhabit- 
ants of  the  Nipmuck  country,  about  Quinabaag."  The  principal  seat  of  the 
sagamores  was  near  the  mouth  of  Pecpiot  River,  now  called  the  Thames, 
\vliere  New  London  stands.  "  These  Poquots,  as  old  Indians  relate,  could,  in 
Ibrmer  times,  raise  4000  men  fit  for  war."  |{  The  first  great  chief  of  this 
nation,  known  to  the  English,  w.-is 

Sassacus,  whose  name  was  a  terror  to  all  the  neighboring  tribes  of  Indians. 
I'^rom  the  fruitful  letters  of  the  Reverend /?oo"er  Willtarm,  we  lenni  that  he  had 
ii  brother  by  the  name  oi' Puppornpoges,  whose  residence  was  at  Monahiganick, 
I>rol)ably  Mohegan.  Althoiigh  Sassacus^s  principal  residence  was  upon  the 
Tliames,  yet,  in  his  highest  prosperity,  he  had  under  him  no  less  than  2(> 
siichems,  and  his  dominions  were  from  Narragauset  Bay  to  Hudson's  River, 
ill  the  direction  of  the  sea-coast.  Long  Island  was  also  under  him,  and  his 
authority  was  midisputed  far  into  the  country. 

A  brother  of  Sassacus,  named  Tassaquanott,  survived  the  Pequot  war,  and 
was  one  of  those  complained  of  by  Uncas  in  1647,  for  giving  his  countrymen 
"  crooked  counsell "  about  a  present  of  wampum,  which  he  Jiad  advised  to  be 
given  to  the  English  instead  of  him.  It  appears  that  on  the  death  of  a  child 
of  Uncas,  the  Pequots  had  presented  him  with  100  fathom  of  watnpum,^ 
which,  when  Tassaquanott  knew,  he  disapproved  of  it,  politicly  urging,  that 
if  the  English  were  conciliated  by  any  means  towards  them,  it  matti.Tecl  not 
much  about  Uncas. 


*  Narrative,  i.  IIC. 

t  We  believe  this  name  meant  Gray  foxes,  liencc  Gray-fox  Indians,  or  Pcquots, 

t  Hist.  New  EiiKlnnd,  33. 

6  See  his  Collections  in  I  Coll.  Mass.  Hist,  Soc.  i.  147, 

«f  Hazard,  Hist.  Col,  ii.  90. 


II  Ibid 


9» 


102 


SASSACUS.— PEQUOT  WARS. 


[Book  11. 


I  \ 


We  are  informed,*  that  Connecticut  was  claimed  by  right  of  conquest  at 
one  time  by  the  first  white  settlers,  who  found  nuicli  of  it  cultivated  and  set- 
tled by  its  Indian  inhabitants,  although  they  endeavored  that  it  should  be 
understood  otherwise.  The  numbers  of  the  natives  in  that  region  were 
"thousands,  who  had  three  kings,  viz.  Connedicote,  Quinmmofr,  mid  Sassa- 
cus."  Coimecticote  was  "emperor,"  or  chief  of  chiefs,  an  elevation  in  which 
he  and  his  ancestors  had  stood  for  about  400  years,  according  to  their  tra- 
ditions. 

About  the  time  the  English  had  determined  on  the  subjugation  of  the  Pe- 
quots,  Roger  Williams  wrote  to  Governor  fVinthrop  of  31  assachu setts,  giving 
him  important  directions  how  they  should  proceed  to  advantage,  and  what 
was  very  important  then,  gave  the  Ibllowing  rude  draft  of  their  country : — 

River  Cinnniliticiit.f 

O  »  'Oft  of  tlio  NiaiitaquitI  men,  confoilcrato  with  the  Poquts. 
Molii"ttnic  River. 


Oliom-  1,1.  owiniko,^  tho 
O  Wcindliaiiku,  where  swamp  |  |  |  |  3  or  4  miles  from 

Siuacuus,  the  chicrsacliim,  is. 
IMis-  0  tif-k,  where  i.s .  /amoko,\\  another  chief  sachim. 

River. 

A'ayaiv  O  'nq>iit,t  where  is  fVrpitrnmmok  and  our  fiiondg 

Ilivcr. 

In  the  sime  letter,.  Mr.  WiUiama  urges  the  necessity  of  employing  faithful 
guides  for  the  English  forces;  "as  shall  bo  best  liked  of  [toj  be  taken  along 
to  direct,  especitdly  two  Pequts ;  viz.  Wequash,  [whose  name  signified  a  swan, 
and  Jf'uttackquiackommin,  valiant  men,  esi)ccially  the  latter,  who  have;  livec 
these  three  or  foiu'  years  witli  the  Nanhiggonticks,  and  know  every  pass  ant 
passage  amongst  them,  who  desire  armor  to  enter  their  houses." 

In  1634,  as  has  been  before  incidentally  mentioned,  one  Captain  Stone  was 
killed  by  the  Peiiuots,  wiiilc  uj)on  a  trading  expedition"  in  Connecticut  River. 
Without  knowing  the  rciison  of  tlieir  killing  Stone,  the  English  demanded  the 
murderers  soon  after,  and  as  Sassacus  \\i\s  involved  in  troubles  with  the  Nar- 
ragansets  and  all  his  neighbors,  he  thought  it  not  best  entirely  to  slight  the 
demand  of  the  English  ;  he  therefore  sent  messengers  to  Boston,  where  they 
arrived  6  November,  witli  offers  of  peace,  which,  after  considerable  delibera- 
tion on  the  ])art  of  the  English,  were  accepted,  and  a  treaty  was  entered  into 
on  the  9th  following. 

A  messenger  had  been  sent,  in  October,  upon  the  same  errand,  but  was 
dismissed  with  orders  to  inform  Sassacus,  that  he  must  send  persons  of  greater 
quality,  and  then  the  English  would  treat  with  him.  "  He  brought,"  says 
Winthrop,  "  two  bundles  of  sticks,  whereby  he  signified  how  many  beaver  and 
otter  skms  he  would  give  us  for  that  end,  and  great  store  of  wauqiompeage, 
(about  two  bushels,  by  his  description.) "  He  had  a  small  present  with  him, 
which  was  accepted  by  the  English,  who  gave  him  in  return,  "  a  moose  coat 
of  as  good  value." 

The  treaty  entered  into  on  the  9  November,  1634,  between  tho  Prquots  and 
English,  stipulated  that  the  uuirderers  of  Captain  Sto7ie  should  be  given  up  to 
the  English,  of  whom  there  were  at  that  time  left  but  two,  as  attested  by  the 
ambassadors  of  SassaciM,  who  further  observed  in  explanation,  that  the  sachem 
in  whose  time  the  act  was  committed,  was  dead,  having  been  slain  in  a  war 
with  the  Dutch,  and  that  all  tlie  men  concerned  in  it,  except  two,  had  also 
died  of  the  small-pox.  This,  together  with  the  facts  given  in  concerning  the 
death  of  Stone,  in  lined  the  English  to  believe  the  account  altogether;  and, 
but  for  what  happened  afterwards,  it  is  probable  that  tlie  historians  of  that 


*  But  will)  what  truth  I  know  not,  for  it  rests  upon  the  authority  of  Peters. 

t  Connecticut.  i  Niantick.  ^  A  name  sig;uifying  an  Oid'a  nest.    Same  tetter, 

II  Probably  Mononotto. 


CHAP,  vi.i 


SASSACUS.—TREATV. 


103    ' 


jjeriod  would  liavc  relicil  more  upon  the  Pccjuots'  own  account  tlian  tlio  gen- 
eral niriior.     Siicli  aro  tli(!  ovont.s  of  time — ii  circmnstance  may  cliaiigo  the 
fate,  iiuy,  the  character  of  a  nation,  ior  a  period,  in  tiie  eyes  of  many  genera- 
tions!    JJut  ,  I 
"  O  Time !  tlie  boaiitificr  of  the  clead  ! 

A<!oriK"r  o(  llii!  ruin  1 — comfDrlcr, 

And  oiily  licaicr,  ulitni  tlic  liearl  lialli  bled ! 

TiniD,  till)  corrector  wlicre  our  jiidsfments  err.'' 

In  the  progress  of  tiie  treaty,  the  Pequot  ambassadors  said,  that  if  the  two 
men  then  living  who  had  buen  concerned  in  Stances  death,  "  were  worthy  of 
death,  they  would  move  their  sachcin  to  (Ujjiver  them"  to  the  English,  hut  that 
iw  to  themselves,  they  had  no  power  to  do  so,  and  at  once  lu-ged  the  justness 
of  their  act  without  qualification.  iS''o)ie,  they  said,  came  into  their  river  and 
incized  upon  two  of  their  men,  and  hound  them  hand  and  foot,  and,  in  that 
situation,  obliged  them  to  jiUot  him  up  the  river.  When  he  had  gone  up  as 
far  as  he  desired,  himself  and  two  other  white  men,  and  the  two  manacled 
Indians,  went  on  sjiore.  Meanwhile  they  had  been  watched  by  nine  Indians, 
who,  wli(U)  they  found  the  Englishmen  asleep  on  the  ihllowhig  night,  fell  uj)on 
them  and  massacred  them. 

Considc^ring  the  state  of  the  Indians,  no  blame  could  be  attached  to  them  for 
this  act ;  two  of  their  countrymen  were  in  llie  bauds  of  an  unknown  jjcople, 
who,  from  every  ap|)earance,  were  aliout  to  put  them  to  death,  and  it  was  by 
an  act  of  pure  benevolence  and  heroism  that  they  dehvered  them  out  of  tlie 
hands  of  un  invading  foe. 

Therefore,  being  satisfied  with  the  account,  the  English  agreed  to  have 
peace  with  them,  provided  they  would  give;  up  the  two  men  when  they  should 
send  for  them;  "to  yeld  up  Connecticut;"  to  give  400  liithom  of  wampom, 
and  40  beaver  and  ;}0  otter  skins ;  and  that  the  English  should,  immediately 
send  a  vessel  with  a  cargo  of  cloth  to  trade  with  them. 

The  luunes  of  these  ambassadoi-s  are  not  recorded  ;  but  one  signed  the  treaty 
with  the  mark  of  a  how  and  arrow,  and  the  other  w  ith  that  of  a  hand. 

The  same  day  about  2  or  300  Narragansets  were  discovered  at  Neponset, 
who  had  marched  out  for  the  purpose  of  killing  those  and)asHadors.  This 
discovery  being  made  before  the  treaty  was  concluded,  the  English  met  them 
at  Roxbury,  and  there  negotiated  a  treaty  between  the  Pequots  and  them.  For 
the  furtherance  of  which,  the  l*e((uots  instructed  the  English  to  present  them 
with  a  portion  of  the  wampom  which  they  were  to  give  to  them  ;  but  not  as 
comuig  from  them,  because  they  dis<lained  to  ))urchase  peace  of  that  nation. 
The  Narragansets  readily  conceding  to  the  wishes  of  the  English,  all  jjarties 
retired  satisfied. 

Distrust  soon  grew  again  into  anti|)athy  ;  it  having  been  reported  that  Stone 
and  those  with  him  were  treacherously  surprised  by  the  Pequots  who  had 
gone  on  board  his  vessel  in  a  friendly  manner  to  trade ;  and  seeing  Captain 
Stone  asleep  in  his  cabiu,  they  killed  him,  and  the  other  men  on«f  after  tlie  other, 
except  Captain  jVorton,  who,  it  seems,  was  widi  him  ;  he  bemg  a  resolute  man, 
defended  himself  for  some  time  in  the  cook-room,  but  at  length,  some  powder, 
which  for  th(3  more  ready  use  he  had  placed  in  an  open  vessel,  took  fire  and 
exploded,  by  which  he  was  so  seriously  injured,  especially  in  his  eyes,  that  he 
could  hold  out  no  longer,  and  he  was  forthwith  despatched  by  thotn. 

This  matter  at  length  having  become  fixed  in  the  minds  of  the  English 
according  to  the  latter  relation,  they  were  Uie  more  ready  to  charge  other 
circuuistances  of  a  like  nature  upon  the  Pequots.  On  the  20  July,  1G36,  a& 
Mr.  John  Oldham  was  on  his  passage  passing  near  Manisses,  that  is,  Block 
Island,  in  a  small  pinnace,  14  Narraganset  Indians  attacked  and  killed  him,  and 
made  Ids  crew  prisoners,  wliich  consisted  only  of  two  boys  and  two  Narraganset 
Indians.  The  same  day,  as  John  Gallop  was  on  his  passage  from  Coimecticut^ 
in  a  bark  of  20  tons,  an  adverse  wind  drove  him  near  the  same  island.  On 
seeiug  a  vessel  in  possession  of  Indians,  he  bore  down  upon  her,  and  im- 
mediately knew  her  to  be  Captain  Oldham's.  He  hailed  those  on  board,  but 
received  no  answer,  and  soon  saw  a  boat  pass  from  the  vessel  to  the  shore 
full  of  men  and  goods.  As  Gallop  neared  the  suspicious  vessel,  she  slipped 
her  fastening,  ojtid  the  wind  being  oH  the  laud  di-ifled  her  towards  Narragan- 


104 


SEA-FIGHT— JOHN  GALLOP. 


[Book  U. 


i 


I 


set.  Notwithstanding  some  of  the  Indians  were  armed  witii  guns  and  swords, 
Gallop,  being  in  a  stouter  vessel,  resolved  on  running  them  down ;  he  there- 
fore niatle  all  sail,  and  imnietliately  stemmed  the  pirate  vessel  on  the  quarter 
with  such  force  as  nearly  to  ovei-set  her,  and  in  tlieir  fright  six  Indians  jumped 
overboard  and  were  dro\vncd.  The  rest  standing  upon  the  defensive,  and 
being  yet  for  superior  in  numhei-s  to  Gallop's  crew,  which  consisted  of  two  little 
boys  and  one  man,  to  board  them  was  thought  too  hazurdous ;  Gallop  therefore 
stood  off  to  repeat  his  broadside  method  of  attack.  Meanwhile  he  contrived 
to  lash  his  anchor  to  his  bows  in  such  a  manner,  that  when  he  came  down 
upon  the  Indians  a  second  time,  the  force  was  sutHcient  to  drive  the  fluke  of 
the  anchor  througli  tiieir  f|uarter ;  which,  holding  there,  both  vessels  floated 
along  together.  The  Indians  had  now  become  so  terrified,  that  they  stood  not 
to  the  fight,  but  kept  in  the  liold  of  the  |)innace.  Gallop  fired  in  upon  them 
sundry  times,  but  without  nnich  execution,  and  meantime  the  vessels  got  loose 
from  one  another,  and  Gallop  stood  off  again  for  a  third  attack.  As  soon  as  he 
was  clear  of  them,  four  more  of  the  Indians  jumped  overboard,  and  were  also 
drowned.  Gallop  now  ventured  to  board  iiis  ])rize.  One  of  the  remaining 
Indians  came  up  and  siuTenderi  ',  and  was  bound  ;  another  came  up  and 
submitted,  whom  they  also  bound.  biU  fearing  to  have  both  on  board,  this  last 
Was  cast  into  tlie  s(  .1.  Two  out  of  the  14  now  remained,  who  hail  got  ])osses- 
sion  of  the  hold  of  the  |)iiuiace,  and  there  successfiilly  defended  themselves 
with  their  swords  against  their  enemy.  Captain  Oldham  was  found  dead  hi 
the  vessel,  concealed  under  an  old  seine,  and  as  his  body  wa.s  not  entirely  cold, 
it  was  evident  that  he  had  been  killed  about  the  time  his  pinnace  was  discov- 
ered by  Gallop, 

From  the  condition  in  which  Ohlliani's  body  was  found,  it  was  quite  imcer- 
t-ain  whether  he  had  fillen  in  an  alii'ay,  or  been  murdered  deliberately  ;  but  it 
is  very  j»robal>Ie  that  the  f<)rmer  was  tiie  fact,  because  it  was  micommon  for 
the  IiidiMiis  to  (lisli'.'in'e  t!ie  slain,  unless  killed  as  enemies,  and  OWArtw's  body 
was  shockingly  miingled.  Hut  (/'ajitain  Oldham  had  been  killed  by  the  Indians, 
and  the  cry  of  vengiNinee  was  up,  and  cool  investigation  must  not  be  lookecl 
f<>r.  TIk^  murder  had  been  committed  by  the  Indians  of  .'NJanisses,  but  Ma- 
nisses  was  under  the  Xarragansets  ;  tlieret'ore  it  was  believed  that  the  Narra- 
gansetP  had  contrived  his  death  because  he  was  carrying  into  effect  the  articles 
of  th(!  late  treaty  bet  wet  i;  the  I'ciiuots  and  English. 

The  two  lto\s  who  were  with  Mr.  Oldham  were  not  injured,  and  were 
immediately  given  up  and  sent  to  lloston,  where  they  arriveil  the  .'Wtli  of  the 
same  montli.  As  sooj;  as  Mtanluiwomoh  heard  of  the  aftiiir  of  Captain  Oldham^ 
h(!  ordered  Amigrc/  to  send  tiir  the  liovs  and  goods  to  Hlock  Island.  The 
boys  he  caused  to  be  delivered  to  Mr.  Ifilliams,  and  the  goods  he  held  subject 
to  the  order  of  the  I'nglish  of  Masi<achnsetts. 

Meanwhile,  2<J.li!ly,  the  two  Indians  who  were  in  Mr.  Oldhnm\i  pimiace 
when  she  was  taken,  were  sent  by  Vanoiiirus  to  (Jovenior  yane.  'J'hey 
brought  a  letter  from  lioirtr  U'illiams,  wliicb  gave  an  account  of  tlu;  whole 
affair,  and  some  circumstances  led  the  Knglish  to  believi'  thes(>  messengerB 
we -e  accessory  to  the  death  of  Oldham  ;  but  we  know  not  if  any  thing  fiu'ther 
were  ever  don<'  about  it.  The  sfime  letter  iidiirmed  the  governor  that  Mian- 
ttmnomoh  hiul  gone,  with  S200  ine.i  in  17  canoes,  "to  lake  revenge,  Arc." 

Tlii'se  events  and  ti-ansactions  soon  caused  the  convening  of  the  governor 
and  council  of  Massachusetts,  who  forthwith  declared  war  against  the  Indians 
of  Manisses.  Accordingly  !l()  men  were  raised  and  put  under  the  command 
of  Ca|itain  John  ihideroll,  who  was  genend  of  the  expeditinii.  John  Vnderhill 
and  jVathaniil  Tunur  were  captains,  and  Ji-ni/xon  and  Itaviiiport  ensigns. 
EndfcoU\i  instructions  were  to  put  to  death  the  men  of  Hiock  Island,  but  to 
make  captives  of  the  women  an(i  children.  This  armnmenl  set  f(>rtli  in  three 
pinnaces,  with  two  Indians  as  guides,  25  September,  HhVi. 

On  arriving  at  Manisses  they  saw  many  Indians,  but  could  not  get  near 
them.  At  I'eqiiot  barlM)r,  a  part  of  tlm  armament  H«!ized  a  iptantily  of  corn 
IteloMging  to  the  I'eipiots,  and  were  attacked  a:id  obliged  to  fly.  However,  the 
Narnigansets  re|)orted  that  there  were  l.'l  l'e(|uols  killed  during  the  expedition. 
The  Knglish  wen*  satisfied  that  thev  had  harbored  (he  murdereix  of  OUUuim, 
which  (K-casioned  their  sailing  to  i'equot  harbor.  It  being  now  late  in  rhe 
8<'(u<on,  the  exiMHlition  was  given  up,  lo  Iw  resumed  early  in  tliu  Hpriiig. 


Chap.  VI.] 


PEQUOT  DEPREDATIONS. 


105 


The  Pequots,  being  now  left  to  themselves,  commenced  tlejire'lations  wher- 
ever they  (liinul  ni)i)ear.  About  the  beginning  ot  October,  as  five  men  from 
Saybrook  were  collocnng  liay  at  a  meadow  four  miles  above  that  place,  they 
were  attacked,  and  one  of  them,  named  BuUerJkld,  was  taken  and  killed ;  from 
which  circumstance  the  meadow  still  bears  his  name.  About  14  days  atler, 
two  men  were  taken  in  a  cornfield  two  miles  from  Sttybrook  fort.  There  were 
six  of  the  whites,  and  tiicy  were  surrounded  by  2  or  300  Indians,  yet  all  escaped 
but  two.  Thus  imboldcued  by  success,  they  carried  their  depredations  widiin 
bowshot  of  Saybrook  fort,  killing  one  cow  ;ind  shooting  arrows  into  sundry 
others. 

On  the  21  October,  Airintiinnomoh,  Icaring  for  the  safety  of  his  English  friends, 
came  to  Uoston,  accompanied  by  two  of  Canonicus^s  sons,  another  sachem,  and 
about  20  men.  KxUshamakin  bad  given  notice  of  his  coming,  and  a  company 
of  soldiers  mot  him  at  Roxl)nry  and  escorted  him  into  the  town.  Here  he  entered 
into  a  trciity  with  the  English,  by  which  it  was  mutually  agreed  that  neither 
should  make  peace  wirli  t!io  Pequots  without  the  consent  of  the  other ;  and  to 
l)Ut  to  death  or  deliver  up  miu'dfrcrs. 

About  the  same  time,  John  Tillcji  was  taken  and  killed,  and  tortured  in  n 
most  baibarous  iiiaiuii-r.  As  he  w!i.«  S'liling  down  Connecticut  River  in  his 
bark,  lii.'  landed  about  three  miles  above  Saybrook  fort,  and  having  shot  at  some 
fowl,  the  report  of  his  gun  directed  the  Indians  to  the  spot.  They  took  him 
prisoner  at  lirr<r,  and  then  cut  oft'his  hands  and  feet,  lie  lived  three  days  after 
Iiis  hands  were  cut  off,  and  bore  this  torture  without  complaint,  which  gained 
iiim  thi'  reputation  oi"  being  "a  stout  man"  among  his  tormentoi-s.  "heso 
facts  were  n  ported  by  the  Indians  themselves.  Another  man  who  w  ;  with 
Tilla/  was  at  the  same  time  killed. 

On  the  22  February,  Lieutenant  (iardner  and  nine  men  went  out  of  Say))rook 
fort,  and  were  drawn  into  an  andjusii,  where  foiu' of  them  were  killed,  and  the  rest 
esca|.e(l  with  great  dillieulty. 

On  April  12,  six  uku  and  three  women  were  killed  at  Wcathersficld.  They  at 
the  same  time  killed  20  cows  ami  a  lioi-se,  and  carried  away  two  young  women. 

Alarm  was  now  gcni^ral  throughout  the  I'^iglisb  plantations.  Miantunnomoh 
having  sent  a  messetiger  to  Uoston  to  notify  th(^  English  that  the  Pecpiots  had 
sent  away  their  women  and  children  to  an  island,  40  men  were  immediately 
sent  to  Narragans(!t  to  join  othei-s  raised  by  .Miantunnomoli,  with  the  intention 
of  itilling  upon  them  by  surprise. 

In  4he  mean  time,  ('aptain  Mason,  with  a  company  of  iK)  men,  hail  Iwcn 
raised  by  Connecticut  and  sent  into  tlu^  Pe(|ii(>t  country.  JI»!  was  ac^  in- 
panied  by  Uncus  and  a  largi-  body  of  his  warriors,  who,  in  their  march  to 
Saybrook,  1.")  May,  fell  upon  about  !10  {'((piots  and  killed  7  of  them.  One 
l)eing  taken  alive,  to  their  everlasting  disgrace  it  will  be  rememlHired,  that  the 
Mnglish  ciiused  iiim  to  be  tortured  ;  and  tli<!  heads  of  all  the  slain  were  cut  ortj 
and  set  up  on  the  walls  of  (he  fort.* 

Imm('('iately  after  ( 'aptaiiis  Mason  and  UwkrhiU  set  out  to  attack  otie  of  the 
foils  of  Sassaru.i.  This  I'ort  was  sitiiuled  u|ion  itn  eminence  in  the  prest^nt 
town  of  (Jroion,  Coriiieciieuf.  The  llnglisli  arrived  in  its  vicinity  on  the  2.')th 
of  May  ;  and  on  the  2liih,  befiire  day,  with  about  .'iiJO  Indians,  (>ncom|)asseil  it, 
and  bi'>;;in  a  furious  attack.  'I'lic  Aloliegans  and  Narragunsets  discovered  great 
ti'ar  on  approai  liing  the  fort,  and  could  not  believi!  that  the  English  would 
dare  to  attack  it.  When  they  came  to  the  liiot  of  the  hill  on  which  it  was 
situated,  ('ajitain  Mu.ion  was  apprebensiv<i  o|'  being  abandoned  by  them,  luid, 
making  a  li;ilt,  sen'  Ibr  rdrrt.t,  who  led  '.he  Moliegans, and  /rei/nfM^,  their  pilot, 
who  \v,is  a  tiigilivi'  I'ripiot  ehief,t  and  urged  them  not  to  desert  him,  but  to 
Ibllow-  Iiim  at  any  distanee  tin  y  pleased.  Tli.'se  liiilians  had  all  along  told  tho 
I'.uglish  tliey  (lured  not  tight  the  l'e(piots,  but  boasted  how  Ihvij  themselves 
would  light.     Mason  told  them  now  they  ..hould  sec  whether  Englishmen 

"  Willi  limp's  Jiiiiriiiil,  iiii'l  Miisrii'n  Mi>i.  rnjiHil  Wiir. — Dr.  Malhtr'i  account  of  thin  affair 
lins  Ikth  ^iM'ii  ill  llie  lilo  iil'  I  i.i-.is. 

t  Tlir  >;\iiir,  il  is  Im'IIi'm'iI,  cIm  wlirre  cill  il  W'lUiiiin!'  Cnuli  :  "wliirli  ^^'l^l|nlHill  {*»\*  Dr. 
I.  Malur)  WiM  liy  l.irlli  ii  sucIhmii  ol'lliiit  (>l,\fe  fwliiie  N.nv./i'«.«  liM(l|,  Iml  ii|»iii  Mime  disirast 
icci'iM'il.  Ill"  "I'lil  from  llin  l'ei|iuils  lo  ilio  Niirt.i;<-:'ii-i«Ms,  iiml  lu'cmiii- ii  chief  cnplniii  umlcr 
.Miaiiliinif  .'I"'!."— /Ci/.if/.'rt,  1 1-. 


106 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  I'EaUOTS. 


[Book  II. 


would  fight  or  not.  Notwitlistanding  tlieir  boastings,  they  could  not  overcome 
the  terror  which  the  name  >jf  Sasaacus  had  inspired  in  tiicm,  and  they  kept  at 
a  safe  distance  until  the  fight  was  over;  hut  assisted  oonsideral)Iy  in  repelling 
the  attacks  of  the  Pequots,  in  the  retreat  from  the  fort ; — for  their  warriors,  on 
recovering  from  then*  consternation,  collected  in  a  considerable  body,  and 
fought  the  confederates  for  many  miles. 

The  English  had  but  77  men,  which  were  divided  into  two  companies,  one 
led  by  Mason,  and  the  other  by  Unikrhill.  The  Indians  were  all  within  their 
fort,  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  and  the  barking  of  a  dog  was  the  first  notice 
they  had  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  yet  very. few  knew  the  cause  of  the 
alarm,  until  met  by  the  naked  swords  of  the  foe.  The  Ibrt  had  two  (jiitrances 
at  opposite  points,  into  which  each  party  of  Enulish  were  led,  sword  in  hand. 
^^Wanux!  Wanux!"*  was  the  cry  o{  Sas.iaciis''s  lucu;  and  siicii  was  tlieir 
surprise,  that  they  made  very  feeble  resistance.  Having  only  their  own 
missile  weapons,  they  could  do  nothing  at  hand  to  hand  with  the  English 
rapiers.  They  were  jjurened  Irom  wigwam  to  wigwam,  and  slaughtered  in 
every  secret  place.  Women  and  cliildivn  were  cut  to  pieces,  while  endeavor- 
ing to  hide  themselves  in  and  under  their  beds.  At  length  fin;  was  set  in  the 
mats  that  covered  the  wigv/ams,  which  furiously  s|)ri'ad  over  tin;  whole  fort, 
and  the  dead  and  dying  were  together  consumed.  A  i)art  of  the  l-nglisli  had 
formed  a  circumference  upon  the  outside,  and  shot  such  as  attempted  to  liy. 
Many  ascended  the  pi<'kets  to  escape  the  llames,  but  were  shot  down  by  those 
stationed  fi)r  that  purjKJse.  About  GOO  |)ersons  were  su|»posed  to  liavci  perish- 
ed in  this  fight;  or,  perha|)s  I  should  sny,  massacre. f  There  wen;  but  two 
English  killed,  and  but  one  of  those  by  the  eneni}',  and  aboitt  '20  wounded. 
Sassafus  hiniselt'  wils  in  another  ti)rt;  and,  being  informed  of  the  ra\ages  of 
the  English,  destroyed  his  habitations,  and,  with  about  t^O  others,  fled  to  the 
Mohawks,  who  treacherously  beheaded  hint,  and  sent  his  scalp  to  the  English. 

The  author  of  the  l()ll(twing  lines  in  "Yamoyden,"  alludes  to  this  mehni- 
choly  event  happily,  though  not  truly : — 


"  And  Sassac/lus,  now  no  more. 
Lord  ol'  a  lliousaiid  hownicn,  Hod  ; 
And  all  dio  rliit'fs,  liis  hoasl  bol'oro, 
Were  mingled  with  the  unlionored  dead, 
Saniinp  and  Sagamore  were  slain, 


On  Mystic's  banks,  in  one  red  night: 
The  onoe  (Ur-ilreadcd  king  in  vain 
Sduc'lil  saloty  in  inglorions  tliglit ; 
Ami  ri'fl  of  all  his  regal  pride, 
By  Iho  tierce  Maqtm  s  hand  he  died." 


One  of  the  most  unfeelinr,'  passages  flows  from  the  pen  of  HuhbanI,  in  his 
accoimt  of  this  war ;  which,  togtither  with  the  liict  Ik;  records,  l"orins  a  most 
distressing  picture  of  depravity.  We  would  gladly  turn  Irom  it,  but  jtistico 
to  the  Indians  demands  it,  and  we  give  it  in  his  own  words: — 

The  Narragansets  had  sin-rounded  "some  hiuidreds"  of  the  l*e<piots,  and 
kept  them  until  some  of  Captain  Stoiifrlii(»i\i  soldiei-s  "made  an  easy  cou- 
([iiest  of  them."  "The  men  ciiong  them  to  the  muiiber  n^'  ;U),  were  picsently 
turned  into  Churon\s  ferry-boat,  imder  the  eommaiid  of  Rjkipper  Gallop,  who 
dis-iiatehed  thi'iii  a  little  without  tlie  harbor!" 

Thus  were  .'Ml  Indians  taken  into  a  vessel,  carried  out  to  sea,  iuurd(>red,  end, 
in  the  ag<iiues  (if  death,  thrown  overho.  rd,  to  br  burii'd  iindi'r  the  silent 
waves:  Whereabouts  they  \\er<'  ea|itured,  or  "without"  what  "harbor"  they 
|iei'ished,  w(^  are  n-it  informed:  but,  li'om  the  nature  ot' the  circumstancis,  it 
would  seem  that  they  were  taken  on  the  borders  of  the  \arraganset  country, 
and  murdered  at  the  mouth  of  some  of  the  adiiieiiit  harbors. 

That  these  |ioor  XMctches  were  thus  revengcliilly  sacrificed,  should  hnvo 
been  enongji  to  allay  tin'  hatri'd  in  the  human  breast  of  all  who  knew  if, 
especinllv  tlie //M/on'fj/i .'  (bit  he  mnst  imagine  that,  in  their  passage  to  their 
gi'ave,  ll:<'V  did  nut  go  in  a  \essel  ot'  human  eonlrivaiiee,  but  in  a  l^oat  belong- 
ing to  II  h\er  of  lull !  thereby  liirestalling  his  reader's  mind  (hat  they  had 
iK'en  sent  to  that  abode. 


*  Allni'»  lli>lorv  of  the  IV(|nnl  War.  Il  sigiiilied,  F.ivjihhmen!  Ihts;lhhmin!  In  ,1/ii.«o;i'» 
hlslnfy,  il  i.i  WTillili  (hi;iiiuv      All>ii  nn'rely  cniiied   I'roiii  Miisni,  with  a  li'W  sneli  variation*. 

i  •  l!  V  a»  Mi)i|iosed,"  siivs  M'lf'iii-,  "  |l|.il  no  less  than  .'mOor  litHl  pei|iiot  sunk  vi're  linmght 
«;i../ii  .  I  111  II  llial  day."  JMnlinii,  17.  We  ill  iliiirily  mi(»|u)»o,  llial  liy  hell  ihu  doclor  only 
laca..;  denih. 


Chap.  VI.] 


LETTER  OF  CAPTAIN  STOUGHTON. 


107 


Notwithstanding  the  great  slaughter  at  Mistick,  therf'  were  great  numbers 
of  Peciuots  in  the  country,  who  were  hunted  from  swamp  to  swamp,  and  their 
numl)ers  thinned  continually,  until  a  remnant  pi'omised  to  appear  no  more  as 
a  nation.  ^ 

The  English,  under  Captain  Stov^hton,  came  into  Pequot  River  about  a 
fortnight  afler  the  Mistick  fight,  unci  assisted  in  the  v.ork  of  their  extennina- 
tion.  After  his  arrival  in  the  enemy's  country,  he  WTOte  to  the  governor  of 
Massachtisetts,  as  follows :  "  By  this  pinnace,  you  shall  receive  48  or  50 
women  and  children,  mdcss  there  stay  any  here  to  be  helpful,  &c.  Concern- 
ing which,  there  is  (mik,  I  formerly  mentioned,  that  is  the  f'  irest  and  largest 
that  I  saw  amongst  them,  to  whom  I  have  given  a  coate  to  cloathe  her.  It  is 
my  desire  to  have  her  for  a  servant,  if  it  may  stand  with  your  good  liking,  else 
not.  There  is  a  little  squaw  that  steward  CtUacut  dcsireth,  to  whom  he  hath 
given  a  coute.  Lieut.  Davenport  also  desireth  one,  to  wit,  a  small  one,  thr.t 
hath  three  sU-okes  upon  her  stomach,  thus:  —  ||{  -|-.  lie  dcsireth  her,  if  it 
will  stand  with  your  good  liking,  Sosomon,  the  Indian,  desireth  a  young  littlw 
scpiaw,  which  I  know  not. 

"  At  present,  IMr.  Ha;/nes,  Mr.  Ludlo,  Captain  Mason,  and  30  men  are  with 
us  ill  Pequot  River,  and  W(!  shall  the  next  week  joine  in  seeing  what  we  can 
do  against  Sassacn,'!,  and  another  great  sagamore,  Monowattuck,  [MononoHo.] 
Here  is  yet  good  work  to  he  dc  i^,  and  how  dear  it  will  cost  is  unknown. 
Sassacus  is  resolved  to  sell  his  iJe,  and  so  the  other  with  their  company,  as 
dear  as  they  can."  * 

Perhaps  it  will  he  judged  that  Stovs:hton  was  looking  more  after  the  profit 
arising  from  the  sale  of  captives,  than  for  warriors  to  fight  with.  Indeed, 
Mnson\i  account  does  nf)t  give  him  much  credit. 

Speaking  of  the  English  employed  in  this  expedition,  Wolcott  tlius  im- 
mortaliy.es  them : — 

"  Those  wprf  the  men,  this  was  llio  little  hnnd, 
Tlmt  (liirsl  tlio  force  of  llic  new  world  wiilistaiid. 
These  were  the  men  llial  by  their  swords  made  way 
For  peace  and  safely  in  Americ  .," 

Vacant  Hours,  l-l. 

There  was  a  maiiili-st  disposition  on  the  part  of  Uncas,  Canoniciis, 
Mi'inttitDiomok  imd  .V'idig-rf/,  ami  iterliups  other  chiefs,  to  screen  the  |K)or, 
denoimced,  and  flying  I'e. plots,  who  had  escaped  the  lliimes  and  swords 
of  the  iMigiicli  in  their  wiir  with  them.  Part  of  a  coiTcsitondeiice  abdiit 
these  saciieiiis'  harlioriiig  tliciii,  between  K.  ff'illiam.t  and  the  governor  of 
Mussachiiselts.  is  jm  served  in  the  ("ollectioiis  of  the  Miissachiisetts  Historical 
Society  ;  ii"om  which  it  appears,  that  Miissachiisetts  had  retiiiesled  Mr. 
inilidins  to  explain  to  tin;  ciiieis  liit!  consequences  to  be  deiieiuleil  ii|)on,  if 
they  liifi  ni>t  strictly  observt;  their  agreement  in  regard  to  iht;  fugitive  PtMiiiots. 
OUush '  carried  to  Air.  Il'illiams  a  letter  from  the  iVliissachiisetts  goveriidr  upon 
this  subject.  After  he  had  obeyed  its  contents,  as  fiir  as  he  was  able,  ho 
answered,  lliiit  he  went  with  Oinsli"  to  the  Nanhiggoiiticks,  and  having  got 
C'niioiniini.i  and  Jliiinluunomu,  with  their  council,  together,  I  ac(|iiaiiited  them 
faithfully  with  the  contents  of  your  \r\\n;bolh  griVivniccs  and  thrcafrnin^s ; 
and  to  demonstrate,  I  piiidiiced  the  copy  of  the  league,  (which  Mr.  [Sir 
Hcnrif]  lane .  ut  me,)  and,  with  breaking  of  a  straw  in  two  or  three  places,  I 
sl.ow'ed  then   what  tlicv  liad  d  inc." 

These  chii  Is  gave  iMr.  H'illiams  to  understand,  that,  when  Mr.  Govenior 
understood  what  they  had  to  say,  he  would  bi^  satisfied  with  their  conduct; 
that  they  did  not  wish  to  make  tripiible  but  they  ''fojiW  relate  maw'  parlicularit 
wherein  the  Hniflish  hiul  broken  their  firoinms"  since  the  war. 

In  regard  to  solium  stpiaws  that  had  escaped  from  the  English,  Canonirus 
said  he  liad  not  seen  any,  but  bt'tird  of  some,  and  immedir  <y  ordered  tliinn  to 
Im  carried  buck  again,  and  had  not  since  heard  of  them,  liiit  would  now  have 
U>e  country  .scarcheil  tiir  them,  to  satisfy  tin?  governor. 

Miantunnnmoh  s»»id  he  had  never  heard  of  but  six,  nor  saw  l)ut  four  of  them  ; 


•  MHmiscript  letter  of  raptnin  Stoughtofi,  on  lite  omong  our  stale  pnpcrs. 
t  i'ltlaiiflt,  Mr.  It V//iam«  writes  hl4  iiuiiie. 


108 


OF  THE  PEQUOT  NATION, 


[Book  II. 


wliicli  hein^  brought  to  liitii,  lie  wiis  niifrry,  mid  iwked  tlioso  who  brought  thcin 
why  they  did  not  carry  tliem  to  Mr.  ff'iliiams,  that  he  iiiiglit  couvey  them  to 
the  EngiiHh.  They  told  liiui  tlie  stiiiaws  were  laiiii!,  and  could  not  go  ;  upon 
which  Mianttmnomoh  wnt  to  Mr.  WiUuims  to  come  and  take  tluuii.  Mr.  IVil- 
liams  could  not  attend  to  it,  and  in  his  turn  ordered  Miantunnomoh  to  do  it, 
who  wiid  he  was  busy  and  could  not;  "an  indeed  he  was  (says  fniliams)  in  a 
Btnuige  kind  of  soleiunity,  wherein  tlie  saeliiins  eat  nothing  but  at  night,  and 
ail  the  natives  round  about  the  country  were  feasted."  lii  the  mean  time  the 
equuwH  escaped. 

Miantumxomch  paid  he  was  sorry  that  th(>  governor  should  think  lie  wanted 
these  s'Hiaws,  for  be  did  not.  Mr.  fVilliamn  told  liini  b(<  knew  of  bis  sending 
for  one.  Of  this  ch»rg<!  he  fairly  cleared  hiiiiself,  saying,  the  one  sent  for'was 
not  for  himself,  but  for  Snssamun,*  \\\w  was  lying  lame  at  his  lioii>ie  ;  iliat 
Sassamun  fell  in  there  in  his  way  to  I'('(|iit,  wliitlier  be  had  been  sent  by  the 
governor.  'I'lu;  S(|uaw  he  v.anted  was  a  sitcliiMii's  daughter,  who  bad  been  u 
particular  friend  of  Miaiituimomoh  during  his  lifetime;  therefor'-,  in  kindness 
to  his  dead  friend,  he  wished  to  ransom  her. 

MoreovcM',  Miantimnoiiwli  said,  he  and  bis  ])eo])le  were  true  "to  the  English 
in  life  or  death,"  and  but  fir  which,  be  said,  O/cn.ic  [fJtikvn]  and  bis  Mohiga- 
iieucks  had  long  since  provcnl  false,  as  be  still  fean-d  they  would.  For,  he 
said,  thev  bad  never  buind  a  I'e(|Uot,  and  added,  *'  Vhtnock  cjusc  witomjiat!- 
murks')  that  is,  "Did  ever  friends  deal  so  with  friends?"  Mr.  If'iUiams 
re'(uiring  more  particular  ev|ilan!ition,  Minniunnomoh  proceeded: — 

"My  brother,  Yolansh,  bad  seized  ii|)oii  Put'jumpjmunck,  CliKimr,  and  20 
Pequots,  and  (iO  sipiaws ;  they  killed  ibrei'  and  bound  the  rest,  whom  they 
watcbeil  ail  night.  Then  they  sent  fur  the  l''nglisb,  and  delivered  them  in 
the  morning  to  tbein.  1  came  by  land,  according  to  promise,  with  '200  men, 
killing  10  Pecjuots  by  tht;  way.  1  tlesired  to  see  the  great  sachem  Pulliujupnu- 
mjiPA",  whom  my  brother  had  taken,  who  was  now  in  the  Ihiglish  bouses,  but 
tlie  English  thrust  at  me  with  a  pike  nianv  times,  that  I  durst  not  come  near 
tlie  door." 

IMr.  H'illiams  told  liiiii  tiny  did  not  know  him,  else  they  would  not;  hut 
Minniunnomoh  answi^red,  "All  my  com|)any  were  disheartened,  and  they  all, 
and  Vulshamuijwnv,  <lesired  to  be  gone."  15eside.«,  be  said,  "two  of  my  men, 
ff'a^onckwlmt  \  and  .Mnitnamoli  [Mrthitmoli]  were  their  guides  to  Hesiiuankit, 
from  the  river's  nioulli."  I'pon  uliicli,  ;Air.  IVUliams  adds  to  tin;  governor : 
"Sir,  J  dan-  not  stir  coals,  lint  1  sa«'  them  too  much  disri'gardi'd  by  miuiy." 

Mr.  H'illimn.i  told  the  sachems  "they  ifceived  Peipits  and  wamponi  without 
Mr.  (lovernor's  consent.  Cannmntints  replied,  that  although  he  and  Mlantnn- 
noinu  had  paid  many  hundred  fatbem  ot"  wampum  to  their  soldiei-s,  as  Mr. 
Governor  (lid,  yet  he  had  not  received  one  yard  of  beads  nor  a  Peqiit.  Nor, 
HJiitli  JMianlvunomu,  did  I,  but  one  small  present  I'rom  f^iur  wonu'ti  of  Long 
Island,  which  were  no  I'equts,  but  of  that  isle,  being  afraid,  desired  to  put 
tlienmelves  under  my  protection." 

The  l»c()ut  war  lias  generally  been  looked  upon  with  regn't,  by  all  good 
men,  since.  To  exterminate  a  jieople  bet'ore  tb<>y  bad  any  opportunity  to 
become  enlightened,  that  is,  to  be  made  ae(|uainted  with  the  reason  of  other 
llBiigcs  towtu'ds  tlieir  fellow  beings  thiin  those  in  which  they  had  been  brought 
up,  is  a  great  cause  of  lamcntntion ;  and  if  it  jiroves  any  thing,  it  proves  that 
great  ignorance  and  barbarism  Imki d  in  the  benrts  of  their  exti-rmitiators. 
We  do  not  meiui  to  exclude  by  this  remark  the  gii-nt  Itody  of  the  preHent 
inhabitants  of  the  earth  from  the  charge  of  such  barlmrisni. 

In  the  records  tif  the  I'nited  Colonies  for  the  vi'ar  U>47,  it  is  jiientioned  that 
"Mr.  J«/i;t  ftinlliinp  making  elni'ii  to  a  great  <iuantity  of  land  at  Niantie  by 

to  the  '•ommissioners  n  petition  in  those 


piirch 


gav< 


words : — '  Whereas  I  had  the  land  of  Niaiitick  by  a  deed  of  ^nll  and  purehnso 
from  the  .sielieni  [riassaciis]  beilire  the  fPeqUot]  wars,  i  desire  the  ronitiiSs- 
BioiierH  will  be  pleuHcd  to  contiriii  it  unto  me,  natl  chiar  it  fmrn  any  claim  of 


*  Pnilial)!    tlio  MiiiH'  iiMiiddiii'il  jfterwariis, 
mon.  or  lii<  lirotlior  Hoiil^imi 
t  Forliii})^  l^l(/l/t/nllI(•(l^  or  WahginiMcui 


IIu  mi^hl  have  l>tivu  llie  fainoua  John  8au(X' 


Chap.  Vl-l 


MONONOTTO. 


100 


hm 

all, 

iiion, 

aiikit, 

riKir : 

y." 

itiioiit 

vitun- 

Mr. 

Nor, 

Long 

put 

l,f()0(l 

liy  to 
ttlior 

■oiiffht 
that 

iiitors, 

•MCllt 

tlmt 

<•  ')y 

tliose 
•linse 
uiiifi- 
iin  of 


English  mill  Indians,  according  tc  the  equity  of  the  case.' "  fVi.throp  had  no 
writing  from  Sitssacus,  and  full  ten  years  had  elapsed  since  tli(!  transiiction,  but 
Fromatiish,  IVamherquaske,  oxiA  Jlrduppo  testified  some  time  after,  that  "upon 
tlicir  knowledge  before  the  wars  were  against  the  Pcquots,  Sitssacus  tlicir 
sachem  of  Niantic  did  call  them  and  all  his  men  together,  and  told  that  he  was 
resolved  to  giv(i  his  country  to  tiiu  governor's  son  of  the  Massachusetts,  who 
lived  then  at  Pattaquassat  alias  (/onnecticut  River's  mouth,  and  all  his  men 
declared  themselves  willing  therewith.  Thereui)on  he  went  to  him  to  Patta- 
quassets,  and  when  lie  came  back  he  told  them  he  had  granted  all  his  country 
to  him  the  said  governor's  son,  ai;d  said  he  was  his  good  friend,  and  he  hojjcd 
he  woukl  send  some  English  thitlier  some  time  hereafter.  Moreover,  he  told 
him  he  had  received  coats  from  Lim  for  it,  which  they  saw  him  bring  home." 
This  was  not  said  by  those  Indiansi  themselves,  but  several  English  said  they 
heard  them  say  so.  The  coumiishioners,  however,  set  aside  his  claim  witli 
consideiiible  ap|»earance  of  independence. 

Dr.  Ihvighl  thus  closes  his  poem  upon  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots : — 

"  Uiulaniit(><l,  on  llicir  fons  tliey  fiercely  flew  • 
As  ficree  the  dusky  warriors  crowd  the  fight ; 
Despair  inspires  ;  to  conibnl's  face  they  pue  ; 
With  (froaiis  and  sliouts,  they  rage,  unknowing  (liglit, 
And  close  their  sullen  eyes,  in  shades  of  endless  night. 

Indulge,  my  native  land,  indulge  the  tear 

That  steals,  impassioned,  o'er  a  nation's  doom. 
To  nie,  each  twig  from  Adam's  stock  is  near. 

And  sorrows  tall  upon  an  Indian's  tomb." 

And,  O  ye  chiefs  !  in  yonder  starry  home, 

Accept  the  hnmbln  tribute  of  this  rhyme. 

Your  gallant  deeds,  in  Greece,  or  haughty  Home, 

l?V  Maro  siuig,  or  Momrr's  harp  sui)liiuc, 

I  lad  charmed  the  world's  wide  round,  and  iriumphe  I  over  time." 

Another,  already  mentioned,  and  the  next  in  const^qiKmcc  to  Sassacus,  was 
MoNo.-soTTO.  Hubbnril  calls  him  a  "noted  Indian,"  who.se  wife  and  children 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Ilnglish,  and  as  "it  was  known  to  be  by  her  media- 
tion tlmt  two  Kngli.sb  mrids  (that  wen;  taken  away  IVotii  Wi'athersfieM,  upon 
Connecticut  River)  weni  saved  from  dtiatli,  in  nMiuittal  of  whose  pity  and 
humiuiity,  the  lile  of  herself  and  children  was  not  only  granted  her,  biM  .ihe 
was  in  speriid  recommendtKl  to  the  car*;  of  d'ov.  If'inthrop,  of  Ma.ssa'"hiis"tts." 
Afniinmtlo  tleil  willi  Sitssacus  to  the  Mohawks,  for  piotection,  witli  several 
more  chiefs.  He  was  not  killed  by  them,  na  Siiflsncus  wits,  but  escape'!  fr.mi 
them  woimded,  luid  probably  died  by  the  hiuids  of  bis  I'nglish  enemies,  lie; 
is  thus  mentioned  by  Go\ernor  JFo/'-t'/;,  in  his  poem  upon  H'intkrop^a  agen- 
cy, &.C. 

"  Prince  Monnnotto  sees  his  S(|Uiidrons  (ly, 

And  on  our  general  having  fixed  his  eye, 

Rag."  anil  revenge  his  spirits  quickrning, 

He  ict  a  mortal  arrow  in  the  string. ' 

On  the  5  August,  1037,  G«ven?or  Hlnthrop  makes  th«-  ("owing  entry  in  his 
jotimal : — "  Mr.  LiuUow,  Mr.  Piticheon,  and  about  l'2  \v<in\  citme  by  land  from 
Connecticut,  and  bnaight  with  them  a  jjart  of  the  si<in  ai>d  lock  »>f  hair  of 
Snsncus  luid  his  bnither  and  5  other  Peqnod  sacli.>iis,  who  being  fled  to  the 
Mohawks  for  shtilter,  with  their  wampom  (being  to  the  vahie  of  iiiVM))  were 
by  them  suri)rised  and  slain,  with  20  of  th»Mr  b«?st  mei,.  Monotn  Uoh  was  also 
token,  but  escaped  wounth'tl.  They  brough*.  news  also  tfdiveis  other  Peqiiods 
which  had  been  slain  by  other  Indians,  and  their  heads  brought  to  the  English ; 
BO  that  now  there  had  Inien  slain  and  taken  l)etwe(;n  H  and  !>00." 

Vhe  first  troublcH  with  liie  Pequots  hav(;  alr«'U«ly  been  noticed.  It  was 
among  the  people  uf  Afoiumoflo,  that  the  English  c^iused  the  hliMMl  oft*  Peqnot 
to  flow.  Some  HiigliKli  liad  l>een  killed,  but  there  is  no  more  ;><  -use  the 
murder  of  a  Peqiiot  thim  an  Englit^hmiin.  The  English  Imd  injured  thr 
Indiaiis  of  IMock  IhIhikI  all  in  their  jtowrr,  which,  it  seems,  diil  loi  sntisfy 
them,  and  they  next  undertook  to  make  Hpoil  upnn  them  in  their  o mi  cuuntry 
JO  .J 


110 


M0>'ONiVlTO.— rASSA.SSINNAMON. 


[fl..0K  IF. 


upon  Conni'rticiit  Tliver.  " As  tlicy  wero  wiiliii<r  ii|)  tlio  livor,  siiys  Dr.  I. 
Mdhrr,  iimny  ofilu'  l'ri|iii)Is  oi'  botli  sides  oftlic  rivci'  ciillt'd  to  tliciii,  di'siroiis 
to  know  wlint  was  tlicii- ciiil  in  corning'  tliillicr."  *  'I'licy  imswi-rcd,  that  tlicy 
(l^'siriMl  to  s|)rnlv  witli  Sdsmini.i ;  bciiifi'  told  llmt  Sitssanis  liml  ^onc  to  r..t>ii;^ 
Islanil,  tlicy  tlicii  deinnndod  that  Moixinollo  shoidd  a|i|)i'ar,  and  tln'y  picicnihid 
lif!  was  from  lionic  also,  llowovcr,  ihcy  wont  on  sliorc  and  diMnaiidt'd  tlin 
iniNvh'rci-s  of  Caplain  Stiniv,  and  wviv  tohl  that  il'tiiiy  woidd  wait  tiicy  would 
send  !()!•  thcin,  and  that  Mouoimllo  would  coiuc  inuncdiati-ly.  I5ut  very  >vis('ly, 
the  l'ri|Uots,  in  till'  mean  time,  "traiifiiiortiMi  their  jjoods,  women  and  ehildren 
to  anotluM-  plaee."  f  One  ol'  them  then  tolil  tlio  I'JifjIish  that  .Monouollo  would 
nor  eonie.  'IMien  i1m>  I'ln^disli  he<:an  to  do  what  inisehii'f  they  could  to  them, 
and  a  skinnisli  lollowed,  wherein  or  c  Indian  wiis  killed,  aixl  an  I'lnnliHluuan 
was  \voiuuled."  { 

The  nanii'  ot'  .Mononollo'ii  wife  a|)|)eai>i  to  imve  been  Wincumhonk.  Hhe 
should  not  he  overlooked  in  speakini;-  of  MononoUo,  as  she  wjls  inslruniental  in 
saviuir  the  life  of  an  I'ln^lishinan,  as  disinterestedly  as  A;rrt/(0)i/(j,v  saved  that 
ol'  <'a|)tain  Smilh.  Some  I'lnglish  liad  f!;one  to  trade  with  tla;  I'eiiuols,  and  to 
reeover  some  In  ses  \vhieh  they  Imd  stolen,  or  |)ickod  up  on  their  lands.  Two 
of  liie  llnuiisli  wni  -I'l  shore,  and  one  went  into  th«  saelieni'.s  wif;wani  and 
demamh'd  liie  'lof.u-w.  The  Indians  within  slyly  uhsented  theinselves,  and 
t>  iiirumlmiii;  Iviiouirj^  their  inti'nt^)n,  told  him  to  lly,  for  the  Indiiuis  were, 
innkiiii;  'treparati'itia  ?o  kill  him.  11«  barely  oacupod  to  tlio  boat,  being  folKtw- 
t'll  by  II    roud  to  the  .-lion;. 

Cak^  ":siiN.MMOM  «  IS  IV  iioted  I'eijiiot  eliiel",  of  ulioin  we  liav(^  some  iieeount 
(IS  early  ,1.  tiJ.'i!*  ?n  .hat  year  a  <liHienlty  arose  about  iht;  limits  of  Hoiithertoii, 
sin.-e  (•)  ■  cd  I:'' .  iiiif^-i,>i'.  in  <'omieetifnt,  and  several  I'ln^'lish  wen;  sent  to  tiettli^ 
flie  ditli  ilty,  \>lii>'h  v.iis  ••  iiieeniiii!,'  tin"  locaiioii  of  \Vekii|)ati5. .  "For  to 
l;"lp  us  ^liiey  Mvj  ti  nnd' i^ftaud  wjieie  \Vekiipau;rt;  is,  we  desir"!  sonio  I'o- 
tliiutueke  [ndians  io  ^o  with  us."  < '(is.iittilDiuiiiion  was  t>ne  who  iiHsisted. 
'i'lii  y  told  the  Muglish  that  ^'  ('ii.iliiui'iisrvt  (ihr  ijfovernor  of '.VekapauKe)  dui 
eharire  them  that  they  s!uiu!u  not  ;ro  any  liiitliir  than  th(^  <'iist  side  of  a  little 
.••.s'.anip,  near  the  east  end  of  the  liist  ereat  pond,  whi-re  they  did  j)iteli  <)own  u 
siak',  and  told  us  [thti  i''njj;lisli]  that  Cd.'ihiitriisfiit  said  that  tlint  very  place  was 
W'ekapauge  ;  said  that  lir  snid  it  and  not  (liem  ;  and  if  they  slioiilil  say  ihaf. 
Wekajtaujre  did  ;ro  any  ttntlier,  ('(•"liinm.wit  would  he  angry."  Cltshniraiisd 
iifler  tlii.s  had  contirmed  to  him  and  those  under  liini,  HO(M)  itcn-s  of  land  in  the 
I'eipiot  country,  w  itii  the  pro\  ision  that  they  continued  subjects  of  iMassachn- 
Hv  tts,  and  slioiiul  "not  sell  or  nlienate  the  said  lands,  or  any  part  tli'Tcof,  to  iinv 
H!i!i;lisli  man  or  men,  without  the  coun's  .•ipprohation." 

'I'he  neck  of  land  called  (^iiiniruntnuin  "as  claimed  by  both  panics;  Imc 
t  'i.is»sslnn<tmim  said  that  when  a  wlial  was  some  time  before  cast  aslior.- 
there,  no  oni^  disputed  Vasliiui'ii.isi't's  c'aim  to  it,  wliKdi,  it  is  believcfl,  settled 
the  <iiiestion  :  CiUihauvssvl  was  kiu.wn  .'jenerally  by  the  iianu!  of  Hdnii'ui. 
Gitnrtt,  ^ 

Wi-  next  meet  with  Ca.ssn.ssinrimnn  in  Philip's  war,  in  which  he  nonunan<l- 
cil  a  coinpiuiy  of  IVtiiiots,  aiu!  -ccoinpanied  Captain  Iknison  in  his  siiccesslid 
career,  and  was  present  at  th'  captiin;  ol"  Ciiiimirhfl,  || 

111  November,  liVM,  C(t.',i  t.isiiinduwv  and  eight  o^lifrH  evLTUted  a  sort  of  an 
Bgrecineu'  "with  the  toWiismen  of  I'cipiot,"  allc'^i.rd  cilli'd  J\'ic  /joniftur. 
Uliat  kiml  of  rtj-vvf/Mfaf  it  war- we  are  not  told.  Il's  uuiiie  was  sniwcril  ei) 
Ot.'w'.fi/Hiamoa.  yVinong  the  oliier  names  we  nee  ObnuKickwomi,  JVfesomi'c-'^im 
Blias  i)aniel,  CiUcluinuujum  anil  .Mahmnwdmlnim,  VaMn.miwiiinoti,  it  is  said, 
sigimd  "ill  hid  own  behalf  and  the  Ixhaif  of  tlie  tVHt  of  Nameeag  Iiidinns."1i 


*  Kfliiliou,  ^-J.  t  Il>i<l. 

{  Ibid.    (^a|iiain  Lion  Gnrilenrr,  wlio  liail  soiiu-  iiicii  in  this  nllair,  pivcs  quite  n  difTcrcoi 
account.    Sfte  lili'  pI'  Kiitshaiiwijinn,  nJiiis  Kulshmnakin. 

4  Sevprnt  inamisrrint  (lociimont.^.  11  Itnhbard 

fl  1  Col'.  JHu.sf.  HUt.  Soc.  t.  101.  .      • 


OK  ir. 


Chap.  VII.J 


I'lUVlMi  INDlAINti. 


Ill 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Of  the  Praijin/r  or  Clirintinn  Indians  in  A'aw  Englatul — fJifjiciitt  to  Christinnhe 

t/iein Ijiburs  of  Joliti  Kliot — Wadhan  the  Jiml  Cliristiim  .sagamore— Indian  taws 

— Uncus  jnutcMs  iifrtiiiist  flic  aUcwfit  to  niHj-crl  Ids  /leo/ili: — Niiiigret  rrfuscs  to 
'"'     '•■■■•   litbli: — PiAMiioiiiiou — Si'KKN — I'knnaiiannit — 


rixuec  nussionariis — Tha  Indian 

TUKAI'F.WII.I.IN — OdNAMDO All  ATA  WAN  c:  K 

— MioiKjsoo — OiM'DM — Tin;  II  A. 


-  Watt  ASS  AcoMi'ONUM — Hiacoomks 


It  iriiwt  hv.  pxnrotliiifrly  difliciilt,  us  aM  (!X|)fTieiic<!  lias  shown,  to  caune  any 
jH'oplo  to  ahaiKlon  a  liclirf  or  faitli  in  a  iiiatlor,  niiloss  it  lie  (iik;  on  vvliicli  tlio 
rt'iLioninif  powers  of  tli-  iuiii<l  ran  lu;  broii^lit  to  act.  Tlu;  most  i;^'noranl 
])co|)l(!  must  \k'.  conviiu'i  d,  tliat  many  otll'cts  wliicli  tlicy  witm^s  are  prodiured 
liy  oltvioiiM  causes ;  hut  tlicrc  are  so"  iimiiy  otiicrs  for  wliicli  llioy  cannot  dis- 
cover a  cause,  that  they  hesitate  not  to  deny  any  nntnnU  caiis(!  i'or  thciiii  at 
once.  And  notwilhstandiii;^  that,  tVoni  day  to  day,  causes  are  ilevelopitif,' 
thiiiiiHelvcs,  and  sliowiiij,'  them,  that  lu.iny  r>'siihs  wiiich  they  had  viewed  as. 
liro<;eediiij;  from  a  .s/^kt  natural  cause  liitherto,  was  notliiiif,'  hut  a  natural 
one,  niid  which,  when  discovered^apprareil  perfectly  siniphs  too,  yet,  lor  the 
want  of  the  ineansof  invesli^'ation,  they  would  he  looked  upon  asjiiiraeiilotis. 
These  (iicts  liav<!  been  more  than  eiioiifih,  anion;,'  tin;  scientific  world,  to 
cause  them  to  look  upon  the  most  latent  causes,  with  a  hopi;  that,  in  due 
tiiiH!,  thej  would  unfold  thi'iiiselves  also ;  and,  linally,  leave  nothin^f  for  any 
agent  to  perform  but  nature  itself.  When  the  Indian,  tluirefore,  is  driven  by 
reason,  or  the  li,i,'lit  of  scii^nce,  from  his  stron^r-hold  of  i^jnorance,  or,  in 
other  words,  Huperstition,  he  is  extrisiiiely  lialilc!  to  fall  into  the  oj)poMite 
extreme,  to  which  alhisioii  has  just  been  made,  because  he  will  unhesitatiufrly 
tsay,  what  once  appisarcd  past  all  discovery  has  been  shown  to  Ik;  most  plain, 
nini  therefiae  it.  is  not  only  possible,  hut  even  probable,  that  oth(!r,s  will  be 
disclosiMJ  of  a  like  character,  and  so  on,  ad  infimluin,  as  before. 

It  so  happens,  that  in  attemptiii;;  to  suhsti'aite  one  fiiitlt  for  another,  in  the 
minds  of  Indians,  that  the  one*  proposed  admits  ot'  no  better  demairstrutioti 
than  the  one  already  possessed  by  tlami;  for  their  maiiiKM*  of  transuiittiiifi; 
thinjrs  to  be  roinembered,  is  tlit^  most  im|)ressive  and  sacred,  iih  will  be  else- 
w lieie  observed  in  our  work.  That  any  tliiiif;  lidse  should  be;  handed  down 
from  their  !if.'ed  matrons  and  sinss,  could  not  he  for  a  moment  bi^lievi-d  ;  and 
Jience,  that  the  stories  of  a  strange  jieople  should  be  credited,  instead  of  what 
they  had  heard  from  day  to  day  from  their  youth  up,  from  those  who  could 
have  no  possible  inotivf,'  to  deceive  them,  could  not  he  e.\|)ected  ;  luid  there- 
fore no  one  will  wonder  tia*  a  moment  tiial  the  gospel  has  net  with  iso  few 
believers  among  the  Indiiins,  All  this,  aside  from  tlieir  dealers  in  iiiy;-teii(,s, 
the  powwows,  conjurers  or  |trie;.ts,  as  they  are  variously  deimminmed,  whose 
otlice  is  healing  the  sick,  apjieasing  the  wialli  ot"  tiie  iu\isible  spirits  by 
(  iiarins  and  iiniiitelligihie  mimunery.  These  ciiaraclers  took  upon  tliein- 
se|\es,  id-^o,  the  important  allidr  of  deteiiiiining  the  happiness  each  was  to 
enjoy  after  death;  iissiiriiiir  ihe  bra\c  and  the  \iitiions  that  they  should  go  to 
a  placi'  of  perpetuid  spring,  when!  game  in  the  greatest  plenty  alxainded,  and 
every  thing  that  the  must  iwrliicl  happiness  leipiired.  Now,  as  ii  belief  in 
any  other  religion  promised  no  more,  is  it  strange  that  a  new  one  should  be 
slow  In  gaininif  credence? 

Con-iderat'oiis  ot"this  nature  int«vitably  press  in  upon  us,  and  cause  us  not 
to  wonder,  as  many  hM\e  diuie,  liiat,  for  the  lirst  thirty  years  al>cr  the  settle- 
ment oj'.Nevv  I'.nghuid,  >o  little  was  elli'Cted  by  the  gospel  imioiig  the  Indians. 
The  greni  iliiricnlt\  ofconimimicaiing  with  them  by  interpreters  must  have 
la-ell  slow  in  the  extnmie ;  and  it  must  be  considered,  also,  that  a  great  length 
of  time  must  lane  been  consumed  beliire  any  «)!'  these  could  perform  their 
<il!i.  i:  with  liny  degree  of  ac«'iirae\  ;  the  Indian  languagt!  iieing  unlike  iwcry 
uiher.  and  beming  no  analogy  to  any  known  toii;rin'  whatever ;  and  then,  the 
peculiar  cu.'toiii  of  the  Indians  must  be  consideied;  tlieir  long  delays  bi-liire. 
tlicy  would  iin-- ver  lo  ;;iiy  |;roiii'siiiiui ;  ht'l  luo  e  flmii  !;ll.  .\e  have  to  con- 


112 


PRAYINCJ   INDIANS.— NESUTAN. 


[KooK  11. 


sider  tlie  natural  distrust  tlmt  must  necessnrily  arise  in  the  minds  of  every 
people,  at  the  sudden  influx  of  strangers  among  them.  When  any  new 
theory  was  presented  to  their  minds,  the  first  questions  that  would  present 
themselves,  would  most  unquestionably  be,  What  are  the  real  motives  of  this 
new  people .' — Do  they  really  love  us,  as  they  pretend  ? — Do  they  reaUy  love 
one  another  ?  or  do  they  not  live,  many  of  them,  upon  one  another  ?— Is  not 
this  new  state  of  things,  which  they  desire,  to  enable  them  to  subsist  by  us, 
aufl  in  time  to  enslave  us,  or  dej)rive  us  of  our  possessions  ? — Does  it  not 
api)ear  that  these  strangers  are  lull  of  selfishness,  npd,  therefore,  have  every 
motive  which  that  passion  gives  rise  to  for  deceiving  us  ? — Hence,  we  repeat, 
that  it  can  hardly  be  thought  strange  that  Christianity  has  made  so  slow 
progi-ess  among  the  Indians. 

Notwithstanding  one  of  the  ostensible  objects  of  nearly  all  the  royal  char- 
icis  and  patents  issued  ibr  British  North  America  was  the  Christianizing  of 
the  Indians,  few  could  be  fpund  equal  to  the  task  on  arriving  here ;  where 
\viints  of  every  kind  I'eqqired  neai'ly  all  their  labors,  few  could  be  found 
willing  to  forego  evei-y  comfoit  to  engage  in  a  work  which  pi-esented  so 
luuny  difliculties.  Adventurers  were  those,  generally,  who  emigrated  with  a 
view  t)  l)ettering  their  own  condition,  instead  of  that  of  others. 

At  length  Mr.  John  Eliot,  seeing  that  little  or  nothing  could  be  effected 
through  the  inedium  of  his  own  language,  resolved  to  make  himself  master 
of  tlic  Indian,  and  then  to  devote  himself  to  their  service.  Accordingly  he 
hired  *  an  oldf  Indian,  named /o6  .VcsniaH,  J  to  live  in  his  family,  and  to  teach 
liim  his  language.  When  he  had  accomplished  this  arduous  task,  which  he 
did  in  "  a  few  uionths,"§  he  set  out  upon  his  first  attempt ;  having  given 
notice  to  some  Indians  at  J^onanium,^  since  Newton,1[  of  his  intention.  With 
three  others  he  met  the  Indians  for  the  first  time,  ^8  October,  104(3.  Waau- 
bon,**  whose  name  signified  itnnd,^\  "a  wise  and  grave  man,  though  no 
Sachem,  with  five  or  six  Indimis  met  them  at  some  distance  from  their  wig- 
wam;*,  and  l>iiUling  them  welcome,  conducted  them  into  a  large  apartirient, 
where  a  great  munlier  of  the  natives  were  gathered  together,  to  hear  this  new 
doctrine."  ||  Af\er  jjrayers,  and  an  cx[)lanation  of  the  ten  conunandments,  Mr. 
Eliot  informed  them  "  of  the  dreadful  curse  of  God  that  would  fall  upon  all 
those  that  brake  them :  He  then  told  them  who  Jesus  Christ  was,  where  he 
was  now  gone,  and  how  he  would  one  day  come  again  to  judge  the  world  in 
flaming  fire." 

Afler  about  an  hour  spent  in  this  manner,  the  Indians  had  I'berty  to  ask 
any  (jnestions  in  relation  to  what  had  been  said.  Whereupon  one  stood  up 
and  asked.  How  he  could  laiow  Jcntis  Christ^ — Another,  fHiether  Englishnen 
tvcre  ever  so  ifjcnorant  of  him  as  the  Indians  ? — A  third,  TVIicther  Jesus  Christ 
could  understand  prayers  in  Indian "} — Another,  How  there  coidd  be  an  image  of 
God,  since  it  icas  forbidden  in  the  second  commandment '? — Another,  Whether, 
according  to  the  second  cotnmandment,  tlie  child  must  suffer,  though  he  be  good^ 
for  the  sins  of  its  parents  ? — And  lastly,  How  all  the  world  became  f\dl  of  people, 
if  they  ivere  all  once  drownni  in  the  food"/ 

The  .second  iiicciing  wa.s  upon  11  November,  following.  IMr.  Eliot  met  the 
Indiiuis  again,  and  after  catecliisiiig  the  children,  and  preaching  an  hour  to 
tli(;  congregation,  heard  and  an.>iwercd,  among  otiiei-s,  the  following  ques- 
lions. — Hon- the  Knglish  came  to  differ  so  much  from  the  Indians  in  their  knowl- 
edge of  (lod  and  Jesus  Christ,  since  they  luid  all  at  first  hut  one  Father  J — An- 
other desired  to  know,  How  it  came  to  pass  that  sea-water  was  sail  ami  river 
water  fresh  f — And  anotlu'r.  That  if  the  water  was  liightr  than  the  earth,  how  it 
happened  thai  it  did  not  overflow  it'} 

The  third  meeting  took  place  soon  ufler,  namely,  on  26  of  the  same  month, 


'  AVu/,  Hist.  .\.  Kiii;.  i.  2i2.  t  N.  Dng.  Biojf.  Dictioiiarv,  art.  Ei.iot. 

t  Kc"  |).  ,j1  of  this  boiik,  ante.  ^  Men/.  Hisi,  N.  Ciig.  i.  I'i3. 

I{  "  Ni'nr  WiUcrUiwn  mill,  ii|)(iii  tlip  sonlh  side  of  ('liiirl<>s  Rivrr.  iilmiil  t'oiir  or  five  miles 
(Viini  Ills  owii  lidiisc,  [  11  lidxhiiry.]  wlii-rc  livivl  at  iliat  limi^  IV(i/<u«,  one  of  ihiiir  principal 
liicii,  mid  somo  liidiniis  with  liiiii."     (inohiii.  (Hist,  ("'ol.)  I(ii). 

'I   .\nii,inliiiii.  or  .\df.iiiiloiinMi,  si^ruiticd  a  place  o>'  ivjoiciii^;  or  rejoicing,    Aeal,  i.  216. 

•   \V',iii'>iiii.  .U.I.' «<(//,.,  III.  hk;.  '  tt  Ibid. 

;;  Day-lirciikiiis  <>1  tlic  ("o<|m.'I  in  N.  Eng.,  in  Nml,  i.  223. 


Chap.  VII.] 


PRAVING  lNDI.\Nri.— TllCIil  L.VWS. 


113 


but  was  not  so  well  attoiuled.  TJio  powwows  iuid  s;icliemH  Iiad  di.ssiiiulcd 
some,  and  l)y  tlnvats  deterred  others  from  uioetiiig  upon  Much  oceawions. 
Still  there  wiue  considerable  numbers  that  got  attaclicd  to  Mr.  Eliot,  and  in  a 
few  days  alter,  fFampas,  "a  wise  and  .sage  Indian,"  and  two  others,  with  some 
of  hie  children,  caine  to  the  English,  lie  desired  that  these  might  he  edu- 
cated ill  the  Christian  faith.  At  the  next  meeting  all  the  Indians  ])resc,nt 
"  offered  their  cliildren  to  be  catechised  and  instructed  by  the  Englisli,  who 
upon  this  motion  resolved  to  set  up  a  school  among  them." 

Mr.  Eliot,  notwithstanding  his  zeal,  seems  well  to  have  understood,  tliat 
sometliing  beside  i)reaching  was  necos.sary  to  reform  tiie  lives  of  the  Indians ; 
and  that  was,  their  civilization  hy  education.  It  is  said  that  one  of  liis  noted 
sayings  was,  Tlw.  Indians  must  be  civilized  as  well  as,  if  nut  in  order  to  their 
being.  Christianized.*  Therefore,  the  recpiest  of  (he  Jndiins  at  Nonantum 
was  not  carried  into  effijct  until  a  place  could  bo  fixed  upon  when?  a  regular 
settlement  should  be  made,  and  the  catechumens  had  shown  llieir  zeal  for 
the  cause  by  assembling  themselves  there,  and  coniiirming  to  the  Englisli 
mode  of  living.  In  the  end  this  was  agreed  upon,  and  Natiek  Vvas  fixed  as 
the  place  for  a  town,  and  the  Ibllowing  short  code  of  laws  was  set  uji  a'.id 
agreed  to: — I.  If  any  man  be  idle  a  week,  or  at  most  a  fortnight,  he  shall  pay 
five  shillings. — II.  \(  any  unmarried  man  shall  lit;  with  a  yotmg  woman 
unmarried,  he  shall  j)ay  twenty  shillings. — III.  If  any  man  siiall  bi^at  his  wife, 
his  hands  shall  be  tied  behind  him,  and  he  shall  be  carried  to  the  place  of 
justice  to  be  severely  punished. — IV.  Ev(!ry  young  man,  if  not  another's 
servant,  and  if  unmarried,  shall  be  compi'lled  to  s(;t  up  a  wigwam,  and  plant 
for  himself,  and  not  shill  up  and  down  in  other  wigwam.s. — V.  If  any  woman 
shall  not  have  her  hair  tied  up,  hut  hang  loose,  or  be  cut  as  men's  hair,  she 
shall  pay  five  shillings. — VI.  If  any  woman  shall  go  with  naked  breasts,  she 
shall  pay  two  shillings. — VII.  All  men  that  wear  long  locks  shall  j)ay  five 
shillings. — VIII.  If  any  shall  kill  their  lice  between  their  teeth,  they  shall  pay 
five  shillings. 

In  January  following  another  conij)any  of  praying  Indians  was  established 
iit  Concord ;  and  there  were  soon  several  other  jilaces  where  meetings  were 
held  throughout  the  country,  from  Cape  Cod  to  Narraganset.f  Of  these,  Mr. 
Eliot  visited  as  many  and  as  often  as  Ik;  was  able.  From  the  following  pas- 
sage in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Winslow  of  Pliinouth,  some  idea  may 
be  formed  of  the  hardships  he  underw(!nt  in  his  pious  laboiu  lie  says,  "  I 
have  not  been  dry  night  nor  djiy,  from  thi;  third  day  of  the  week  unto  the 
sixth,  but  so  travelled,  and  at  niglit  pull  oft'  my  boots,  wring  my  stockings, 
and  on  with  them  again,  and  so  continue.     IJnt  God  stt^ps  in  and  helps."t 

The  chiefs  and  powwows  would  not  have  suffered  even  so  much  ground 
to  have  been  gained  by  the  gos|)el,  but  for  the  awe  they  w(;re  in  of  the  Eng- 
lish power.  "Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,"  says  the  very  good  historian, 
Mr.  J^cal,  "  for  if  it  be  very  difficult  to  civilize  barbarous  nations,  'tis  much 
more  so  to  make  them  Christians:  All  men  have  naturally  a  veneration  for 
th(!  religion  of  their  ancestors,  and  the  prejudices  of  education  §  are  insupem- 
ble  without  the  extraordinary  gi'ace  of  God." 

"  Tli(!  Monhegin  Indians  were  so  jealous  of  the  general  court's  obliging 
them  to  pray  to  God,  that  Uncos,  their  sachem,  went  to  the  court  at  llartf()rd 
to  i)rotest  against  it.  Cutshamoquin,  another  sachem,  came  to  the  Indian 
lecture,  and  openly  protested  against  their  Imilding  u  town,  telling  the  Eng- 
lish, that  all  the  sachems  in  the  country  were  against  it.  He  was  so  honest 
as  to  tell  Mr.  Eliot  the  reason  of  it ;  for  (says  h»!)  the  Indians  that  pray  to  (]od 
do  not  pay  me  tribute,  as  formerly  they  di<| ;  which  was  in  jmrt  true,  f()r 
whereas  In-fore  the  sachem  was  absolute  master  of  his  subjects  ;  their  lives 
and  fortunes  being  at  his  disposal ;  they  gave  him  now  no  more  than  they 
thought  letisonahle ;  but  to  wipe  off  the  reproach  timt  C\dahamoquin  had  laid 
upon  them,  those  few  praying  Indians  present,  told  Mr.  Eliot  what  they  liad 


•  IfiitclUn.wn,  Hist.  Mass.  i.  163.  t  Neal,  i.  22l'i— 2.10.  {  MusriMlta.  iii.  i;"!. 

^  This  word,  wheii  applied  to  tho  edunilinn  of  tin-  Iniliiiiis  nmoiip  llii'inscivps,  is  to  be  tin- 
(lerslood  ill  nil  opposite  sense  *'i)in  its  common  acceptation:  thus,  to  instmct  in  superstitions 
and  idolotry,  is  what  is  not  meant  by  education  auioiiii;  us. 
10» 


I  ■ 


I 


114 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— INDIAN  BIBLE. 


[Book  IL 


done  for  their  sachem  the  two  lust  years,  leaving  him  to  judge  whether  their 
prince  had  any  reason  to  complain."  They  said  they  had  given  him  26 
bushels  of  corn  at  one  time,  and  six  at  another;  that,  in  hunting  for  him  two 
days,  they  had  killed  liim  15  deers ;  broke  up  for  him  two  acres  of  land ; 
made  him  a  great  wig^vam ;  "  made  him  20  rods  of  fence  with  a  ditch  and 
two  rails  about  it ; "  paid  a  debt  for  him  of  £3,  10s.  "  One  of  them  gave  him 
a  skin  of  beaver  of  two  pounds,  besides  many  days  works  in  i)lanting  com 
altogether;  yea,  they  said  tliey  would  willingly  do  more  if  he  would  govern 
them  justly  by  the  word  of  God.  Bii  the  sachem  swelling  with  indignation, 
at  this  unmannerly  discourse  of  his  vassals,  turned  his  back  upon  the  com- 
pany and  went  away  in  the  greatest  rage  imaginable ;  though  upon  better 
consideration,  himself  turned  Christian  not  long  after." 

Mr.  Experience  Mayheiv  met  with  similar  occurrences  many  years  after. 
Upon  a  visit  to  the  Narragansets,  he  sent  for  JVinigret,  the  sachem,  and 
desired  of  him  leave  to  j)r(;ach  to  his  people ;  but  the  sachem  told  him  to  go 
and  make  the  English  good  first ;  and  observed,  further,  that  some  of  the 
English  kept  Saturday,  oiJiers  Sunday,  and  others  no  day  at  all  for  worship  ; 
so  that  if  his  iteoi)le  should  have  a  mind  to  turn  Christians,  they  could  not 
tell  what  rclitfion  to  bo  of.  JVinigret  further  added,  that  Mr.  Maifliew  might 
try  his  skill  fii-st  with  the  Pequots  and  Slohegans,  and  if  they  submitted  to  the 
Christian  religion,  possibly  he  and  his  people  might,  but  they  would  not  be 
the  first.* 

In  the  meanwhile,  Mr.  EUot  had  translated  the  whole  Bible  into  Indian,  f 
also  Baxit.r's  Call,  31r.  Sheplier(Ps  Sijjceue  Convert,  and  his  Sound  Be- 
liever, J  besides  some  other  |)erformances,  as  a  Grammar,  Psalter,  Primers, 
Catecliisins,  the  Piiactice  ok  Piety,  &c.  § 

It  is  annising  to  hear  wluit  our  old  valued  friend.  Dr.  C.  Mather,  says  of 
Eliot s  WMc.  "This  Biitlc,"  he  says,  "was  printed  here  at  om-  Cambridge; 
and  it  is  the  only  Bible  that  ever  was  printed  in  all  America,  from  the  very 
foundation  of  tlie  world."  ||  The  same  author  observes,  that  "  the  whole 
translation  was  \\rit  with  but  one  pen,  which  pen  had  it  not  been  lost,  would 
have  ccrlainly  deserved  a  richer  case  than  was  bestowed  upon  that  pen,  with 
which  Holland'^  writ  his  translation  of  Plutarch ^^ 

It  was  long  siiir('  iiujuijcd,  "What  benefit  I'as  all  this  toil  and  suffering 

E reduced? — In  tiu'n!  a  vestige  oi'  it  remaining ' —Were  the  Indians  in  reality 
ettered  by  the  great  cfTorts  of  their  friends?"  "Mr.  Eliot,"  says  Dr.  Doug- 
lass, "  with  immense  labor  translated  ami  printed  our  Bible  into  Indian.  It 
was  doni;  with  a  good,  pious  design,  but  it  must  be  reconed  among  the  Olio- 
sorum  Iwminum  negotia:  It  was  done  in  the  Natick  [Nipnuik]  language.  Of 
the  Naticks,  at  pre  sent,  there  are  not  20  finnilies  subsisting,  and  scarce  any 
of  these  can  read. — Cui  boni!"** 

By  the  accomUs  left  us,  it  will  be  perceived,  that  ibr  many  yeai's  after  the 
exertions  of  Eliot,  Gookin,  Maylmo  and  others,  had  been  i)ut  in  operation, 
there  was  no  inconsidernble  progress  made  in  the  great  undertaking  of 
Christiani'/iiig  the  Indians.  Natick,  tlio  oldest  praying  town,  contained,  in 
1674,  2U  :!  niilics,  in  which  perlmjis  were  about  14"  persois.  The  name 
J^alick  signified  a  place  of  hills,  JVaban  was  the  chief  man  iiore,  "  who," 
says  BTr.  Gookin,  "  is  now  about  70  years  of  age.  He  is  a  person  of  great 
prudence  and  piety :  I  do  not  know  any  Indian  that  excels  him." 

Pakeinitt,  or  Piiiika|)aog,  ("  wliich  takes  its  name  from  a  spring,  tliat  riseth 
out  of  red  earth,")  is  the  next  town  in  order,  and  contained  IS  families,  or 

*  Neal'n  N.  Enjflaiid,  i.  257.  f  See  Iwok  ii.  chap.  ill.  p.  57,  ante. 

X  Moore's  Lite  Kliot,  144.  §  Magnalia,  b.  ill.  197.  ||  Ibid. 

i[  Philemon  Holland  was  called  the  translator-general  of  his  age  ;  Im  wrote  several  of  his 
trauslations  with  one  pen,  upon  which  he  made  the  fullowini;  venes: 
With  one  sole  pen  I  writ  this  book| 

Made  of  a  grey  goose  quill ; 
A  pen  it  was,  when  I  it  took, 
And  a  pen  I  leave  it  still. 

Fuller's  Wortlues  of  England. 
•*  Douglass,  Hist.  America,  i.  172,  note.    See  also  HaUcet,  Uist.  Notes,  348,  &c.    Doug- 
last  wrote  about  1749. 


Chap.  VII.] 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— WAUIIAN. 


115 


iilge ; 
I  very 
vhole 
voiild 
,  witli 


Doug- 


about  60  persons.  It  was  14  miles  soutli  of  Boston,  and  is  now  included  in 
Stougliton.  Tiic  Indians  liere  removed  from  tlie  Neponset.  Hassannmesit 
is  the  third  towr.,  and  is  now  included  in  Grafton,  and  contained,  like  the 
second,  (JO  souls.  Okoininakame.sit,"  now  in  Marlborougii,  contained  about 
50  people,  and  was  tiic  fourth  town.  VVaniesit,  since  included  in  Tewks- 
bmy,  the  tiftli  to\Mi,  was  upon  a  neck  of  land  in  Merrimack  River,  and 
contained  about  75  souls,  of  five  to  a  family.  Nashobah,  now  Littleton,  was 
tlio  sixth,  and  containud  I)ut  alwiit  50  inhabitants,  fliagunkaquog,  now  Hop- 
kinton,  signified  a  place  of  great  trees.  Hero  were  about  55  persons,  and 
this  was  the  seventh  town. 

There  were,  besides  these,  seven  ntlier  town.",  wiiich  were  called  the  now 
praying  towns.  These  w(!re  among  the  Ni|)mnk8,  Tlie  first  was  Mancliage, 
.since  Oxford,  and  contained  about  GO  inhabitants.  Tho  second  was  a1)0ut 
six  miles  from  tlie  first,  and  its  name  was  Ciiabanukongkomnn,  since  .Dudley, 
and  contaii\ed  about  45  persons.  Tlie  third  was  Maanexit,  in  the  nortii-east 
part  of  Woodstock,  and  contained  about  100  souls.  The  Iburth  was  Uuan- 
tisset,  also  in  Woodstock,  imd  containing  100  persons  likewise.  Wab(piissir 
the  fifth  town,  also  in  Woodstock,  (liut  now  included  in  Connecticut,)  coi. 
tained  150  souls.  Pakachoog,  a  sixtli  town,  partly  in  Worcester  and  partly 
in  Wan!,  also  contained  100  pcniplc.  W(?sliakim,  or  Ni'.shaway,  a  seventh, 
contained  about  75  persons.  WaiMmtng  was  also  a  praying  town,  included 
now  by  Uxbridge:  but  the  number  of  people  there  is  not  set  down  by  Mr, 
Cookin,  oiu"  chief  authority. 

Hence  it  seems  there  were  now  supposed  to  be  about  1150  praying  Indians 
in  the  places  enumerated  above.  Tiicre  is,  however,  not  the  least  firobability, 
that  even  one  Iburth  ot'  tlicse  were  ever  sincere  bcdievers  in  Christianity. 
This  calculation,  or  rather  sni)position,  was  made  the  year  belbre  Philips 
war  began ;  and  how  many  do  we  find  who  adliered  to  their  prolession 
through  tiiat  war  ?  That  event  not  oidy  shook  the  tiiith  of  the  common  sort, 
but  many  that  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  praying  towns,  the  Indian  minis- 
ters themselves,  were  foimd  in  arms  against  their  white  Christian  neighbors. 

At  the  close  of  Philip\i  war,  in  1()77,  Mr.  Gookin  enumerates  "seven 
places  where  they  met  to  woishi])  God  and  keep  the  salibath,  viz.  at 
Nonatum,  at  Pakemit,  or  Puukapog;  at  Cowate,  jijias  the  Fall  of  Charles 
River,  at  \atik  and  .Aledfield,  at  {>)ncord,  at  Namekejike,  near  Chelmsford." 
There  were,  at  eacii  of  these  places,  he  says,  "a  teacher,  and  schools  for  the 
youth."  But,  notwithstanding  they  had  occupied  seven  towns  in  the  spring 
of  1G7(),  on  their  return  trom  imprisonment  tipon  the  bleak  islands  in  Boston 
harbor,  they  were  too  feeiile  long  to  maintain  so  many.  The  appearance  of 
some  straggling  Mohawks  greatly  alarmed  these  Indians,  and  they  were  glad 
to  come  within  the  protection  of  the  English ;  and  so  the  remote  towns  soon 
became  abandoned. 

We  have  seen  that  1150  praying  Indians  were  claimed  before  the  war,  in 
the  end  of  the  year  1G74,  but  not  half  this  number  could  b(!  found  when  it 
was  proclaimed  that  all  such  mu.st  come  out  of  their  towns,  and  go  by 
themselves  to  a  |)lace  of  safety.  Mr.  Gookin  says,  at  one  time  there  were 
about  500  upon  the  islands ;  but  when  some  had  been  employed  in  the  army, 
an<l  other  m  ays,  (generally  such  as  were  indifferent  to  religiion,)  there  were 
but  about  300  reinaining.  Six  years  after  that  disastroni*  war,  Mr.  Eliot 
could  claim  but  four  towns!  viz.  "Natick,  Punkapaog,  Wamesit,  and 
Chncbaid>unkkakowok." 

Before  we  pass  to  notice  other  towns  in  Plimouth  colony,  we-  will  give  an 
account  of  some  of  the  most  noted  of  the  praying  Indians. 

Waii&an  we  liave  several  tinit.'S  introduced,  and  will  now  close  our  account 
of  him.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been  originally  of  Concord;  but,  at  the 
time  Mr.  Eliot  began  hia  labors,  he  resided  at  ^fonantum,  since  Newton. 
At  Natik,  or  Natick,  he  was  one  of  the  most  efficient  offi«ers  UBtil  his 
death. 

When  a  kind  of  civil  community  was  establii^ed  at  Natik,  Wiaaban  was 
made  a  ruler  of  fiftj-,  and  subsequently  a  justice  of  the  peace.  The  tbllow- 
iii^  is  said  to  be  •*.  copy  of  a  waiTant  which  he  issued  against  some  of  the 


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116 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— PIAMBO.—TUKAPEWILLIN.        [Book  II. 


transgressors.    "  You,  you  his  constable,  quick  you  ccUch  urn  Jeremiah  Offscow, 
strong  you  hold  urn,  safe  you  bring  um,  afore  mc,  Wubim,  justice  peace.^  * 

A  young  justice  asked  Wauhan  what  he  would  do  when  Indians  got  drunk 
and  quarrelled ;  he  replied,  "  2Ve  um  all  up,  and  whip  um  plaintiff,  and  whip 
umfendant,  and  whip  um  witness." 

We  have  not  learned  the  precise  time  of  fVauban's  death,  f  but  he  was 
certainly  alive  in  the  end  of  the  year  1676,  and,  we  think,  in  1677.  For  he 
was  among  those  sent  to  Deer  Island,  30  October,  1G75,  and  was  among  the 
sick  that  returned  in  May,  1076;  and  it  is  particularly  mentioned  that  he  was 
one  that  recovered. 

Piambouhou\  was  the  next  man  to  ?rau6an,  and  the  next  after  him  that 
received  the  gospel.  At  tiie  second  meeting  at  Nonantum,  he  brought  a 
great  many  of  iiis  people.  At  Natik  he  was  made  ruler  of  ten.  When 
the  churcli  at  Ilassanainesit  was  gathered,  lie  was  called  to  be  a  ruler  in  it. 
When  that  town  was  broken  up  in  Phili.  '•«  war,  ho  relumed  again  to  Natik, 
where  he  died.  He  was  one  of  those  also  eonfined  to  Deer  Is'and ;  hence, 
he  lived  until  after  the  war.  The  ruling  elder  of  Ilaissanamcsit,  called  by 
some  Piamiow,  was  the  same  person. 

John  Speen  was  another  teacher,  contemporary  with  Piamho,  and,  like  him, 
vv;ts  a  "grave  and  pious  man."  In  1661,  Timothy  Dwighl,  of  Dedham,  sued 
John  Speen  and  his  brother,  Thomas,  for  the  recovery  of  a  debt  of  sixty 
pounds,  and  Mr.  Eliot  bailed  them.  This  he  [nobably  did  with  safety,  as 
Jb/m  i^ee/i  and  "  his  kmdred"  owned  n(arlyall  the  Natik  lands,  when  the 
Christian  commonwealth  was  established  tliere.  This  valuable  possession 
he  gave  up  freely,  to  Ixi  used  in  common,  in  1650.  Notwithstanding  "he 
was  among  the  firjst  that  prayed  to  God"  at  Nonantum,  and  "  was  a  diligent 
reader,"  yet  he  died  a  drunkard ;  having  been  some  tiuie  before  discarded 
from  the  church  at  Natik. 

Pennahannit,  called  Captain  Josiah,  was  "Marshal  General"  over  all  the 
])raying  towns.  He  used  to  attend  the  courts  at  Natik;  but  his  residence 
was  at  Nashobali. 

Tukapewillin  was  teacher  at  Ilassana.nesit,  and  his  brother,  -Inaweakin, 
ruler.  He  was,  according  to  Major  Gookin,  "a  pious  and  able  man,  and  apt 
to  teach."  He  suffered  exceedingly  in  Philip''s  war;  himself  and  his 
congregation,  together  with  thos;;  of  tlie  two  praying  towns,  "  Magunkog 
and  Chobonekonhouom,"  having  been  enticed  away  l>y  Philip's  followers. 
His  father,  Ncutas,  was  deacon  of  his  church,  and  among  the  number. 
They,  however,  tried  to  make  their  escape  to  the  English  soon  after,  agree- 
ably to  a  plan  concerted  with  Job  Kutknanll,  when  he  was  among  Philip's 
)eoplo  as  a  spy ;  but,  as  it  happened,  in  the  attempt,  they  fell  in  with  an 

nglisli  scout,  mider  Captain  Gilbs,  who  treated  them  as  prisoners,  and  with 
not  a  little  barbarity;  robbing  theui  of  every  thing  they  had,  even  the  minis- 
ter of  a  pewter  cup  which  he  used  at  sacraments.  At  Marlborough,  though 
under  the  protection  of  officers,  they  were  so  insidted  and  abused,  "  espe- 
cially by  women,"  that  TukapeioiUins  wife,  fmm  feiu-  of  being  murdered, 
escaped  into  the  woods,  leaving  a  sucking  child  to  bo  taken  care  of  liV  its 
father.  With  her  went  also  her  son,  12  years  old,  and  two  others.  The 
others,  JVaoas  and  Tukapewillin,  with  six  or  poven  children,  were,  soon 
after,  sent  to  Deer  Island.    JVaoas  was,  at  this  time,  about  80  years  old. 

Oonwnog  was  ruler  at  Marlborough,  and  a  sachem,  who  died  in  the 
summer  of  1<)74.  His  death  "was  a  great  blow  to  the  place.  He  was  a 
pious  and  discreet  man,  and  the  very  soul,  as  it  were,  of  the  |)lace."  The 
troubles  of  the  war  fell  very  huavily  upon  his  family.  A  barn  containing 
corn  and  hay  waa  burnt  at  Chelmsford,  l>y  some  of  the  war  party,  as  it 
proved  afterwards;  but  some  of  the  violent  Englisli  of  that  place  determined 
to  make  the  Wainesits  sufter  for  it.    Ace  .i-dingly,  alraut  14  men  armed 

*  Allen'n  Biojf.  Di«l.  art.  Wabai*. 

f  Dr.  Homer,  Hiil.  Nowton,  iiRys  he  died  in  1674,  but  pvi  no  nuthorhy.    We  have  cited 
feverni  Hulhorilie*,  showiiifr  lliat  he  wa«  alivn  a  vrar  later,  (sue  I),  iii.  |)|>.  10  and  79.) 
\  Piaiti  Boohan,  UookMt  Hist.  Coll.  1^,—Piambow,  liii  Hitl.  Praying  ludian*. 


E 


^ 


Chap.  VII] 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— VVANNALANCET. 


117 


Hoon 


themselves,  and,  under  a  pretence  of  scouting,  went  to  the  wigwams  of  the 
Wamesits,  and  ordered  tliem  to  come  out.  They  obeyed  without  hesitation, 
being  cliicfly  helpless  women  and  children,  and  not  conceiving  any  harm 
could  be  intended  tliem ;  but  they  were  no  sooner  out  than  fired  upon,  when 
five  were  wounded  and  one  killed.  Whether  the  courage  of  the  hrave  Eng- 
lish now  failed  them,  or  whether  they  were  satisfied  with  what  blood  was 
ah-eady  shed,  i&  not  cleai- ;  but  they  did  no  more  at  this  tune.  The  on©  slain 
was  a  little  son  of  Tahatooner ;  and  Oonamog'a  widow  was  severely  wounded, 
whose  name  was  Sarah,  "  a  woman  of  good  report  for  religion,"  She  was 
daughter  of  Sagamore-John,  who  lived  and  died  at  tlie  same  place,  before  the 
war,  "  a  gi-eat  friend  to  the  English."  Sarah  had  had  two  husbands :  the  first 
was  Oonamog,  the  second  Tahatooner,  who  was  son  of  Takattawan,  sachem,  of 
Muskctaquld.    This  affair  took  place  on  ttie  15  November,  1675. 

J^umphoiv  was  ruler  of  the  praying  Indians  at  Wamesit,  and  Samiul,  his  son, 
was  teacher,  "a  young  man  of  good  ])art8,"  cays  Mr.  Gookin,  "and  can  speak, 
read  and  write  Englislk  and  Indian  competently ; "  being  one  of  those  taught  at 
the  expense  of  the  coi*ponition.  JVumpJiow  experienced  wretched  trials  in  the 
time  of  the  war;  he  with  his  people  having  fled  away  from  their  homes 
immediately  after  the  horrid  barbarity  of  which  we  have  just  spoken,  fearing 
to  be  murdered  if  tliey  should  continue  there.  However,  after  wandering  a 
while  up  and  down  in  the  woods,  in  the  (iismal  month  of  December,  they 
returned  to  Wamesit,  in  a  forlorn  condition,  and  hoped  the  can-iage  of  their 
neighbors  would  be  such  that  they  might  continue  there.  It  did  not  turn  out 
so,  for  in  Februaiy  they  again  quitted  their  habitations,  and  went  off  towards 
Canada.  Six  or  seven  old  pei-sona  remained  liehind,  who  were  hindered  from 
going  by  infirmity.  These  poor  blind  and  lame  Indians  were  all  burnt  to 
death  in  their  wigwams.  This  act,  had  it  occurred  by  accident,  would  have 
called  forth  the  deepest  pity  from  tlie  breast  of  every  human  creature  to  whose 
knowledge  it  should  come.     But  horror,  anguish  and  indignation  take  the 

Clace  of  pity,  at  l>eing  told  that  the  flames  which  consumed  them  were  lighted 
y  the  savage  hands  of  white  men  ! !  It  was  so — and  whites  are  only  left  to 
rememlter  in  sorrow  this  act  of  those  of  their  own  color !    But  to  return — 

During  the  wanderings  of  STumphow  and  his  friends,  famine  and  cickness 
destroyed  many  of  them.  Himself  and  Mistic  George,  or  Gtoree  Mistic,  a 
teacher,  were  numbered  with  the  <lead.  The  others,  having  joined  fVannnlan^ 
cet  to  avoid  tailing  in  with  war  ])arties  on  both  sides,  at  the  close  of  the  war, 
surrendered  tiiemsclves  to  the  English,  at  Dover,  in  August,  1676.  New 
troubles  now  cainc  upon  tlKuii.  Sotnc  English  captives  testified  that  some  of 
them  had  been  in  arms  agniii.st  them,  and  such  were  either  sold  uito  slavery, 
or  executed  at  Boston.  Several  shared  the;  latter  fati;.  .Yumphow^a  son  Samiul 
barely  escaped,  and  another  son,  named  Jonathan  George,  was  ))ardoned ;  also 
Sifnion  Betokam. 

JVumphow  was  in  some  public  business  as  early  as  1(556.  On  8  June  that 
year,  he,  John  Line  and  George  Mistic,  vn^n',  ii\wi\  the  part  of  the  "Indian 
court,"  cmitloycd  to  nni  tiie  Hue  from  Chelnisford  to  Wamesit.*  And  23 
years  after  he  lUToinpiuiicd  CJnptain  Jonathan  Danforlh  of  Billerica  iu  renew- 
mg  the  iKiunds  of  Brinlon's  Fartii,  now  Litchfield,  N.  ILf 

H'annalancd,  whoso  history  will  be  found  spoken  upon  at  large  iu  our  next 
book,  coinitenaiioed  religion,  and  it  was  at  liis  wigwam  tiiat  Mr.  Elioi  and  Mr. 
Gookin  held  a  meeting  on  tlif  5  May,  1674.  His  house  was  near  Pawtucket 
Falls,  on  ihi'  Merrimack.  "He  is,"  said  Major  Gookin,  "a  sober  and  grave 
person,  and  of  yeui-s,  between  50  and  60." 

John  J\h(itamuu:e  was  ruler  of  Naslinbali,  a  pious  man,  who  died  previous  to 
1674.  After  his  dcceas;',  Vennahannil  was  chief.  John  Thomas  was  their 
teacher.  "  Ills  fatiicr  was  murdered  by  the  Maqiias  in  a  secret  maimer,  us  he 
was  fishing  (or  ecl.H  at  his  wear,  some  yeai-s  sinee,  during  the  wiu*"  with  them. 

Wallasaromjmnum,  called  also  (/aptain  Tom,  \>  ihus  spoken  of  by  Mr,  Gookin, 
wild  was  with  liim  m  PakiicJHiog,  17  September,  1()74.    "  My  chief  assistant 


was  K'ntliLinrompinihin,  nrlcr  of  tiie  Nipmuk  Indians,  a  grave  and  pious  man, 
of  the  chief  sachemV  blood  of  the  Nipniiik  coiinUy. 


lie  resides  at  Hassanu- 


Alkn's  III.li.  CiiuliU'tlbrd. 


t  M.S.  letter  of  7i  hn  Farmer,  E»q. 


118 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— HIACOOMES. 


[Book  II. 


jnesit ;  but  by  former  appointment,  calleth  here,  together  with  some  others." 
Captain  Tom  was  among  TukapewiUin^s  company,  that  went  olF  witli  tlie 
enemy,  as  in  speaking  of  him  we  navo  made  mention.  In  that  company  there 
were  about  300,  men,  women  and  children.  The  enemy,  being  about  300 
strong,  obHged  the  praying  Indians  to  go  off  with,  or  be  killed  by  them.  There 
were,  however,  many  who  doubtless  preferred  their  company  to  that  of  their 
friends  on  Deer  Island.  This  was  about  the  beginning  of  Deceml)er,  1G75. 
Captain  Tom  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and,  being  tried 
and  condemned  as  a  rebel,  was,  on  2(5  June,  1(»7G,  executed  at  Boston ;  much 
to  the  grief  of  such  excellent  men  as  Gookin  and  Eliot. 

Although  something  had  been  done  towards  Christianizing  the  Indians  in 
Plimouth  colony,  about  a  year  before  Mr.  Eliofs  firet  visit  to  Nonantuni,  yet 
for  some  yeare  after,  Massachusetts  wHs  considerably  in  advance  in  this  I'espect. 
Some  of  the  principid  congregations  or  praying  towns  follow  : — 

At  Meeshawn,  since  Provincetown  or  Truro,  and  I'unonakanit,  since  Bil- 
lingsgate, were  72  [)ersons ;  at  Potanuniaquut,  or  Nunsct,  in  Eastham,  44  ;  at 
Monamoyik,  since  Chatham,  71 ;  at  Sawkattukett,  in  Hai"wich ;  Nobs<iassit,  in 
Yannouth ;  at  Matakees,  in  Barnstable  and  Yarmouth ;  and  Weequakiit,  in 
Barnstable,  122 ;  at  Satuit,  Pawpoesit,  Coatiiit,  in  Barnsfablu,  fliasiipec,  Wako- 
quet,  near  Mashpee,  95 ;  at  Codtanmut,  in  Miushijcc,  Ashimuit,  on  the  west 
line  of  Mashpee,  Wecsquobs,  in  Suntlwich,  22 ;  Pispojiutt,  Wawayoutat,  in 
Wareham,  Sokones,  in  Faimoutii,  30.  In  all  these  places  were  4()2  souls ;  142 
of  whom  could  read,  and  72  write  Indian,  luid  i)  could  rend  English.  This 
account  was  furnished  Major  (lookin  in  1074,  by  the  Rev.  Richard  Bourne  of 
Sandwich.  Philip's  war  broke  ,)  many  of  these  communities,  but  the  work 
continued  long  after  it  dwindled  tu  almost  nothing  in  3Ias^achusctts.  Itt-1685 
there  were  1439  considered  as  Christian  Indians  in  Plimouth  colony. 

Mr.  Thomaa  Mayhew  Jr.  settled,  in  Martha's  Vineyard,  called  by  the  Indians 
Nope,  in  1642.  He  was  ai^companied  by  a  few  English  families,  who  made 
him  their  minister;  but  not  being  satisfied  with  so  limited  usefulness,  he  learn- 
ed the  Indian  language,  and  began  to  preach  to  them.     Ilifl  first  convert  was 

Hiacoom^s,  in  1()43,  a  man  of  small  repute  among  his  own  people,  whose 
residence  was  at  Great  Harbor,  near  where  the  English  first  settled.  Ho  was 
regularly  ordained  22  August,  1070,  but  he  began  to  jircach  in  1640,  John 
Tokinoah  was  at  the  same  time  ordauied  teacher.  His  residence  was  at  Num- 
pang,  on  the  east  end  of  the  island.  He  died  22  Januarv,  1(!H4,  and  Hiacoomes 
preachetl  his  funeral  sermon.  For  some  yeai"s  before  his  death  Hiacoomes  was 
unable  to  preach.  He  was  supposed  to  have  been  about  80  years  old  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  which  hapi>ened  about  1090. 

Pahkehpunnassoo,  sachem  of  Ciiappetjuiddik,  was  a  great  opposer  of  the 
gos|)cl,  and  at  one  time  l)cat  Hiacoomes  for  profesjjing  a  belief  of  it.  Not  long 
after,  as  hiniself  an<l  another  were  at  work  n|Kin  a  cliininey  of  their  cabin,  they 
were  Iwth  knocked  down  by  ligiitning,  and  the  latter  killed.  Pahkchpunnassoo 
fell  j)artly  in  the  fire,  and  but  for  ids  Iriend.s  wbuld  have  perished.  Whether 
this  eg'  ipe  awakened  him,  is  not  mentioned;  but  he  soon  after  Ixicanie  a 
Christi.iH,  and  Mr.  Mayhew  aplly  observes  that  "at  last  ho  was  a  brand  plucked 
out  of  ine  Jire" 

Miohqsoo,  or  Myorto,  was  another  noted  Indian  of  Nope.  He  was  a  convert 
of  Hinconmes,  wliom  he  liad  sent  for  to  inquire  of  iiiiii  about  his  Cod.  He 
a<*ked  Hiacoomes  how  many  ffods  lit-  bad,  and  on  being  told  but  ON  11,  iinine- 
diately  reckoned  up  37  of  his,  and  desire*!  to  know  whetlier  he  should  throw 
them  all  away  for  o?ie.  On  being  tuld  by  Hiaco^'tmes  that  he  had  tiirown  away  all 
those  and  iiiatiy  more,  and  was  betuu"  off  by  so  doing,  .l/w/i</*oo  saiil,  he  woidd 
f()rtliwiMi  throw  away  his,  which  lie  did,  and  bL'<>ani(;  one  of  the  most  ciiiineiit 
of  the  liuliaii  converts.  Oik-  tif  his  eiiildreii,  ii  son,  sailed  for  England  in 
1057,  with  Mr.  Thomas  Mayhew  Jr.,  in  a  ship  (•oiiiniaiiili'd  by  Captain  James 
Garrett,  and  was  never  liearil  of  after.  The  time  of  the  death  of  Miohqsoo  is 
imkiiown,  but  he  lived  to  a  great  ng--. 

Among  tiie  Moliegaiis  and  Narragiiiiscts  iiotliiiig  of  any  account  uiis  efli'ct- 
ed.  in  tlte  viay  of  Chris!  iani/inj;  tluiii,  li>r  a  iiii^:  time.  'I"he  ciiief  sachems  of 
ihose  jwitioi's  were  defcrniiiii'd  and  lixed  ii:;iiii '^t  if,  and  though  it  was  from 
time  ;c  iiit'c  inp'd  iijion  thi-m,  yi  i  \>  r\  \\\\\f  v.:i.-  »ver  done. 


[Book  U. 


Chvp.VH.] 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— OCCUM. 


119 


«ine  others." 
off  witli  tlie 
mpany  there 
ig  about  300 
;hem.  Tliere 
that  of  their 
einlier,  1G75. 
,  being  tried 
iston;  much 

6  Indians  in 
)naiituui,  yet 
tliis  respect. 

it,  since  Bil- 
hani,  44 ;  at 
obs<iasi5it,  ju 
teqiiakiit,  in 
ipee,  Wako- 
)n  the  west 
vayoutat,  in 
!  souls;  142 
?lish.  Thi« 
I  Bourne  of 
ut  the  work 
s.  likJ685 
V- 

tlie  Indiana 
wiio  made 
is,  he  leam- 
nvert  was 
5ple,  wliose 
i.  Ho  was 
64(5.  John 
18  at  Num- 

Hiacoomes 
coomcs  was 

old  at  the 

|«er  of  tlie 
Not  long 

cabin,  they 

tpunnttssoo 

Whether 

Ix'cnme  a 

nd  plucked 

i  a  convert 
(»()(!.  lie 
1'^,  iinme- 
uld  throw 
n  away  all 
he  would 
*t  <  iiiineut 
M{L.'lund  in 
uin  James 
Utihqsoo  is 

as  pfti;ct- 
chenm  of 
\\i\H  from 


Sampson  Occum,  or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  a  sermon  *  of  his,  Occam,  was  a 
Mohegan,  of  the  family  of  Benoni  Occum,  who  resided  near  New  London,  in 
Connecticut,  He  was  the  first  of  that  tribe  who  was  conspicuous  in  religion, 
if  not  the  only  one.  He  was  bom  in  1723,  and  becoming  attached  to  the  Rev. 
Eleazar  Whedock^  the  minister  of  Lebanon  in  Connecticut,  in  1741  he  became 
a  Christian.!  Possessing  talents  and  great  piety,  Mr.  Whedock  entertained 
sanguine  hopes  that  he  would  l)e  able  to  effect  much  among  Ijis  countiymeii 
as  a  preacher  of  the  gospel.  He  went  to  England  in  1765  to  procure  aid  for 
the  keeping  up  of  a  school  for  the  instruction  of  Indian  children,  which  was 
begim  by  Mr.  HTieelock,  and  furthered  by  a  Mr.  Moore,  by  a  donation  of  a 
school  house  and  land,  about  1763.  While  in  England  he  was  introduced  to 
Lord  Dartmouth,  and  other  eminent  pereons.  He  preached  there  to  crowds 
of  people,  and  returned  to  America  in  Septeml)er,  1768,  having  landed  at 
Boston  on  his  retura,  J  It  is  said  he  was  the  first  Indian  that  preached 
in  England.  He  was  ordained,  in  1759,  a  preacher  to  the  Montauks  on  L. 
Island.  About  this  time  he  visited  the  Cherokees.  He  finally  settled  among 
the  Oneida  Indians,  with  many  of  his  Mohe^n  brethren,  about  1768 ;  they 
having  been  invited  by  the  Oneidas.  He  died  in  July,  1792,  at  N.  Stock- 
bridge,  N.  York,  aged  69, 

Tttuba  is  noticed  in  the  annals  of  New  England,  from  her  participation  in 
the  witch  tvagedies  acted  here  in  1691.  In  a  valuable  work  giving  a  history  of 
that  homl)lR  delusion,  §  mention  is  thus  made  of  her.  "  It  was  the  latter  end  of 
February,  1691,  when  divers  young  persons  belonging  to  [Rev.]  Mr,  Parria'  N 
family,  and  one  more  of  the  neighlwrhood,  began  to  act  afler  a  strange  and 
miusual  manner,  viz.,  ns  by  getting  into  holes,  and  creeping  under  chairs  and 
stools,  and  to  use  other  sunrlry  odd  postures,  and  antic  gestures,  uttering  fool- 
ish, ridiculous  speeches,  which  neither  they  themselves  nor  any  others  could 
make  sense  of."  "March  the  11th,  Mr.  Parris  invited  several  neighboring 
ministers  to  join  with  liim  in  keeping  a  solemn  day  of  prayer  at  his  own 
house  ;  the  time  of  the  exorcise  those  peraons  were,  for  the  most  part,  silent, 
but  aflor  any  one  prayer  was  ended,  they  would  act  and  s|jeak  strangely,  and 
ridicidously,  yet  were  such  as  had  been  well  educated  and  of  good  behavior, 
the  OIK!  a  girl  of  11  or  12  years  old,  would  sometimes  seem  to  be  in  a  convul- 
sion fit,  Iter  litnbs  being  twisted  several  ways,  and  very  stiff,  but  presently  her 
fit  would  be  over.  A  few  days  before  this  solemn  day  of  prayer,  Mr,  Parria* 
Indian  man  and  woman,  made  a  cake  of  rye  meal,  with  the  children's  water, 
and  baked  it  i:.  the  ashes,  and,  as  it  is  said,  gave  to  the  dog;  this  was  done  as 
a  means  to  discover  wtchcrafl.  Soon  after  which  those  ill-affected  or  afflicted 
persons  named  several  that  they  said  they  saw,  when  in  their  fits,  aiTlicting  of 
them.  The  first  complained  of,  was  the  said  Indian  woman,  named  Tituba. 
She  confessed  that  th(;  devil  urged  her  to  sign  a  book,  which  he  presented  to 
her,  and  also  to  work  mischief  to  the  children,  &c.  She  was  afterwards  com- 
mitted to  )>riBon,  and  lay  there  till  sold  for  l>er  fees.  The  account  she  since 
! rives  of  it  is,  that  her  master  dkl  l)eat  he",  and  otherwise  abuse  her,  to  make 
ler  confess  and  accuse  (such  on  he  called)  her  sister  witches ;  and  that  what- 
soever she  gaiil  by  way  of  confessing  or  accusing  others,  was  the  effect  of 
such  usage ;  her  master  refused  to  pay  her  fees,  unless  she  would  itand  to 
what  she  liad  said." 

Wo  are  able  to  mid  to  our  information  of  TitiAa  from  another  old  and 
curious  work,1f  as  follows: — That  when  slie  was  examined  she  "confessed 
the  making  a  cake,  as  is  above  mentioned,  and  said  her  mistress  in  her  own 
country  was  a  witch,  and  had  taught  her  some  means  to  be  used  for  the 
discovery  of  a  witch  and  for  the  prevention  of  l)eing  l»ewitched,  &c.,  btit  said 
"that  she  herself  was  not  a  witch."  The  children  who  accused  her  said  "that 
■he  dkl  pinch,  prick,  and  grievously  torment  them ;  and  that  they  saw  her  here 

*  At  Ihs  execution  of  Mosea  PatU,  for  inurdcr,  at  New  Hftvcn,  2  September,  1772.  To  liis' 
letter  to  Mr.  Keen,  \\\»  name  is  Oeeum. 

f  Life  Dr.  Wietfnck,  Ifi.  t  His  Letter  to  Mr.  Keen,  in  Life  mieelork,  178. 

A  Wonders  of  iW.  Invisihle  World,  by  k.  Calef,  90,  91,  Ho.  London,  1700. 
J  "  Hamuel  Parii,  pastor  of  the  churrh  in  aniem-villwfe."    Modest  Enquiry  into  the  Nature 
tf  Witchrraji.  by  John  Unio,  pastor  of  tlit  church  in  Btverly,  p.  23,  ISmo.  Bo»tor.  1702. 

^  Modest  Enquiry,  die.  25. 


130 


TITUBA.— WITCHCRAFT. 


[Book  li. 


and  there,  where  nobody  else  could.  Yea,  they  could  tell  where  she  was,  and 
what  she  did,  when  out  of  their  human  sight."  Whether  the  author  was  a 
witness  to  this  he  does  not  say ;  but  probably  he  was  not.  Go  through  the 
whole  of  our  early  writers,  and  you  will  scarce  find  one  who  witnessed  such 
matters :  (Dr.  Cotton  Mather  is  nearest  to  an  exception.)  But  tfiey  generally 
preface  such  marvellous  accounts  by  observing,  "  I  am  slow  to  believe  rumors 
of  this  nature,  nevertheless,  some  things  I  have  had  certain  information  of."  * 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Felt  f  gives  the  following  extract  from  the  "  Quarterly  Court 
Papers."  "March  Ist.  Sctrah  Osbom,  Sarah  and  Dorothy  Good,  T%uba,  servant 
of  Mr.  Parrig,  Martha  Cory,  Rebecca  J^ae,  Sarah  Cloyce,  John  Proctor  and  his 
wife  Elizabeth,  all  of  Salem  village,  are  committed  to  Boston  jail  on  charge  of 
witchcraft." 

The  other  servant  of  Mr.  Parria  was  the  husband  of  TUuba,  whose  name 
was  John,  It  was  a  charge  against  them  that  they  had  tried  means  to  discover 
witches.  But  there  is  little  probability  that  these  ignorant  and  simple  Indians 
would  ever  have  thought  of  "  trying  a  project "  for  the  detection  of  Avitches, 
had  they  not  learned  it  from  some  more  miserably  superstitious  white  persons. 
We  have  the  very  record  to  justify  this  stricture.  J  Take  the  words.  "Mary 
Sibly  having  confessed,  that  she  innocently  counselled  John,  the  Indian,  to 
attempt  a  discovery  of  witches,  is  permitted  to  commune  with  Mr.  Parria^ 
church.  She  had  been  previously  disciplined  for  such  counsel  and  appeared 
well."  We  are  not  told  who  disciplined  her  for  the  examination.  Was  it  Mr. 
Parria? 

This  is  the  only  instance  I  have  met  with  of  Indians  being  implicated  in 
tehUe  witchcraft. 

*  /.  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  Philip's  War,  34. 

t  In  his  valuable  Annals  of  Salem,  303. 

X  Danvers  Records,  published  by  the  author  last  cited,  •      ' 


END  OF   BOOK   SECOND. 


\ 


iMndKMiMi 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


op  THE 


r.i 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  III. 


BOOK   III. 


^*v    ..  -,1,  itrtfcf* 


BIOGRAPHY  AND   HISTORY  OF  THE   NEW  ENG- 
LAND INDIANS  CONTINUED. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Life  of  Alkxander  aliaa  Wamsutta — Events  tehich  led  to  the  war  reith  PhUip — 
Weetamoo  his  wife — Early  events  in  her  life — Petakanuet,  her  second  husband 
— IVeetamoo's  latter  career  and  death — Ifinigret — Death  qf  Alexander — Johk  Sas- 
SAHON — His  country  and  connections — Becomes  a  christian — Schoolmaster — Min- 
ister— Settles  at  Assawomset — Felix  marries  his  daughter — Sassamon  discovers 
the  plots  of  Philip — Is  murdered — Proceedings  against  the  murderers — They  are 
condemned  and  executed. 

Alexander  was  the  English  name  of  the  elder  son  of  Masaasoit,  His  real 
name  appears  at  first  to  have  been  Mooanam,  and  afterwards  Wamsutta,  and 
lastly  Alexander,  The  name  of  Mooanam  he  bore  as  early  as  1639  ^>in  1641 
we  find  him  noticed  under  the  name  fVamsvUa.  About  the  year  1656,  he  and 
his  younger  brotlier,  Metacomet,  or  rather  Pometacom,  were  brought  to  the 
court  of  Plimouth,  and  being  solicitous  to  receive  English  names,  the  gov- 
ernor called  the  elder  Alexander,  and  the  younger  Philip,  probably  from  the 
two  Macedonian  heroes,  which,  on  being  explained  to  them,  might  have  jflat- 
tered  their  vanities  ;  and  which  was  pnhably  the  intention  of  the  governor. 

JUexander  appears  pretty  early  to  h  >  =:  set  up  for  himself,  as  will  be  seen  in 
the  course  of  this  cnapter;  occasion:!,  j3-3rhap8,  by  his  marrying  a  female 
sachem  of  very  considerable  authorii,^,  and  in  great  esteem  among  her 
neighbors. 

Namumpum,  aftei-wards  called  Weetamxto,  squaw-sachem  of  Pocasset,  was 
the  wife  of  Alexander ;  and  who,  as  says  an  anonymous  writer,*  was  more 
willing  to  join  Philip  when  he  began  war  upon  the  English,  being  persuaded 
'  by  him  that  they  had  poisoned  her  husband.  This  author  calls  her  "  as  potent 
a  prince  as  any  round  about  her,  and  hath  as  much  com,  land,  and  men,  at 
her  command." 

Mexander  having,  in  1653,  sold  a  tract  of  the  territory  acquired  by  his  wife, 
as  has  l)een  related  in  the  life  of  MassasoU,  about  six  years  after,  Weetamoo 
came  to  Plimouth,  and  the  following  account  of  her  business  is  contained  in 
the  records. 

"  I,  JVamumpum^  of  Pokecsett,  hauing,  in  open  court,  June  last,  fifty-nine, 
[1659,1  before  the  governour  and  inajestrates,  surrendered  up  all  that  right  and 
title  or  such  lands  as  Woosamequin  and  Wamaetta  sould  to  tJie  purchasers ;  as 
appeeres  by  deeds  giuen  vncler  theire  hands,  as  alsoe  the  said  JSTamumpum 
promise  to  rcmoue  the  Indians  of  from  those  lands ;  and  alsoe  att  the  same 
court  the  aaid  Wamsutta  promised  Mtmumpum  the  third  part  of  the  pay,  as  is 

*  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  p.  G. 


ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. 


[Boor  III. 


I  in 


\t:i\ 


expressed  in  the  deed  of  which  payment  JVamumpum  haue  recoiued  of  John 
Cooke,  this  6  of  Oct  1659 :  these  particulars  as  followetli :  item  ;  20  yards  blew 
trading  cloth,  2  yards  red  cotton,2paireof8hooes,2  pairt  stockings,  6  broade 
hoes  and  1  axe ;  And  doe  acknowledge  receiued  by  me,  Namumfuh." 
Witnessed  by  Squabsen,  WahaiunchquaU,  and  two  English. , 

Thus  this  land  affair  seems  to  have  been  amicably  settled ;  but  the  same 
year  oi  Mexander's  death,  whether  before  or  after  we  are  not  assured,  jYamiim- 
pum  appeared  at  Plimouth,  and  complained  that  WamsuUa  had  sold  some  of 
her  land  without  her  consent  "  The  court  agreed  to  doe  what  they  could 
in  conuenient  time  for  her  relief." 

We  apprehend  there  was  some  little  dilRculty  between  Alexander  and  his 
wife  about  this  time,  especially  if  her  complaint  were  before  his  death,  aiul 
we  are  rather  of  the  opinion  that  it  was,  for  it  was  June  when  her  complaint 
was  made,  and  we  should  assign  a  little  later  date  for  the  deatli  of  her  husband ; 
and  therefore  all  difficulty  was  settled  in  his  death. 

On  the  8  April,  1661,  WamsvUa  deeded  the  tract  of  countiy  since  culled 
Rehoboth  to  Thomas  WtUet  "  for  a  valuable  considemtion."*  What  that  was 
the  deed  does  not  inform  us ;  but  we  may  venture  to  ([uestion  the  fact,  for  if 
the  consideration  had  in  truth  been  valuable,  it  would  have  appeai'ed  in  the 
deed,  and  not  have  been  kept  out  of  sight 

What  time  JVamumpum  deeded  land  to  John  Sanford  and  John  Archer,  we 
are  not  informed,  but  it  was  probably  about  the  beginning  of  1G62.  It  was  a 
deed  of  gifl,  and  appears  to  have  been  only  deeded  to  them  to  prevent  her 
husband's  selling  it ;  but  these  men,  it  seems,  attempted  to  hold  the  land  in 
violation  of  their  promise ;  however,  being  a  woman  of  i>erseverance,  she  so 
managed  the  matter,  that,  in  the  year  1668,  she  found  witnesses  who  deposed 
to  the  true  meaning  of  the  deed,  of^A  thus  was,  we  pi-esume,  restored  to  her 
rightful  possessions. 

Since  we  have  been  thus  particular  in  acquainting  the  reader  with  the  wife 
of  WamsvMa,  we  will,  before  proceeding  with  our  account  of  the  husband, 
say  all  that  we  have  to  say  of  the  interesting  Weetamoo. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  we  find  JSTamumpum,  or  Weetamoo,  asso- 
ciated with  another  husband,  named  Petonowoivet.  He  was  well  known  to 
the  English,  and  went  by  the  familiar  name  of  Ben.  Now,  unless  Peto-noiv- 
owet,  or  Pe-tan-ornuet  has  been  corrupted  into  Peter  Nunnuit,  we  must 
allow  her  to  have  had  a  third  husband  in  1675.  We,  however,  are  well  ^tis- 
fied  that  these  two  names  are,  as  they  appear  to  be,  one  and  the  same  name. 

This  husband  of  neetamoo  does  not  appear  to  have  been  of  so  much  impor- 
tance OS  her  first,  fVamsutta ;  and  as  he  only  appeai-s  occaaonally  in  the 
crowd,  we  are  of  opinion  that  she  took  good  core  in  taking  a  second  husband, 
and  fixed  upon  one  that  she  was  better  al)le  to  manage  than  slie  was  the  de- 
termined JVamsutta. 

On  the  8  May,  1673,  Tatamomock,  Petonowoicett,  nnd  WUliam  alias  ^asockcy 
sold  to  J^athaniel  Paine  of  Rehoboth,  and //ug-ft  Coic  of  Swansey,  a*  lot  of 
land  in  Swansey,  near  Mattapoiset,  and  Sliowatnct  neck,  for  £35  5*.  Weetamoo, 
Philip  alias  Wagiisoke,  and  .Seven  alias  jSTucano,  were  the  Indian  witnesses. 

About  the  same  time,  one  Piotvant  was  intruded  upon  by  some  othoi-s 
claiming  his  lands,  or  otherwise  molesting  him,  anti  the  business  seems  to 
have  undergone  a  legal  scrutiny ;  in  this  jSTair  both  Weetamoo  and  her  hus- 
band appear  upon  our  records.  They  testify  that  the  tract  of  land  bounded 
by  a  small  river  or  brook  called  Mastucksett,  which  compasseth  said  tract  to 
Assonett  River,  and  so  to  Taiuiton  River,  [by  trees,  &c.]  hath  for  many  years 
boon  in  the  possession  o{  Piotvant.  The  place  of  the  bounds  on  Taunton  River 
was  called  Chippascuiit,  which  was  a  little  south  of  Mastucksett.  Pantauset, 
Quanowin,  JVescanoo,  and  Panowwin,  testified  the  same. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Peta-nan-u-tt  was  at  all  concerned  in  Philip's  war 
ngainst  the  English,  but,  on  the  contrary,  foi-sook  his  wife  and  joined  them 
against  her.  Under  sucli  a  leader  us  Church,  \w  must  have  been  employed 
4i<;ainst  his  countrymen  with  great  advantage.     At  the  time  he  came  over  to 


"  iScc  l!)i;  Hist,  of  Alilcljoroiigli,  hy  John  ii^fg^i-it,  Es<)  ,  p.  G,  where  llie  dec<l  is  preserved. 


Chap.  I.] 


ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. 


5 


the  English,  he  no  doubt  ex]>ected  his  wife  would  do  the  same,  as  t>he  gave 
Church  to  understand  as  much.  After  tlie  war  he  was  honored  witli  u  com- 
mand over  the  prisoners,  who  were .  permitted  to  i-eside  in  the  country  be- 
tween Sepecau  and  Dartmouth.  jYumpus,  or  JSTompash,  and  Isaac  were  also 
in  the  same  office. 

After  Mr.  Church  left  Jlwaahonks'  council,  a  few  days  before  the  war  broke 
out,  he  met  with  botli  fVeetamoo  and  her  husband  at  Pocasset  Ho  first  met 
with  the  husband,  Petananuet,  who  had  just  arrived  in  a  canoe  from  thUifs 
head  quarters  at  Mount  Jlope.  He  told  Church  there  would  certainly  be  war, 
for  that  Philip  had  held  a  war  dance  of  several  weeks,  and  had  entertained 
the  young  men  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  He  said,  also,  that  Philip  ex- 
pected to  be  sent  for  to  Plimouth,  about  Sassamon's  death,  knowing  himself 
guilty  of  contriving  that  murder.  Petananuet  further  said,  that  he  saw  Mr. 
Jatnes  Broum  of  Swansey,  and  Mr.  Samuel  Gorton,  who  was  an  interpreter, 
nud  two  other  men  that  brought  a  letter  from  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to 
Philip.  PhUip't  young  warriors,  he  said,  would  have  killed  Mr.  Brown,  but 
Philip  told  them  they  must  not,  for  his  father  had  charged  him  to  show  kind- 
ness to  him ;  but  to  satisfy  them,  told  them,  that  on  the  next  Sunday,  when 
the  English  had  gone  to  meeting,  they  might  pluixler  their  houses,  and  after- 
wards kill  their  cattle. 

Meanwhile  ff'eetamoo  was  at  her  camp  just  back  from  Pocasset  shore,  on 
the  high  hill  a  little  to  the  north  of  what  is  now  Howland's  ferry,  and  Petana- 
nuet requested  Mr.  Church  to  go  up  and  see  her.  He  did  so,  and  tbund  her  in 
rather  a  melancholy  mood,  all  her  men  having  left  her  and  gone  to  Philip'a 
war  dance,  much,  she  said,  against  her  will. 

Church,  elated  with  his  success  at  Awashonks^  camp,  and  thinking  both 
"  queens  "  secured  to  the  English  interest,  hastened  to  Plimouth  to  give  the 
governor  an  account  of  his  discoveries. — This  was  a.  day  big  to  Philip ;  he 
immediately  took  measures  to  reclaim  Weetamoo,  and  had  nearly  drawn  off 
Awaslwnks  with  the  vivid  hopes  of  conquest  and  booty. 

Weetamoo  could  no  longer  remain  neutral ;  the  idea  still  harrowed  upon  her 
mind,  that  the  authorities  of  Plunouth  htid  poisoned  her  former  husband,*  and 
was  now  sure  that  they  had  seduced  her  present  on* ;  therefore,  from  the 
power  of  such  arguments,  when  urged  by  the  artful  Philip,  there  was  no 
esca|)e  or  resistance.  Hence  his  fortune  became  her  own,  and  she  moved 
with  him  from  place  to  place  about  her  dominions,  in  the  country  of  Pocasset, 
until  the  30  July,  when  all  the  Wampanoags  escaped  out  of  a  swamp,  and 
retired  into  the  country  of  the  Nipmuks.  From  this  time  Weetamoo's  opera- 
tions become  so  blendetl  with  those  of  her  allies,  that  the  life  of  Philip  takes 
up  the  narration. 

When,  by  intestine  divisions,  the  power  of  Philip  was  destroyed  among  the 
Nipmucks,  ff'eetamoo  seems  to  have  been  deserted  uy  almost  all  her  followers, 
null,  like  Philip,  she  sought  refuge  again  in  her  own  countiy.  It  was  imon  the 
(J  August,  1G70,  when  she  arrived  upon  the  western  bank  of  Tehticut  River  in 
Mettupoiset,  where,  as  was  then  supposed,  she  was  drowned  by  accident,  in 
attempting  to  cross  the  river  to  Pocasset,  at  the  same  point  she  had  crossed 
the  year  before  in  her  flight  with  Philip. 

lier  company  consisted  now  of  no  more  than  26  men,  whereas,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  wai*,  they  amounted  to  300 ;  and  she  was  considered  by  tlie 
English  "  next  unto  Phuip  in  respect  o^  the  mischief  that  hath  been  done."t 
The  English  at  Taunton  were  notified  by  a  deserter  of  her  situation,  who 
offered  to  lead  any  that  would  go,  in  a  way  tliat  they  might  easily  surprise  her 
Olid  her  company.  Accordingly,  20  men  volunteered  upon  this  enterprise, 
and  succeeded  in  capturing  all  but  JVeetamao,  "who,"  according  to  Mr,  Huh- 
bardl  "  intending  to  make  an  escape  from  the  danger,  attempted  to  get  over  a 
river  or  arm  of  the  sea  near  by,  upon  a  raft:,  or  some  pieces  of  broken  wood ; 
but  whether  tired  and  spent  with  swimming,  or  starved  with  cold  and  hunger, 
she  was  found  stark  naked  in  Metapoiset,  not  far  from  the  water  side,  which 
made  some  think  she  was  first  half  drowned,  and  so  ended  her  wrotched  life." 
"  Her  head  being  cut  off  and  set  upon  a  pole  in  Taunton,  was  knovra  by  some 


*  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  p.  8. 
1»  "^ 


\l.Malhcr. 


I  Nnrralivc,  103  aiid  109. 


ALEXANDER. 


[Rook  UI. 


Indians  then  prisonere  [there,]  wliich  set  them  into  a  horrible  lamentation." 
Mr.  Mather  iiii|)roves  upon  this  passage,  giving  it  in  a  style  more  to  suit  the 
taste  of  the  times:  "They  made  a  most  horid  and  diabolical  lamentation, 
crying  out  tlmt  it  was  their  queen's  head.'* 

The  autliors  of  Yamoydkn  tiius  represent  Philip  escapuig  from  tlie  cold 
grasp  of  the  ghostly  form  of  Weetamoo : — 


"  As  from  the  water's  ileplli  she  cniiio, 
With  dripping  locks  and  bloated  frame, 
Wild  her  discolored  arms  she  threw 
To  grasp  him ;  and,  as  swift  he  flew. 


Her  hollow  scream  he  heard  behind 
Come  milicling  with  the  howling  wind  : 
'  Why  fly  Irom  Wetamoe  7  she  died 
Bcarnig  the  war-axe  on  iby  side.' " 


Although  fFcetatnoo  doubtless  escaped  from  Pocasset  with  Philip,  yet  it 
appears  that  instead  of  flying  to  the  Nipnuiks  she  soon  went  down  into  the 
Niantic  cou2itry,  mul  the  English  immediately  hud  news  of  it,  which  occa- 
sioned theb"  sending  for  J^migret  to  answer  for  harboring  their  enemy,  aa  in 
his  life  has  been  related. 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  notctd,  that  the  time  had  expired,  in  which 
.Vinifi^nt  by  his  deputies  agreed  to  deliver  up  JVeetamoo^  some  tune  previous  to 
the  gretit  fight  in  NaiTagausot,  tuul  hence  this  was  seized  upon,  as  one  pretext 
for  invading  the  Narragansets.  And  moreover,  it  was  said,  that  if  she  were 
tfdcen  by  that  formiilable  army  of  a  1000  men,  "  her  lands  would  more  than 
l)ay  all  the  charge  "  the  English  had  been  at  in  the  whole  war.* 

IFeetamoo,  it  is  presumed,  loft  jVinigret  and  joined  the  hostile  Navriigansets 
and  the  Wampunoags  in  their  strong  Ibrt,  some  time  previous  to  the  English 
expedition  against  it,  in  December.  And  it  was  about  this  time  that  she 
connected  herself  with  the  Narraganset  chief  Quinnapirif  as  will  be  foimd 
related  in  his  life.  She  is  mentioned  by  some  writers  as  PhUip\i  kinswoman, 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  case  in  a  two-fold  miumer ;  firet  frouj  her 
being  sister  to  his  wife,  and  secondly  from  her  maiTying  Alexander,  his  brodien 
To  return  to  tVamsutta. 

A  lasting  and  permanent  interest  will  always  be  felt,  and  peculiar  feelings 
associated  with  the  name  of  this  chief.  Not  on  account  of  a  career  of  Iwttles, 
devastations  or  nmrders,  for  tluire  were  few  of  these,t  but  there  is  left  for  us 
to  relate  the  melancholy  account  of  his  death.  Mr.  Hubbard's  account  of  this 
event  is  in  the  hands  of  almost  every  reader,  and  cited  by  every  writer  upon 
our  early  histoi-j',  and  hence  is  too  extensively  known  to  be  repeated  here. 
Dr.  /.  Mather  agrees  very  nearly  in  his  account  witli  Mr.  Hubbard,  but  being 
more  minute,  and  rarely  to  be  met  with,  we  give  it  entire : — 

"  In  A.  D.  l(5b'2,  Plimouth  colony  was  in  some  danger  of  being  involved  in 
trouble  by  the  Waiiipanoag  Indians.  After  Maasasoil  was  dead,  nis  two  sons, 
called  Wamsutla  and  Metacomet,  came  to  the  court  at  Plimouth,  pretending 
high  respect  for  the  English,  and,  therefore,  desired  English  names  might  be 
imposed  on  them,  whereupon  the  court  there  named  fFamsutta,  the  elder 
brother,  Alexander,  and  Metaconvet,  the  younger  broUier,  Philip.  This  Alexan- 
der, Pliilip\i  immediate  pretlece88or,'Wa8  not  so  faitliful  ana  friendly  to  the 
English  as  his  father  hod  been.  For  some  of  Boston,  having  been  occasionally 
at  Narraganset,  wrote  to  Mr.  Prince,  who  was  then  governor  of  Plimouth,  that 
Alexander  was  contriving  mischief  against  the  English,  and  that  he  had  solicit- 
ed the  Narragansets  to  engage  with  him  in  his  designed  rebellion.  Hereupon, 
Cairt.  jyHlet,  who  lived  near  to  Mount  Hope,  the  place  where  Alexander  did 
reside,  was  appointed  to  speak  with  him,  and  to  desire  him  to  attend  the  next 
court  in  Plimouth,  for  their  satisfaction,  and  his  own  vindication.  He 
seemed  to  take  the  message  in  good  part,  professing  that  the  Narragansets, 
whom,  he  said,  were  his  enemies,  hai  put  an  abuse  upon  him,  and  he  readily 
promised  to  attend  at  the  next  court.  But  when  tlie  day  for  his  appearance 
was  come,  instead  of  that,  he  at  that  very  time  went  over  to  the  Narragansets, 
his  pretended  enemies,  which,  compared  with  other  circumstances,  caused 
tlie  gentlemen  at  Plimouth  to  suspect  there  was  more  of  truth  in  the  infor- 


*  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  p.  31,  32. 

f  In  IG61,  he  was  forced  into  a  war  with  Uncos,  the  account  of  which,  properly  belongiog 
to  the  life  of  that  chief,  will  be  found  there  related. 


Chap  I.] 


ALEXANDER. 


T 


matinii  given,  tliaii  at  first  they  were  aware  of.    Wherefore  the  governor  and 
rriagiHtratca  there  onh-red  Major  IVivslow,  (who  is  sincc!,  taid  at  this  day  [Ki??") 
governor  of  that  colony,|  to  take  a  party  of  men,  and  fetch  down  Jlkxander. 
Tije  major  cousiilering  tliat  semper  nocmt  deferrc  paratis,  he  took  but  10  armed 
men  wiUi  him  from  Mansiificid,  intending  to  have  taken  more  at  the  towns 
that  lay  nearer  Mount  Hope.    But  Divine  Providence  so  ordered,  as  that  when 
tliey  were  about  the  midway  Iretwecn  Plimouth  and  IJridgewater,*  observing 
an  hunting  liouse,  they  rode  up  to  it,  and  tlitire  did  they  luid  Alexander  and 
many  of  his  menf  well  armed,  but  their  guns  standing  together  without  the 
house.    The  major,  with  his  small  party,  possessed  themselves  of  the  Indians' 
arms,  and  beset  the  house ;  then  did  he  go  in  amongst  tiicm,  acquainting  tlie 
Hachem  with  the  reason  of  his  coining  in  such  a  way ;  desiring  Alexander 
with  his  interpreter  to  walk  out  with  him,  who  did  ho  a  little  distance  from  tho 
house,  and  then  underetood  what  commission  the  major  liad  received  con- 
cerning him.    The  proud  sachem  fell  into  a  raging  passion  at  this  surprise, 
saying  the  governor  had  no  reason  to  credit  rumors,  or  to  send  for  hun  hi 
wicli  a  way,  nor  woidd  he  go  to  Plimouth,  but  when  ho  saw  cause.    It  was 
replied  to  him,  that  his  breach  of  word  touc^hiug  appearance  at  Plimouth 
court,  and,  instead  thereof,  going  at  the  same  time  to  his  pretended  enemies, 
a\igmented  jealousies  concerning  him.    In  line,  the  major  told  him,  that  his 
order  was  to  bring  him  to  Plimouth,  and  tliat,  l)y  the  help  of  God,  he  would, 
do  it,  or  else  he  would  die  on  the  place  ;  also  declaring  to  him  that  if  he  would 
submit,  he  might  ex|)ect  respective  usagi;,  but  if  Ik;  once  more  denied  to  go, 
lie  should  never  stir  from  the  ground  whereon  ho  stood  ;  and  with  a  pistol  at 
tlie  sachem's  breast,  required  that  his  next  words  nhoiild  bo  a  positive  and 
i-lear  answer  to  what  was  deiiiand<;(!.    IIereii[)oii  his  interpreter,  a  discreet 
Indian,  brother  to  John  Saustman,\  being  sensible  of  Alexander's  passionate 
disposition,  entreated  that  he  might  speak  a  few  words  to  the  sachem  before 
lie  giive  his  answer.    The  prudent  discoui-se  of  this  Indian  prevailed  so  far  as 
that  Alexander  yielded  to  go,  only  requesling  that  he  might  go  like  a  sachem, 
with  his  men  attending  hiin,  which,  although  there  was  some  hazard  in  it, 
they  being  many,  and  the  English  but  a  few,  was  granted  to  him.    Tho 
weather  being  hot,  the  major  oflered  him  an  lioi-se  to  ride  on,  but  his  squaw 
and  divera  Indian  women  being  in  comjiaiiy,  ho  refused,  saying  he  could  go  on 
foot  as  well  its  they,  entreating  only  that  there  might  lie  a  complying  with 
tiicir  jmc(!,  which  was  done.    And  losting  several  times  by  the  way,  Alexan- 
der and  his  Indians  were  refreshed  by  the  English.    No  other  discoui'se  hap- 
[icniiig  while  they  were  upon  their  march,  but  what  was  pleasant  and  amicable. 
The  major  sent  a  miui  before,  to  entreat  that  as  many  of  the  magistrates  of 
that  colony  as  could  would  meet  at  Duxbury.     Wherefore  having  there  had 
some  treaty  with  Alexander,  not  willfn;/  to  commit  hiin  to  prison,  they  en- 
treated Major  Winslow  to  receive  him  to  his  house,  until  the  governor,  who 
then  liv(!d  at  Eastham,  could  come  up.    Accordingly,  he  and  his  train  were 
courteously  enteitained  by  the  major.    And  albeit,  not  so  much  as  an  angry 
woi'd  passed  between  them  whilst  at  Marshfield ;  yet  proud  Alexander,  vexinjf 
and  fretting  in  his  spirit,  that  such  a  check  was  given  him,  he  suddenly  lell 
sick  of  a  fever.    He  Avas  then  nursed  as  a  choice  friend.    Mr.  Fuller,  tho 
physician,  coming  providentially  thither  at  that  tune,  the  sachem  and  his  men 
earnestly  desired  that  he  would  administer  to  him,  which  he  was  unwilling  to 
do,  but  by  their  imjiortunity  was  prevailed  with  to  do  the  best  he  could  to 
liislp  him,  and  therefore  gave  him  a  portion  of  working  physic,  which  the 
Iiulians  thought  did  him  good.    But  his  distemper  afterAVards  prevailing,  they 
entreatcd§  to  dismiss  him,  in  order  to  a  return  home,  which  upon  engagement 

*  Williiii  six  miles  of  the  English  towns.  Hubbard,  10,  (Edition,  1677.)  Massasoit,  and 
likewise  Philip,  used  to  have  temporary  residences  in  eligible  places  fof  nsbing,  at  various 
sites  between  the  two  bays,  Narraganset  and  MassatrhuscUs,  as  at  Raynham,  Namasket,  Titi- 
cut,  [in  iMiddlcborough,]  and  Munponset  Pond  in  Halifax.  At  which  of  these  places  he  was, 
we  cannot,  with  certainty,  decide  :  that  at  Halifax  would,  perhaps,  agree  be,t  with  Mr.  Hub- 
bard's account. 

t  Eighty,  says  Hubbard,  6. 

i  He  had  a  brother  by  the  name  of  Roland. 

9  "  EnUcatiug  those  tliat  held  him  prisoner,  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  retaro  home,. 


1 


AI.KXANIIKK. 


[Hook  III- 


of  M|iiii'ai'tiii('i-  i:t  (III'  iii'vl  ('i)iirl  was  gnui(r*l   In  liiiii.     Soon  ndvr  Urn  Ix-itig 
iH'tiit'iiril  li)iiiii<  Iii<  ili(>*l."  * 

'I'liiiN  riiiiM  Dr.  .M((//ir/'.'»  "itliiiidii  "of  iii(<  Hlinit  icij^n  of  .'llfxander.  Ami 
iilllion^rli  a  iliicniiD'iit  lately  |)iihliHliril  hy  Jii<lg<>  Ditvii  of  ItoNtuii  H(>tH  tlio  coii- 
<|iici  of  (he  I'^iikIIhIi  ill  a  very  tavoialilt'  W^Ut,  yet  il  in  very  (tiftinilt  to  ciiii- 
«M<ivc  how  Jiidtliir  anil  llubhiml  ciiiilil  liavo  Imtii  iilio^;('tli<>i'  ilfci-iv<Hl  in  tlioir 
iiil'oi'iniitioii.  W(>  iiiraii  in  rcNiM'rt  In  tlio  tii-aliiii'iit  .'Uvramlcr  rcrcivoil  at  tlio 
IiiiikIh  of  Iiih  raiitiii'M,  Tlicy  iiotli  wriito  at  tlio  Hanio  liiii«*,  and  at  ilili'd'cnt 
|ila(M>M,  ami  m'itlii>r  kmtw  what  llii<  nilicr  hail  wrilti-n.  OftiiiH  wi'  an'  imuiI'i- 
ilnit,  if,  iiM  \M>  nil'  assiiri'il,  ili<'ii>  was,  at  thiH  tiim>,  ralhi'r  a  niiNiimlri'NtamlinK 
iM'twi'i'ii  tlirNi'  twit  ii'vi'ii'ml  nntliiirM. 

This  alliiir  ran.xfil  Miiii-li  iwi-itniirnt,  ami,  JmlKiiif^  fVoiii  tho  writt'i'N  of  that 
(iim>,  parlinilarly  lliihbanl,  miiiio  rrrriiiiiiiatiiin  ii|iiiii  tlio  I'oiuliirt  of  tint  f{(>v- 
I'l'iiniriit  1)1'  I'liiiiiiiith,  liy  siiimt  nf  thi>  I'lii^linh,  wliii  wrii*  nion>  in  tlii>  liahit  of 
nsing  or  ri>i-ointiiriiiliii^  iniM  nirasiircs  toNMiriis  liiiliaiiM  than  tho  IMiinoiitli 
|>('o|il<<  ti|i|M'ar  to  havi>  liocn,  Hrcnis  to  liavo  liccn  imlnl^'il  in.  Alli'i*  thus 
pri'iiiisiiij;,  wi'  will  ntlir  tlio  ilocinnriit,  which  in  u  li'tlor  written  l»v  tho  Itcv. 
John  Cotlun,  of  I'liinoiith,  to  Dr.  /.  Mtillin;  ami  now  priiitod  hy  JmV*'  Itnvis, 
in  his  I'lliiioii  of  .Mortini'H  IMcniorial.  'riu-ri'  iH  no  ilaic  to  it,  at  IniHt  tho  rditor 
ivi's  mini' ;  hilt  it'll  .vi'ro  writtrii  in  answor  to  ono  IVoin  l\lr.  Mnthrr  to 
ini,  drsiring  inforinnlion  on  that  liriu';,  datod  '21h\  April,  I(l77,f  we  may 
eomliiilo  it  was  ahout  thi.siiiiii' ;  hut  Mr.  .l/«//if/',»  "  IJolation  "  would  not  liad 
IIM  to  siijiposo  that  ho  was  in  posH-N^ion  ot'  hiii-Ii  inforniation,  nnd,  llirrc- 
lor<<,  he  oiliior  was  not  in  possrsMion  of  it  wlirn  he  piihliNlicd  his  aci-oiint,  or 
that  li<>  had  other  Irstiiiiony  whirh  invalidated  it. 

'I'lie  letter  liegiiiM,  "INIajor  Hrai/Jhrd,  [who  >vas  with  Mr.  UvtJilow  when 
.//f,n»(i(/rr  was  Mirprisid,]  eoiilidenlly  asMires  me,  that  in  the  narrative  (A- 
^Wi  .nr «(//•(>  t  tJiere  mi'  many  mislykes,  and,  fearing  leHt  yon  ulionld,  through 
misint'ormation,  print  some  misialiis  on  that  s.ihjeel,  from  his  month  I  this 
writiv  Ki'iMirtH  lH>iiig  here  that  .llixitinkr  was  plotting  or  privy  to  plots, 
iigainst  the  Mnglisli,  authority  sent  lo  him  to  eonu*  down,  lie  eame  not. 
\\'lierenpon  Major  /riiw/oie  was  sent  to  titeli  him.  Major  linvl/'onl,  with 
some  ollieix,  went  wilh  him.  At  Mimponset  Itiver,  a  pliiee  not  many  miles 
Jience,  they  tiiimd  .//(.iim</(r  with  alioiit  eight  men  and  sundry  siiiiaws.  lie 
was  there  ahout  getting  eaiioes.  Iii<  and  his  men  weri>  at  hreakfast  under 
their  siieiior,  their  guns  heing  wiihont.  They  saw  the  Mnglish  eoming,  hut 
eoiitinued  eating;  and  Mr.  h'iii.sloii'  telling  their  liusiness,  .7/cr«m/fr,  freely 
and  readily,  w  itiiout  the  leiisl  hesilaney,  eonsented  to  go,  giving  his  n-asoii 
why  lie  eame  not   to  the  eoiirt   helore,  vi/.,  Iteeause  he   waited  for  (Captain 


i! 


i' 


-.■         -  -  .   •  — .  - - ^1'^ 

imiil\i  it't\irn  I'rom  the  Dnieli,  heing  desirous  to  speak  with  him  fii"st.  They 
lnMiiglit  him  to  Mr.  l\tlliii\i  that  ilay,  luul  (lovernor  Prinri  living  remote  at 
I'lastiiam,  those  I'ew  magislrates  who  were  at  hand  issued  the  matter  peaee- 
.'ihl\,  and  immediately  dismissed  .Ur.ritndrr  to  return  home,  wliieli  he  did 
iiari  o|' the  \miv  ;  lull,  in  two  or  three  ilajs  idler,  he  returned  and  went  to 
lajor  "  tfi.t/(ia'V  house,  inti-nding  tlieiiee  to  tntvel  into  the  Invf  and  so  home  ; 
Imt,  at  the  major's  house,  he  was  laken  very  siek,  and  was,  hy  water,  eoii- 
\e\ed  lo  Major  /?/ii(//'(iri/',«,  and  thence  carried  upon  the  sliouldei-s  of  his  men 
to  I'ethqnei  Itiver,  and  (hence  in  canoes  home,  and,  ahout  two  or  three  dayei 
al\er,  died." 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  there  is  error  somewhere,  and  it  would  he  very  sat- 
isl'aclory  if  we  coiilil  i-nise  it  t'lMiii  our  history  ;  hut,  at  present,  we  art-  ahle 
only  to  agitjite  il,  and  wait  for  the  I'lirther  discovery  of  dociimenis  hefore 
,Uixanda's  true   history  can  he   given  ;  and  to  tiiis|»'ud  judgment,  although 

pnMiiisiiic  Ik  rfluni  nifiiiii  if  lie  rorovereil.  iiml  Id  snul  lii*  sun  n«  liosini>v  till  lie  roiiM  so  do. 
4>ii  lliHt  rousiiliTiilioii.   Iw  w«<  Inirlv   disiiii'isoil,  luit  ilii'il  lu'lnrc  In- i(ol  linll'wuv  lioim'."— 

'  Il  i«  a  (Illy  llim  iiu-li  an  al>l<>  liKturian  ilh  O'r.tli.inw  slioiiM  not  havu  Imtm  in  ixmi-nion  of 
olhor  aiithi>riri<*«  ii|h<ii  lliin  nialUT  lluiii  llioso  wlui  liavi<  ropicil  from  llio  almvo.    sot'  hi)  Ihtt. 

♦  S«'<'  hiv  Moimwiiil.  'im. 

t  A  paiH-r  ilra«n  ii|>  l>y  ilio  antliKrilicj  ol  I'tiinonlli.  ami  now.  1  IM-Iievc,  nmnni;  llip  MS9. 
ill  iiH<  littiiiry  of  ili«  Ifiti.  ^SiK'.  i>/ Miiis.    Tliiii  wax,  )irol>ttl>ly,  Mr.  Ilnhb^ud't  aiitliority. 


(KOOK    III. 

liiH  iM-iiig 


<;ilAP.    I] 


HASHAMON 


9 


r/()i()  wlicii 

lITUtivo    (li- 

il,  tliroiiKit 
nth  i  this 
'  lo  plots, 
canic  not. 
(/hnl,  witli 
liny  niilcH 
iiws.  lie 
iist  uiiilcr 
iiiii%  lint 
In;  i'wrh 
is  n'MMiii 
(^niitain 
«.     Thry 

I'llKltc"    lit 

IT    lll'IICC- 

'     Im>   (li.l 

Willi    to 

o  lionii>; 

lIlT,  COIl- 

liis  inrii 
li't'  iliivs 


Nom«  timy  readily  dccido  that  tho  cvidi^ncn  m  in  favor  of  tho  old  printed 
uri-oiintH,  It  iH  the  hiiHincHH  of  u  hiHtorian,  when;  u  point  ifl  in  dispute,  to 
exhihit  exiHting  evidence,  and  l<;t  the  reiidiT  make  n^i  hw  own  judgment. 

We  are  ubie,  from  the  fimt  extract  given  u^)on  this  head,  to  limit  the  time 
of  hiH  Hacli  tmuhip  to  a  portion  of  tho  year  1(j62. 

It  will  huvH  appeare(l  alreatly,  tliut  enough  had  transpired  to  inflame  tho 
mitidH  of  the  IndianH,  and  (jHpecially  that  of  tho  sachem  Philip,  if,  indeed, 
the  evidence  adduced  he  coiiHidered  valid,  regarding  the  blamablitntKH  of  the 
EiigliMh.  NevfirtheleBs,  our  n(!Xt  ftJep  onward  will  more  fulJy  develop  the 
caimeH  of  Philip'H  d(!e[i-rooied  anitrlo^>iti(!i). 

We  com«  now  to  Hpeak  <»f  .lonn  Sahhamon,  who  deserves  a  particular 
notice; ;  more  espei^ially  as,  irom  several  nianuwrripts,  we  are  able  not  only  to 
correct  some  important  rrrors  in  former  histories,  hut  to  give  a  more  minute 
account  of  a  charaitter  which  must  always  be  notici;d  in  entering  upon  the 
study  of  this  part  of  our  history.  Not  that  he  would  otherwise  ditmand 
more  notici^  than  many  of  his  brethren  almost  silently  jNissed  over,  hut  ibr  his 
agency  in  bringing  iilMiiit  a  war,  tin;  inter(>st  of  which  mcreosi^s  in  proportiim 
as  time  curries  us  from  its  i)eriu(l. 

John  Sastanion  was  ii  subjecit  of  Philip,  on  unstable-tnindiHl  fellow  ;  and, 
living  in  the  neighborhood*  of  the  lOnglish,  iHicame  a  convert  to  Christianity, 
learntMl  their  language,  and  was  able  to  read  and  write,  and  had  translateil 
some  of  the  Itible  into  Indian.  Jdring  rather  insinuating  and  artful,  he  wils 
eniployiMl  to  teach  his  countrymen  at  Natick,  in  the  capacity  of  a  scliool- 
master.  How  long  iiefori!  the  war  this  was,  is  not  mentioned,  hut  must  liavi; 
bt'cn  about  KKIO,  as  hi!  was  Phili/>\H  secreUiry,  or  interpreter,  in  KKK,  and  this 
was  all(>r  he  had  become  a  Christian,  lie  h^il  the  Knglish,  from  some  dislike, 
and  went  to  reside  with  AUiandtr,  and  afterwards  with  Philip,  who,  it  ap- 
pears, employi;d  liiiu  on  uccuunt  of  his  leariung.  Always  restfess,  Sajsoinon 
did  not  remain  long  w\iU  Philip  Ix^fore  he  returned  again  to  tlic  English  ;  "and 
he  miinifested  such  <!vid(;nt  signs  of  itmentaiicn,  us  that  he  was,  after  his  re- 
turn from  pagan  Philip,  reconciled  to  tlie  praying  Indians  and  bui)ti/,ed,  and 
received,  as  a  memlier,  into  one  of  the  Indian  cliurcheH ;  yea,  and  employed 
as  an  iiisinictor  amongst  them  every  herd's  day."t 

Previous  to  the  war,  we  presume  in  the  winter  of  1()72,  Saaaamon  wos  stmt 
to  preach  to  the  Naniuskets,t  and  other  Indians  of  Middli^borough,  who,  at 
tills  time,  were  very  numerous.  The  famous  WcAmpcuiidn  was  then  tho 
chill*  of  this  region  and  who  appears  to  have  b(!en  disposed  to  encuiiiragi^ 
the  new  religion  taught  by  Sasnamon,  For,  in  1()74,  he  gave  him  a  tract  of 
land  near  his  own  resiih-uce,  to  induce  iiim  to  remain  among  his  people.  The 
tWi\  of  gift  of  this  land  was,  no  doiilit,  drawn  by  Suaaanwn,  and  is  in  thuse 
words : — 

"  Know  nil  men  by  these  jtresents,  that  I,  Old  fValuapaquin,  doe  graiiiit 
Milo  John  Siuattmoit,  allies  It'ajmaaoman,  '27  iiciih-s  of  land  for  a  home  lott  at 
AssowniiiMett  iieeke.  This  is  my  gift,  giiieil  to  him  the  said  John  S(Uisniiwn, 
l>v  me  the  said  H'iiluiipn<jHin,  in  Anno  1(»7;{,  [or  1074,  if  between  1  Jan.  and 
•J.-)  Mnrrh.) 

<)i,n  WATUsi'AiiUi.N  (|5         hia  markf. 

Wii.i.iAM  Tiir*PA(iuiN      nV       hia  marke. 
Witness,  alsoe,  Nankiikunt  ^S     -|-     hia  iiuirke.'" 

As  II  finllier  inducement  for  .S'(t.Mrtmo«  to  settle  here,  OW  Tuapwpiin  and 
his  son  deeded  to  Pilix,  an  Indian  who  married  Saaaavion^a  daugnter,  .W  and 
nil  half  acres  of  land;  as  "a  lionu^  lott,"  also.  This  deed  was  dated  II 
iMardi,  Kl/M,  (».  S.,  wiiicb  doubtless  was  done  at  the  same  time  with  the  other. 


«  "  riii«  ftiinmunim  wn»  liv  liirlli  ii  Mn«-iiirliii8cll,  liiii  fallicr  and  mollicf  livinjr  in  Donlirslcr, 

III  llii'\  IkiIIi  (lint  ("liriilMiis.  " — /.  .]ftitiir. 

♦  .1/.1'',,'/'..  Kfliiii.iii.  71. 

I  *riie  inliiiMlnnls  nl'ilii'  |il.iii>  call  il  .\,iiin.-k'l.     In  ilie  rciiirils,  it  i^  hIiikisI  nlwnyi  wrilicn 

^  !*iw\l  also  .1/cw  'i.'/t.V. 


nni 


I 


!l^ 


10 


SASSAMON. 


[Book  III. 


Tills  daughter  of  Scasamon  was  called  by  the  English  name  Betty,*  but  her  orig- 
inal name  was  Asso  wetough.  To  his  son-in-law,  S(usaTnon  gave  his  land,  by  a 
kind  of  will,  which  he  wrote  himself,  not  long  before  his  death ;  probably 
about  the  time  he  became  tired  of  his  new  situation,  which  we  suppose  was  also 
about  the  time  that  he  discovered  the  design  of  Philip  and  his  captains  to 
bring  about  their  war  of  extermination. 

Old  Tuspaquin,  as  he  called  himself,  and  his  son,  not  only  confirmed  Sasaa- 
man's  will,  nut  about  the  same  time  made  a  bequest  themselves  to  his  daugh- 
ter, which,  they  say,  was  "  with  the  consent  of  all  the  chiefFe  men  of  Asso- 
wamsett."  This  deed  of  gift  from  them  was  dated  23  Dec.  1673.  It  was  of 
a  neck  of  land  at  Assowamsett,  called  Nahteawamet.  The  names  of  some 
of  the  places  which  bounded  this  tract  wore  Mashquomoh,  a  swamp,  Sason- 
kususett,  a  pond,  and  another  large  pond  called  Chupipoggut.  Tobias,  Old 
Thomas,  Pohonoho,  and  Kankunukt,  were  upon  this  deed  as  witnessts. 

Felix  served  the  English  in  Philip's  war,  and  was  living  in  1679,  in  which 
year  Governor  ffijwtotc  ordered,  "that  all  such  lands  as  were  formerly /oAn 
Sassamon's  in  our  colonic,  shall  be  settled  on  Fdix  his  son-in-law,"  and  to  re- 
main his  and  his  heirs  "  foreiier."  Felixes  wife  survived  him,  and  willed  her 
land  to  a  daughter,  named  Mercy.  This  was  in  1696,  and  Isacke  Wanno  wit- 
nessed said  will.  There  was  at  a  later  period  an  Indian  preacher  at  Titicutf 
named  Thomas  Felix,  perhaps  a  son  of  the  former.^  But  to  return  to  the 
more  immediate  subject  of  our  discourse. 

There  was  a  Sassaman,  or,  as  my  manuscript  has  it,  Sosomon,  known  to  the 
English  08  early  os  1637 ;  but  as  we  have  no  means  of  knowing  how  old  John 
Sassamon  was  when  he  was  murdered,  it  cannot  be  decided  with  probability, 
whether  or  not '  vere  he.  Tiiis  Sosomon,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  life  of  Sasaa- 
cus,  went  with  me  English  to  fight  the  Pequot?. 

Sassamon  acted  as  interpreter,  .witness  or  scribe,  as  the  case  required,  on 
many  occasions.  When  Philip  and  fVootonekanuske  his  wife,  sold,  in  1664, 
Mattapoisett  to  William  Brenton,  Sassamon  was  a  witness  and  interpreter. 
The  same  year  he  was  Philip^s  agent  "  in  settling  the  bounds  of  Acushenok, 
Coaksett,  ami  places  adjacent."  Again,  in  1665,  he  witnessed  the  receipt  of 
£10  paid  to  r'hilip  on  account  of  settling  the  bounds  the  year  before. 

There  was  a  Rowland  Sassamon,  who  I  suppose  was  the  brother  of  John. 
His  name  appears  but  once  in  all  the  manuscript  records  I  have  met  with,  and 
then  only  as  a  witness,  with  his  brother,  to  Philip's  deed  of  Mattapoisett, 
above  mentioned. 

The  name  Sassamon,  like  most  Indian  names,  is  variously  spelt,  but  the 
way  it  here  appears  is  nearest  as  it  was  understood  in  his  last  years,  judging 
from  the  records.  But  it  was  not  so  originally.  fVoosansaman  was  among 
the  first  modes  of  writing  it. 

This  detail  may  appear  dry  to  the  peneral  reader,  but  we  must  occasion- 
ally gratify  our  antiquarian  friends.    We  now  proceed  in  our  narrative. 

While  living  among  the  Naninskets,  Sassamon  learned  what  was  going 
forward  among  his  countrymen,  and,  when  he  was  convinced  that  their 
design  was  war,  W(>nt  inuiiediately  to  Plimouth,  and  communicated  hi«  dis- 
covery to  tiio  governor.  "Nevertheless,  his  informotioii," says  Dr. I. Maiher,^ 
"(because  it  had  an  Indian  original,  and  one  can  hardly  believe  them  when 
they  do  speak  the  truth,)  was  not  at  first  much  regarded." 

It  may  bo  noticed  hero,  that  at  this  time  if  any  Indian  appeared  friendly, 
all  Indians  wore  so  doclainied  ogainst,  that  scarcely  any  one  among  the  Eng- 
lish could  be  found  that  would  allow  that  an  Indian  coidd  be  faithfiil  or 
honest  in  any  afiiiir.  And  although  some  others  l)esidos  Sassamon  had  inti- 
iuat(<(l,  and  that  rather  strongly,  that  a  "rising  of  the  Indians"  was  at  hand, 
still,  as  Dr.  Mather  observes,  because  Inilians  said  so,  little  or  no  attention 

*  Tlip  rn;;lisli  sninplimrs  nildcd  her  siirimmp,  iiiul  lirnrc,  in  tli«  nrrounl  of  Mr.  tttnnel,  (1 
Col.  Mitss.  nisi  Siir.  ill.  1.)  Urttij  Siisemnir.  Tlic  nolril  pinro  now  railed  Hftly'.t  Neelt, 
ill  Miildlclxinmg;!!,  was  iiniued  froinlier.     In  nil.l,  lliere  were  eijriil  fnniilien  of  Indimii  there. 

t  ColiihUvul,  Krlrliiiiiiut,  IVhlinit,  Kfkfllinil,  Kilimt,  TeiglUtiquid,  Tttehqufi,  arc  tpell- 
ilizii  "flliis  iinino  ill  the  vnrioiis  liooks  niid  recordu  I  linve  rousiillcd. 

t  It.irkits's  Middleliiiroiicih.  in  I  Cfl.  Mum.  Iliit.  Soc.  iii.  IflO. 

^  Hfhtion  I'/Ihe  TroiMes,  iVo..  71, 


U- 


Cha^.  I.]     SASSAMON.— CAUSES  OF  THE  WAR  WITH  PHHJP. 


II 


was  pud  to  their  advic&.  Notwithstanding,  Mr.  Gookin,  in  his  MS.  history,* 
says,  that,  previous  to  the  war,  none  of  the  Christian  Indians  liad  "been 
juitty  charged,  either  with  unfaithfulness  or  treachery  towards  the  English." 
"  But,  on  the  contrary,  some  of  them  had  discovered  the  treachery,  particu- 
larly fValcut  the  ruler,  of  Philip  before  he  began  any  act  of  hostility."  In 
another  place  the  same  author  says,  that,  in  April,  1675,  WaiAan  "  came  to 
one  of  the  magistrates  on  purpose,  and  informed  him  that  he  had  ground  to 
fear  that  sachem  PhUip,  and  other  Indians  his  confederates,  intended  some 
mischief  shortly."  Again  in  May,  about  six  weeks  before  the  war,  he  came 
and  said  the  same,  admng  that  Philip's  men  were  only  waiting  for  the  trees 
to  get  leaved  out,  that  they  might  prosecute  their  design  with  more  effect. 
To  return  to  S<u$amon : 

In  the  mean  time,  some  circumstances  happened  that  gave  further  grounds 
of  suspicion,  that  war  was  meditated,  and  it  was  intended  that  messengers 
should  be  sent  to  PhUip,  to  gain,  if  possible,  the  real  state  of  the  case.  But 
before  this  was  effected^  much  of  the  winter  of  1674  had  passed  away,  and 
the  Rev.  Scuaamon  still  resided  with  the  Namaskets,  and  others  of  his 
countrymen  in  that  neighborhood.  And  notwithstanding  he  had  enjoined 
the  strictest  secrecy  upon  his  English  friends  at  Plimouth,  of  what  he  had 
revealed,  assuring  them  that  if  it  came  to  Philip's  knowledge,  he  should  be 
immediately  murdered  by  him,  yet  it  by  some  means  got  to  the  chiors 
knowledge,  and  Saaaatnon  was  considered  a  traitor  and  an  outlaw ;  and,  by 
the  laws  of  the  Lidians,  he  had  forfeited  his  life,  and  was  doomed  to  suffer 
death.  The  manner  of  effecting  it  was  of  no  consequence  with  them,  so 
long  as  it  was  brought  about,  and  it  is  probable  that  Philip  had  ordered  any 
of  his  subjects  who  might  meet  with  him,  to  kill  hiin. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1675,  Saaaamon  was  missing,  and,  on  search  J>eing 
made,  his  body  was  found  in  Assawomset  I'ond,  in  Mlddleborough.f  Those 
that  killed  him  not  caring  to  be  known  to  the  English,  left  his  hut  and  gun 
upon  the  ice,  that  it  might  be  supposed  that  he  had  drowned  himself;  but 
from  several  marks  upon  his  body,  and  the  fact  that  his  neck  was  broken, 
it  was  evident  he  had  been  murdered.  I  Several  persons  were  suspected, 
and,  upon  the  information  of  one  called  Patuckson,  Tobias  §  one  of  Philip's 
counsellors,  his  son,  and  MattaShinnamy,  were  apprehended,  tried  by  a  jury, 
consisting  of  half  Indians,!  ^^^  in  June,  1675,  Were  all  executed  at  Plimouth; 
"  one  of  them  before  his  execution  confessing  the  murder,"  but  the  other 
two  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  act,  to  their  last  breath.  The  truth  of 
their  guilt  may  reasonably  be  called  in  question,  if  the  circumstance  of  the 
bleeding  of  the  dead  body  at  the  approach  of  the  murderer,  had  any  influence 
upon  the  jury.  And  we  are  fearful  it  was  the  case,  for,  if  the  most  learned  wore 
misled  by  such  hallucinutions  in  those  days,  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  the 
more  ignorant  were  free  from  them.  Dr.  Increaae  Mather  wrote  within  two 
years  of  the  affair,  and  he  has  this  passage :  "  When  Tobias  (the  suspected 
murderer)  came  near  the  dead  body,  it  fell  a  bleeding  on  fresn,  as  if  it  had 
been  newly  slain ;  albeit,  it  was  buried  a  considerable  time  befbre  that."  % 

Nothing  of  this  part  of  the  story  is  upon  record  amon^  the  manuscripts, 
as  we  can  find,  but  still  we  do  not  question  the  authenticity  of  Dr.  Maihtr^ 
who,  we  believe,  is  the  first  that  printed  an  account  of  it  Nor  do  the 
records  of  Plimouth  notice  Saaaamon  until  some  time  afler  his  death.  The 
first  record  is  in  these  words :    "  The  court  seeing  cause  to  require  the  per- 


*  Not  vet  nu'.>li9hed,  but  is  now,  (April,  \23fi,)  prinlinji;  with  notes  by  the  autiior  of  thia 
work,  under  the  direction  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society.  It  will  form  a  labtinK  monu- 
ment of  one  nf  the  best  men  of  those  days,  The  author  was,  as  Mr.  £/io(  expresses liimself, 
"  a  nillnr  in  our  Indian  work."    He  died  in  Ifi87,  aged  7A. 

t  some  wouhl  like  to  know,  perhaps,  on  what  nuthority  Mr.  Orahamt  {Hist,  N.  Amer.  i. 
40(.)  statca  thiit  Situtamon't  body  uias/ound  in  a  field. 

X  Qookirit  M8.  Hint,  of  Christian  IndiaiN.  This  author  says,  "  Battamand  was  the  first 
Christian  martyr,"  and  that  "  it  is  evident  he  suffered  death  upon  the  account  of  his  Christian 
profession,  and  tidclily  to  the  En^Tish." 

J  His  Indian  name  was  Poegapannmoo. 
M(ithfr'.n  ItflRtlim,  74.    Jud^o  Dami  retains  the  same  account,  (Morton'*  Memorial, 
,)  which  we  shall  presently  show  to  be  erroneous. 
H  Mathtr's  Relation,  76. 


13 


SASSAMON. 


[Book  III. 


(         !■ 


sonol  appearance  of  an  Indian  called  Tobias  before  the  court,  to  make  fur- 
ther answer  to  such  jnterrogatories  as  shall  be  required  of  him,  in  reference 
to  the  sudden  and  violent  death  of  an  Indian  called  John  Saasamon,  late 
deceased."    This  was  in  March,  1674,  O.  S. 

It  appears  that  Tobias  was  present,  although  it  is  not  so  stated,  from  the 
fact  that  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  WUliam  entered  into  bonds  of  £100  for  tlie 
appearance  of  Tobias  at  the  next  court  in  June  following.  A  mortgage 
of  land  was  taken  as  security  for  the  £100. 

June  having  arrived,  three  instead  of  one  are  arraigned  as  the  murderers 
of  Saasamon.  There  was  no  intimation  of  any  one  but  Tobias  being  guilty 
at  the  previous  court.  Now,  Wampapaqiuin,  the  son  of  Tobias,  and  Matta- 
ahunannamo  *  are  arraigned  with  hmi,  and  the  bill  of  indictment  runs  as  fol- 
lows :  "  For  that  bein*  accused  that  they  did  with  joynt  consent  vpon  the 
29  of  January  ann"  1674,  [or  1675,  N.  S.]  att  a  place  caWed  ^ssowamsett  Pond, 
wilfully  and  of  sett  purjwse,  and  of  mallice  fore  thought,  and  by  force  and 
armes,  murder  John  Sassamon,  an  other  Indian,  by  laying  violent  hands  on 
him,  and  striking  him,  or  twisting  his  necke  vntill  hee  was  dead ;  and  to  hyde 
and  conceale  this  theire  said  murder,  att  the  tyme  and  place  afbresiiid,  did 
cast  his  dead  body  through  a  hole  of  the  iyce  into  the  said  pond." 

To  this  they  pleaded  "  not  guilty,"  and  put  themselves  on  trial,  say  the 
records.  The  jury,  however,  were  not  long  in  finding  tliem  guilty,  wliich 
they  express  in  these  words :  "Wee  of  the  jury  one  and  all,  both  English 
and  Indians  doe  joyntly  and  with  one  consent  agree  upon  a  verdict" 

Upon  this  they  were  immediately  remanded  to  prison,  "  and  from  thence 
[taken]  to  the  place  of  execution  and  there  to  be  hanged  by  the  head  f  vntill 
theire  bodies  are  dead."  Accordingly,  Tobias  and  Mattashunannamo  were 
executed  on  the  8  Jime,  1675.  "  But  the  said  Wampapaquan,  on  some  con- 
siderations ^vas  reprieued  until  a  month  be  expired."  He  was,  however,  shot 
within  tlfe  month. 

It  is  an  error  that  tlie  jury  that  found  them  guilty  was  composed  of  half 
Indians ;  there  were  Mt  four,  while  there  were  twelve  Englishmen.  We 
will  again  hear  tlie  record :— - 

"Itt  was  judged  very  expedient  by  the  court,  thnt,  together  with  this 
English  jury  aboue  named,  some  of  the  most  indiU'ercntest,  grauest  and 
Ba^e  Indians  sho<dd  be  admitted  to  be  with  the  said  jury,  and  to  healp  to 
consult  and  aduice  with,  of,  and  concerning  the  premises:  there  names 
are  as  followoth,  viz.  one  called  by  an  English  name  Hope,  and  Maakippague, 
Wannoo,  Georgt  Wampyt  and  Acanootus;  these  fully  concurred  with  the 
jury  in  theire  verdict." 

The  names  of  the  jui*ymen  were  William  Sabine,  WUliam,  Crocker,  Edward 
Siurgia,  WUliam  lirookea,  JVatk',  Winslow,  John  Wadaioorthj  Andrew  Ringe, 
Robert  Vixon,  John  Done,  Jon\  Bangs,  Jon".  Shaw  and  Benj\  Higgins. 

That  nothing  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  important  affair  be  passed 
over,  we  will  here  add,  from  a  hitherto  exceeding  scarce  tract,  the  following 
particulars,  although  some  parts  of  them  are  evidently  erroneous :  "  About 
five  or  six  years  since,  there  was  brought  up,  amongst  others,  at  the  college 
at  Cambridge,  (Mass.)  an  Indian,  named  Soaomon ;  who,  after  some  time  he 
had  spent  in  preaching  the  gosjiel  to  Uncaa,  a  sagamore  Christian  in  his  ter- 
ritories, was,  by  tlie  authority  of  New  Plimouth,  sent  to  preach  in  like  man- 
ner to  King  Philip,  aixl  his  Indians.  But  King  PhUip,  (heathen-like,) 
instead  of  receiving  the  gospel,  would  immediately  have  killed  this  Sosomon, 
but  by  the  persuasion  of  some  about  him,  did  not  do  it,  but  sent  him  by  the 
hands  of  three  men  to  prison ;  who,  as  he  was  going  to  prison,  exhorted 
and  taught  them  in  the  Christian  religion.  They,  not  liking  his  discourse, 
immediately  murthered  him  afler  a  most  barbarous  manner.  They,  return- 
ing to  King  Philip,  acquainted  him  with  what  they  had  done.  About  two 
or  three  months  afler  this  murther,  being  discovered  to  the  authority  of 


•  The  same  called  McUtiuhinnamy.    His  name  in  the  recordf  ii  spell  four  ways. 

t  Thii  (lid  phraseolojjy  reminds  us  of  the  Frenrh  mode  of  expression,  couptr  It  eou,  ihat  is, 
to  cut  off  the  nerlt  instead  of  the  head  ;  but  the  French  say,  il  ifra  pendu  par  son  cou,  and  lo 
do  modern  hangmen,  a\'\A»Juriitt,  of  our  times. 


[Book  III. 

make  fur- 
n  reference 
samon,  late 

d,  from  the 
100  for  the 
i  mortgage 

murderers 

eing  guilty 

md  Matta- 

runs  as  fol- 

t  vpon  the 

tMett  Pond, 

y  force  and 

t  hands  on 

md  to  hyde 

Dresaid,  did 
> 

rial,  say  the 
lilty,  which 
th  English 
ict" 

om  thence 
lead  f  vntill 
namo  were 
some  con- 
wever,  shot 

ied  of  half 
tmen.    We 


i; 


:  with  this 
frauest  and 
to  healp  to 
lere  names 
'askippague, 
i  with  the 

ier,  Edward 
'rew  Ringe, 
ins. 
be  passed 
e  following 
B :  "  Aboiit 
the  college 
ue  time  he 
I  in  his  ter- 
[)  like  man- 
othen-like,) 
lis  Sosomon, 
him  by  the 
n,  exhorted 
I  discourse, 
ley,  return- 
About  two 
utbority  of 


It  eou,  that  i«, 
in  cou,  and  lo 


m 


I'll  I L  L  ir  n  liii  s  3IT.TA('<>3I  BT  of  Pokaiiokct . 

Eili/rtllvJ  lii'lii  lite  •■ri:/uiii/  ii.i  t'liNishi'it  In  '/in/;// 


Chaf.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP 


13 


New  Plimouth,  Josiah  Winslow  being  then  governor  of  that  colony,  care  was 
taken  to  find  out  the  murtherers,  wlio,  iipon  search,  were  foniid  and  appre- 
hended, and,  after  a  fair  trial,  were  all  hanged.  This  so  exasperated  King 
Philip,  that,  from  that  day  after,  he  studied  to  be  revenged  on  the  English- 
judging  that  the  English  authority  had  nothing  to  do  to  hang  an  Indian  for 


killing  another."  * 


-«###« 


V 


'       ■   ■  CHAPTER  II.  •  '^      '  i 

Life  of  KING  PHILIP — His  real  vame — The  name  of  his  wife — Makes  fret^ent 
sales  of  his  lands — Account  of  them — His  first  treaty  at  Plimouth — Expedition  to 
Jt'antucket — Events  of  1671 — Begins  the  WAR  of  1675— f Vr«t  acts  of  hostility-r- 
Sicamp  Fight  at  Pocasset — Narroioly  escapes  out  of  his  own  country — is  pursued 
hy  Oneko — Fight  at  Rehohotk  Plain — Cuts  off  a  company -of  English  under  Captain 
Beers — Incidents — Fight  at  Sugar-loaf  HiU,^iid  destruction  of  Captain  Lathrop's 
company — Fights  the  English  under  Mosely — English  raise  1500  m^n — Philip 
retires  to  J^arraganset—Strongly  fortifies  himself  in  a  great  sioamp — Description 
of  his  fortress — English  march  to  attack  him — The  great  Fight  at  J^ar.ragansct — 
Again  flies  his  country —  Visits  the  Mohaioks — Hi-devised  stratagem — Events  of  1676 
— Returns  again  to  Ids  country — Reduced  to  a  wretched  condition— Is  hunted  by  Church 
— His  chief  counsellor,  Akkompoin,  hilled,  and  his  sister  captured — His  wife  and  son 
fall  into  the  liands  of  Church — Flifs  to  Pokanoket — Is  surprised  and  slain. — Specir 
men  of  the  Wampmwag  Language — Other  curious  matter.' 

In  regard  to  the  native  or  Indian  name  of  Philip,  it  seems  a  mistake  has  al? 
ways  prevailed,  in  printed  accounts.  Pometacom  gtVes  as  near  Its  Indian  sound 
as  can  be  approached  by  our  letters.  The  firet  syllable  was  dropped  in  familiar 
discourse,  and  hencq,  in  a  short  time,  no  one  imagined  but  what  it  had  alwaj'S 
been  so  ;  in  nearly  every  original  deed  executed  by  him,  which  we  have  seen, 
and  they  are  many,  his  name  so  appears.  It  is  true  that,  in  those  of  different 
years,  it  is  spelt  with  some  little  variation,  all  which,  however,  conveyed  very 
nearly  the  same  sound.  The  variations  are  Pumatacom,  PaniatacoM,  Pometd' 
come,  and  Pometacom;  the  last  of  which  prevails  in  the  records. 

We  have  another  important  discovery  to  communicate :  f  it  is  no  other  than' 
the  name  of  the  wife  of  Pometacom — the  innocent  Wootonekaitoske  !  This 
was  the  name  of  her  who,  with  her  little  son,  fel!  into  the  hands  of  Captain 
Church.  No  wonder  that  Phiiip  was  "  now  ready  to  die,"  as  some  of  his  trai- 
torous men  told  Church,  and  that  «  his  heart  was  now  ready  to  break ! "  All 
that  was  dear  to  him  was  now  swallowed  up  in  the  vortex !  But  they  still 
lived,  and  this  most  harrowed  his  soul— lived  for  what  ?  to  serve  rfs  slaves  in 
an  unknown  land !  could  it  be  otherwise  than  that  madness  should  seize  xipoo 
him,  and  despair  torment  him  in  every  place  ?  that  in  his  sleep  he  should  hear 
tlic  anguishing  cries  and  lamentations  qf  fVooton^ntula  and  his  sou  ?  But 
we  must  change  the  scene. 

It  seems  as  though,  for  mamr  years  before  the  war  of  1675,  Pametacom,  and 
nearly  all  ofliis  people  sold  off  tneir  lands  as  fast  as  purchasers  presented  them- 
st'lveA  They  saw  the  prosperity  of  the  English,  and  they  were  just  such  phi- 
losophers as  ore  easily  captivated  by  any  show  of  ostentation.  They  were  fbrsa- 
king  their  manner  of  life,  to  which  the  proximity  of  the  whites  was  a  deadly 
poison,  and  wen-  < -tiger  to  obtain  such  things  as  their  neighbors  possessed  ;  these 
were  only  to  be  obtained  by  parting  with  their  lands.  That  the  reader  may 
forjn  some  idea  of  the  rapidity  with  which  the  Indians'  lands  in  Plimouth 
colony  were  disposed  of,  we  add  tlie  following  items  :— 

— 1 ; ' ■ '  '      '  .  '  '  I  »■ 

•  Present  Stale  of  New  England,  by  a  mcrrlmnt  of  noston,  in  rerptct  t(i  the  preient 
Btooilij  Indlitn  Wars,  page  8,  folio,  Ijondon,  1676.  This,  with  four  other  tracts  npon 
Philip's  Wau,  (covering  the  wLole  period  of  it,  with  notes  by  myself,  accompanied  by  a 
CHnoNfir.ofiV  of  all  Imlinn  ovcnis  in  Aniorica  from  its  discovery  to  the  present  time,  (March 
7lh,  I83(>,)  lias  jusi  Ix-on  pnlilislicd  niidcr  iJic  liilc  of  the  Oi.n  Indian  Ciikoniclk. 

t  The  aiillmr  fci'ls  ii  |ii'i'iiliiir  salisfiidioii  timl  it  1ms  fallen  to  his  lot  to  be  the  first  to  publish 
the  rea<  iianii!  of  Uie  greni  aaeheni  of  the  VVnnipanongs,  and  also  that  of  the  sharer  of  his 
perils,  tVoototiekiiniiske. 


14 


PHILIP.— SALES  OF  HIS  LANDS. 


[Book  IIL 


;l 


In  a  deed  dated  23  .Tunp,  l()f)4,  "  William  Brenton,  of  Newport,  R.  I.  nier- 
chaut,"  "  for  a  valuable  coiiaideration  "  paid  l)y  him,  buys  Matapoisett  of  Philip. 
Tliis  deed  begins,  "  I,  Pumatacom  alias  Philip,  chief  sachem  of  Mount  Hope, 
CowBnrni)8it  and  of  ail  torritorios  thereunto  belonging."  Philip  and  liis  wife 
botb  nigiied  this  deed,  and'  Tockonwclc,  Wecopauhim,*  JVesetaqiiason^  Pomprt- 
(masc,  Jlpeminiate,  Taqunnksickc,  Paqiwnack,  JVatapatahuc,  Jlquttaquish,  John 
Sassamon  the  interfircKir,  Rowland  Sasaamon,  and  two  Englishmen,  signed  as 
witnesses. 

In  1665,  he  sold  the  country  about  Acushena,  [now  New  Bedford,]  and 
Coaxet,  [now  in  Corn|)ton.]  Philip's  father  having  iireviously  sold  some  of 
the  same,  £10  was  now  given  him  to  prevent  any  claim  iroiu  hiui,  and  to  pay 
for  his  marking  out  the  same.  John  noosansman  [one  of  the  names  of  Sassa- 
mon] witnessed  this  deed. 

Tne  sanit;  year  the  court  of  Plimouth  presented  Philip  with  a  horse,  but  on 
what  account  we  are  not  infarmed. 

In  1662,  Wrenthani  was  purchased  of  Philip  by  the  English  of  Dedhain. 
It  was  then  called  WoUomonovoag,  and,  by  the  amount  assessed,  appears  to  have 
coit  £24  10».,  and  was  six  mites  square.  For  this  tract  of  land  the  English  had 
lieen  endeavoring  to  negotiate  five  yeara.f  "  In  Nov.  1669,  u|)on  notice  oi' Philip, 
Sagamore  of  Mount  Hope,  now  at  WoUomonopoag,  offering  a  ti-eaty  of  his  lamls 
thereabouts,  not  yet  purchased,"  the  selectmen  appoint  five  persons  to  negotiate 
with  him  "  for  his  remaining  right,  provided  he  can  show  that  he  has  any."  J 
Wiietber  his  right  were  questionable  or  not,  it  seems  a  purchase  was  made,  at 
that  time,  of  the  tract  called  fVoollommonuppog^ie, "  witliin  the  town  bounds  [of 
Dedhom]  not  yet  purchased."  What  the  full  consideration  was,  our  documents 
do  not  state,  but  firom  a  manuscript  order  which  he  drew  on  Dedham  afterward?, 
and  the  accompanying  receipt,  some  estimate  may  be  fomied.  The  order  re- 
quests them  "to  pay  to  this  bearer,  J[6r  the  use  o/Kina  Phit.ip,  £5,  5.?.  in  money, 
and  £5  in  trucking  cloth  ai  money  price.^'  In  a  receipt  sigjied  by  an  agent  of 
Philip,  named  Peter,  the  following  amount  is  named :  "  In  reference  to  the  payment 
o/'KiNO  Phuip  q/*  Mount  Hope,  the  fuU  and  just  sum  of  £5,  5».  in  money,  and 
12  yards  of  trucking  cloth,  3  lbs.  of  powder,  and  as  much  lead  as  will  make  it  up  ; 
which  is  infull  satisfaction  with  £10  that  he  is  to  receive  ofJVathaniel  Paine.   § 

We  next  meet  with  a  singular  record  of  Philip,  the  authorship  of  which  we 
attribute  to  John  Sassamon,  and  whicli,  besides  extending  our  knowledge  of 
Philip  into  his  earlier  times,  serves  to  make  us  acquainted  with  Sassamon^s  ac- 
quirements in  the  language  of  the  pilgrims. 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  Philip  haue  giuen  power  vnto  Wa- 
tuchpoo  11  and  Sampson  and  theire  brethren  to  hold  and  make  sale  of  to  whom 
they  will  by  my  consent,  and  they  shall  not  haue  itt  without  they  be  willing  to 
lett  it  goe  it  shul  Im?  sol  by  my  consent,  but  without  my  knowledge  they  cannot 
safely  to :  but  witli  my  consent  there  is  none  that  can  lay  clainie  to  that  land 
which  they  hau'3  marked  out,  it  is  theires  foreuer,  soe  therefore  none  can  safely 
purchase  any  otherwise  but  by  JVatachpod  and  Sampson  and  their  bretheren. 

Philip  1666." 

Whether  the  following  letter  were  written  earlier  or  later  than  this  we  have 
no  moans  of  knowing ;  it  is  plain,  however,  from  its  contents,  that  it  was  written 
nt  a  tinu!  when  he  was  strongly  opposed  to  selling  his  lands,  and  that  the  peo- 
ple of  Plinronth  were  endeavoring  to  get  him  to  their  court,  where  tliey  had 
reason  to  believe  they  could  succeed  better  in  getting  them  than  by  a  negotia- 
tion in  his  own  country.    The  letter  follows: — 

"  To  the  much  honored  Oovemer,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince,  dwelling  at  Plimouth. 
**  King  Pifiiiip  desire  to  let  you  imderstand  that  he  could  not  come  to  the 
court,  for  T\m,  his  interpreter,  has  a  pain  in  his  back,  that  he  could  not  travil 

*  I'orluiss  UncotHnoin, 

t  Wormngton'g  liist.  Dodham,  20— from  which  work  it  would  seem  that  the  negotiation  had 
been  rarriod  on  wilh  Philip,  hut  I'Mlip  was  not  sacliem  until  this  year. 

t  Ibid. 

Q  General  Court  File*. 

II  Sometimes  Tukpoo  by  abbreviation.  A  further  account  of  him  will  be  found  in  the  life  of 
TcUoion. 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— SALES  OF  HIS  LANDS. 


16 


so  far,  and  Philip  sister  is  very  sick.  Philip  would  iutreat  that  favor  of  you, 
and  any  of  tlie  majestrats,  if  aney  English  or  Engiaus  speak  about  aney  land,  he 
pray  you  to  giue  them  no  ansewer  at  all.  This  last  summer  he  maid  that 
promis  with  you  that  he  would  not  sell  no  land  in  7  years  time,  for  that  he 
would  have  no  English  trouble  him  before  that  time,  he  has  not  forgot  tliat 
you  promis  him.  He  will  come  a  smie  as  posseble  he  can  to  speak  with  you, 
and  so  I  rest, 

your  very  loveing  friend 

Philip    p 
dwelling  at  mount  hope  nek."  * 

In  1667,  Philip  sells  to  Constant  Southworth,  and  others,  all  the  meadow 
lands  from  Dartmouth  to  Matapoisett,  for  which  he  had  £15.  Particular 
bounds  to  all  tracts  are  mentioned  in  the  deeds,  but  as  tliey  were  generally  or 
often  stakes,  trees,  and  heaps  of  stones,  no  one  at  this  time  can  trace  many  of 
them. 

The  same  year,  for  "  £10  sterling,"  he  sells  to  Thos.  WiUet  and  othere,  "  all 
that  tract  of  land  lying  between  the  Riuer  Wanascottaquelt  and  Cawatoquissett, 
being  two  miles  long  and  one  broad."  Pawsaquens,  one  of  Philip's  counsel- 
lors, and  Tom  alias  Sawsuttt,  an  interpreter,  were  witnesses  to  the  sale. 

In  1668, "  Philip  Pometacom,  and  Tatamumaque  f  alias  Cashtwasked,  sachems," 
for  a  "valuable  consideration,"  sell  to  sundry  Enghsh  a  tract  of  some  square 
miles.  A  part  of  it  was  adjacent  to  Pokanoket.  In  describing  it,  Memeuuck- 
quage  and  Towansett  neck  are  mentioned,  which  we  conclude  to  be  in  Swan- 
sey.  Besides  two  Englishmen,  Sompointeen,  alias  Tom,  and  .YananwUneto,  son 
of  Tliomas  Piants,  were  witnesses  to  this  sale. 

The  next  year,  the  same  sachems  sell  500  acres  in  Swansey  for  £20.  fVanueo, 
a  counsellor,  and  Tom  the  interpreter,  were  witnesses. 

In  16(58,  Philip  and  Uncompawen  laid  claim  to  apart  of  New-meadows  neck, 
alleging  that  it  was  not  intended  to  be  conveyed  in  a  former  deed,  by  Ossame- 
quin  and  Wammdta,  to  certain  English,  "  although  it  appears,  siws  the  record, 
pretty  clearly  so  exjiressed  in  said  deed,"  "  yet  that  peace  and  iriendship  may 
be  continued,"  "  Ca[)t.  Willet,  Mr.  Brown  and  John  Alkn,  m  thebehalf  of  them- 
selves and  the  rest,"  agree  to  give  Philip  and  Uncompawen  the  sum  of  £11  in 
goods. 

Philip  Nan'jSicooke  J  fcw  -ft  mark, 
VNcoMPAWtN  his  X  mark. 

Tom  Sansuwest,  interpreter,  ^ 

.4nrf  NlMROD.  •  ''  '. 

The  same  yeai-,  we  find  the  following  record,  which  is  doubly  interesting, 
from  the  plan  with  wiiich  we  are  able  to  accompany  it,  drawn  by  Philip  him- 
splf.  Hn  contracts  or  agrees,  by  the  following  writing  under  his  hand,  in  these 
words :  "  this  may  inform  the  honom-ed  court  [of  Plimouth,]  that  I  Philip  ame 
\viiiing  to  sell  the  land  within  this  draught ;  nut  the  Indians  that  are  vpon  it 
may  Hue  vpon  it  still ;  but  the  land  that  is  [waste]§  may  be  sould,  and  Waitach- 
poo  is  of  the  same  min<le.  I  have  sed  downe  all  the  principall  names  of  the 
liind  wee  arc  willing  should  bee  sould." 

"  From  Pacanaukett  Phillip  p  his  marke." 

the24ofthel2mo.  1668." 


*  1  Coll.  iMitss.  Hist.  Soc,  ii.  40.  The  original  was  owned  hy  a  Mr.  White  of  Plimouth, 
about  M  yours  ago.     It  is  probably  oiiotlior  pruiluctioii  of  John  Sassamon. 

t  VVritleii  ill  another  deed,  Atunfcamomake.  This  deed  was  in  the  next  ycBU".  It  was  of 
.500  acres  of  land, '•  more  or  Icssc,"  in  Swansey;  and  £20  the  consideration.  Hugh  Cole, 
Josiu.s  IVinslow,  John  CofrgcsluiU,  and  Constant  SoiUhworth  were  the  purchasers,  auaWanueo, 
a  counsellor,  one  of  the  witnesses. 

i  This  double  name,  we  suppose,  was  meant  to  stand  for  the  signature  of  liimself  and  wife. 

^  So  in  the  records. 


i 


Hi 


16 

Wanascohocheit. 


PHILIP.— SALES  OF  HIS  LANDS. 

Wewenset. 


[Book  IU. 


7\is  line  is  a  path. 


Scpa- 
conett. 


Ascopompamockc 


Panhanet. 

Patanlatonet. 

Ascoochames. 

Machapquake. 

Aponecett. 
This  is  a  path. 

Anequcassett. 

Cottoyowsekeesett. 


"  OsarAequen  "  haviug,  "  for  valuable  considerations,"  in  the  year  1641,  sold 
to  John  Brown  and  Edward  fVinslow  a  tract  of  laud  eight  miles  square,  situ- 
ated on  both  sides  of  Palmei-'s  River,  Philjv,  on  the  30  Mar.  1668,  was  re- 
quired to  sign  a  quit-claim  of  the  same.  This  he  did  in  presence  of  Umpta- 
kisoke,  Phillip,  and  Peebe,*  counsellors,  Sonconewhew,  Phillip's  brother,  and 
Tom  the  interpreter.!    This  tract  includes  the  present  town  of  Rehoboth. 

Also  in  1669,  for  £10  "  and  another  valuable  and  sufficient  gratuity,"  he  sella 
to  John  Cook  of  Akusenag  in  Dartmouth,^:  "one  whole  island  nere  the  towne," 
called  Nokatay. 

The  same  year,  PhiHp  and  Tuspaquin  sell  a  considerable  tract  of  land  in 
Middleborough,  for  £13.  Thomas  the  interpxeter,  WiUinm^  the  son  of  Tus- 
paquin, and  Benjamin  Church,  were  witnesses. 

In  1671,  Philip  and  "  Monjokam  of  Mattapoisett,"  for  £5,  sell  to  Hugh  Cole,  of 
Swansey,  shipwright,  land  lying  near  a  place  called  Acashewah,  in  Dartmouth. 

In  1672,  PhUip  sold  to  William  Brenton  and  others,  of  Taunton,  a  tract  to 
the  southward  of  that  town,  containing  twelve  square  miles,  for  £143;  and, 
a  few  days  after,  adjoining  it,  four  square  miles  more,  to  Constant  Sovlhworth, 
Others  were  concerned  in  the  sale  of  the  larger  tract,  as  is  judged  by  the 
deeds  being  signed  by  JSTunkampakoonett,  Umnathum,  alias  Nimrod,  Chee- 
maughton,  and  Captain  Annawam,  besides  one  Philip.  Thomas,  alias  Sank- 
suit,  was  among  the  witnesses.  The  sale  of  the  last  tract  was  witnessed  by 
Munashum,  alias  Nimrod,  Woackompawhan,^  and  Captain  Annowaru 

These  are  but  a  part  of  the  sales  of  land  by  Pometacom:  many  otlier  chiefs 
sold  very  largely,  particularly  If'atuspaquin  and  Josias  Wampaiuck. 

At  the  court  of  Plimouth,  1673,  "Mr.  Peter  Talmon  of  Rhode  Band  com- 
plained against  Philip  allies  fVeioasowanv£tt,  sachem  of  Mount  Hope,  brother 
or  predecessor  of  PakanawkcU  as  heire  adminnostrator  or  successor  vnto  his 
brother  or  predecessor  IVamsitta,  Sopaquitt,\\  or  Alexander  deceased,  in  an 
action  on  the  case,  to  the  damage  of  £800  forfeiture  of  a  bond  of  such  a  value, 
bearing  date,  June  the  28th,  ItKil,  giuen  to  the  said  Peter  Talman,  obliging 

*  Called,  in  Mr.  Iltibhard's  history,  TItehe ;  he  was  afterwards  killed  at  Swansey,  in  the 
hcgiiniiiig  of  the  war.     There  is  a  pond  in  NErraganset  of  the  same  name. 

t  Mr.  Bliss,  in  his  History  of  Rehoboth,  6i,  65,  has  printed  this  deed  from  the 
crigiiial. 

{  'l"he  place  where  Cook  lived  is  now  included  in  New  Bedford. 

^  rrol)al)ly  "  Philip's  old  unole  Akkompoin." 

i|  Tluit  is,  nicknamed  Alexander,  according  to  tin;  French  mode  of  expression;  ou  par  sobri- 
quel  Ak.rande  •,  as  I  imagine,  ftlr.  Hubbard  says  of  Philip,  (Narrative,  10,)  that,  ,"  for  his 
nni!)ilious  and  haughty  spirit,  [he  was]  nicknamed  King  Philip." 


Chap.  II]  PHILIP— MAKES  A  TREATY  AT  PLIMOUTH. 


17 


liiin  the  said  WamsUla  allies  Alexander  to  make  good  to  him,  his  heires  and  a 
deed  oi'giil  of  a  considerable  track  of  land  att  Sapowett  aud  places  adjacent, 
us  in  the  said  deed  is  more  particnlarly  expressed ;  for  want  wherof  the 
conipluinunt  is  greatly  danmifyed." 

Wliether  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  Plimouth  towards  Wamsvita, 
Pometacom'a  elder  brother,  and  other  neighboring  Indians,  made  them  always 
suspicious  of  the  chief  sachem,  as  it  had  their  neighbors  before  in  the  case 
of  Mianiunnonwh,  or  whether  Philip^  were  in  reality  "  contriving  mischief," 
the  same  year  of  his  coming  in  chief  sachem,  remains  a  question,  to  this  day, 
with  those  best  acquainted  with  the  histoiy  of  those  times. 

The  old  benevolent  sachem  MassasoU,  alias  IVoosamequin,  having  died  iu 
the  winter  of  1G61-2,  as  we  believe,  but  few  months-  after  died  also  Mexandcr, 
PhUip'a  elder  brother  and  predecessor,  when  Philip  himself,  by  the  order  of 
succession,  came  to  be  chief  of  the  Wampanoags. 

Philip  having  by  letter  complained  to  the  coiut  of  Plimouth  oi'  sojne  in- 
iuries,  at  their  October  term,  16G8,  they  say,  "  In  answer  unto  a  letter  from 
Philip,  the  sachem  of  Pokauokett,  &c.,  by  way  of  petition  requesting  the 
court  for  justice  against  Francis  IFaat,  [JVest,]  for  wrong  done  bv  him  to  one 
of  his  men  about  a  gun  taken  from  him  by  the  said  Wast;  a^  also  for  wrong 
done  unto  some  swme  of  the  said  Indian's.  The  court  have  ordered  the 
case  to  be  heard  and  determined  by  the  selectmen  of  Taunton  ;  and  in  case 
it  be  not  by  them  ended,  tliat  it  be  referred  unto  the  next  March  court  at 
Plimouth  to  be  ended."  How  t!io  case  turned  we  have  not  found.  But  for 
iui  Indian  to  gain  his  point  at  on  English  court,  unless  his  case  were  an  ex- 
ceeding strong  one,  was,  we  apprehend,  a  rare  occurrence. 

"He  was  no  sooner  styled  sachem,"  says  Dr.  /.  Mather,*  "but  immediately, 
in  the  year  1662,  there  were  vehement  suspicions  of  his  bloody  treachery 
against  the  English."  This  author  wrote  at  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  when 
very  few  could  speak  of  Indians,  without  discovering  gi-eat  bitterness.  Mr. 
Mortonj  is  the  first  who  mentions  Metacomet  in  a  printed  work,  which,  being 
before  any  difficulty  with  him,  is  in  a  more  becoming  manner.  "  This  year," 
(1662,)  he  observes, "  upon  occasion  of  some  suspicion  of  some  plot  intended 
|jy  the  Indians  against  the  English,  Philip,  the  sachem  of  Pokanoket,  other- 
wise called  Metacom,  tnade  his  appearance  at  the  court  held  at  Plimouth, 
August  6,  did  earnestly  desire  the  continuance  of  that  amity  and  friendship 
that  hath  formerly  been  between  the  governor  of  Plimouth  and  his  deceased 
father  and  brother." 

The  court  expressing  their  willingness  to  remain  his  friends,  he  signed  the 
articles  prepared  by  tlieni,  acknowledging  himself  a  subject  of  tlie  king  of 
England,  thus : — 

"  The  mark  of  "8  Phillip,  sachem 
of  Pocanakett, 
7^  mark  of  <]  Vncumpowett, 
vnkeU  to  the  ahoue  said  sachem.^ 

The  following  persons  were  present,  and  witnessed  this  act  o{  Philip,  and 
his  great  captain  Uncompoin : — 

"John  Sassamon, 
The  mark  V\  q/TiiANcia,  sachem  o/JSTaviMt, 
The  mark  DI  o/'Nimrod  alias  Puhfasa, 
The  mark  Tf  q/'PoNCKquANECK, 
TVte  mark  ^  q/'AquETEqcK8H."t 

Of  the  uneasiness  and  concern  of  tlie  English  at  this  period,  from  the 
hostile  movements  of  Philip,  Mr.  Hubbard,  we  presume,  was  not  informed ; 
or  so  important  an  event  would  not  liave  been  omitted  in  his  minute  aud 
valuable  history.  Mr.  Morton,  as  we  before  stated,  and  Mr.  Mather  mention 
it,  but  neither  of  these,  or  any  writer  since,  to  this  day,  has  made  the  matter 
appear  in  its  true  light,  from  their  neglect  to  produce  the  names  of  fhone 
that  appeared  with  the  sachem. 


*  Relation,  72.       f  Iu  his  N.  Ewlaud's  Memorial. 
8» 


X  From  tlie  records  in  manmcnpt. 


18 


PHILIP— PURSUIT  OF  GIBBS. 


[Book  in. 


For  about  nine  years  succeeding  1662,  very  little  is  recorded  concerning 
Philip.  During  this  time,  lie  became  more  intimately  acquainted  with  his 
English  neighbors,  learned  their  wejikness  and  his  own  strength,  which 
rather  increased  than  diminished,  until  his  fatal  war  of  1675.  For,  during 
this  period,  not  only  their  udditioual  numbers  gained  them  power,  but  their 
arms  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  English  instruments  of  war  put  into 
their  hands.  Roger  fVilliams  had  early  brought  the  Narragansets  into  friend- 
ship with  Moisasoil,  which  alliance  gained  additional  strength  on  the  acces- 
sion of  the  young  Metacomet.  And  here  we  may  look  for  a  main  cause  of  that 
war,  although  the  death  ofMexander  is  generally  looked  upon  by  the  early 
historians,  as  almost  the  only  one.  The  continual  broils  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  Narragansets,  (we  name  the  English  first,  as  they  were  generally 
tlie  aggressors,)  could  not  be  unknown  to  Philip ;  and  if  his  countrymen 
were  wronged  lie  knew  it.  And  what  friend  will  see  another  abused,  with- 
out feeling  a  glow  of  resentment  in  his  breast.'  And  wLo  will  wonder,  if, 
when  these  abuses  had  followed  each  other,  repetition  upon  repetition,  for 
a  series  of  years,  that  they  should  at  last  break  out  into  open  war.'  The 
Karraganset  chiefs  were  not  conspicuous  at  the  period  of  which  we  speak ; 
there  were  several  of  them,  but  no  one  appears  to  have  had  a  general  com- 
mand or  ascendency  over  the  rest ;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that 
they  unanimously  reposed  their  cause  iu  the  hands  of  Philip.  Ninigret  was 
at  this  time  grown  old,  and  though,  for  many  years  after  the  murder  of 
Miantunnomon,  he  seems  to  have  had  the  chief  authority,  yet  pusillanimity 
was  always  rather  a  predominant  trait  iji  his  character.  His  age  had  prob- 
ably caused  his  withdrawal  from  the  others,  on  their  resolution  to  second 
Philip.  Canonchet  was  at  this  period  the  most  conspicuous  ;  Pumham  next ; 
Potok,  Magnus,  the  squaw-sachem,  whose  husband,  Mriksdh,  had  been  dead 
several  years ;  and  lastly  Mattatoag. 

Before  proceeding  with  later  eVents,  the  following  short  narrative,  illus- 
trative of  a  peculiar  custom,  may  not  be  improperly  introduced.  Philip,  as 
tradition  reports,  made  an  expedition  to  Nantucket  in  1665,  to  punish  an 
Indian  who  had  profaned  the  name  of  Massasoit,  his  father ;  and,  as  it  was 
an  observtfnce  or  law  among  them,  that  whoever  should  speak  evil  of  the 
dead  should  be  put  to  death,  Philip  went  there  with  an  armed  force  to  exe- 
cute this  law  upon  Gihhs.  He  was,  however,  defeated  in  his  design,  for  one 
of  Gibbs's  friends,  understanding  Philip's  intention,  ran  to  him  and  gave  him 
notice  of  it,  just  in  time  for  him  to  escape  ;  not,  however,  without  great  ex- 
ertions, for  Philip  came  once  in  sight  of  him,  after  pursuing  him  some  time 
amorig  the  English  from  house  to  house  ;  but  Gihbs,  by  leaping  a  bank,  got 
out  of  sight,  and  BO  escaped.  Philip  yvouXA  not  leave  the  island  until  the 
English  had  ransomed  John  at  the  exorbitant  price  of  nearly  alt  the  money 
upon  the  island.*  (Sihbs  was  a  Christian  Indian,  and  his  Indian  name  was 
Jssasamoogh.  He  was  a  preacher  to  his  countrymen  in  1674,  at  which  time 
there  were  belonging  to  his  church  30  members. 

What  grounds  the  English  had,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1671,  for  suspect- 
ing tliat  a  plot  was  going  foi*ward  for  their  destruction,  cannot  satisfactorily 
be  ascertained ;  but  it  is  evident  there  were  some  warliJce  preparations  made 
by  the  great  chief,  which  very  much  olarmed  the  Enrfish,  as  in  the  life  of 
Atvashonks  we  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice.  Their  suspicions  were 
further  confinned  when  they  sent  for  him  to  come  to  Taunton  and  make 
known  the  causes  for  his  operations ;  as  he  discovered  "shyness,"  and  a  re- 
luctance to  comply.  At  length,  on  the  10th  of  April,  this  year,  he  came  to  a 
place  about  four  miles  from  Taunton,  accompanied  with  a  band  of  his  war- 
riors, attired,  armed  and  painted  as  for  a  warlike  expedition.  From  this 
place  he  sent  messengers  to  Taunton,  to  invite  the  English  to  come  and 
treat  with  him.  The  governor  either  was  afraid  to  meet  the  chief,  or  thought 
it  beneath  his  dignity  to  comply  with  his  request,  and  therefore  sent  several 

*  For  some  of  what  we  have  given  above,  see  1  Colt.  Mtus.  Hist.  8oc.  Ki.  169,  fbrnished 
for  that  work  by  Mr.  Zaccheus  Macy,  whose  ancestor,  it  is  said,  assisted  In  secreting 
Assasamoogh. 

In  a  late  work.  Hist.  Nantuckett  by  Obed  Macy,  an  account  of  the  affair  is  given,  but  with 
some  variation  from  the  above. 


\ 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— TREATY  AT  TAUNTON. 


19 


,  ftirnisbed 
Kcreting 

1,  but  with 


persoiiB,  aiiion^  wlioin  was  Roger  JVUUams,  to  inform  liini  of  their  determi- 
nation, and  flicir  .'ood  disposition  towards  him,  and  to  urge  iiis  attendance  at 
Taunton.  He  ugi"Red  to  go,  and  hostages  were  left  in  tiie  hands  erf  his 
wai-rior»  to  warrant  his  safe  return.  On  coming  near  the  village  witli  tt  few 
of  his  wan  iM'.H,  he  made  a  stop,  which  appears  to  have  been  occasioned  by 
(lie  warlike;  parade  of  the  English,  many  of  whom  were  for  immediately  at- 
tacking him.  These  were  the  Plimouth  people  that  recommended  this  rash- 
ness, hiil  rliey  were  prevented  hy  tlie  commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  who 
met  hen!  witii  the  governor  of  f'liinouth  to  confer  with  Philip. 

In  the  end  it  was  agreed  that  a  council  siiould  be  held  in  the  meeting- 
house, one  side  of  which  sliould  be  occupied  by  the  Indians,  and  the  other  by 
the  English.  Philip  had  all 'gcd  tiiat  the  English  injured  the  planted  lands 
of  his  people,  but  tliis,  the  English  s:iy,  was  in  no  wise  sustained.  He  said 
his  warlike  ijreparations  were  not  against  the  English,  but  the  Narragansets, 
which  the  English  also  say  was  proved  to  his  face  to  be  ialse  ;  and  that  tliis 
so  confounded  him,  that  he  confessed  the  whole  plot,  and  "that  it  was  the 
naughtiness  of  his  own  heart  that  \nit  him  upon  that  rebellion,  and  nothing 
of  any  provocation  from  the  English."*  Therefore,  with  four  of  his  counsel- 
lors, whos(!  names  wore  Tavoser,  Captain  JVi»poke,  fVoonkaponehunt,  [Unlcom- 
poin,]  and  JVimrod,  ho  signed  a  submission,  and  an  engagement  of  friendship, 
which  also  stipulated  that  he  should  give  up  all  the  arms  among  his  people, 
into  the  hands  of  the  governor  of  Plimouth,  to  be  kept  as  long  as  tlie  govern- 
ment should  "  see  reason."  f 

The  English  of  Massachusetts,  having  acted  as  umpires  in  this  affair,  were 
looked  to,  by  both  parties,  on  the  next  cause  of  complaint.  P/itYtp  having 
delivered  the  arms  which  himself  and  men  had  with  tliein  at  launton,t 
promised  to  deliver  the  I'est  at  Plimouth  by  a  certain  time.  But  they  not 
being  delivered  according  to  agreement,  imd  some  other  differences  occurring, 
a  messenger  was  sent  to  Boston  from  Plimouth,  to  make  complaint ;  but 
Philip,  perhaps,  understanding  what  was  intended,  was  quite  as  early  at  Bos- 
ton hi  person ;  §  and,  by  his  address,  did  not  fail  to  be  well  received,  and  a 
favorable  rejiort  of  him  was  returned  to  Plimouth ;  and,  at  the  same  time, 
proposals  that  commissioners  from  all  the  United  Colonies  should  meet 
Philip  at  Plimouth,  where  all  difficulties  might  be  settled.  This  meeting  took 
place  the  same  year,  September,  1671,  and  the  issue  of  the  meeting  was  very 
nearly  the  same  as  that  at  Taunton.  "The  conclusion  was,"  says  Mr. 
Jiflf/A«r,||  ^^  Philip  acknowledged  his  offence,  and  was  appointed  to  give  a  sum 
of  money  to  defray  the  charges  which  his  insolent  clamors  had  put  the  colo- 
ny unto." 

As  usual,  several  articles  were  drawn  up  by  the  English,  of  what  PMRp 
was  to  submit  to,  to  which  we  find  the  names  of  three  only  of  his  oaptifins  or 
counsellors,  Uncompaen,  who  was  his  uncle,1I  fVotokom,  and  Savfikama. 

Great  stress  in  those  days  was  laid  on  the  Indians  submittuig  IhCmselveff 
as  "  subjects  to  his  majesty  the  king  of  England."  This  they  did  only  to  get 
rid  of  the  importunity  of  the  English,  as  their  course  immediately  afterwc  ds 
invariably  showed. 

The  articles  Avhich  the  government  of  Plimouth  drew  up  at  this  time,  for 
Philip  to  sign,  were  not  so  illiberal  as  might  be  imagined,  were  we  not  to 
produce  some  of  them.    Article  second  reads, — 


outh 

might  have  tliree  years  to  pay  .v »..,  ^v^.^^.^v.^  „»*  v^c.^..^^  ^^  »  ».,  ^.n^o^^.n,, 
And  in  article  thu'd,  he  promises  "  to  send  unto  the  governor,  or  whom  he  shall 
appoint,  five  wolves'  heads,  if  he  can  get  them;  or  as  many  as  he  can  procure^ 

*  Huhbard,  Indian  Wars,  11, 1st  edition. 

t  The  articles  of  this  treaty  may  be  seen  in  Hubbard,  Matiier,  and  Hutchinson's  histories : 
they  amount  to  little,  and  we  therefore  omit  them. 

t  Mather's  Relation,  73. 

j  Perhaps  this  was  the  lime  Mr.  Jossdyn  saw  him  there  richly  capariioned,  as  will  here- 
after be  mentioned.  ||  Matlier's  iRelation,  73. 

H  Called  by  Church,  Akkompoin.    Hist.  King  Philip's  War,  110  of  my  edition. 


20 


PlllLlIV—PLIMOUTII  ACCUSATIONS  OF  KHi. 


[BuoK  III. 


1' 


until  tlit'y  come  to  fivo  wolvts' liouds  yearly."    Tlictso  aiticli-s  were  dated* 
Si9  Sept.  1G71,  and  were  signed  l)y 

ThemarkPofVuihui",  * 

The  mark  T  'j/  VVohkowpahenitt  ; 

7'lie  iiutrk  V  'j/*  Wuttakooskeim; 

The  mark  T  'j/'So>kanuhoo  ; 

r/j€  mark  2  (/ Woo>AstiLM, 
(iliiuH  Nimkoh; 

The  mark  Y  f/Woosi'AsrjcK, 
alias  Cavtai.v. 

On  liio  \\  Nov.  loll()\\iiijr,  Philip  aeeonipiiiiicd  Tnhanumma  to  I'lininiitli,  to 
make  his  Kiiliinission,  wliicli  lie  did,  tuid  aekii(>\vlr(l<r<'d,  ity  a  writin.'f,  that  he 
wonid  adliere  to  the  iirlieicH  Mifjued  by  Philip  ixvA  the  others,  the;  y.l  Sept. 
Iiefore.  Tnhnmona  was  brother  tu  ^hvnslumkx,  and,  at  tiiis  time,  was  saeiieni 
ot'Seeoiii't,  or  SiieoMctt.     lie  was  allcruiinis  kiUed  hy  tlie  iXarragansets.f 

A  giai(  ral  disarming'  ol'tlie  iiei^ld)oriii^'  Indians  was  undertaken  during  the 
spring  luid  snnnncr  of  ItiTI,  and  notliing  lint  troid)ic  eonld  luivc  been  expect- 
ed to  tiiliow. 

Tliat  nothing  may  he  omitted  whieii  can  tiirow  liglit  upon  this  important 
era  in  tiie  biograpiiy  ol'  Philip,  we  will  lay  Iteliire  the  reader  all  the  nnpuh- 
lished  intiirmation  iiniiished  by  the  r(i'ords.|  Having  met  in  Jinie,  l(i71, 
"Tiie  eonrt  [of  IMinionth]  tietermins  all  lla-  guns  in  oin*  hands,  that  did  be- 
long to  Philip,  are  jnstly  (orliit ;  aiul  do  at  the  present  order  the  dividing  of 
them,  to  b(!  kept  at  the  several  t(twns,  according  to  their  einad  ])roportions, 
until  Dclober  eonrt  next,  and  then  to  !»;•  at  the  I'onrt's  dispose,  us  reason  may 
ap|ieiu-  to  tiicm,  and  then  to  belong  nnto  the  towns,  if  not  otiicrwise  disposed 
ol'bv  the  eonrt.  ' 

"  That  which  the  coin't  groinids  their  jnilgiiient  \\\mu  is, — For  that  at  the 
treaty  at  Tannton,  Philip  and  his  conncil  did  acknowledge  that  tiny  had  Uvxm 
in  a  |ireparation  for  war  against  ns ;  anil  that  not  gronndcd  upon  any  injnry 
snstained  lioin  ns,  nor  provoeation  given  by  ns,  bnt  Irom  tiieir  nanghly  hearts, 
and  becanse  he  had  liiiinerly  violated  and  broken  solemn  covenants  made 
and  renewed  to  ns ;  he  then  freely  teiulered,  (not  being  in  a  capacity  to  be 
kept  fiiithliil  by  any  other  bomis,)  to  resign  np  all  his  Knglish  arms,  for  onr 
fntm-e  security  in  that  respect,  lie  l!iiled  greatly  in  the  perliirmance  thereof^ 
by  secrel[ly]  conveying  away,  and  carrying  home  several  guns,  that  might  innl 
snonid  havi^  been  then  delivered,  and  not  giving  them  np  since,  according  to 
his  engagement ;  nor  so  lin°  as  is  in  his  power;  as  appears  in  that  many  gnns 
ure  known  still  to  b(>  amongst  the  Indians  that  live  by  him,  and  [he]  not  so 
nnn'li  as  giving  order  to  some  of  his  men,  that  an^  nnder  his  innnediate  com- 
mund,  about  the  bringing  in  ot'th(>ir  arms. 

"In  his  endeavorin"',  since  the  treaty  [at  Taimton,]  to  render  ns  odions  to 
onr  neighbor  c«)lony  Ity  lidse  reports,  c(nnplaints  ami  snggestions;  and  his 
refnsing  or  avoiding  a  Inaty  w ith  ns  concerning  thos(^  ami  other  mattiMs  that 
ure  Jnstly  otfensive  to  ns,  notwithslamling  his  lat<^  engagement,  as  well  as  i()r- 
iner,  to  snl)init  to  ihe  king's  anthority,  tnul  the  authority  of  this  colony. 

"It  was  idso  onlered  by  the  eonrt  that  the  arn'J  of  the  Indians  of  NainnH- 
Kakett  and  Assowamsett,  iliat  were  fcti-bcd  in  by  ftlajor  H'iiuiloit\niu\  those  that 
were  with  him,  are  confiscated,  and  forfeit,  ti'oin  the  said  Inditnis,  for  the 
gronnds  above  expressed ;  they  Iteing  in  a  compliinu-e  with  PhiHipv  in  bis 
late  plot :  And  yet  would  m-ither  by  onr  governor's  order,  nor  by  Phillipr^a 
desire,  bring  in  their  arms,  as  was  engaged  by  the  treaty ;  and  the  .saiil  gniiH 
are  ordered  by  thv  eonrt  to  the  nuijor  luid  liiN  coin|)any  for  their  tuitisfaction, 
in  that  expedition. 

"This  eonrt  have  agreed  and  voted  "  to  send  "some"  forces  to  "Hacouettto 
fetch  in"  the  iirins  luiiong  the  Indians  theiv. 


i\ 


'  TliiTO  i<  no  (Inir,  l)at  the  your,  set  to  any  prinlod  copy  of  this  Irrnly.  Mr.  Uubhurd  hy 
mi'ilnio'  oniiilcil  it,  luid  llio<ip  who  have  since  urilten,  have  not  ^iven  Iheniwlvcs  the  pIcMura 
ol'  rr('\irriiiir  In  the  rui'urds. 

t  Soc  Chiinh,  3t>.  }  llimoulh  Colony  Records,  in  matuucript. 


Chap.  II.] 


rHILlI'.— ri.I.MOUTH  ACCCSATIONS  OF  1671. 


21 


ly  licarts, 
iiitH  iiiado 
ity  to  bf 
ior  our 

tllt'lH'oi', 

i^'lit  aiui 
(ling  to 
my  guns 
not  HO 
i\('.  coiu- 

odions  to 
and  Ills 

Ittl-IH  tliut 

■11  as  Ibr- 
ny. 

NaniaH- 
lliosi-  that 

Cor  tlie 
lie  in  liirt 
PhUlipf's 
aid  ^utiH 
li^lactioil, 

acouett  to 


M 


liibhiird  by 
[ir  plcaiiure 


If  then,  therefore,  these  Indians  had  not  already  becoine  hostile,  no  one  would 
marvel  had  it  now  become  the  case.  Bows  and  arrows  were  almost  entirely 
out  of  use.  Guns  had  so  far  supcrscdcsd  them,  tlint  undoubtedly  many  scarce 
could  use  them  with  effect,  in  procuring  themselves  game :  Nor  could  it  be 
expected  otherwise,  for  the  English  had,  by  nearly  40  years'  intercourse,  ren- 
dered their  arms  far  mon;  necessary  to  the  existence  of  the  Indians  than  to  their 
own :  hence  their  unwillingness  to  part  with  them.  Philip,  it  is  said,  directed 
the  MiddJeborough  Indians  to  give  up  their  gmis.  His  object  in  this  was  to 
pacify  the  English,  judging  tiiat  if  war  should  begin,  these  Indians  would  join 
tlie  English,  or  at  least  many  of  iliv.m  ;  and,  therefore,  it  affected  his  cause  but 
little  which  party  possessed  them  ;  but  not  so  with  his  immediate  followers,  as 
we  liave  just  seen  in  the  record. 

A  council  of  war  having  convened  at  Plimouth,  23  August,  1671,  the  follow- 
ing, besides  the  tiiatters  already  expressed,  they  took  into  consideration :  Philip^s 
"  entertaining  of  many  strange  Indians,  which  might  portend  danger  towards 
us.  In  special  by  his  entertaining  of  divers  Saconett  Indians,  professed  ene- 
mies to  this  colony,  and  this  against  good  counsel  given  him  by  his  friends. 
'I'lie  ])remis('s  considered  [»lie  council]  do  unanimously  agree  and  conclude, 
that  the  said  Phillip  liath  violated  [the]  covenant  plighted  with  this  colony  at 
Taunton  in  April  last. 

"2.  It  is  mianiniously  agreed  and  concluded  by  the  said  council,  that  we  are 
nc(!essarily  called  to  cause  the  said  sachem  to  make  his  [MM-sonal  appearance  to 
jnake  his  purgation,  in  references  to  the  premises ;  wliich,  in  case  of  his  refusal, 
the  council,  according  to  what  at  present  appears,  do  determin  it  necessaiy  to 
endeavor  his  reducement  by  li)rce  ;  inasMuich  as  the  controversy  which  Imth 
st.-emed  to  lie  mor<!  innnediately  between  him  and  us,  doth  concern  all  the  Eng- 
lish plantations.  It  is,  therefore.  det(!nnined  to  state  the  case  to  our  neighbor 
colonics  of  the  Ma-ssachusetts  and  lihode  Island  ;  and  if,  by  their  weighty  ad- 
vice to  tlu!  contrary,  we  are  not  diverted  from  our  present  determinations,  to 
signify  unto  them,  that  if  they  look  upon  tlienuselves  concerned  to  engage  in  the 
case  with  us  against  a  conmion  enemy,  it  shall  be  well  accepted  as  a  neigh- 
borly kinilncss,  which  we  shall  hold  ourselves  obliged  to  repay,  when  Provi- 
dence may  so  <lisi)ose  that  we  have  opportunity. 

"Accordingly,  letters  were  despatched  and  sent  from  the  council,  one  unto 
the  said  Phillip  the  said  sachem,  to  n^ipiire  his  personal  appearance  at  Plymouth, 
on  the  lllth  day  of  September  ne.vt,  in  reference  to  the  particulare  above  men- 
tioniMl  against  him.  This  letter  was  sent  by  Mr.  ./amcs  Walker,  one  of  the 
council,  and  lit^  was  ordered  to  recpiest  the  company  of  Mr.  Ro^er  Jfilliams 
and  Mr.  James  liruwn,  to  go  with  liim  at  the  delivery  of  the  said  letter.  Ami 
another  letter  «as  sent  to  tin;  governor  and  council  of  the  Massjichusetts  by  the 
hands  of  Mr.  John  fVi(;/ian,  one  of  oiu*  magistrates,  and  a  third  was  directed  to 
the  governor  and  council  of  Uliode  l.-^land,  and  sent  by  Mr.  Thomas  Hiuckkif 
and  Mr.  Constant  Southworlh,  two  other  of oiu"  magistrates,  who  an'  ordered  by 
our  council  with  the  letter,  to  imiiild  oiu'  pres'  nt  state  el" matters  relating  to  the 
premises,  and  to  certify  lliem,  also,  more  certainly  of  the  time  of  the  meetuig 
together,  in  reference  to  engagement  \\itli  lh(s  Jndiaiis,  ifthiire  be  a  going  forth, 
wliich  will  be  on  the  20  of  Sept<'mlier  next. 

"  It  was  tiirther  ordered  by  the  council,  that  those  formerly  pres.'<ed  shall 
reiiailn  under  the  same  impressment,  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  said  comi- 
cil.onihe  in  ilay  of  Sept.  next,  luid  so  also  mitil  the  intended  exoedition  is 
issued,  unless  they  shall  see  cause  to  altei  them,  or  add  or  detract  trom  them, 
4is  occasion  may  reiinire  :  And  that  all  other  matters  i-emain  as  they  were, 
in  wav  iifpn  |iaiati(in  to  the  .•<aid  expedition,  until  wf  shall  see  the  mind  of 
tJod  huMliei'  by  the  partii'ulai°s  foreiianied,  improved  fur  that  jxirpose. 

"It  WMsliu'tlnr  onlen-d  by  the  council,  that  ail  tlu!  towns  within  this  jurisdic- 
tion shall,  in  the  intirim,  be  solicitoiistj  can't'ul  to  provi<le  liir  their  safety,  by 
convenient  watches  and  wardings,  and  carrying  their  arms  to  the  meetings  on 
the  liord's  days,  in  such  manner,  as  will  best  stand  with  their  jmrticulurs,  and 
the  connnon  sallty. 

"  .And  in  parlicuhir  they  order,  that  a  guard  shall  be  provided  for  the  safety 
of  the  governor's  i)ers')ii,  diu'iiig  tli"  time  of  the  above-nauied  troubles  luid  ex- 
jiedilions. 


h 


22 


PHILIP.— PLIMOUTII  ACCUSATIONS  OF  1G71. 


[Book  III. 


! 


"  And  the  council  were  summoned  by  the  prcsi<lcnt,  [the  governor  of  I'hm- 
outh,]  to  make  tlieir  personal  uppearance  at  Plynioutli,  on  the  13th  duy  of 
Sept.  next,  to  attend  sucii  further  business  as  shall  he  tlien  jjrcseuted  by  Provi- 
dence, in  reference  to  the  premises.  [Without  any  intermediate  entry,  the 
records  proceed :] 

"On  the  l9  Sept.  1671,  the  council  of  war  appealed,  according  to  their  sum- 
mons, but  Phillip  the  sachem  appeared  not;  but  instead  thereof  repaiicd  to  the 
Massachusetts,  and  made  complaint  against  us  to  divers  of  the  gentlemen  in 
place  there ;  who  wrote  to  our  governor,  by  way  of  pei-suasion,  to  advise  the 
council  to  a  compliance  with  the  said  saciiem,  and  tendered  their  hel|)  ui  the 
achieving  thereof;  declaring,  in  sum,  that  they  resented  not  his  oflence  so 
deeply  as  we  did,  and  that  they  doubted  whetlier  the  covenants  and  engage- 
ments tlint  Phillip  mid  his  predecessoi-s  had  plighted  with  lit;,  would  plfiiiily 
import  that  he  had  subjected  himself,  and  people,  and  country  to  us  any  further 
than  as  in  a  neighborly  and  friendly  coriespondeiicy." 

Thus,  whether  Philip  had  been  able  by  inisrei)reseiitation  to  li'iid  the  court 
of  Massachusetts  into  a  conviction  that  his  designs  had  nut  Iku'ii  iiiirly  set  forth 
by  Plimouth,  or  whether  it  be  more  irusoiiable  tocoiieitidv'  tliat  that  body  were 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  whoh;  grounds  of  (•oiiii)luiiit,  and,  tiieivfore, 
considered  Plhnoudi  nearly  as  mueli  in  error  as  P/u7i;;,  by  assiuinng  authority 
not  belonging  to  them,  is  a  case,  we  ajjpreheiid,  not  ditlicult  to  be  nettled  by  the 
reader.    The  record  continues : — 

"  The  council  having  deliberated  u|)on  the  preiiiiscs,  despatcluMl  away  letters, 
declaring  their  thankful  acceptance  of  tlieir  kind  iiiofter,  and  invited  the  roiii- 
missioners  of  the  3Iassachusctts  and  Coiiuecticiit,  liiey  [tlu^  latte.]  then  being 
there  in  the  Bay,  [Boston,]  and  some  other  geutlenieii  to  (;onie  to  I'iymouth  and 
afford  us  their  help:  And,  accfpjingly,  on  tiie  24  ofSejit.  1G71,  Jlr.  John  Win- 
throp,  Gov.  of  Connecticut,  Maj.  Gen.  Lvmrdi,  Mr.  Thos.  Danforth,  Capt.  JFrn. 
Davis,  with  divei*s  othei-s,  came  to  Pliniouih,  and  had  a  fair  and  deliberate 
hearing  of  the  controvei-sy  between  our  colony  and  tlie  said  .'iaehom  Phillip,  ho 
being  personally  present ;  there  being  also  eomi)etPiit  interpreters,  both  English 
and  Indians.  At  which  meeting  it  was  proved  by  suliieient  testimony  to  the 
conviction  of  the  said  Phillip,  and  witisfaction  of  all  that  audience,  both  [to]  the 
said  gentlemen  and  others,  that  he  had  broken  his  cov(!nant  niad(!  with  our 
colony  ut  Taunton  isi  Ajiril  lost,  in  divers  iiarticiilara :  as  also  carried  veiy  un- 
kindly unto  us  divei-s  ways. 

"  1.  In  that  he  "  had  neglected  to  bring  in  his  .Mrnis,  allliongli  "  competent 
time,  yea  his  tune  enlarged  "  to  do  it  in,  as  beliire  stated.  "'2.  That  he  had 
carried  insolently  and  jiroudly  towards  us  on  scvind  occasions,  in  refusing  to 
come  down  to  our  court  (when  sent  ibr)  to  have  speech  with  him,  to  procure 
a  right  understanding  of  matters  in  ditferenci!  betwixt  us." 

This,  to  say  the  least,  was  a  wretchedly  sorry  complaint.  That  uii  •  ideiiend- 
ent  chief  should  refuse  to  obey  his  neighbf)rs  wheiii  ver  tli(  y  had  .i  mind  to 
command  him,  of  the  justness  of  whose  mandates  lie  was  not  to  incjiiire,  surely 
calls  for  no  <'omment  of  oni>.  Besides,  did  Philiji  not  do  iis  he  agreed  at 
Taunton  ? — which  was,  that  in  case  of  liitnre  lioiililes,  both  jiarties  siiould  lay 
their  complaints  before  IMassnehnsetts,  and  abide  by  their  decision? 

'J'he  .'111  charge  is  only  a  repetition  of  what  was  slated  by  the  council  of  war, 
namely,  hurboring  and  abetting  divers  Indians  n<it  his  own  men,  but  "saga- 
bonds,  our  prott'ssed  enemies,  who  leaving  their  own  sachem  were  harboreil 
by  him." 

'J'he  Jth  has  likewise  been  stated,  which  contains  the  coni|ilaint  of  his  going 
to  Massacliuselts,  "  with  several  of  his  council,  endeavoring  to  insinuate  liim- 
self  into  the  magistrates,  and  to  misreprest'Ut  matters  unto  them,"  which  amounts 
to  little  eNc  but  an  aeeusalioii  against  ■Massachusetts,  as,  from  what  has  bij^'ii 
iM'fore  sta;ed,  it  seems  that  the  "gentlemen  in  plai-e  lh«  ve"'  had,  at  least  in  part, 
H'eii  convinced  that  Philip  was  not  so  much  in  litult  as  their  friends  ot'  Plim- 
untli  had  pretended. 

*'•>.  'J'liat  he  bml  shewed  gnat  incivility  to  divers  of  ours  at  several  times;  in 
^l^ccial  imio  iMr.  Jniiun  liroirii,  who  was  sent  by  the  court  on  special  (M'casion, 
.11,  a  messenger  unto  him  ;aiid  imto  llii!>-l,  ('(,/,•  ut  another  time,  \  i". 

"'I'he  gcMlleinen  liuenanied  taking  notice  ofthe  premises,  havhig  fully  heard 


i1 


[Book  III. 

riioi-  of  riiin- 
13th  duy  of 
itcd  by  Provi- 
ite  entry,  the 

to  tlieiv  siiiu- 
■epau-ed  to  the 

gentlemen  in 
to  advise  the 
;ii-  help  in  the 
ills  one  nee  so 

and  ongiijiv- 

would  jjlainly 
ud  any  iVnther 

lead  the  court 
fairly  setforih 
that  l)ody  %vere 
Lind,  ilierefore, 
iiing  audiority 
0  settled  by  the 

!<1  away  letters, 
ivitcd  the  eoni- 
Iv.]  then  lieing 
( I'lynionth  and 
Jlr.  John  H'in- 
jfth,  Cai)t.  Win. 
and  deliberate 
liem  7*/ii7/f>,  I'o 
f),  both  English 
;stiniony  to  the 
e,both  [to]  the 
ade  with  onr 
arried  veiy  un- 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP. 


23 


fh  "eonipetent 

'>.  That  he  had 

in  refusing  to 

lini,  to  procure 

at  mi  'ulepend- 
had  .1  mind  to 
ii  II  [uire,  surely 
art  1h^  agreed  at 
■lies  should  lay 
on? 

fiinieil  (if  war, 

11,  lint  "vaga- 

were  harbored 

int  of  his  going 
insinuate  liim- 
whieli  amounts 
what  has  Imjj'II 
at  least  in  part, 
ricnds  of  IMiin- 

•veral  limes;  in 
pceial  oecasion, 

viiig  fully  licord 


what  the  said  Phillip  could  say  for  himself,  having  free  liberty  so  to  do  without 
interruption,  adjudged  tli.'it  he  had  done  us  a  great  deal  of  ^vl•ong  and  injury, 
(respecting  the  premises,)  and  also  abused  them  by  carrying  lies  and  false 
stories  to  them,  and  so  misrepresenting  matters  unto  them ;  and  they  pei*suaded 
him  to  make  an  acknowledgment  of  his  fiiult,  and  to  seek  for  reconciliation, 
expressing  themselves,  that  there  is  a  great  difference  between  what  he  asserted 
to  the  government  in  the  Bay,  and  what  he  could  now  make  out  concernmg 
his  pretended  wi-ongs ;  and  such  had  been  the  wrong  and  damage  that  he  had 
done  ami  procured  unto  the  colony,  as  ought  not  to  be  borne  wthout  comne- 
fcut  reparation  and  satisfaction  :  yeji,  that  he,  by  hi?  insolencics,  had  (in  proba- 
bility) occasioned  more  mischief  from  the  Indians  amongst  them,  than  had 
fallen  out  in  many  years  before  ;  they  pei-suaded  him,  therefore,  to  humble  him- 
self unto  the  magistrates,  and  to  amend  his  ways,  if  he  expected  peace  ;  and 
that,  if  he  went  on  in  his  refractory  way,  he  must  expect  to  smart  for  it." 

The  commissioners  finally  drew  up  the  treaty  of  which  we  have  before  spo- 
ken, !ind  Philip  and  his  coimsellora  subscribed  it ;  and  thus  ended  the  chief 
events  of  ](J71. 

A  v(>ry  short  time  before  the  war  of  167.'>  commenced,  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts  Fi'ut  an  aiiibassachjr  to  Philip,  to  demand  of  him  why  he  would 
iiii'.ke  war  upon  tiie  English,  and  requested  him,  at  the  same  time,  to  enter  into 
a  treaty.    The  sachem  made  liim  this  answer: — 

"  Your  p;ovemor  is  Init  a  suhjed  of  King  Charles  *  of  England.  I  shall  not 
tnal  with  a  subject.  J  shall  treat  of  peace  only  xoithtke  king,  my  brother.  When 
he  comes,  I  am  ready,"  j 

This  is  literal,  although  we  have  changed  the  order  of  the  words  a  little,  and 
is  worthy  of  a  jjlace  u])on  the  same  page  with  the  speech  of  the  famous  Ponis, 
when  taken  cai)tive  by  .Ik.randcr.  I 

We  meet  with  nothing  of  importance  until  the  death  of  Sassamon,  in  1074, 
the  oecasion  of  which  was  eliarged  upon  Philip,  and  was  the  cnui-'(>  of  bringing 
about  the  war  witli  liiiii  a  yt':ir  soinier  tliriii  he  had  expeetrd.  'nils  event  pre- 
maturely discovered  his  intentions,  whieli  occasioned  the  i)aitial  recantation  of 
the  Narragansets,  who,  it  is  reported,  were  to  furnish  4000  men,  to  be  ready  to 
fall  upon  the  Englisli  in  Ki/ii.  Concert,  therefore,  was  wanting ;  and  ahliough 
nearly  all  th(>  Narragaiisets  ultimately  joined  against  the  English,  yet  the  povv- 
ertiil  etVcet  of  a  general  simidtaneoiis  movement  was  lost  to  the  Indians. 
Philip's  own  jxHiple,  miiny  of  whom  were  so  disconcerted  at  the  unexpected 
beginning  of  the  war,  cofitinueil  some  time  to  waver,  doubting  which  side  to 
show  themselves  in  tiivor  of;  and  it  was  only  from  their  being  without  the 
vicinity  of  the  English,  or  ini[irotected  by  them,  thnt  determined  their  coni-se, 
wliieli  was,  in  almost  all  eases,  in  favor  of  Philip.  Even  the  praying  Indians, 
had  they  been  lefl  to  themselves,  would,  no  doulit,  many  of  them,  have  declared 
in  his  favor  also,  as  a  great  many  really  did. 

Until  th(>  execution  of  the  three  Indians,  supposed  to  be  the  murdenirs  of 
Sassamon,  no  hostility  was  committed  by  Philip  or  his  warriors.  About  the 
time  of  their  trial,  he  was  said  to  be  marching  his  men  "  up  and  down  the 
country  in  arms,"  but  whtii  it  was  known  that  they  wen>  executed,  he  could 
no  longer  restrain  many  of  his  yoinig  men,  mIio,  having  sent  their  wives  and 
children  to  Narraganset,  upon  the  'ilth  of.Iune,  provoked  the  people  of  Swan- 
soy,  by  killing  their  cattle,  and  other  irijuries,§  until  they  fired  upon  them  and 

*  Clmrk.i  II.,  whole  reigru  was  froin  IGGO  lo  IG7G. 

t  Old  IiKlinn  rhroiiiclo.fiR. 

I  The  rc>n(|ii<'ror  nskt'd  liiin  liow  lie  would  ho  troaled,  who,  in  two  word.s,  replied,  "  Like  a 
kiiiR."  Uoiiip  asked  if  he  had  no  other  request  lo  ninke,  he  said,  "  No.  Kvery  lliiiiff  is 
roinprehended  in  that."  (Plitlairli's  Life  of  Alesaniler.)  We  could  wish,  thai  tlie  Kn^ish 
conqnerors  hud  acted  willi  as  much  niagnaniinily  towards  the  Indians,  nx  Mexandtr  did 
towards  those  he  overcame.     Porti$  was  treated  as  he  had  desired. 

^  "  In  the  mean  time  Kinjf  Philip  mustered  uii  aliont  .'iOO  of  his  men,  and  arms  lliem  com- 
plent  ;  and  had  pollen  ahoul  R  or  IMK)  of  his  neiirfihorin);'  Indium.  a"d  likewise  arms  them  com- 
jdeal  ;  (i.  e.  ijuns.  powder  and  Imllets ;)  Inil  how  iiianv  he  linlli  enifneed  Id  l>c  of  his  parly, 
IS  unknown  to  any  amnn^  us.  The  last  sprinp.  several  Inrlitim  were  seen  in  small  parlies, 
about  IMolmlh  and  Swiimeit,  wliirli  not  a  lillle  aflrielited  the  inhaliilanls.  Who  demanding 
the  reason  of  them,  wherefore  il  was  so  >  Answer  ^.n-i  maile.  That  lliey  were  only  on  their 
own  defence,  for  they  understood,  that  the  English  ijitcnded  to  cut  lliem  olT.     AhoiU  the  20th 


34 


PHILIP— BEGINS  THE  WAR  OF  1675. 


[Book  III. 


1.    ! 


i 


/,■' 


killed  one,  which  was  a  signal  to  cominenco  tho  war,  and  what  they  had  de- 
sired ;  for  the  superstitions  notion  prevailed  among  the  Lidians,  that  the  party 
who  fired  the  first  gun  would  he  conquered.*  They  had  prohably  been  made 
to  believe  tiiis  by  the  English  themselves. 

It  was  upon  a  fast  day  that  this  great  drama  was  opened.  As  the  people 
were  retiniiing  from  meeting,  they  were  fired  iij)on  by  the  Indians,  when  one 
was  killed  and  two  wounded.  Iwo  others,  going  for  a  surgeon,  were  killed 
on  their  way.  In  another  part  of  the  town,  si.x  others  were  killed  the  same 
day.  Swansey  was  in  the  midst  o? Philip's  countiy,and  his  men  were  as  well 
acouainted  with  all  the  walks  of  the  Englisli  as  they  were  tlieniselves. 

It  is  not  supposed  that  Philip  directed  this  attack,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
has  been  said  that  it  was  against  his  wishes.  But  there  can  bo  no  doubt  of  his 
hostility  and  great  desire  to  rid  his  country  of  the  white  iptruders ;  for  had  he 
not  reason  to  say, 

"  Exarsere  igncs  aniino ;  siibit  ira,  radciitcm 
Uleisci  pairiam,  et  scclcralas  sumere  pu-iias  7  " 

The  die  was  cast.  No  other  alternative  ajjpeared,  hut  to  ravage,  bum  and 
destroy  as  fast  as  was  in  his  power.  Then;  had  been  no  consideraljje  war  for 
a  long  time,  either  among  themsolves  or  with  the  English,  and,  therefore,  nu- 
merous young  wjuriors  frou>  the  neighboring  tribes,  entered  into  his  cause 
with  gi-eat  ardor ;  eager  to  perform  exploits,  such  as  had  been  recounted  to 
them  by  their  sires,  and  sucli  as  they  had  long  waited  nn  opportunity  to  achieve. 
The  time,  they  conceived,  had  now  arrived,  and  their  souls  expanded  in  pro- 
portion to  the  greatness  of  the  undertaking.  To  conquer  the  English !  to  lead 
captive  their  haughty  lords !  nnist  have  been  to  them  thoughts  of  vast  magni- 
tude, and  exhilarating  in  the  higliest  degree. 

Town  after  town  fell  before  tliem,  and  when  the  English  forces  marched  in 
one  direction,  they  wore  binniing  and  laying  waste  in  another.  A  part  oi" 
Taunton,  Middleborough,  and  Dartmouth,  in  the  vicinity  of  Pocasset,  upon 
Narraganset  Bay,  soon  fojlovvod  the  destruction  of  Swansey,  which  was  burnt 
immediately  after  the  24th  of  June,  on  being  alMindoncd  by  the  inhabitants. 

Though  now  m  great  consternation,  the  |)eo])le  of  Swansey  and  its  vicinity 
did  not  iorget  to  make  known  their  distressed  situation  by  sending  runners  with 
the  utmost  despatch  to  Boston  and  Plimouth  for  assistimce.  "But,"  says  our 
chronicler  of  that  day,  "  before  any  came  to  them,  they  of  both  towns,  Ileho- 
both  and  Swansey,  were  gathered  together  into  three  houses,  men,  women,  and 
children,  and  there  had  all  jjrovisions  in  connnon,  so  that  they  who  had  nothing 
wantt.'d  nothing.  Innnediately  after  notice  hereof  came  to  Boston,  drums  heat 
up  for  volunteers,  and  in  3  hours  time  were  mustered  upaljoutllO  men,  Capt 
Samuel  Moselif  being  their  commander.  This  Capt.  Mostly  hath  been  an 
old  privateer  at  Jamaica,  an  excellent  soldier,  and  an  undaunted  spirit,  one 
whose  memory  will  be  honorable  in  New  England  for  his  many  eniinent  ser- 
vices he  hath  done  the  public. 

"There  were  also  among  these  men,  about  10  or  12  privateers,  that  had  been 
there  some  time  itefore.  They  carried  \\  ith  them  several  dogs,  that  proved 
8ervic(;able  to  them,  in  finding  out  the  enemy  in  \\w\r  swamps ;  one  whereof 
would,  for  several  days  together,  go  out  and  bring  to  them  0,  8  or  10  young 
pigs  of  King  Philip's  herds.  Tliere  went  out  also  amongst  these  men,  one 
Corntlius,a.  Dutchman,  who  had  lately  been  condemned  to  die  for  piracy, but 
afterwards  received  a  pardon ;  he,  willing  to  show  his  gratitude  therefor,  went 
out  and  did  several  good  services  abroad  against  the  enemy." 

All  who  huve  souglit  ailer  truth  in  mattei-s  of  tliis  kind,  are  well  aware  of  tho 

of  June  Inst,  seven  or  eight  of  King  Diiliy's  men  cumc  Id  Sirnnsni  nn  the  Lord'i  dny,  and 
would  grind  n  hatrliot  at  an  inhnl>ilanl's  lioiisi-  llieruj  the  master  told  them,  it  was  liio  sab- 
bath day,  and  their  Ood  would  he  very  angry  if  he  shniihl  let  lliem  do  it.  Tiiey  returned 
this  answer  They  knew  not  who  his  (JimI  wiis.  and  lliat  Ihey  would  do  it,  for  all  him.  or  hit 
(iod  either.  From  thence  they  went  to  another  house,  and  tciok  away  some  virtuuls,  but  hurt 
no  man.  Immediately  they  ntel  a  man  travelling  on  die  road,  kept  him  in  ruslodv  a  short 
time,  then  dismi.U  him  i|uielly  ;  giving  him  tliis  (Mutiiin,  that  he  should  not  work  on  his  Ood'i 
day,  ami  ihat  he  should  tell  no  lies."  Clirnnirlr,  !!.  i). 
*  Ciilliiiddr'a  Discourse  on  the  llist.  of  R.  Island. 


[Book  Id. 

they  had  de- 
tliut  the  party 
ly  been  made 

Ls  the  people 
ns,  when  one 
1,  were  killed 
led  the  same 
were  as  well 
ilves. 

other  hand,  it 
3  doubt  of  his 
;s ;  for  had  he 


ige,  bum  and 
;rable  war  for 
therefore,  nu- 
ito  his  cause 
recounted  to 
ity  to  achieve, 
anded  in  pro- 
t?lish!  to  lead 
■  vast  magni- 

!s  inarched  in 
A  part  of 
jpasset,  upon 
eh  was  burnt 
habitants. 
(1  its  vicinity 
runners  with 
hit,"  says  our 
towns,  Reho- 
,  women,  and 
>  had  nothing 
I,  drums  beat 
0  men,  Capt. 
uth  been  an 
d  sj)irit,  one 
eminent  ser- 

hat  had  been 
that  proved 
)ne  wiiercof 
or  10  young 
esc  men,  one 
)r  j)iracy,  but 
lerefor,  went 

aware  of  tho 


ord'g  day,  and 
I  was  (ho  sab- 
Timy  returned 
nil  liiin.  or  lii( 
rdiuls,  but  liurt 
'Usli>dv  B  short 
k  oil  his  Ood't 


Chai  .  II.] 


PHILIP— HIS  WAR  OF  1C75. 


25 


extreme  difficulty  of  investigation.  Twenty  persons  may  write  an  account  of 
an  affair,  to  tiie  passage  of  which  all  may  have  been  witnessesi,  and  no  two  of 
them  agree  in  many  of  its  particulars.  The  author  of  the  tracts  which  we  cite 
under  the  name  of  The  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  wrote  his  accounts  in  IJoston, 
and  we  have  no  doubt  of  his  intention  to  record  every  event  with  the  strictest 
regard  to  truth ;  if  he  had  erred,  it  is  doubtless  from  his  recording  the  lirst  news 
of  an  event,  which  often  varies  in  point  of  fact  uHorwards.  Hubbard  and  Ma- 
ther, two  contemporary  historians,  had  the  advantage  of  a  comparison  of  re- 
ports, and  of  revising  their  works  in  their  pas.«age  through  the  press;  whereas 
the  author  of  the  tracts  wrote  them  as  lettei-s  to  afrientl  in  London,  where  thev 
were  immediately  printed.  With  allowances  for  these  circumstances,  as  full 
credit  should  be  given  to  his  relation,  as  to  either  of  the  others.  His  accounts 
of  the  first  events  at  Swansey  are  detailed  in  his  own  words  in  a  previous  note, 
and  we  here  j)r'^ceed  with  another  portion  of  his  narrative. 

"  By  this  time  the  Indians  have  killed  several  of  our  men,  but  the  first  that 
was  killed  wiis  June  23,  a  man  at  Swansey  ;  that  he  and  his  family  bad  left  his 
house  amongst  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  and  adventuring  with  his  wife  and 
son  (about  twenty  years  old)  to  go  to  his  house  to  fetch  them  corn,  and  su^li 
like  things:  (he  having  just  before  sent  his  wife  and  son  away)  as  lie  was  going 
out  of  the  house,  was  set  on  and  shot  by  Indians.  His  wife  being  not  far  otij 
heard  the  guns  go  oflT,  went  back,"  and  fell  into  their  hands.  Dishonored,  aiul 
afterwards  scalped  by  them,  she  immediately  died,  and  her  son  was  at  the  same 
time  scalped.  "They  also  the  next  day  [24  June]  kiHed  six  or  seven  men  at 
Swansey,  and  two  more  at  one  of  the  garrisons ;  and  as  two  men  went  out  oi' 
one  of  the  garrisons  to  draw  a  l)uckct  of  water,  tl>ey  were  shot  and  cairied 
away,  and  afterwards  were  found  with  their  fingers  and  feet  cut  oft",  and  the 
skin  of  their  heads  flayed  off","  that  is;  scalped. 

"  About  1 4  days  after  that  they  sent  for  more  help  ;  whereupon  tlie  authority 
of  Boston  made  Caj)t.  Thomas  Savage  the  major  general  in  that  expedition, 
who,  with  00  horse,  and  as  many  foot,  went  out  of  Bo.ston ;  havuig  pressed  horses 
for  the  footmen,  and  six  carts  to  carry  provisions  \vith  them."  "  They  traveled 
day  and  night  till  they  came  to  their  garrisons,  and  within  three  days  after 
marched,  horse  and  foot,  leavibg  guards  in  the  garrisons,  towards  Mount  Hope, 
where  King  Philip  mid  his  wife  was.  They  came  on  him  at  unawares,  so  that 
he  Wits  forced  to  rise  from  duiner,and  he  luid  all  with  him  fled  out  of  tliat  land 
called  Mount  Ilojie,  up  further  into  the  country.  They  pursued  them  as  far  as 
they  could  go  for  swimips,  and  killed  15  or  1(J  in  that  expedition,  th»!n  retunied 
and  took  what  he  had  that  was  worth  taking,  and  spoiled  the  rest ;  taking  all  his 
cattle  and  hogs  that  they  cwild  find,  and  also  took  poi^sessiou  of  Mount  Hope, 
which  had  then  a  thousand  aci'es  under  com,  which  is  since  cut  down  by  the 
English,  and  disposed  of  according  to  their  discretion.  Cornelius  [before  men- 
tioned] wiLS  ill  this  exploit,  and  purstied  Philip  so  hard,  that  ho  got  his  cap  c»fi' 
his  head,  and  now  weans  itt" 

It  was  .fttne  2(5,  that  the  ^'^iigli.sh  inarched  out  of  Boston  for  Switusey ;  and 
they  arrived  there  two  days  after,  niunely,  June  2B,  a  little  belbre  night;* 
Twelve  men  immediately  maiched  out  to  invade  Philip's  territories,  who  were 
attacked  by  alMJUt  the  same  number  of  Philip's  men.  The  invaders  Wert)  re- 
])ulsi'd,  having  one  killed,  and  one  woandinl,  and  h'xa  horse  killed  under  him. 
Of  the  Indians  two  were  killed. 

The  next  day,  Jtme  2}*,  the  Indians  appeared  boldly  in  view  of  the  English, 
and  by  their  siiouts,  it  would  seem,  dared  them  to  come  out  and  fight.  Mosely 
sallied  out  at  the  head  of  a  eompiuiy  of  vtJtinteors,  and  rushed  furitmsly  upon 
them.  Tiiey  fled  to  their  coverts,  but  evtsn  here  made  a  stand  only  for  a  ino- 
ineiit ;  for  after  one  firo  they  all  fkul.  Omi  of  the  English,  I'kisign  Satfaf^e,  was 
wounded,  the  ball  lodging  hi  his  thigh,  and  tuiother  passed  through  the  brim 
of  bis  liiit.f  Mostly  pursued  the  Indiiuis  idiove  h  mile,  and  killed  five  or  six  of 
them,  as  tlicy  were  making  their  retreat  into  a  swamp.  It  wa.<<  in  this  ])ursuit 
that  the  exploit  of  Corac/nu  took  jilace,  just  related,  and  Philip  was  not  seen  at 


*■  Ihihlmril,  Niirrativo,  !8. 

t  ^Vi/or/i,  who  wiis  in  this  uctioii,  says   »V'<rii!^-c  was  woiimh'd  i»v  Ins  uwii  purty  :  having 
diviilwl  thoiii'selvo*  into  two  wiiig^,  in  tlitir  coiifiisioii  one  liied  ii|iiiii  ilio  other. 

u 


26 


PHILIP— BATTLE  OF  PUNKATEESET. 


[Book  III. 


Mount  Hope  again  until  tho  next  ynar.  The  next  day  the  English  forces  trav- 
ersed Mount  Hope  Nerk,  found  Philip's  wigwam,  but  himself  and  all  his  ppo- 
ple  had  made  good  their  retreat.  They  found  tho  heads  of  eight  of  the  EnglisJi 
that  had  been  killed,  set  upon  poles,  at  Keekamuit,  which  they  took  down  and 
inteiTed. 

On  the  moniing  of  .Inly  1,  as  Lieutenant  Oakes  was  returning  to  head-quar- 
ters at  Swansey,  liaving  eucam])ed  at  Rehoboth  the  preceding  night,  he  dis- 
covered a  company  of  Infiians,  and  attacked  them.  How  many  wfere  killed  is 
not  stated,  but  two  of  Philip's  chief  captains  were  among  the  number,  one  of 
whom  was  u.-uncd  Thebe,  "  a  sncliniii  of  Mount  Hope."  Of  the  English  on- 
was  killed.  Tho  scalps  of  three  Indians  that  were  killed  were  taken  off' by  the 
English  and  sent  to  Boston,  which  were  the  first  taken  by  them  in  this  war.* 

At  the  solicitation  of  Benjamin  Church,  a  company  of  36  men  were  put 
imder  him  and  Captain  Fuller,  who,  on  the  8  July,  marched  down  into  Pocas- 
set  Neck.  Church,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Indians,  had  urged  tho 
officers  of  the  army  to  pursue  PA  jVi'p  on  the  Pocasset  side,  being  fully  persua- 
ded that  there  were  no  Indians  in  Mount  Hope  Neck,  the  part  of  the  countiy 
they  were  taking  so  much  jiainsto  guard  and  fortify ;  but  they  would  not  hear 
to  his  advice, and  the  consequoice  was,  Pldlip\mrne(]  and  destroyed  the  towns 
towards  Plimouth. — But  to  return  to  the  force  tmder  Church  and  JPuller.  This, 
though  hut  small  at  fust.,  was  divided  into  two.  Church  had  19  men,  and  Fuller 
the  remaining  17.  The  party  under  Church  proceeded  into  a  point  of  land 
called  Punkateeset,  now  the  southerly  extremity  of  Tiverton,  where  they 
were  attacked  by  a  great  body  of  Indians,  300,  as  Church  learned  afterwards, 
who  nearly  encompassed  them  ;  but  after  a  few  minutes  fight,  the  English  re- 
treated to  the  sea  shore,  and  thus  saved  themselves  from  immediate  destruc- 
tion. Church  gave  orders  for  a  retreat  the  very  moment  he  discovered  that 
the  object  of  the  Indians  was  ,to  surround  thei'n.  This  proved  their  safety, 
although,  as  they  were  now  situated,  they  could  expect  but  little  else  than 
to  sell  their  lives  at  the  ])rice  of  a  greater  number  of  their  enemies.  These 
Indians  were  well  armed,  "  their  bright  guns  glittering  in  the  sun,"  which  gave 
them  a  formidable  apj)earfu)ce.  Thus  hemmed  in.  Church  had  a  double  duty 
to  perform  ;  that  of  preserving  the  spirits  of  his  famished  followers,  many  of 
whom  were  ready  to  give  up  all  for  lost,  and  erecting  defences  of  stones  to 
defend  them.  31any  were  the  hair-breadth  escapes  of  individuals  in  this  litth^ 
band  on  this  trying  occasion.  Iji  tho  language  of  Church,  "  they  were  beset 
with  nudtitudes  of  Indi.ins,  who  possessed  themselves  of  eveiy  rock,  and 
stump,  tree  or  fence,  that  was  in  sight,"  from  which  tht  '  ^  "d  without  ceasing. 

Boats  had  been  apjwinted  to  attoiul  ujotu  the  English  .n  this  expedition, 
but  they  had  grounded  on  the  Rhode  Island  shore,  and  could  not  come  to  their 
assistance  ;  at  length,  however,  one  got  ofl^,  and  came  towards  them,  which  gave 
them  hopes  of  escape,  but  these  were  of  short  duration:  the  Indians  fired  into 
it,  and  prevented  their  landing.  Church  ordered  those  in  it  to  ride  off"  beyond 
musket  shot,  and  to  send  a  c.inoo  ashore  ;  biU  they  dannl  not  even  to  do  this. 
When  Church  saw  that,  in  a  moment  of  vexation,  he  ordered  the  boat  to  be 
gone  in  a  moment  or  he  would  fire  upon  it :  she  immediatt^ly  left,  and  the 
]>eril  of  the  English  was  greatly  increased ;  for  now  the  Indians  were  en- 
couraged, and  they  fired  "  thicker  and  tiister  tlian  before." 

Night  was  now  almost  enshrouding  them,  their  ammunition  nearly  spent, 
and  the  Indians  had  i)ossessed  themselves  of  a  stone  house  that  overlooked 
them,  but  as  though  prest^ved  by  a  miracle,  not  one  of  the  English  in  all  this 
time  was  womided.  But  fortune's  sjiort  was  now  neaily  ended  :  a  sloop  was 
discovered  bearing  do^^^l  towards  them,  and  soon  after,  Church  announced 
that  relief  was  coming,  for  thnf  ; ;  •  essel  wu  commanded  by  "  Cant.  Gold- 
iNo,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a  iin.'  ;or  businer'^."  True,  it  wae  Golaing.  He 
sent  his  canoe  ashore,  but  it  was  so  small  that  it  would  take  but  two  at  a  time 
to  the  vessel.  The  embarkation  immediately  commenced,  ond  meantime 
the  Indians  plied  their  shot  with  such  effect  that  the  colors,  sails,  and  stern 
of  the  sloop  were  fidi  of  bidlet-holes.     Church  was  the  last  man  to  embark, 


*  I  (Irdiiro  the  facts  is  this    sentence   fi'om  a  comparison  of  Hnbhard,  20,  with  tke 
Crru.niclk,  13. 


[Book  III- 

ih  forces  trav- 
d  all  liis  ppo- 
d'the  Engl  is]  1 
»ok  down  mid 

to  head-quar- 
tiight,  he  dis- 
wfere  killed  is 
imber,  one  ol" 
:  English  oi\,\ 
ten  off  by  the 
in  this  war.* 
len  were  put 
n  into  Pocas- 
liad  urged  tli(! 
f  fully  persua- 
f  the  country- 
Didd  not  hear 
fed  the  towns 
Puller.  This, 
en,  and  Fuller 
point  of  land 
,  where  they 
!d  afterwards, 
18  English  re- 
diate  destruc- 
scovered  that 
i  their  safety, 
ttle  else  than 
mies.  These 
I,"  which  gave 
a  double  duty 
I'ers,  many  of 
s  of  stones  to 
Is  in  tills  little 
were  Iwset 
•y  rock,  and 
hout  ceasing. 
is  expedition, 
come  to  their 
ri,  which  gave 
ans  fired  into 
[le  off  beyond 
en  to  do  this, 
he  boat  to  be 
\vi\,  and  the 
ins  were  cn- 

nearly  spent, 

It  overlooked 

fill  in  all  this 

:  a  sloop  was 

k  announced 

Cant.  GoLD- 

folding.    He 

wo  at  a  time 

id  meantime 

s,  and  stern 

1  to  embark, 

20,  with  the 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— POCA8SET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


37 


who,  as  he  was  retreating  backward  to  the  boat,  a  ball  grazed  the  hair  of 
his  head,  two  others  struck  the  canoe  as  he  entered  it,  and  a  fourth  lodged 
in  a  stake,  which  accidentally  stood  just  before  "the  middle  of  his  breast ! " 
Thus  this  little  baud,  after  a  fight  of  about  six  hours,  escaped.  The  party 
under  Captain  Fuller  met  with  similar  fortune ;  they  were  attacked  by  great 
numbers,  but  escaped  by  getting  possession  of  an  old  house  close  upon  the 
water's  edge  and  were  early  taken  off  by  boats.  But  two  of  tlie  party  were 
wounded.  Some  of  the  Lidians  were  killed  and  wounded  this  day,  but  how 
many  is  not  known. 

The  same  day  this  fight  took  place,  a  boat's  crew  went  from  Rhode  Island 
to  Pocasset  to  look  after  some  cattle,  and  wer6  fired  upon  by  the  Indians,  and 
one  of  their  number,  a  servant  of  Captain  Church,  was  severely  wounded. 
Some  of  the  acts  of  the  English,  in  retrospect,  do  not  discover  that  judg- , 
nient  the  circumstances  seem  to  have  elicited,  especially  that  in  relation  to 
the  Narragansets.  They  had  now  driven  Philip  out  of  Mount  Hope  Neck, 
and,  not  knowing  exactly  where  to  find  him,  the  forces  in  that  quarter  re- 
mained doubting  what  next  to  do.  At  this  juncture  Captain  Hutchinson 
arrived  from  Boston  with  orders  from  the  government  there,  "  for  them  to 
pass  into  Narraganset,  to  treat  with  the  sachems,  and  if  it  might  be,  to  pre- 
vent their  joining  with  Philip"  Accordingly  they  marched  into  that  country, 
but  all  the  chief  men  and  warriors  fled  on  their  ajiproach.  The  historical 
conclusion  is,  therefore,  that  this  act  was  viewed  by  them  as  a  declaration  of 
war,  and  it  is  rational  that  they  should  have  so  considered  it ;  because  the 
army  assumed  a  most  hostile  attitude,  "  resolving  they  woidd  go  to  make 
peace  with  a  sword  in  their  hands."  Having  arrived  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  three  or  four  days  were  8[>ent  in  finding  Indians  with  whom  to 
treat ;  (for  they  could  find  none  to  fight ;)  at  length,  four  men  were  found,  whom 
the  English  styled  sachems,  and  a  treaty  was  drawn  up  at  great  length  and 
signed  by  the  parties.  To  ensure  its  observance  the  following  hostages  were 
token  into  custody  by  the  army:  John  Wobeqdob,  Weowthim,*  Pewkes, 
and  Weenew,  "four  of  the  sachems  near  kinsmen  and  choice  friends." 
Among  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  we  find  these : 

The  said  sachems  shall  carefully  seize  all  and  every  of  Philip's  subjects, 
and  deliver  them  up  to  the  English,.alive  or  dead;  that  they  shall  use  all 
acts  of  hostility  against  Philip  and  lus  subjects,  to  kill  them  wherever  they 
can  be  found ;  that  if  they  seize  Philip,  and  deliver  him  alive  to  the  English, 
they  shall  receive  40  trucking  cloth  coats ;  and  for  his  head  alone,  20  of 
said  coats ;  and  for  every  subject  of  said  sachem  2  coats,  if  alive,  and  one  if 
dead.    This  treaty  is  dated  Petaquanscot,  15  JiUy,  107.5; 

Li  presence  of  and  signed  by  the  viarks  of 

Daniel  Henchman,     .  Tawaoeson, 

Thomas  Prentice,  Taytson, 

JSItcholas  Paige,  Agariadg, 

Joseph  Stanton,  Interpreter.  Wampsh,  alias 

Hennj  Hawlatcs,  (  [Indians,  Corman. 

Pecoe  BiKow,       S      probably.! 
JobJVeff.       '       ^      »  ^J 

Philip  coniuianded  in  person  upon  Pocasset,  whore,  upon  the  18th  of  July, 
ho  was  discovered  in  a  "dismal  swamp."  He  had  retired  to  this  place, 
which  is  adjacent  to  Taunton  River,  with  most  of  his  Wainiianoags,  and 
such  others  as  had  joined  him,  to  avoid  falling  in  with  the  English  army, 
which  was  now  ))ur8uiHg  him.  From  their  luuiibors,  the  English  were 
nearly  alilo  to  encompass  the  swamp,  and  the  iiito  oC  Philip  they  now  thought 
sealed.  On  arriving  at  its  edge,  a  lew  of  Philip's  warriors  showed  them- 
selves, and  the  English  rushed  in  upon  them  with  ardor,  and  by  this  feint 
were  drawn  tiir  into  an  ambush,  uud  "about  15  were  slain."  The  leaves 
»ipon  the  trees  wore  so  thi<'k,  and  the  hour  of  the  day  so  late,  that  a  iVioiid 
could  not  bc!  distiiigiiished  from  a  foe,  "wlierolty  'tis  verily  feared,"  says  Dr. 
Mather,  "that  [the  English  ihoiiiselvcs]  did  sonietiinos  unhappily  blioot  Eng- 

*  I'lobn'.ily  ilie  siuno  called  in  uiiothur  plncc  NowtiiiM. 


28 


PHILIP.— FIGHT  AT  REIIOBOTH  PLAIN. 


[Book  III. 


r  1 


liHlimen  instead  of  Indians."  A  retreat  was  now  ordered,  and,  considering 
PhUip'a  escape  inijuossible,  tlie  most  of  the  forces  left  the  place,  a  few  only 
remaining,  "  to  starve  out  the  (snemy."  That  PhUip'a  force  was  great  at  this 
time  is  certain,  from  tiie  fiict  that  a  hundred  wi','wams  were  found  near  the 
edge  of  the  swamp,  newly  constructed  of  green  burk.  In  one  of  those  the 
English  found  an  old  man,  who  informed  them  that  Philip  was  there.  He 
lost  but  few  men  in  the  encounter,  though,  it  is  said,  he  had  a  brother 
killed.* 

The  idle  notion  of  building  a  fort  here  to  starve  out  Philip,  was  sulH- 
ciently  censured  by  the  liistormns  of  that  day.  For,  as  Captain  Church  ex- 
presses it,  to  huild  a  fort/or  nothing  to  cover  the  people  from  nobody,f  was  rather 
a  ridiculous  idea.  This  observation  he  made  upon  a  fort's  being  built  upon 
Mount  llofio  Neck,  some  time  after  every  Indian  had  left  that  side  of  the 
country,  and  \vlio,  in  fiict,  were  laying  waste  the  towns  before  mentioned. 

The  swamp  wiicro  Philip  was  now  confined,  was  upon  a  piece  of  country 
which  projected  into  Taunton  River,  and  was  nearly  seven  miles  in  extent. 
After  being  guarded  here  13  days,  which,  in  the  end,  was  greatly  to  his  advap- 
tago,  and  ufibrded  him  sufiicient  time  to  yirovide  canoes  in  which  to  make  his 
escape,  he  passcul  tlie  river  with  most  of  his  men,  and  made  good  his  retreat 
juto  tiie  counti-y  upon  Connecticut  River.  In  effecting  this  retreat,  an  acci- 
dent hapijened  which  deprived  him  of  some  of  his  choicest  and  bravest  cap- 
tains, 08  we  shall  proccMul  to  relate. 

About  the  20  July,  1075,  Oneko,  with  two  of  his  In-others,  and  about  50  men, 
came  to  Boston,  by  direction  of  tineas,  his  father,  and  declared  their  desire  to 
assist  the  Binglish  against  the  Wampanoags,  A  few  English  and  three  Naticks 
wei"o  addcKl  to  th(;ir  company,  and  immediately  despatched,  by  way  of  Pli- 
rnouth,  to  the  enemy's  country.  This  circuitous  route  was  taken,  perhaps, 
that  they  might  have  their  ipstructions  immediately  from  the  governor  of 
that  colony ;  Maspachusetts,  at  that  time,  probably,  supposing  the  war  might 
be  ended  without  their  direct  interference.  This  measure,  as  it  proved, 
v,'&9  very  detrimental  to  the  end  in  view ;  for  if  they  had  proceeded  directly 
to  Seekonk,  they  would  have  been  there  in  season  to  have  met  PhUip'm  his 
retreat  from  Pocassct ;  and  this  force,  being  joined  with  the  other  English 
force.x,  then  in  the  vicinity,  they  in  all  probability  might  have  finished  the 
war  by  a  single  fight  with  him.  At  least,  his  chance  of  escape  would  have 
been  small,  as  he  had  to  cross  a  large  extent  of  clear  ond  open  country, 
where  many  of  his  men  must  have  been  cut  down  in  flight,  or  fought  man 
to  jiian  with  tlicir  pursuers.  Whereas  Oneko  was  encamped  at  some  dis- 
tance, having  arrived  lat(!  the  night  before,  and  some  time  wa.s  lost  in  rally- 
inet  after  Philip  was  discovered.  They  overtook  him,  however,  about  10 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  August,  and  a  smart  fight  ensued. 
Philip  having  brought  hi.-*  Ixfst  men  into  the  rear,  many  of  them  were  slain  ; 
among  these  was  JVimrod,  alias  Woonashum,  a  great  captain  and  counsellor, 
who  had  signed  the  treaty  at  Taunton,  foiu'  years  before. 

From  what  cause  the  hght  was  8us{)endcd  is  \mkuown,  though  it  would 
seem  fiom  some  relations,  that  it  was  owing  to  Oneko's  men,  who,  seeing 
tlKMiisclves  in  j)ossession  of  considerable  ])lunder,  fell  to  loading  themselves 
with  it,  and  thus  gav{!  Philip  time  to  escape.  From  this  view  of  the  case, 
it  would  api)ear  that  the  Mohegans  were  the  chief  actors  in  tlie  offensive. 
It  is  sHul  that  the  Naticks  urged  immediate  and  further  pursuit,  which  ilid 
not  tak(!  |)lace,  in  ronstiquence  of  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather ;  and 
thus  the  main  body  were  permitted  to  escape. 

Mr.  Mwmnn,  of  Rehoboth,  gave  an  account  of  the  affair  in  a  letter,  in 
wbitHi  be  said  that  "14  of  the  enemy's  principal  men  were  slain."  He  also 
mentioned,  in  trrms  of  great  praise,  the  Naticks  and  Mohegans  under  Oneko, 

Philip  having  now  taken  a  position  to  annoy  the  back  settlements  of 


ti 


•  This  is  upon  llir  milliorily  "f  ilic  anonymous  niillior  of  the  "  Present  State,"  &,c.,  of 
which  we  shiill  (•t-<whiT('  h.ivr  ncciision  to  (,iki'  imlico.  Tlval  iiuthor  seems  to  have  COD' 
fooii'li'il  (lie  fi(r|i(  liiMwi'cii  Tlifhi'  iiiiil  I,ifiit.  Ihhs  with  ihni  of  Rehotiotli  Plain. 

t  lli»l.  Chilifi's  War,  \>.C,.  ivl.  -Ilo. 

I  (I'liufi  n's  y\i^.  H'i»\.  l'ru.viii;f  liulians. 


Chap.  II.] 


AMBUSH  AT  WIKABAUG. 


29 


Masaachusetts,  Iiia  wai'iiors  fell  vigorously  to  the  work.  On  14  July,  five 
people  are  killed  at  Meudon,  in  Mass.,  which  is  the  first  blood  shed  in  the 
colony  in  this  war.  Those  that  were  killed  were  about  their  work  in  the 
field,  and  knew  not  tlieir  murderers ;  and  whether  they  were  killed  by 
Philip's  men  is  unknown. 

Soon  after  the  war  began,  Massachusetts,  fearing  the  Nipmuks  might  join 
with  Philip,  sent  messengers  to  treat  witli  them.  The  young  Indians  %ve!e 
found  "  surly,"  but  the  old  men  were  for  a  renewal  of  friendship ;  but  the 
person  or  persons  sent  upon  this  business  did  not  acquit  themselves  in  !i 
manner  that  gave  satisfaction  ;  and  Philip,  being  now  in  the  countiy  of  the 
Nipmuks,  it  was  concluded  by  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  to  make  a 
further  test  of  their  intentions.  Accordingly,  on  the  28  July,  Captains 
Hutchinson  and  fVheeler,  with  a  company  of  20  mounted  men,  and  3  Christian 
Indians  as  pilots  and  iutei'preters,  viz.  MemecJio,  Joseph,  and  Sampson,  went 
with  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Bi-ookfield,  agreeably  to  appointment,  to 
meet  the  Nipmuk  sachems.  It  had  been  agreed  by  these  sachems  to 
meet  the  English  in  a  treaty  at  a  certain  tree  at  Quabaog  on  the  2  August, 
on  a  plain  3  miles  from  Brookfield  village.  Having  arrived  here  according 
to  agreement,  the  Englisli  found  no  Indians  to  treat  with.  It  was  now  a 
<luestion  with  all  but  the  Brookfield  men,  whether  or  not  they  should  pro- 
ceed to  a  certain  place  where  they  believed  the  Indians  to  be ;  at  length  the 
confidence  of  the  Broolifield  pGojjh!  in  the  pacific  disposition  of  tiie  Indians, 
prevailed,  and  they  marched  on.  The  way  was  so  bad  that  they  could  march 
on'y  in  single  file,  as  they  approached  the  place  where  they  expected  to  find 
the  Indians,  and  when  they  came  near  Wikabaug  Pond,  between  a  swamp 
on  the  left  and  a  very  abrujit  and  high  Iiill  on  the  right,*  suddeidv  2  or  300 
Indians  rose  up,  encompassed,  and  fired  upon  them.  Eight  were  killed  out- 
right, and  three  fell  mortally  wounded.  Of  the  latter  number  was  Captain 
Hutchinson,  »vho,  though  carried  off  by  the  survivors,  died  on  tlie  19  August 
folloning.  Captain  tVliedcr  had  his  horse  shot  under  him,  and  himself  was 
shot  through  the  body  ;  but  his  life  was  saved  through  the  bravery  and  presence 
of  mind  of  a  son  then  with  hiu».  This  son,  thoufpi  his  own  arm  was  broken 
by  a  bullet,  seeing  the  j)eril  of  his  father,  dismounted  from  his  horse,  and  suc- 
ceeded iu  mounting  his  father  upon  it.  A  retreat  now  began,  and,  by  cutting 
their  way  through  the  Indians,  the  small  remnant  of  English  got  back  to 
Brooldield.  f 

The  three  Christian  Indians  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  rendered  most 
eminent  service  on  this  day  ;  for  had  they  not  been  there,  there  had  been  no 
possibility  of  one  Englishman's  escaping.  One  of  them,  George  Memecho, 
tell  into  the  iiands  of  the  Indians :  the  other  two,  by  skill  and  braveiy,  led 
the  English,  by  an  unknown  route,  in  safety  to  Brookfield.  Yet  these  In- 
dians were  afterwards  so  Imdly  treated  by  the  English,  that  they  wen-  forced 
to  fly  t<»  Philip  for  protection.  Sampson  was  afterwards  killed  in  u  fight  liy 
the  English  Indians,  and  Joseph  was  taken  in  Plimouth  colony,  imd  sold  for 
a  slave,  and  sent  to  Jamaica.  He  afterwards  was  suffered  to  return,  at  the 
iiitorci\ssiou  of  Mr.  Eliot,  Memecho  (^scaped  from  his  captors,  and  brought 
b(;neficial  intelligence  to  the  English  of  the  state  of  Philip^s  affairs.  J 

The  English  having  now  arrived  at  Brookfield,  as  just  related,  the  In- 
dians pursued  them,  and  arrived  almost  as  soon ;  fortunately,  however,  there 
was  barely  time  to  alarm  the  inhabitants,  who,  to  the  number  of  about  80, 
fiocked  into  a  garrison  house,  where,  through  persevering  efforts,  they  were 
enabled  to  maintain  themselves  until  a  force  nnder  Major  WUlaril  cain(( 
to  tlieir  relief,  Aujjust  4.  He  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Lancaster,  with  48  drn- 
goons  autl  four  friendly  Indians,  when  he  received  the  intelligence  of  tlw 
perilous  condition  of  Brookfield,  and  had  just  token  up  his  line  of  inarch  to 
surprise  a  lodge  of  Indians  not  for  from  that    place.     He  now  rpiickly 

*  According  to  all  tradition  this  place  is  at  the  north  end  of  Wickaboag^  pond,  and  liio  liill 
Wild  a  cemetery  lor  the  Indians;  for  when  cultivated  atlerwards  by  the  whiles,  numerous  bonus 
were  exhumed.    Foot's  Hist.  Brookfield,  30. 


t  Narrative  of  the  affair  by  Captain  Wieder  himself,  p.  1  to  6. 

t  Uookin's  MS.  History  of  the  Praying  ludmns.— Joseph  and  Sampson 

ns  of  "old  RoBiM  Petuhanit,  decoiisuil,  a  good  man."  II). 

3» 


wore  brothers, 


ao 


BURNING  OF  BROOKFIELD. 


[Book  Iir. 


changed  his  course  for  Brookfield,  distant  about  30  miles,  which,  by  a  forced 
march,  he  reached  in  safety  tlie  night  following.  That  he  was  not  attacked 
as  he  approached  the  distressed  garrison,  is  most  extraordinary,  for  the 
hostile  Indians  are  said  to  htive  guarded  every  passage  to  it ;  and  there  are 
different  reasons  stated  for  that  neglect:  one  is,  that  the  guard  through 
which  the  English  passed,  suffered  them  to  proceed,  expecting  another 
guard  stationed  still  nearer  the  garrison  would  attack  them  in  front  while 
Siey  should  fall  on  them  in  the  rear ;  another  is,  that  they  were  deceived 
as  to  the  numbers  of  the  English,  thinking  them  many  more  than  they 
really  were,  and  dared  not  attack  them.  It  would  seem,  howerer,  more 
probable,  that  the  Indians  had  no  guard  at  all  at  the  point  in  which  they 
approached  at  the  time  they  arrived ;  for  a  drove  of  cattle,  which  had  been 
frightened  from  Brookfield  into  the  woods,  followed  the  rear  of  WillariTs^ 
company  to  the  gai-rison,  and  were  not  attacked,  which  would  not  have  been 
tlie  case,  in  all  probability,  had  the  Indians  been  aware  of  their  approach. 

No  sooner  was  it  known  to  the  besiegers  that  relief  was  come,  but  they 
fell  with  more  fury,  if  possible,  upon  the  devoted  garrison  than  before ; 
shooting  continually  from  all  quarters  upon  it,  which  shows  that  they  had 
accidentally  let  the  reinforcement  get  into  the  garrison.  Thus  to  a  most 
fortunate  circumstance  did  this  assemblage  of  English  owe  their  safety. 

At  the  very  time  Willard  arrived  at  Brookfield  the  Indians  were  con- 
triving some  machinery  to  set  th>  garrison  on  fire;  and  this  may  account 
for  their  remissness  in  suffering  hiiu  to  come  in  unmolested.  They  first 
endeavored  by  fire  arrows,  and  rngs  dipped  in  brimstone  tied  to  long  poles 
spliced  together,  to  fire  the  garrison,  but  not  succeeding,  those  within  firing 
upon  them  oflen  with  such  deadly  effect,  they  next,  in  the  language  of  Mr, 
Jiulbard,  "  used  this  devilish  stratagem,  to  fill  a  cart  Avith  hemp,  flax,  and 
other  combustible  matter,  and  so  thrusting  it  backward  with  poles  together 
spliced  a  great  length,  after  thcyliad  kindled  it ;  but  as  soon  as  it  had  begun 
to  take  fire,  a  storm  of  rain,  unexpectedly  falling,  put  it  out."* 

Duriii'^  this  siege  several  of  the  whites  were  wounded,  though  but  one 
was  killed.  Of  the  Indians  80  were  supposed  to  have  been  killed,!  but  this 
was  doubtless  setiing  the  number  much  too  high,  although  they  exposed 
themselves  beyond  .vhut  was  common  on  similar  occasions.  On  the  5 
August  they  quitted  the  place,  satisfied  they  could  not  take  it,  and  joined 
PhUijy,  who  was  now  about  6  miles  from  the  place  whei'e  Hutchinson  was 
ambushed. 

After  George  Memcc}u>'s  return  to  the  English,  he  gave  the  following  in- 
formation: "Upon  Friday,  August  5,  Philip  and  his  company  came  to  us  at 
a  swamp,  G  miles  from  the  swamp  where  they  killed  our  men.  Philip 
brought  with  him  about  46  men,,  but  women  and  children  many  more. 
PhUip^s  men  were,  about  30  of  them,  armed  with  guns,  the  rest  had  bows 
and  airows.  He  observed  there  were  about  10  of  Philip's  men  wounded. 
Philip  was  conducted  to  the  swamp  by  two  Indians,  one  of  them  [was] 
Caleb  of  Tatumaskct,  beyond  Mendon.  The  Indians  told  Philip,  at  his  first 
coming,  what  they  had  done  to  the  English  at  Quabaog ;  then  he  presented 
and  gave  to  three  Sagamores,  viz.  John,  alius  APEqciNAsn,  Quanansit,  and 
Mawtamps,  to  each  of  them  about  a  peck  of  unstrung  wompom,  which 
they  accepted.  Philip,  as  I  understood,  told  Quabaog  and  Nrpmuck  hidians, 
that  when  he  first  came  towards  the  Nipiuuck  country,  and  left  his  own,  he 
had  in  his  company  about  250  men,  besides  women  and  children,  including 
the  Squaw-Sachem  [Jfeetamoo]  and  her  company;  but  now  they  had  left 
him,  and  some  of  them  were  killed  and  he  was  reduced  to  40  men.  I 
heard  also  tliat  Philip  said  if  the  English  had  charged  upon  him  and  his 
people  at  the  swamp  in  his  own  country  [18  July]  one  or  two  days  more, 
they  had  been  all  taken,  for  their  powder  was  almost  spent.    He  also  said, 


*  Captain  Wlieder  docs  not  mention  the  rain,  but  says  they  succeeded  in  setting  the  house 
on  lire,  which  was  extinguished  at  great  peril  by  those  within,  who  had  two  of  their  men 
wounded. 

t  Hoyt's  Lidian  Wars,  101. 


Chap.  II.] 


FIGHT  AT  SUGARLOAP  IIILu 


tbat  if  the  Engli-sh  had  pursued  him  closely,"  as  ho  retren        to  the  Ni' 
muck  country,  "  lie  must  needs  have  been  tjdten."  * 

A  considerable  nund)er  ol'  partly  christianized  Indians  In  longed  to  tbe 
neighborhood  of  llndley,  near  which  they  had  a  wooden  fort  to  protect  them 
from  any  hostile  Indians.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  calamities  in  that 
region,  these,  with  all  other  Indians,  were  watched,  and  suspected  of  con- 
niving with  Philip,  and  an  intention  of  joining  with  him.  To  teat  their  pre- 
tensions, Captains  Lothrop  and  Beers,  who,  with  a  force  of  180  men,  were 
now  at  Hadley,  ordered  tliem  to  sinrender  their  arms  to  them.  They  hes- 
itated to  do  so  then,  but  intimated  that  they  would  immediately;  yet  on  the 
following  night,  25  August,  they  lefl  their  fort  and  fled  up  the  river  to- 
wards Pecomptuk,  since  Deerfield,  to  join  Philip.  The  next  day  Lolhrop 
and  Beers  pursued  and  overtook  them  near  a  swamp  a  short  distance  to  the 
.<outh  of  Sugarloaf  Hill,  opposite  to  tlie  present  town  of  Sunderland.  The 
Indians  bravely  stood  their  ground,  and  a  sharp  and  bloody  contest  ensued. 
They  were  finally  routed,  having  26  of  their  number  slain,  while  the  whites 
arc  reported  to  have  lost  but  10  in  killed,  and  their  number  wounded  is  not 
mentioned,  f 

A  garrison  being  established  at  Northficld,  Captain  Richard  Beers,  of  Water- 
town,  I  with  36  men,  was  attacked  while  on  their  way  to  reinforce  it,  Sept. 
'•i,  and  20  of  the  36  were  killed.  Robert  Pepper,  of  Roxbury,  was  taken  cap- 
tive, and  the  others  effected  their  escape.  Philip's  men  had  the  advantage 
of  attacking  them  in  a  place  of  their  own  choosing,  and  their  first  fire  was 
very  destructive.  Beers  retreated  with  his  men  to  a  small  eminence,  and 
maintained  the  unequal  fight  until  tiieir  ammunition  was  spent,  at  which 
time  a  cart  containing  ammunition  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and, 
the  captain  being  killed,  all  who  were  able  took  to  flight.  The  hill  to  which 
the  English  fled,  at  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  was  known  afterwards  by  the 
name  of  Beers's  Mountain.  "Here,"  says  Mr.  fltt66a»'rf,  "the  barbarous  vil- 
lains showed  their  insolent  rage  and  cruelty,  more  than  ever  before ;  cutting 
off"  the  heads  of  some  of  the  slain,  and  fixing  them  upon  poles  near  the 
liighway,  and  not  only  so,  but  one,  if  not  more,  was  found  with  a  chain 
hooked  into  his  under-jaw,  and  so  hung  up  on  the  bough  of  a  tree,  f'tis  feared 
he  was  hung  up  alive,)  by  which  means  they  thought  to  daunt  and  uiscourage 
any  that  might  come  to  their  relief." 

The  place  where  this  fight  occurred  was  within  about  two  miles  of  the  gar- 
rison at  Squakkeag,  (Northfi(!ld,)  and  tiie  plain  on  which  it  bogan  is  called 
Beers's  Plain.  Meanwhile  the  garrison  was  reduced  to  the  brink  of  ruin,  and, 
like  that  at  Brookfiold,  was  saved  by  tiie  arrivid  of  a  company  of  soldiers. 
Two  days  after  Captain  Beers  was  cut  oft",  Major  Tnat  ai'rived  there  with  100 
men,  and  conveyed  the  garrison  safe  to  Hadley. 

PW/jp  probably  conducted  both  affliirs;  this  of  Captain  Beers,  and  that  of 
Captain  Thomns  Lothrop,  about  to  be  related,  although  it  is  not  positively 
known  to  be  the  fact. 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  August,  "King  Philip's  men  had  taken  a  young 
lad  alive,  about  14  years  old,  and  bound  him  to  a  tree  two  nights  and  two 
days,  inteiuling  to  be  merry  with  him  the  next  day,  and  that  they  would  roast 
him  alive  to  make  sport  with  him ;  but  God,  over  night,  touched  tlie  heai't  of 
one  Lidian,  so  that  he  came  and  loosed  him,  and  bid  him  run  grande,  (i.  c.  run 
apace,)  and  by  that  means  he  escaped."  § 

About  this  time,  some  English  found  a  single  Indian,  an  old  man,  near 
Quabaog,  whom  they  captured.  As  he  would  not  give  them  any  information 
respecting  his  countrymen,  or,  perhaps,  such  as  they  desired,  they  pror 
nounccd  nim  worthy  of  death  ;  so  "  they  laid  him  down,  Comdiua,  the  Dutch- 
man, lifting  up  his  sword  to  cut  off"  hie  head,  the  Indian  lifted  up  his  hand  be- 
tween, so  that  his  hajid  was  first  cut  off",  and  partly  his  head>  and  the  second 
blow  finished  the  execution."  || 


*  Hutchinson's  Hist.  Mass.  I,  293 — 4.  n. 
t  Hubbard,  Nar.  36,  37.— Chronicle,  28,- 
i  Manuscript  documents. 
^  Chronicle,  25, 


•Hoyti  102, 103. 

II  Manuscript  in  library  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 


PHILIP.— LOTHROP  CUT  OFF. 


[Book  III. 


It  was  about  this  time,  as  the  author  of  the  "  Present  State  "  relates,  tliat 
"  King  Philip,  now  beginning  to  want  money,  liaving  a  coat  made  all  of 
wampampeag,  (i.  e.  Indian  money,)  cuts  liis  coat  to  pieces  and  distributes  it 
plentifully  among  the  Niptnoog  sachems  and  others,  as  well  as  to  the  east- 
ward as  southward,  and  all  roiuid  about."  * 

On  the  18  Sept.  Captain  Lothrop,  of  Beverly,  was  sent  from  Hadley  with 
about  88  men,  to  bring  away  the  corn,  grain,  and  other  valuable  articles, 
from  Deerfield.  Having  loaded  their  teams  and  conuuenced  their  march 
homeward,  they  were  attacked  at  a  place  called  Su^arloaf  Hill,  where  almost 
every  man  was  slain.  This  company  consisted  of  "choice  young  men,  the 
very  flower  of  Essex  county,  'none  of  whom  were  ashamed  to  speak  witlj  the 
enerny  in  the  gate."'t  Eighteen  of  the  men  belonged  to  Deerfield.}:  Cap- 
tain Mosdy,  being  not  far  off,  upon  a  scout,  was  drawn  to  the  scene  of  action 
by  the  report  of  the  guns,  and,  having  with  him  70  men,  charged  the  Indians 
with  great  resolution,  altiiough  he  computed  their  numbers  at  1000.  He 
had  two  of  his  men  killed  and  eleven  wounded.  The  Indians  dared  him  to 
begin  the  fight,  and  exultingly  said  to  him,  "  Coine,  Mostly,  come,  you  seek  In- 
dians, you  want  Indians ;  here  is  Indians  enough  for  you."  §  On  this  occasion 
the  conduct  ofMosely^s  lieutenants,  Savage  and  Pickering,  are  mentioned  in 
high  terms  of  praise,  "as  desei-ving  no  little  part  of  the  honor  of  that  day's 
service."  After  continuing  a  fight  with  them,  from  eleven  o'  clock  until 
almost  night,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat,  {|  The  Indians  cut  open  the  bags  of 
wheat  and  the  feather-beds,  and  scattered  their  contents  to  the  winds.  § 
After  Mosdy  had  commenced  a  retreat,  Major  Treat,  with  100  English  and 
60  Moliegans,  came  to  his  assistance.  Their  united  forces  obliged  the  Indians 
to  retreat  in  their  turn.H  The  Lidiaus  were  said  to  have  lost,  in  the  various 
encounters,  96  men.  It  was  a  great  oversight,  that  Captain  Lothrop  should 
have  suffered  his  men  to  stroll  about,  while  passing  a  dangerous  defile. 
"Many  of  the  soldiers  having  been  so  foolish  and  secure,  as  to  put  their  arms 
in  the  carts,  and  step  aside  to  gather  grapes,  which  proved  dear  and  deadly 

S rapes  to  them."**  The  same  author  observes,  "This  was  a  black  and  fatal 
ay,  wherein  there  were  eight  j)ersons  made  widows,  and  six-and-twenty 
children  made  fatherless,  all  in  one  little  plantation  and  in  one  day ;  and 
above  sixty  persons  biu'ied  in  one  dreadful  grave  ! " 

The  place  of  this  fight  and  ambush  is  in  the  southerly  part  of  Deei-field,  on 
which  IS  now  the  village  called  Bloody  Brook,  so  named  from  this  memora- 
ble tragedy.  A  brook  which  passes  through  the  village  is  crossed  by  the 
road  not  far  from  the  centre  of  it,  and  it  was  at  the  point  of  crossmg  that  it 
happened,  ft 

Until  this  period  the  Lidians  near  Springfield  remained  friendly,  and  re- 
fused the  solicitations  of  Philip,  to  undertake  in  his  cause.  But,  now  that 
Northfield  and  Deerfield  had  fiillen  into  iiis  hands,  they  W(!re  watched  closer 
by  the  whites,  whose  cause  these  great  successes  of  Philip  had  occasioned 
tlieni  to  look  upon  as  rather  precarious.  They  therefore,  about  40  in  number, 
on  the  night  of  the  4  Oct.,  admitted  about  300  of  Philip's  men  into  their  fort, 
which  was  situated  at  a  place  called  Longhill,  about  a  mile  below  the  village 
of  Springfield,  and  a  plan  was  concerted  for  the  destruction  of  that  place. 
But,  as  in  many  cases  aflerwai'ds,  one  of  their  number  betrayed  them.  Toto,}} 


*  Old  Ind.  Chronicle.  If  this  were  the  case,  Philip  must  have  had  aji  immense  big  coal — 
yea,  even  bigger  than  Dr.  Johnson's  mat  coat,  as  represented  by  Bosicell ;  the  side  pockets 
of  which,  he  said,  were  large  enough  each  to  contain  one  of  the  huge  volumes  of  his  folio 
dictionary ! 

t  Hubbard's  Narrative,  38.  i  These  were  the  teamsters. 

6  Manuscript  letter,  written  at  the  time. 

II  "  Whereupon,  after  having  killed  several  of  the  Indians,  he  was  forced  to  retreat,  and  con- 
tinued fighting  for  all  the  time  that  he  and  his  men  were  retreating  nine  miles.  Capt.  Mosdy 
lost  out  of  his  company  9,  and  13  wounded."— Old.  Ind.  Chron.  29.  This  author  has 
blended  the  two  accounts  o(  Beers  and  Lothrop  together,  and  relates  them  as  one. 

V  I.  Mather's  History  of  the  War,  12.  **  Ibid. 

ft  Last  year,  (1833),  a  splendid  celebration  was  held  at  Bloody  Brooa,  in  commemoration 
of  the  event,  and  an  oration  was  pronounced  by  our  Prince  of  Orators,  the  present  governor 
of  this  commonwealth,  His  Excellency  Edward  Everett,  LL.  D. 

ti  ffubbard.— Tor ,  Hutchinson, 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— SURPRISE  OF  HATFIELD. 


as 


o'  clock  until 


an  Indian  at  Windsor,  revealed  the  plot,  and  the  people  of  Springfield  had 
time  only  to  escape  into  their  garrisons.  The  whole  force  of  the  Indians 
came  like  a  torrent  upon  tiie  place  the  next  day,  and  burnt  the  deserted 
houses  and  barns,  in  all  57  buildings.  In  this  business,  however,  some  of 
their  number  were  killed  *  by  the  people  in  the  garrisons ;  but  it  is  not  known 
how  many.  They  would  have  succeeded  against  the  lives  of  the  English  as 
well  as  against  their  property,  had  not  a  force  arrived  about  the  same  time 
for  their  relief. 

Animated  by  his  successes,  Philip  aimed  his  next  blow  at  the  head-quar- 
ters of  the  whites  in  this  region.  With  7  or  800  of  his  men  he  fell  upon 
Hatfield  on  the  19  Oct.,  which,  had  it  not  been  well  provided  with  men,  would 
have  shared  the  fate  of  Springfield ;  but  Captain  Mostly  and  Captain  Poole^ 
with  their  companies,  were  in  the  place,  and  Captain  Samuel  ^ppleton  was  at 
Hadley  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river;  and  against  such  commanders  they 
could  hardly  have  exf)ected  success.  However,  they  made  a  bold  attempt 
on  all  sides  at  once  ;  but  their  greatest  force  fell  on  the  point  where  Captain 
Appleton  commanded.  His  sergeant  was  mortally  wounded  by  his  side,  and 
a  oullet  passed  through  the  hair  of  his  own  head;  "by  that  whisper  telling 
him,"  says  Hubbard,  "that  death  was  very  near,  but  did  him  no  other  harm. 
Night  coming  on,  it  could  not  be  discerned  what  loss  the  enemy  sustained ; 
divers  were  seen  to  fall,  some  run  through  a  small  river,  [now  called  Milt 
River,]  otiiers  cast  their  guns  into  the  water,  (it  being  their  maimer  to  ven- 
ture as  much  to  recover  the  dead  bodies  of  their  friends,  as  to  defend  them 
when  alive.)"  And  thus  they  were  driven  from  the  place,  after  killing  but 
three,  and  wounding  10  of  tiie  whites,  and  burning  a  small  number  of 
buildings.  They  had,  before  their  attack  on  tho  town,  killed  three  belonging 
to  some  scouts,  and  seven  oti)ers  of  Captain  Mosdy^s  men.  This  was  among 
their  last  important  efforts  on  the  Connecticut  River  before  retiring  to  the 
country  of  the  Narragausets. 

The  Nipmuck  sachems  had  well  contrived  tlieir  attack  on  Hatfield;  having 
made  fires  in  the  woods  about  seven  miles  tiom  it,  to  draw  out  the  soldiers, 
for  whom  they  had  prepared  ambushes ;  but  only  ten  of  MoseWs  men  were 
sent  out  to  learn  the  cause  of  the  fires.  These  were  all  cut  off  except  one,, 
according  to  the  Chronicle,  but  according  to  Hubbard,  seven  only  were 
killed.  The  Indians  probably  supposed  the  main  body  was  cut  off,  and 
therefore  proceeded  directly  to  the  assault  of  the  town,  where  a  new  force 
had  just  arrived ;  and  hence  they  met  with  a  inave  resistance  and  final  defeat.f 

The  Narragansets  had  not  yet  heartily  enj^aged  in  the  war,  though  there  is 
no  doubt  but  they  stood  pledged  so  to  do.  Therefore,  having  done  all  that 
could  be  expected  upon  the  western  frontier  of  Massachusetts,  and  conclu-i 
(ling  that  his  j)resence  among  his  allies,  the  Narragansets,  was  necessary  to 
keep  them  from  abandoning  liis  cause,  Philip  was  next  known  to  be  in  their 
country. 

An  army  of  1500  English  was  raised  by  the  three  colonies,  Massachusetts^ 
Plimouth,  and  Connecticut,  for  the  piu'pose  of  breaking  down  the  power  of 
Philip  among  the  Narragansets.  They  determined  ui)on  this  course,  as  they 
had  been  assured  that,  the  next  spring,  that  nation  would  come  with  all  their 
force  upon  them.  It  was  not  known  tliat  Philip  was  among  them  when  thia 
resolution  was  taken,  and  it  was  but  a  rumor  tnat  they  had  taken  part  with 
him.  It  was  true,  that  they  had  f)romised  to  deliver  up  all  the  Wampanoags, 
who  should  flee  to  them,  cither  alive  or  dead  ;  but  it  is  also  true,  that  those 
who  made  this  promise,  had  it  not  in  their  power  to  do  it ;  being  persons, 
chiefly  in  subordinate  stations,  who  had  no  right  or  authority  to  bind  any  but 
thomsf'IvcH.  And,  therefore,  as  doubtless  was  foreseen  by  many,  none  of 
Philip^s  jieople  were  delivered  up,  although  many  were  known  to  have  been 
among  them.  Thus,  in  few  words,  have  we  exhibited  the  main  grounds  of 
the  imghty  expedition  against  the  Narragansets  in  the  winter  of  1675. 


*  A  pi'wiiT  plnttnr  is  still  exhibited  in  Spriiifjdcld  with  a  hole  through  the  middle  of  it,  made 
f>V  a  hall  from  the  {jarrisoii  at  this  time.  An  Indian  had  taken  it  from  one  of  the  deserted 
houses,  and  wore  it  before  his  breast  as  a  sliiohl.  Thus  shielded,  he  ventured  towards  lltoi 
g-arrison,  and  was  shot.     Ho<it,  110. 

t  Oi.u  Indian  Chuonklk,  3G,  37. 


i.l 


III 


I 


34 


PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


[Book  III 


Upon  a  small  island,  in  an  innnense  swamp,  in  South  Kingston,  Rliodo 
Island,  Philip  had  fortified  himself,  in  a  manner  superior  to  what  was  com- 
mon among  nis  countrymen.  Here  he  intended  to  pass  the  winter,  witli  the 
chief  of  his  friends.  They  had  erected  about  500  wigwams  of  a  superior 
construction,  in  whicli  was  deposited  a  great  store  of  provisions.  Bask(  ts 
and  tubs  of  com*  were  piled  one  upon  another,  about  the  inside  of  them, 
which  rendered  them  huMm  proof  It  was  su[)posed  that  about  3000  persons 
had  here  taken  up  their  residence. 

But,  to  be  more  particular  upon  the  situation  of  "the  scene  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Narragausets,"  we  will  add  as  follows  from  the  notes  of  a  gen- 
tleman lately  upon  the  spot,  for  the  express  ])urposi5  of  gaining  information. 
"What  was  called  The  Island  is  now  an  upland  meadow,  a  few  feet  higher 
than  the  low  meadow  Avith  which  it  is  surrounded.  Tiie  island,  by  my  esti- 
mate, contains  from  three  to  four  acres.  One  fourtli  of  a  mile  west,  is  the 
Usquepaug ;  a  small  stream  also  at  a  sliort  distance  on  the  east."  The  cele- 
brated island  on  which  the  f  it  was  built  is  now  in  the  farm  of  J.  G.  Clark, 
Esq.  a  descendant  of  John  Clark,  of  R.  I.  and  jibont  30  rods  west  of  the  line 
of  the  "  Pettyswamscot  Purchase."  Water  still  surrounds  it  in  wet  seasons. 
It  was  cleared  by  the  liither  of  tlie  present  possessor  ;ibout  17H0,  and,  although 
improved  from  that  time  to  the  present,  charred  corn  and  Indian  implements 
are  yet  i)loughed  up.f  ^ 

President  Stiles,  in  liis  edition  of  Chuuch's  History  of  Philip's  War, 
states  that  the  Narraganset  fort  is  seven  miles  nearly  due  west  from  tiie 
South  Ferry.  This  agrees  with  dat;i  furnished  hy  3ir.  Ely,  in  stating  the 
returning  march  of  the  English  army.  Pine  and  cedar  were  said  to  have 
been  the  former  growth.|  An  oak  300  years  old,  standing  upon  the  island, 
was  cut  down  in  1782,  two  feet  in  diameter,  11  feet  from  tlie  ground.  From 
nnother,  a  bullet  was  cut  ^ut,  surrounded  by  about  100  anmili,  at  the  same 
time.  The  bullet  was  lodged  there,  no  doul)t,  at  tiie  time  of  the  fight.  We 
will  now  return  to  our  narrative  of  the  expedition  to  this  i)lace  in  Decem- 
ber, 1675. 

Afler  nearly  a  month  from  their  setting  out,  the  English  army  arrived  in 
the  Narraganset  country,  and  made  their  head-(iuarters  about  18  miles  from 
Philip's  fort.  They  had  becui  so  long  upon  their  march,  that  the  Indians 
were  well  enough  apprized  of  their  ap|»roach,  and  had  made  the  best  ar- 
rangements in  tlicir  power  to  withstand  them.  The  army  had  already  suf- 
fered much  from  the  severity  of  the  season,  being  obliged  to  encamp  in  the 
open  fi<!!d,  and  without  tents  to  cover  them  ! 

The  lOtli  of  December,  1()7.'>,  is  a  meinorabh!  day  in  the  annals  of  New 
England.  Cold,  in  the  extreme, — tiie  air  tilled  witii  snow, — llie  English 
were  obliged,  from  the  low  state  of  tlieir  provisions,  to  march  to  atUick 
Philip  in  his  fort.  Treachery  hastened  his  ruin.  One  of  liis  men,  by  liope 
of  reward,  betrayed  his  country  into  their  hands.  This  miui  iiad,  probaiily, 
lived  among  the  Englisli,  as  lie  hiid  an  Englisli  name.  lie  was  cidled  Fetir,§ 
and  it  was  liy  accident  tliat  iMinself,  witli  tliirty-liv('  «(tliers,  liad  just  before 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  tlie  fortunate  ('a|)tiiiii  Mo.vlij.  \o  Englishniaii  was 
acquainted  with  the  situation  of  Philip^a  fort ;  and,  but  for  tlieir  pilot,  Peter, 
there  is  very  little  pntliability  tliat  tliey  could  have  even  found,  much  less 
effected  any  thing  agi.insf  it.  For  it  was  one  it'ciock  on  tliat  sliort  day  of 
the  year,  before  they  arrived  within  llu^  vicinity  of  tlie  swamp.  Then^  \mis 
but  one  i>oint  when;  it  coiiid  be  assailed  witii  the  least  probability  of  suc- 
cess; and  this  was  fortified  bv  a  kind  of  block-iiouse,  directly  in  front  of 
the  eiitraiu'e,  and  had  also  flankers  lo  covr  a  cross  tire.  Besides  high  pal- 
isades, an  immensi^  hedge  of  fiilleri  trees,  of  nearly  a  rod   in   tiiickness, 


*  WK)  litifihcls.  says  Dr.  f.  Malher.  Hollow  Irpcs,  cut  ofT  about  tli<'  longlh  of  n  l)iirrp|,  were 
r:iC(l  \.y  llic  biiliaiis  lor  liilis.     In  sr.li  llioy  scriiri'il  llirlr  i-iirii  and  other  (fruiiis. 

f  MS.  riininmiiirntioii  of  I'.ovorcml  Mr.  /'•/;/,  nccouiliuiiicil  hy  ii  drnwiiig  of  tiie  islniul,  ItH 
»liii|if  i>i  very  »iiiiilliir  lo  llio  ilii'll  of  BU  oystrr.  .\vnriip;r  ri'ctiiiifpiJHr  lines  llirotigh  it  mcosuri*, 
I  'H>  ',V>  rods,  iinotliiT  'JO 

}  Holmes's  Annals,  i.  ;17G. 

^  The  mime  of  I'iler  anioiiir  llie  Indians  was  so  runimoii,  llint  it  is  perhaps  past  dc'tvrmiHa- 
lluii  hliii  liiis  Olio  W09.     IMr.  uMurd  calls  liiin  u  I'ukIuv e  lioni  the  NiiiroKiiniteli, 


n 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


35 


Imrrel,  were 


It  (k'lcriniim- 


surrounded  it,  eiipompnssing  an  area  of  about  five  acre.?.  Between  the 
fort  and  the  main  hind  was  a  body  of  water,  over  which  a  great  tree  had 
been  felled,  on  whirh  all  nuist  pass  and  repass,  to  and  from  it.  On  coming 
to  this  ])lace,  the  English  soldiers,  as  many  as  could  pass  upon  the  tree, 
which  would  not  admit  two  abreast,  rushed  forward  upon  it,  but  were  swept 
off  in  a  moment  by  the  fire  of  Philip's  men.  Still,  the  English  soldiers,  led 
by  their  captains,  sup])lie(l  the  places  of  the  slain.  But  again  and  again 
were  they  swept  from  the  fjitiil  avenue.  Six  captains  and  a  great  many  men 
had  fallen,  and  a  partial,  but  momentary,  recoil  from  the  face  of  death  took  place. 

ftleanwhile,  a  handful,  inulcr  the  foi-twnntc  Moscb/,  had,  as  miraculous  as 
it  may  seem,  got  within  the  fort.  These  were  contending  hand  to  hand 
with  till!  Indians,  and  at  fearful  odds,  when  the  cry  of*"  Tftew  run  !  they 
run!"  brought  to  tlieir  assistance  a  considerable  body  of  their  fellow-soldiers. 
They  were  now  enabled  to  drive  the  Indians  from  their  main  breastwork, 
and  their  slaughter  became  innnense.  Flying  from  wigwam  to  wigwam — 
men,  women  and  children,  indiscriminately,  were  luiwn  down,  ajid  lay  in 
heaps  u))<ni  the  snow.  Being  now  mast(>rs  of  the  fort,  at  the  recommenda- 
tion of  iMr.  Church,  who  Ird  the  second  pnrty  that  entered  the  fort,  Gt^neral 
Winslow  was  about  to  (piarter  the  army  in  it  for  the  present,  which  offered 
conifortal)le  haldliuions  to  the  sick  and  wounded,  besides  a  plentiful  supply 
of  provisions.  But  one  of  the  capttiins  *  and  a  surgeon  opposed  the  meas- 
ure; proliably  from  the  apprehension  that  the  woods  was  full  of  Indians, 
who  would  continue  their  attacks  U])on  them,  and  drive  them  out  in  their 
turn.  There  was,  (loubtlcss,  some  reason  for  this,  which  was  strengthened 
from  the  f!iet  th:it  niiniy  Enfrlisli  wrrc  killed  alter  they  had  jiossessed 
tiiemsi'lves  of  tht;  fort,  by  tliose  whom  t!iey  had  just  disjjossessed  of  it. 
Notwitiistanding,  hiid  Chi'irh's  iulvico  been  li)llowed,  perhaps  many  of  the 
lives  of  the  womuied  w(!iil(l  liave  been  saved  ;  for  he  was  seldom  out  in  his 
judgment,  as  his  continii'd  successes  proved  afterwards. 

Alh'r  fighting  thrre  iioui's,  tlin  English  were  obliged  to  march  48  miles, 
before  the  woumled  coiihl  be  dressed,  and  in  a  most  dismal  and  boisterous 
night.  i>igiity  I'^nglish  Avere  killed  in  tiie  figiit,  and  150  woimded,  many  of 
wliom  died  afterwards.  ']'he  shattered  army  Icll  tlie  ground  in  considerable 
haste,  leaving  eight  of  their  dead  in  the  fort. 

Philip,  and  such  of  his  warriors  !is  escaped  imhurt,  fled  into  a  place  of 
safety,  mitil  the  enemy  had  retired  ;  when  they  returned  again  to  the  fort. 
The  English,  no  doubt,  ap|)ri  hcnded  a  pursuit,  hut  Philip,  not  knowing 
their  distressed  situation,  and,  pei'iiaiis.  judging  of  their  loss  from  the  few 
dead  which  they  lelt  behind,  made  no  attempt  to  harass  them  in  their 
retreat.  Beii)re  the  liglit  was  over,  many  of  the  wigwams  were  set  on  lire. 
Into  these,  hundreds  of  innocent  women  and  childnMi  had  crowded  them- 
selves, and  perished  in  the  general  conflagration !  And,  as  a  writer  of  that 
day  exitresses  hiniseltl  "  no  man  knoweth  iiow  many."  The  English  learned 
afterwards,  from  some  that  fell  into  tlieir  hands,  that  in  all  about  700 
perished.f 

The  surterings  of  the  English,  after  the  fight,  ore  almost  without  a  par- 
allel in  history.  The  horrors  of  Moscow  will  not  longer  be  remembered. 
The  myriads  of  modern  Europe,  nsseinbled  there,  bear  but  small  propor- 

*  l*robiil)ly  Moselij,  who  seems  always  lo  have  had  a  largo  simro  ia  ihc  dircclion  of  all  af- 
fairs wlieii  j)rcscpl, 

t  Thrr<^  i<  |irinlO(l  in  Hiilrhlnsoii's  Ilisl.  Moss.  i.  300.  a  Icdrr  which  (rives  llic  pnrlirulnrs  of 
the  Narrnguiisct  light.  1  hnvc  compiircd  it  with  the  orijriiinl,  and  find  it  rorrcot  in  llie  niniii 
pnrtiruhtrs.  lie  mislnkes  in  Bsrribiiiu  it  lo  Mnjnr  Uradtord,  for  il  in  sipiicd  by  Junus  Oliver, 
one  of  tlie  I'hinoulh  c iiptnins.     JfittiTiin.inn  ropied  from  ii  ropy,  which  was  wahont  si)(iiu(iire. 


He  omits  a  passnj^e  conrerning  Tifl,  or  Tijh,  who,  Oliver  saNS,  coiifirmcil  his  narrative. 
That  man  had  "  married  an  Iiuhan,  a  WompiiTioag— and,  says  (tlirrr,  lie  shot  JO  times  nl  us 
in  the  swamj)— was  taken  at  Providence,  |l)y  Taptnin  Frnnr'r,]  Jan.  Ittli — l)ronK:ht  lo  ns  the 
llith— executed  the  lljth  ;  a  sad  wretch,  lie  never  heard  a  sermon  but  once  this  11  years ,  lio 
never  heard  of  the  name  of  Jrsiis  Christ.  His  fiitlier  Koinif  to  recall  liim,  lost  his  lieail,  and 
lies  imburie«l."  Huhhard  says,  (Narrative,  69.)  that  "Tie  was  condemned  lo  die  the  death  of 
a  traitor,"  and  traitors  of  those  days  were  (|nnrlered.  "'As  lo  his  'liiffion,  lie  was  found  as 
ignor.'inl  as  an  lieaihen,  which,  no  (luubi,  caused  the  fowcr  lean  to  be  snud  at  his  fuiioral." 
A  sorrowful  rerurd ! 


36 


PHILIP. 


[Book  lit. 


II 


• 


IS  I  ' 


tlontothe  number  of  their  coiintrvnien,  roiiip,'irc(l  Aviili  that  of  the  army 
of  New  Eiifrluiul  and  theirs,  at  the  lij^ht  in  Niiini;;iiiiscr. 

Colonel  Church,  tiieii  only  a  volnntcer,  was  in  this  fiiilif,  aiul  wo  will  hear 
a  few  of  his  observ'atiiiiis.  "By  tiiis  time,  the  Knjiiish  poojilo  in  tiio  ibrt  had 
begun  to  set  fire  to  iIk;  wiirwams  and  lioiif^os,  wliicii  ]\lr.  CV/urf/i  laboted 
hard  to  prevent ;  they  told  him  thiy  had  orders  lioni  t!ie  general  to  burn 
them;  he  bc<fged  them  to  Ibrb 'ar  until  le;  hiid  discous-sed  th(!  froneral." 
Then,  hastemnfj;  to  liim,  he  M!-i.^('d,  tliat  "tlic  A\i;;\vaiiis  \\('re  nniski't-proof, 
being  all  lined  with  baskets  and  tul)s  oi"  <;rain,  and  other  ])rovisions,  suffi- 
cient to  sui)))ly  the  wholo  luiiiy  uiiiii  liio  siniiij^'  ol' tlio  }i^ar;  and  every 
wounded  man 'mi^ht  ha\e  a  irood  warm  house  to  lodpein;  which,  other- 
wise, would  necessarily  ]>ens!i  with  tlu;  storms  and  cold.  a\h],  moreover, 
that  the  army  had  no  other  piovision  to  trust  unto  or  depend  upon ;  that  he 
knew  that  Plymouth  Ibrces  had  not  so  much  as  one  bisctiit  lelt,"  The  gen- 
eral was  for  acceding  to  Churches  pn)])osition,  but  a  ca])tain  and  a  doctor 
prevented  it,  as  we  have  bclbre  observed ;  tin;  ibrnier  threatening  to  slioot 
the  general's  horse  under  him,  if  he  attemjited  to  march  in,  and  the  latter 
said,  Church  should  bleed  to  death  like  a  dog,  (he  having  been  badly  wounded 
on  entering  the  fort,)  before  he  would  dress  his  wounds,  if  he  gave  such 
advice  C/i«rc/i  then  proceeds:  "And,  burning  uj)  all  the  houses  and  pro- 
visions in  the  fort,  the  army  returned  the  same  night  in  the  storm  and  cold. 
And,  I  suppose,  every  one  that  is  accpiainted  with  the  circumstances  of  that 
night's  march,  <leeply  laments  the  miseries  that  attended  them ;  especially 
the  wouiuled  and  dying  men.  lint  it  mercifidly  came  to  pass  that  Capt. 
Andrew  Belcher  arrived  at  BIr.  Smithes,  [in  Narraganst't,]  that  ycry  night  from 
Boston,  with  a  vessel  loachni  with  provisions  for  the  army,  who  must  other- 
wise have  perished  for  want."  * 

Afler  the  English  army  had  gone  into  quartere  at  Wickford,  the  Connecticut 
trot)ps  returuecl  home,  which  was  considered  very  detrimental  to  the  service 
by  the  other  colonies;  and  soo'.i  afier  a  reinforcement  of  1000  men  was  ils- 
sembled  at  Boston  and  ordered  to  the  assistance  of  their  countrymen.  In 
their  march  to  Narragans(>t  in  the  beginning  of  Jan.  1G7G,  they  suffered  intol- 
erably from  the  cold;  no  less  than  II  men  were  frozen  to  death,  and  many 
others  \\   •■<•  taken  sick  by  reason  of  their  exposure  in  that  severe  season. 

Meanwiiile  the  Indians  had  siint  deputies  to  the  commander-in-chief  to  treat 
of  peace ;  but  it  wjis  judged  that  they  were  insincere  in  their  overtures,  and  no 
terms  were  settled.  Whili;  matters  were  thus  progressing,  Philip  removed  his 
provisions,  women  and  children  to  a  strong  place  protected  by  rocks,  in  a 
swamp,  about  '20  miles  from  the  late  battle-ground  in  Narraganset,  into 
the  country  of  the  Nipnuiks.  At  length,  the  weather  having  Ixicome  mild,  and 
the  Connecticut  forces  returned,  together  with  a  body  of  Mohegans  inider 
Uncus,  it  was  resolved  to  supris(!  Philip  in  his  rocky  fortress.  Accordingly 
the  army,  consisting  now  of  IGOO  men,  marched  out  on  this  enterprise.  On 
its  approach,  the  Indians  abandoned  their  position  and  lied  farther  northward. 
They  were  pursued  a  small  distance,  and  about  (iO  jr  70  of  them  killed  and 
taken,  (pn>lmbly  women  and  children.)  The  army  soon  aller  returned  home, 
and  was  chiefly  disbanded. 

On  y?  Jan.,  while  the  army  was  ])ur8uing  the  main  l)ody  of  the  Indian^*, 
a  party  of  about  300  attacked  Mr.  /FiHirtniCrtrTJfn/cr'aijlantation,  and  attempted 
to  burn  his  house,  which  they  set  on  fire,  l)ut  those  within  succeeded  in  put- 
ting it  out.  In  the  skirmish,  one  of  their  mnnlM?r  wius  killed,  and  two  of  tlie 
whites  were  wounded.  The  aswudting  party  collected  and  drove  oft"  from 
this  place  180  sheej),  .W  large  cattle,  and  15  horses,  an<l  from  a  Mr.  Harris 
another  drove  of  cattle,  and  killed  his  negro  servant.f 

Soon  alhr  this,  Philip,  with  many  of  his  followers,  left  that  port  of  the 

*  "  <1nr  woiindnl  mm.  (in  ntimbrr  n^imit  I.V).)  bpinp  ilrcsw-d,  were  sent  iiilo  Rhode  lalnnH. 

nx  (III'  lll•^l  |il,irc  liir  llirir  iicTiMiiinoiliilioii  ;  ulicrc.  iiiTnnliiiijIy,  lliey  wrre  kimlly  rcroivod 
liy  llic  ijovoriiiir  luid  ollicrs.  milv  sm\w  rliiirlitli  (iiKikcrs  vmtc  ii(it  t'ri'C  In  <'iili"'tiiiiiilicm,  lailil 
ciiniprllcd  liv  (lio  jjnvrriior.  Of' •in  iiiliiiiniiiif,  iircvi>ll  iiiid  niildwiird  »  di^piKilioii  iiro  tliP.K- 
Aithuh,  ns  iiiil  to  viKK'lonte  rivilil  v  In  llio-e  lliiil  liinl  vciilnrvii  llivir  live<,  aiul  ruceived  dBll^roUS 
wimiihIs  hi  tlii'lr  dcli'iict'."  OJil  liid.  i'luniiirlf,  71. 
t  (Jill  liidiaii  C  iiroiiK-lo,  OK,  j'J.—lliManl,  b'J. 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— MEDFIELD  ATTACKED 


87 


<x)uutry,  and  resided  in  different  plac<?s  upon  Connecticut  River,  Some  report 
that  he  took  uj)  his  residence  near  Allwny,  and  that  he  sohcited  the  Mohawks 
to  aid  him  against  the  Englisli,  but  without  success. 

Tlie  story  of  the  foul  stratagem  said  to  have  been  resorted  to  by  PliiUp 
for  this  object,  is,  if  true,  tlie  deepest  stain  ujjon  iiifj  character.  Accordinjf 
to  one  of  the  historians  *  of  tlie  war,  it  was  reported  at  Boston,  in  tlie  end  ot" 
June  or  beginning  of  July,  1G76,  that  "  those  Indians  who  are  known  by  the 
name  of  3Iauquawogs,  (or  MohawLs,  i.  e.  man-eaters,)  had"  lately  fallen  ii])()n 
Philip,  and  killed  40  of  his  men.  And  if  the  vai'iance  between  Philip  and 
the  3laucpiawogs  came  to  pass,  as  is  cflininoiily  reported  and  apiirehemled, 
there  was  a  marvellous  finger  of  God  in  it.  For  we  hear  that  Philip  being 
this  winter  entertained  in  the  Mohawks'  country,  made  it  his  design  to  breed 
a  quarrel  bi^tween  the  English  and  them ;  to  effect  which,  divej-s  of  our 
returned  ca])tives  do  report,  that  he  resolved  to  kill  some  scattering  Mohawks, 
and  then  to  say  that  the  English  had  done  it ;  but  one  of  these,  wliom  he 
thought  to  have  killed,  was  only  wounded,  and  got  away  to  his  countrymen, 
giving  them  to  understand  tiiat  not  the  English,  but  Philip,  had  killed  the 
men  that  were  murdered :  so  that,  instead  of  bringing  the  Mohawks  upon 
the  English,  Jie  brought  them  upon  himself." 

The  autlnir  of  the  anonymous  "  LETTERS  to  London"  has  tltis  pa'ssagef 
concerning  PhiUp''s  visit  to  the  IMohawks.  "King  Philip  and  some  of  these 
northern  Indians,  being  wandered  up  towards  Albany,  the;  Mohiicks  marched 
out  very  strong,  in  a  warlike  posture,  upon  them,  ]iiittiiig  tliem  to  flight,  and 
jiursuing  them  as  far  as  Ilassicke  River,  wliich  is  about  two  days' march  froju 
the  east  side  of  Hudson's  River,  to  the  north-east,  kilting  divers,  and 
bringing  away  some  prisoners  witii  great  pride  and  tritinipli,  whicli  ill  suc- 
cess on  that  side,  wlusre  they  did  not  expect  any  enemy,  having  lately  en- 
deavored to  make  up  the  ancient  animosili.-'S,  did  very  nnieli  daimt  and  dis- 
courage the  said  northern  Indians,  so  thai  some  hinidrcds  eame  in  and  siili- 
niitted  themselves  to  the  Englisli  at  Plimonth  colony,  and  Philip  himself  ia 
run  skulking  away  into  some  swamp  with  not  above  ten  men  attending  iiini." 

Although  Philip  was  sujiposed  to  be  beyond  the  frontier  by  some,  and  by 
others  to  be  "snugly  stowed  away  in  some  swani]>,"  yet  his  warriors,  Avhetlier 
directed  by  him  in  person  or  not,  is  inimatrrial,  as  every  thing  was  done 
against  the  English  that  could  well  be  un.'er  sucli  broken  eiri'mnstanees  as 
he  now  laboreil.  On  the  10  Fell.  I(i7ti,  the^  surprisi^d  Lancaster  with  com- 
jilele  «neeess,  the  particulars  of  wliicii  we  shall  fully  narrati-  in  onr  next 
chapter.  Eleven  days  after,  (21  Feb.)  about  ;300  Indians  attacked  IMedlield, 
and  in  spite  of 200  .soldiers  stationed  thereto  guard  it, burnt  .-.bout  .W  lionsrs, 
killed  18  of  its  uihabitant.s,  and  wounded  20  others.  Among  the  slain  were 
Lieutenant  ,'ldams  and  his  wife :  tlu^  latter  was  killed  aceidentally  !)y  Cap- 
tain Jacob,  t^iie  was  in  bed  in  a  elianilier,  iuiil(>r  wliieh  was  a  room  occupied 
by  the  soldiers;  as  Captain  Jacob  was  about  to  leaw  tin;  house,  his  mn  went 
off,  the  ball  from  whieiipassed  through  the  ehaml)er  floor  and  kil);;d  her. 

The  Indians  managed  this  attack  with  their  usu.'il  skill ;  having  placed  .somo 
of  their  mnnlier  j)repared  with  lire  implements  in  various  parts  of  the  towni, 
they  set  the  houses  on  lire,  "as  it  were,"  says  M;ijor  Goolin,  "in  one  instant 
of  time."  And  as  the  people  i.-isued  out  of  them,  parties  lay  ready  and  shot 
them  down.  .\m  soon  as  the  whiti's  were  mustered  to  oppose  them,  they 
retired  over  the  bridge  towards  S^herbmne,  i.iid  set  it  on  fire,  so  that  the  sol- 
tliers  could  not  pursue  them.  In  the  prid(;  nl"  their  success,  they  now  wrote 
u  letter  to  the  whites,  and  stuck  it  up  on  a  pes!  of  the  bridge.     It  reads, 

"  Knoir  In/ this  papfr,  Ihat  I  he  Inihans  thai  thou  hunt  prnvnf.ril  to  wrath  and 
atifrir  will  war  tins  21  ijrars  if  i/oa  ivill.  Then  are  man;/  Iniliatis  ijtt.  li'c  come 
yOO  at  Ihi.i  time.  You  must  roii4ii(!ir  the  Iiulians  lost  jiof/ii'/ig-  hut  their  life.  You 
must  IvDc  ijour/air  housr.t  iind  catlle.l 

On  the  ].'.{  March,  the  entire  town  of  Crotoii,  consisting  of  10  Iionses, 
was  burnt,  except  (tne  garrison, §  b\  shots  Irom  which  several  Indians  wero 
said  to  huvu  l>een  killed. 


•  Dr.  /.  M.'llirr,  Uriel'  Iliii, .'«.  t  <'lir<>iiirli',  '.•!i. 

I  f;,i.i,',/i(',-  \IS.  II>i.  riii\lii;r  Iiiirinim.— TlMMi!'nM' liUiT  was  (!oiil)llc!)9  wrillcii  by  somo 
of  llio  CliriMi.iii  liiili^uH  «lio'liiiil  joiiicil  I'lllii'. 
$  III  (iiir  Ctimuicle,  DO,  it  is  sai'l  iliai  (iruUui  \vai  'uunil  oc  'it  *>'    ^'.  V.S^'V  WUUrd'$ 


38 


PHILIP— SUDBURY  FIGHT. 


[Book  III. 


wf 


i 


Philip  had  for  some  time  directed  matters  with  such  address  that  his 
enemies  could  not  tell  where  or  how  to  meet  him,  or  whether  he  actually 
were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  frontiers  or  not.  But  there  can  be  little  doubt  of 
his  special  agency  and  direction  in  all  the  important  enterprises.  On  the  18 
March,  Northampton  was  assaulted,  but  not  with  quite  as  good  success  as 
was  anticipated  by  the  besiegers ;  for  they  lost  eleven  men,  while  the  whites 
had  but  three  killed  and  six  wounded. 

On  the  27  March,  a  large  body  of  300  Indians,  as  was  supposed,  were 
discovered  encamped  not  tar  from  Marlborough,  which  they  had  burnt  the 
day  before.  A  company  of  men  belonging  to  that  town,  attached  themselves 
to  a  number  of  soldiers  under  one  Lieutenant  Jaco&s,  who,  falling  upon  them 
in  the  night  while  they  were  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  killed  and  wounded 
about  40  of  them,  without  any  loss  to  themselves. 

The  Indians  seem  to  have  resolved  that  this  midnight  assassination  should 
not  go  long  unrequited,  and  events  so  determined,  as  what  we  are  about  to 
relate  will  fully  exemplify.  On  the  morning  of  the  20  April,  the  largest 
body  of  Indians  which  had  at  any  time  appeared,  attacked  Sudbury,  and 
before  resistance  could  be  made,  set  fire  to  several  buildings,  which  were 
consumed.  The  inhabitants,  however,  made  a  brave  stand,  and  were  soon 
joined  by  some  soldiers  from  Watertown,  under  Captain  Hugh  Mason ;  and 
the  Indians  retreated  over  the  bridge,  and  were  prevented  from  doing  any 
further  mischief  during  the  day,  against  Sudbury. 

Some  of  tlie  people  of  Concord  hearing  of  the  distress  at  Sudbury,  sallied 
forth  for  its  protection.  As  they  approached  a  garrison  house,  they  discovered 
a  few  Indians,  and  pni-sued  them.  These,  as  it  proved,  were  a  decoy,  and 
they  soon  found  tliciiiseives  ambushed  on  every  side.  They  fought  with 
desperation,  but  were  sill,  except  one,  cut  off,  being  eleven  in  number.  This 
affair  took  place  immediately  after  Captain  Wadsioorth  had  marched  from 
Sudbury  with  70  men  to  stren.'tthen  the  garrison  at  Marlborough ;  and  the 
news  of  the  situation  of  the  place  he  had  just  left  reached  his  destination  as 
soon  as  he  did ;  and  although  he  had  marched  all  the  day  and  night  before,  and 
his  men  almost  exhausted  with  fatigue,  yet,  taking  Captain  Brocfdebank  and 
about  ten  men  from  the  garrison  at  Marlborough,  he  marched  directly  back 
for  Sudbury.  On  the  morning  of  the  21jt,  they  arrived  within  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  of  the  town,  near  where  a  body  of  about  500  Indians  had  pre- 
pared an  ombush  behind  the  hills.  From  thence  they  sent  out  two  or  three 
of  their  party,  who  crossed  the  marcii  of  the  English,  and,  being  discovered 
by  them,  affected  to  fly  through  fear,  to  decoy  them  into  a  pursuit.  This 
stratagem  succeeded,  and  v  ith  great  boldness  the  Indians  began  the  attack. 
For  some  time  tiie  lOngiisli  maintained  good  order,  and,  having  retreated  to 
an  adjacent  hill,  lost  but  live  men  for  near  four  hours.  Meantime  the  Indians 
had  lost  a  great  number,  which  so  increased  their  rage  that  they  resolved  to 
put  in  practic(>  nnother  stratagem,  which  it  seems  they  had  not  l)rfore  thought 
of.  They  immediately  sot  the  woods  on  fire  to  windward  of  the  English, 
which  spread  with  great  rapidity,  owing  to  an  exceeding  high  wind  and 
the  dryness  of  the  grass  mid  otlier  combustibles.  This  stratagem  likewise 
succeeded, even  better tliiin  tlie  first;  that, although  it  served  to  bring  on  the 
attack,  was  near  proving  fatal  to  its  originators,  but  this  was  crowned  with 
complete  success.  The  fiuy  of  the  flames  soon  drove  tlicEniflish  from  their 
advantageous  position,  which  ga\e  the  Indians  an  oppoituiuty  to  fall  upon 
them  with  their  tomahawks!  Many  were  now  able  to  fiill  upon  one,  and 
resistanct!  fast  diminished.  All  but  about  twenty  were  killed  or  fell  into  tlio 
hands  of  the  concpierors ;  among  the  l()riner  were  the  two  cajitains;  some 
of  those  that  escaped  took  shelter  in  a  mill  not  far  off,  and  wore  saved  by 
the  arrival  of  a  lew  men  under  Captain  Prentice,  and  a  company  under 
Captain  Crowell.  Both  of  these  otfi«!ers  and  their  men  very  narrowly  es- 
caped the  fate  of  JVadaworth.*    As  the  former  was  about  to  fall  into  a  fatal 

house  wns  hiiriii  Tirst,  and  llint  "  nfti-rwonU  llicy  deslroyetl  G5  more  there,  leaving;  but  six 
houaes  ulandiiig  in  the  wliolu  iiiM-n," 

*  "  So  iiiHolcnt  worn  tlio  Indinix  (jrowa  upon  tlirir  first  surrpss  of^ninut  Cnptnin  H'<irf«corM, 
that  thty  .lenl  us  wonl,  id  provide  siore  of  rood  cheer ;  for  they  iutended  to  dine  with  ui  [ul 
Boston]  on  thn  clcrlinii  dny."     Chronielt,  95. 


1 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


39 


upon  one,  nnd 
or  foil  into  the 


snare,  he  was  rescued  by  a  company  from  a  garrison ;  and  as  the  latter  ap- 
proached Sudbury,  he  saved  himself  by  pursuing  an  unexpected  route ;  and, 
though  attacked,  he  succeeded  in  fightmg  his  way  through  the  Indians  with 
a  loss  only  of  six  or  seven  of  his  men.  Captain  CroweWs  arrival  at  this  time 
was  accidental,  though  fortunate ;  being  on  his  return  from  Quabaog,  whither 
he  had  been  sent  to  reinforce  that  garrison.*  With  this  great  achievement 
ended  the  chief  opera  'ons  in  Massachusetts ;  and  we  have  now  to  return 
towards  Plimouth. 

When  success  no  longer  attended  Philip  in  Massachusetts,  those  of  his 
allies  whom  he  had  seduced  into  the  war,  upbraided  and  accused  him  of 
bringing  all  their  misfortunes  upon  them ;  that  they  had  no  cause  of  war 
against  the  English,  and  had  not  engaged  in  it  but  for  his  solicitations ;  and 
many  of  the  tribes  scattered  themselves  in  different  directions.  With  all 
that  would  follow  him,  as  a  last  retreat,  Philip  returned  to  Pokanoket  The 
Peconiptuck  or  Deerfield  Indians  were  among  the  first  who  abandoned  his 
cause,  and  many  of  the  otlier  Nipmucks  and  Narragansets  soon  followed 
their  example. 

On  the  11th  of  July,  he  attempted  to  surprise  Taunton,  but  was  repulsedf. 
His  camp  was  now  at  Matapoiaet  The  English  came  upon  liim  here,  under 
Captain  Church,  who  captured  many  of  his  people,  but  he  escaped  over 
Taunton  River,  as  he  had  done  a  year  before,  but  in  the  opposite  direction, 
and  screened  himself  once  more  m  the  woods  of  Pocasset  He  used  many 
stratagems  to  cut  off  Captain  Church,  and  seems  to  have  watched  and  fol- 
lowed him  from  place  to  place,  until  the  end  of  this  month ;  but  he  was 
continually  losing  one  company  of  his  men  after  another.  Some  scouts 
ascertained  that  he,  and  many  of  his  men,  were  at  a  certain  place  upon 
Taunton  River,  and,  from  appearances,  were  about  to  repass  it  His  camp 
was  now  at  this  place,  and  the  chief  of  his  warriors  with  him.  Some  sol- 
«lier8  from  Bridgewater  fell  upon  them  here,  on  Sunday,  July  30,  and  killed 
ten  warriors;  but  Philip,  having  disguised  himself,  escaped.^  His  uncle, 
Jikhompoin,  was  among  the  slain,  and  his  own  sister  token  prisoner. 

The  late  attempt  by  Philip  upon  Taunton  had  caused  the  people  of  Bridge- 
water  to  be  more  watciiful,  and  some  were  continually  on  the  scout  Some 
time  in  the  day,  Saturday,  29  July,  four  men,  as  they  were  ranging  the  woods, 
discovered  one  Indian,  and,  rightly  judging  there  were  more  at  hand,  made 
nil  hnste  to  inform  the  other  inhabitdbits  of  Bridgewater  of  their  discovery. 
Comfort  WiUia  and  Joseph  Edson  were  "  pressed  "  to  go  "  post "  to  the  govern- 
or of  Plimouth,  at  Marshfield,  who  "went  to  Plimouth  with  them,  the 
next  (lay,  [30  July,]  to  send  Captain  Church  with  his  company.  And  Captain 
Church  came  with  them  to  Monponset  on  the  sabbath,  and  came  no  further 
tlint  day,  he  told  them  he  would  meet  them  the  next  day."  Here  ffi/iia  and 
Edson  left  him,  and  arrived  at  home  in  the  evening.  Upon  hearing  of  the 
arrival  of  Church  in  their  neighborhood,  21  men  "  went  out  on  Monday,  sup- 
jiosing  to  meet  with  Captain  Church ;  but  they  came  tijion  the  enemy  and 
tbugiit  with  them,  and  tof.k  17  of  th(!m  alive,  and  also  much  plunder.  And 
they  all  returned,  and  not  one  of  them  fell  by  the  enemy ;  and  received  no 
help  from  Church."  This  account  is  given  from  an  old  manuscript,  but  who 
Its  author  was  is  not  cortain.§  ChuraCa  account  differs  considerably  from  it. 
He  says,  that  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day  he  and  his  company  marched 
from  Plimouth,  '^they  heard  a  smart  firing  at  a  distance  ii-oni  tliem,  but  it 


c,  jeaviiiff  but  six 


•  Old  Lidian  Chronicle  79, 1)2,  dS.—HMiarJ,  80.— Goolcin's  MS.  Hlfil.— A  son  of  Captain 
Wiuhwoiili  cuusud  n  aioiiiimciU  to  be  crectod  upon  llio  pluco  of  this  tiirht,  with  an  inscrl|itioii 
upon  it,  which  linio  lias  discovered  to  Ihj  orroiioous  in  some  of  its  historical  purticuhirs.  It 
was  recently  stanHiiij;  to  the  west  of  Sudbury  canseway,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  tho 
l(reat  road  that  leads  from  Ilo«ton  to  Worcester.     Ifoijl,  I'Z'i.  ffiJini-.i,  i.  31)0. 

t  A  ca|)live  negro  made  his  escape  from  J'hUip't  men,  and  (rave  notice  of  their  intention  ; 
'•  wliereiipon  the  nihabilnnts  stood  upon  their  fninr<l,  and  souldicrs  were  Umously  sent  in  to 
thoni  lor  their  relief  and  deti;nce."     Pm\demy  of  t'nwer,  li. 

t  "  "I'is  said  that  he  had  newly  cut  o(T  his  hair,  that  lie  iniclit  not  be  known."  Hubbard, 
Ntif.  101, 

^  It  is  pnhlishcil  by  Mr.  Mitrhfll.  in  his  valuable  nrcoiinl  of  nridfrewnler,  and  supposeil  to  have 
iKjfn  wraien  by  Comfort  Willis,  named  obovo,    Wco  I  Coll,  Man.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  Ii7. 


40 


.LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  IIL 


I  I  ,       ! ' 


»  I 


being  near  nijrlit,  mid  tlio  firinfrof  short  continuance,  they  missed  the  place, 
and  went  into  liridgewator  town." 

On  tho  I  August,  tlie  intrepid  Church  came  upon  Philip's  head-quarters, 
Itilled  and  took  about  130  of  his  people,  Philip  himself  very  narrowly  escap- 
ing. Such  was  his  precipitation,  that  he  left  all  his  wampum  behind,  and  his 
wile  and  son  lell  into  the  hands  of  Church. 

No  sooner  had  the  story  of  the  destruction  of  the  Indians  begun  to  attract 
attention,  (which,  however,  was  not  until  a  long  time  after  they  had  been 
desHoyr  1,)  much  inquiry  was  made  concerning  the  fate  of  this  son  of  the 
famous  Mdacomet ;  and  it  was  not  until  considerable  time  had  elapsed,  that 
it  was  discovered  that  ho  was  sold  into  slavery!  It  is  gi'atifying  to  learn 
what  did  become  of  him,  although  the  knowledge  of  the  fact  nuist  cause  pain 
in  every  humane  breast;  not  more  for  tiie  lot  of  young  Metacomet,  than  for 
the  wretched  depravity  of  the  minds  of  those  who  advised  aiid  executed  the 
decree  of  slavery  upon  him. 

Great  uiunbers  of  Philip's  people  wore  sold  for  slaves  in  foreign  countries. 
in  tlie  beginning  of  the  war  Captain  Mosehj  captured  80,  who  were  confined 
at  Plimouth.  In  September  following,  178  were  put  on  board  a  vessel  com- 
manded by  Captain  Sprague,  who  sailed  from  Plimouth  with  them  for  Spain. 

Church*  relates  the  attack  of  Aug.  1  upon  the  flying  chief  as  follows: — 
"  Ne.xt  morning,  [after  the  skirmish  in  which  Jlkkumpoin  was  killed,]  Capt. 
Church  moved  very  early  with  his  company,  which  was  increased  by  many  of 
Bridgewater  that  listed  under  him  for  that  expedition,  and,  by  their  piloting, 
he  soon  came,  very  still,  to  the;  toj)  of  the  great  tree  which  the  enemy  had 
fallen  across  tiie.  river;  and  the  cajitain  spied  an  Indian  sitting  upon  the 
stump  of  it,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  he  clapped  his  gun  up,  and  had 
doubtless  despatched  him,  but  that  one  of  his  own  Indians  called  hastily  to 
him  not  to  tire,  lor  he  believed,  it  was  one  of  his  own  men;  upon  which, the 
Lidian  upon  the  stump  looked  about,  and  Capt  ChurcKs  Indian,  seeing  his 
face,  perceived  his  mistake,  lor  he  knew  him  to  be.  Philip;  clapped  up  his 
gui)  and  liretl,  but  it  was  too  late ;  for  Philip  iunuediately  threw  liimself  off 
the  stump,  leaped  down  a  bank  on  the  side  of  the  river,  and  made  his  escape. 
Capt.  Church,  as  soon  as  |)ossiblc,got  over  the  river,  and  scattered  in  quest  of 
Philip  niul  his  comj)any,  but  the  enemy  scattered  antl  fled  every  way ;  but  he 
picked  up  a  considerable  many  of  their  women  and  children,  among  which 
were  Philip^s  whe  and  son  of  about  nine  years  old."  The  remainder  of  the 
<Uiv  was  sjiciit  ill  jiursuing  tli(!  Hying  Philip,  who,  with  his  Narragansets,  was 
still  formidable.  They  pickeil  ui»  many  prisoners,  from  whom  they  learned 
the  l()rce  of  those  of  whom  they  were  in  piu'suit.  At  niglit,  Church  was  under 
obligation  to  return  to  his  men  he  had  left,  but  conmiissioned  lAghtfoot,  cap- 
tain, to  load  a  party  on  discovery.  Liirhlfoot  returned  in  the  morning  with 
good  success,  having  miulo  an  important  discover)',  and  taken  13  prisoners. 
Church  immediately  set  out  to  follow  up  their  ad\"nntage.  He  soon  came 
where  tht.'v  had,  made  lires,  and  shortly  after  overtook  their  women  and  chil- 
dren, who  "were  tiiint  and  tired,"  anil  who  informed  them  "that  Philip,  with 
u  great  iiunibcr  of  tin;  enemy,  were  a  little  !)eihre."  It  was  almost  sunset 
wlieii  they  came  near  enough  to  ol)serve  them,  and  *^  Philip  soon  came  to  a 
stop,  aiul  foil  to  breaking  and  ••liopinug  wood,  to  make  fires;  and  a  great 
noise  they  made."  Chuirh,  concentrating  his  followers,  formed  them  into  a 
oiiTJo,  and  set  down  "without  any  noise  or  fire."  Their  jtrisonerH  showed 
great  signs  ofli-ar,  but  wore  easily  put  in  <'onfi(lonce  by  the  conciliatory  con- 
duct oi' Church.  Thus  stood  niattors  in  Churches  camp  through  the  night  of 
the  2  August,  l(i7(i.  At  da\\Ti  of  <liiy,  he  told  his  prisoners  they  must  remain 
still  wh'To  tlioy  wi-ro,  until  tho  fight  was  over,  (for  he  now  had  every  reason 
to  oxpcct  a  severe  one  siiortly  to  follow,)  "or,  as  soon  as  the  firing  ceased, 
they  nnist  follow  tho  tracks  of  his  compiuiy,  and  come  to  theui.  (An  Indian 
is  uv.xl  to  a  liloodliouud  to  loljciw  a  track. )''t 

Ft  being  now  light  enough  to  make  tht!  onset.  Church  sent  forward  two 
snidiors  to  learn  Phllip\'i  position.  Philip,  no  less  wary,  had,  at  the  same 
tiine,  sent  out  two    spies,  to  see  if  any  W(!ro  in  pursuit  of  him.     "''■"  "" 


Tho  re- 


•  Hist,  riillqi's  War,  33,  cd.  )to. 


t  Ibid.  39. 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


41 


spective  spies  of  the  two  iuinous  chiefa  gave  the  alarm  to  both  camps  at  the 
Hame  time ;  but,  uiihai)pily  for  Philip,  hii<  antagonist  was  prepared  for  the 
event,  while  he  was  not.  "  All  fled  at  the  first  tidings,  [of  the  spies,]  left 
their  kettles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting  upon  their  wooden  spits,  and  run 
into  a  swamp  with  no  other  breakfast,  than  what  Capt.  Chvrch  afterwards 
treated  them  with."  Church  sent  his  lieutenant,  Mr.  Isaac  Howland,  on  one 
side  of  the  swamp,  while  himself  ran  upon  the  other,  each  with  a  small 
party,  hoping,  as  the  swamp  was  small,  to  prevent  the  escape  of  any.  Ex- 
pecting that  when  Philip  should  discover  the  English  at  the  fai  iher  extremi- 
ty of  the  swamp,  he  would  turn  back  in  his  own  track,  and  so  escape  at  the 
same  place  he  entered.  Church  had,  therefore,  stationed  an  ambush  to  entrap 
him  in  such  an  event.  But  the  wariness  of  Philip  disappointed  him.  He, 
thinking  that  the  English  would  pursue  him  into  ttio  swamp,  had  formed  an 
ambush  for  them  also,  but  was,  in  like  manner,  disappointed.  He  had,  at 
the  same  time,  sent  forwoi-d  a  band  of  his  warriors,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Church  and  Howland.  They,  at  first,  attempted  to  fly,  and  then  offered  re- 
sistance ;  but  Church  ordered  Matthias  *  to  tell  them  the  impracticability  of 
such  a  ::tep.  He  accordingly  called  to  them,  and  said,  "  If  they  fired  one  gun 
they  voert  all  dead  men"  This  threat,  with  the  presence  of  the  English  and 
Indians,  so  amazed  them,  that  they  suftisred  "  the  English  to  come  and  take 
the  guns  out  of  their  hands,  when  they  were  both  charged  and  cocked." 
Having  secured  these  with  a  guai'd,  armed  with  the  gims  just  taken  from 
them,  Church  presses  through  tlie  swamp  in  search  of  Philip,  towards  the 
end  at  which  that  chief  had  entered.  Having  waited  mitil  he  had  no  hopes 
of  ensnaring  Captain  Church,  Philip  now  moved  on  after  the  company  he 
liad  sent  forward,  and  thus  the  two  parties  met.  ,  The  English  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  first  discovery,  and,  covered  by  trees,  made  the  first  fire. 
Philip  stood  his  ground  for  a  time,  and  maintained  a  dcsjicrate  fight ;  but,  a 
main  body  of  his  warriors  having  been  captured,  wMcli,  by  this  time,  he 
began  to  apprehend,  us  they  did  not  come  to  his  aid,  he,  therefore,  fled  back 
to  the  point  where  he  entered  the  swamp,  and  thus  fell  into  a  second  am- 
bush. Here  the  English  were  worsted,  having  one  of  their  number  slam, 
viz.  Thomas  Lucas,  \  of  Plimouth :  thus  escaped,  for  a  few  days,  Philip  and 
some  of  his  best  captains :  such  were  Tuspaquin  and  Tatoson.  This  was 
August  the  3d,  and  Philip's  numbers  had  decreased,  since  the  1st,  173,  by 
the  exertions  of  Church,  t 

Philip,  having  now  but  few  followers  left,  was  driven  from  place  to  place, 
and  lastly  to  his  ancient  seat  near  Pokanoket  The  English,  for  a  long  time, 
had  endeavored  to  kill  him,  but  could  not  find  him  off  his  guard  ;  for  he 
was  always  the  first  who  was  apprized  of  their  approach.  He  having  put  to 
death  one  of  his  own  men  for  oidvising  him  to  make  peace,  this  man's 
brother,  whose  name  was  Mderman,  fearing  the  same  fate,  deserted  him, 
and  ^ave  Captain  Church  an  account  of  his  situation,  and  oftercd  to  lead  him 
to  his  camp.  Early  on  Saturday  morning,  12  Aug.,  Church  came  to  tlie 
swamp  where  Philip  was  encamped,  and,  before  he  was  discovered,  had 
placed  a  gUEU'd  about  it,  so  as  to  encompass  it,  except  a  small  place.  He 
then  ordered  Captain  Golding^  to  rush  into  the  swamp,  and  full  u{)on  Philip 
in  his  camp;  which  he  immediately  did — but  was  discovered  as  he  ap- 
proached, and,  as  usual,  Philip  was  the  first  to  fly.  Having  but  just  awaked 
ti-om  slee[),  and  having  on  but  a  i)art  of  his  clothes,  he  fled  with  all  his 
might.  Coming  directly  ujion  an  Englishman  and  an  Indian,  who  composed 
a  part  of  the  ambush  at  the  edge  of  the  swamp,  the  Englisliman's  gun  missed 
fire,  but  Alderman,  the  Indian,  whose  gun  was  loaded  with  two  balls,  "  sent 


*  Olio  of  Chitrck's  Indian  soldicrD,  but  of  winin  he  makcii  no  mention. 

t  An  improvident  fellow,  jfivcn  to  intoxiriitijn,  and,  from  Church's  expression  about  liis 
beiiifC  killed,  "  not  bcin^  so  rarefiil  as  ho  minlit  linvo  been,"  it  leaves  room  to  doubt  wlicllier 
lie  were  not,  at  lliig  imie,  under  the  eflecis  of  litiuor.  He  had  been  often  fined,  and  once 
wliip|>cd,  for  gcttinff  drunk,  beatinjf  liis  wife  and  cliildron,  defaming  the  character  of  deceased 
magistrates,  and  other  misdemeanors. 

i  Church,  iX.     In  the  account  of  TiUoson,  Church's  narrative  is  rontimied. 

^  (vaptain  Roger  Gouldm,  of  U.  I.  Plimouth  grouited  him  100  acres  of  laii.l  on  Pocassel, 
in  lG7(i,  for  hit  eminent  lervicei.    I'Um,  lUcvrdi. 

4» 


42 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  UI. 


one  tliroudi  lils  hoiut,  and  anotlicr  not  above  two  inches  from  it.    He  fell 
upon  his  luce  in  the  mud  and  water,  with  liis  gun  under  hinu" 

"  Cold,  wilh  thclicasi  he  slew,  he  sleeps  j 
,  O'er  him  no  filial  spirit  weeps  ; 

*  ****** 

Even  that  lie  Lived,  is  for  his  conqueror's  tongue ; 
liy  foes  alone  liis  death-son^  must  be  sungj 
No  clironiclos  but  theirs  snail  tell 
Ills  monrnful  doom  to  future  times; 
May  these  upon  his  virtues  dwell, 
And  in  liis  fate  forget  his  crimes."— Spkague. 

The  name  of  the  man  stationed  wFth  Mderman  was  Cdth  Cook,*  who  had 
shared  in  many  of  ChurcJCs  hazardous  expeditions  before  the  present.  See- 
ing that  he  could  not  have  the  honor  of  killing  Philip,  he  was  desirous  if 
possii)lc  of  Iiaving  a  memento  of  tlio  mighty  exploit.  He  therefore  prevailed 
upon  Aldernmn  to  exchange  gims  with  hiin.  This  gun  was  kept  in  the  family 
until  the  j)resent  century,  when  tlie  late  Isaac  Lothrop,  Esq.  of  Plimouth  ob- 
tained the  lock  of  it  from  IMr.  Sijlvamts  Cook,  late  of  Kingston.  Si/Ivamis 
was  great-grandson  ol'  Catch,  f  The  stock  and  barrel  of  the  gim  are  still  re- 
tiuned  by  the  descendants  of  the  name  of  Cook.  J  There  ia  a  gun-lock  shown 
in  tlie  librtiry  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  said  to  be  the  same  which  Alderman 
used  in  shooting  Philip.  Tliis  Alderman  was  a  subject  of  Weetamoo,  who,  in 
the  conunoncetnent  of  this  war,  went  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth,  and  de- 
sired to  remain  in  peace  with  tlie  Englitih,  and  immediately  took  up  his  resi- 
dence upon  an  island,  remote  Iroin  the  tribes  engaged  in  it.  But,  aller  Philip 
had  returned  to  liis  own  country.  Alderman,  u])on  some  occasion,  visited 
him.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  learned  the  fate  of  his  brother  beiore 
spoken  of;  or  he  may  have  beeij  killed  in  his  presence.  This  caused  his 
flight  to  the  English,  which  he  tiioiight,  probably,  the  last  resort  for  ven- 
geance. He  "came  down  Irom  thence,  says  C/iurc/i,  (where  Philip's  camp 
now  was,)  on  to  Sand  Point  over  agtiinst  Trips,  and  hollow'd,  and  made 
signs  to  be  fet<;ird  over"  to  the  island.  He  was  immediately  brought  over, 
and  gave  the  information  desired.  Captain  Church  had  but  just  arrived  upon 
Rhode  Island,  imd  was  about  eight  miles  from  the  ui)per  end,  where  Alder- 
man humlcd.  He  had  been  at  Iionie  but  a  few  minutes,  when  "  they  spyV. 
two  horsemen  coming  a  great  jiace,"  and,  as  he  prophesied,  "they  came  with 
tydings."  Miijor  Snnjbrd  and  Caj)!.  Golding  were  the  horsemen,  "  who 
iunnediately  Msk'd  Ca|)t.  Church  what  he  would  give  to  hear  some  news  of  Philip. 
He  reply'd,  7VuU  was  what  he  wanted."  The  expedition  w.is  at  once  entered 
upon,  and  Alderman  went  as  their  i)ilot.     But  to  return  to  the  fall  oi' Philip: — 

"By  this  time,"  continuc^s  Church,  "the  enemy  ])erceived  they  were  way- 
laid on  the  east  side  of  the  swamj),  tacked  sliort  abotit,"  and  were  led  out  of 
their  dangerous  situation  by  the  great  Captain  Annawon.  "The  man  that 
had  shot  down  Philip  lan  with  idl  speed  to  Capt.  Church,  and  informed  him 
of  his  (!\pIoit,  who  commanded  him  to  be  silent  about  it,  and  let  no  man 
more  know  it  until  they  iiad  drove  the  swamp  clean ;  but  when  they  had 
drove  the  swamj)  through,  and  l()und  the  enemy  had  escaped,  or  at  least  the 
most  of  them,  and  the  siui  now  ii|),  and  so  the  dew  gone  that  they  could  not 
easily  track  them,  tlie  whole  company  met  together  at  the  jdace  where  the 
enemy's  night  sht^lter  was,  and  then  Capt.  Church  gave  them  the  news  of 
Philip's  death.  Upon  which  the  Aviiole  army§  gave  three  loud  huzzas. 
Capt.  Church  onl(>red  his  body  to  be  pulled  out  of  the  mire  on  to  the  upland. 
So  some  of  Capt.  Church's  Irldians  took  hold  of  him  by  his  stockings,  and 


*  Bay'.les,  in  his  N.  Plimouth,  ii.  108,  says  his  name  was  Francis,  but  as  he  gives  no  author- 
ity, we  adhere  to  older  aulhorily. 

t  This  Cah'b  ''"mile  was  son  of  Jacob,  of  Plimoulli,  and  wa'!  born  there,  29  Mar.  WA.  He 
had  two  or  more  brothers  ;  Jiicoli,  Ixiru  1 1  Slay,  UiM,  and  Finiici.i,  H  Jan.  Kili.*? — k  Hence 
it  is  not  prol)al)le  that  Fraiirii;  was  a  soldier  al'this  lime,  as  he  was  only  in  his  13th  year. 

I  Col.  Mil.l.s.  Hist.  jS'df.  iv.  (i:l. 

^  Eighteen  Enu;lish  arid  Iweiily-lwo  Indians  ronstilulrd  liis  army  a  week  before;  but  wc 
know  not  how  manv  w  re  at  the  lakins;  of  I'liil!/>,  though  we  may  suppose  about  the  smne 
number.    Hvnco  tins  expedition  cost  the  colony  £'J, 


ciiAP.  n.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


43 


some  by  liis  small  breeches,  being  oflicrwise  naked,  and  drew  him  tlirough 
the  mud  into  the  ui)land ;  and  a  doleful,  great,  naked  dirty  beast,  he  looked 
like."  Captain  Church  then  said,  ^^  Forasmuch  as  he  luis  reused  many  an  Eng- 
lishman's body  to  lie  unburied  and  rot  above  ground,  not  one  of  his  bones  shall  oe 
buried!" 

With  the  great  chief,  fell  five  of  his  most  trusty  followers,  one  of  whom 
was  his  chief  captain's  son,*  and  the  very  Indian  who  iired  the  first  gun  at 
the  commencement  of  the  war. 

^^  Philip  having  one  very  remarkable  hand,  being  much  scarred,  occasioned 
by  the  splitting  of  a  pistol  in  it  formerly,  Capt.  Church  gave  the  head  and 
that  hand  to  Alderman,  the  Indian  who  shot  him,  to  show  to  such  gentlemen 
as  would  bestow  gratuities  upon  him ;  and  accordingly  lie  got  many  a 
penny  by  it."  f 
•  The  barbarous  usage  of  beheading  and  quartering  traitors  was  now  exe- 
cuted upon  the  fallen  Philip.  Church,  "calling  his  old  Indian  executioner, 
I>id  him  behead  and  quarter  him.  Accordingly,  he  came  with  his  hatchet, 
and  stood  over  him,  but  before  he  struck,  ho  made  a  small  speech,  directing 
it  to  Philip,"  saying,  "  You  have  been  a  very  great  man,  and  have  made  many  a 
man  afraid  of  you ;  but  so  big  as  you  be  I  toill  noiv  chop  your  ass  for  you"  He 
then  proceeded  to  the  execution  of  his  orders. 

His  liead  was  sent  to  Plimouth,  where  it  was  exposed  upon  a  gibbet  for 
20  years,  and  one  of  his  hands  to  Boston,  where  it  was  exhibited  in  savage 
triumph,  and  his  mangled  body  was  deni(;d  the  right  of  sepulture.  It  having 
been  quartci-ed,  was  hung  upon  four  trees,  and  there  left  as  a  monument  of 
shocking  barbarity. 
■  Church  and  his  company  returned  to  the  island  the  same  day,  and  an-ived 
with  the  prisoners  at  Plimouth  two  days  after,  namely,  Tuesday,  August  15, 
"ranging  through  all  the  woods  in  their  way."  They  now  "received  their 
premium,  which  was  30  shillings  per  head,"  for  all  enemies  killed  or  taken, 
"  instead  of  all  wages,  and  Philiph  head  went  at  the  bamc  price."  This 
amounted  to  only  four  and  sixpence  a-piece,  "  which  was  all  the  reward  they 
had,  except  the  honor  of  killing  Philip." 

Having  in  the  year  1824  visited  the  memorable  retreat  of  the  Wampanoag 
sachems,  we  can  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  its  situation.  There  is  a 
natural  angular  excavation,  in  an  almost  perpendicular  rock,  about  6  or  7  feet 
from  its  base,  where  it  is  said  Philip  and  some  of  his  chief  men  weresur- 
])rised  on  the  morning  of  the  12  August.  We  have  in  the  Life  of  Massasoit 
described  Mount  Hope,  and  it  is  at  the  north  part  of  it  that  the  high  rock  is 
situated ;  variously  estimated  from  30  to  50  feet  in  height,  and  is  nearly  2 
miles  from  the  village  of  Bristol.  From  the  seat,  or  throne  of  King  Philip, 
as  some  have  called  it,  a  fine  view  of  Mount  Hope  Bay  opens  upon  us.  Near 
the  foot  of  the  rock  is  a  fine  spring  of  water,  known  to  this  day  by  the 
name  of  Philip's  Spring. 

Mr.  Jlldeji,  the  curious  collector  of  epitaphs,  says  "  the  late  Lieut.  Gov. 
Bradford,  [who  died  at  Bristol  in  1808,1  in  early  life,  knew  an  aged  squaw, 
who  was  one  of  Pkilip's  tribe,  was  well  acquainted  with  this  sagamore  in 
l»cr  youthful  days,  and  had  often  been  in  his  wigwam.  The  information, 
through  her,  is,  therefore,  very  direct,  as  to  the  identical  spot,  where  he  fixed 
Iris  abode.  It  was  a  few  steps  south  of  Capt.  James  Be  fVolfe's  summer 
Jiouse,  near  the  brow  of  a  hill,  but  no  vestige  of  the  wig\vam  remains. 
The  eastern  side  of  this  hill  is  veiy  steep,  vastly  more  so  than  that  at  Horee 
Neck,  down  which  the  intrepid  Pvinam  trotted  his  sure-footed  steed,  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  a  knight  of  the  tenth  century."  "Wlien  Church's  men 
\ver(!  about  to  rush  upon  Philip,  he  is  said  to  have  evaded  them  by  spring- 
ing from  his  wig\vam  as  they  were  entering  it,  and  rolling,  like  a  hogshead, 
down  the  precipice,  which  looks  towards  the  bay.  Having  reached  the  • 
lower  part  of  this  frightful  ledge  of  rocks,  Avithout  breaking  his  bones,  he 
got  upon  his  feet,  and  ran  along  the  shore  in  a  north-eastern  direction,  about 
100  rods,  and  endeavored  to  screen  himself  in  a  swamp,  then  a  quagmire, 
but  now  terra  firma." 


'  Very  probably  a  son  of  Uncompoin,  or  Woonaslmm.  \  Philip's  War. 


LIFE  OP  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  III. 


How  much  of  the  above  is  apocryphal  is  uncertain,  but  that  a  part  of  it 
18  I  have  no  doubt.  Tliat  Philips  camp  was  near  the  top  of  Mount Ho[)e  at 
the  time  he  was  surprised,  is  contrary  to  rational  conclusion,  but  Hccins 
rather  to  have  been  fixed  there  by  the  imagination  of  some  one,  for  the 
pleasure  it  might  afford  them  in  contemplating  the  manner  of  the  chiers 
escape  by  rolling  down  a  rugged  precipice. 

During  the  bloody  contest,  the  pious  fathers  wrestled  long  and  of\en  with 
their  God,  in  prayer,  that  he  would  prosper  their  arms  and  deliver  their 
enemies  into  their  hands ;  and  when,  upon  stated  days  of  prayer,  the  Indians 
gained  advantage,  it  was  looked  upon  as  a  rebuke  of  Providence,  and  ani- 
mated them  to  greater  sincerity  and  fervor ;  and  on  the  contrary,  when  their 
arms  prevailed  upon  such  days,  it  was  viewed  as  an  inunediate  interposition 
in  their  favor.  The  philosophic  mind  will  be  shocked  at  the  expressions  of 
some,  very  eminent  in  that  day  for  piety  and  excellence  of  moral  life.  Dr. 
Increase  Mather,*  in  speaking  of  the  efficacy  of  prayer,  in  bringing  about  the 
destruction  of  the  Indians,  soys,  "^Nor  could  they  [the  English]  cease  ciying 
to  the  Lord  against  Philip,  until  tliey  had  prayed  the  bullet  into  his  heart." 
And  in  speaking  of  the  slaughter  of  Philip's  people,  at  Narraeanset,  he  says, 
"  We  have  heard  of  two-and-twenty  Indian  captains,  slain  all  of  them,  and 
brought  down  to  hell  in  one  day."  Again,  in  speaking  of  a  chief  who  had 
sneered  at  the  English  raligion,  and  who  had,  "  withal,  added  a  most  hideous 
l)lasphemy,  immediately  upon  which  a  bullet  took  him  in  the  head,  and 
dashed  out  his  brains,  sending  his  cursed  soul  in  a  moment  amongst  the 
devils,  and  blasphemers,  in  hell  forever."  f 

The  low  and  vulgar  epithets  J  sneeringly  cast  upon  the  Indians  by  their 
English  contemporaries  are  not  to  be  attributed  to  a  suigle  individual,  but  to 
the  English  in  general.^  It  is  too  obvious  that  the  early  historians  viewed 
the  Indians  as  Lrferior  beings,  and  some  went  so  far  as  hardly  to  allow  them 
to  he  human.  > 

Like  Massasoit,  Philip  always  opposed  the  inti-oduction  of  Chri8tia»*Hy 
among  his  people.  When  Mr.  Eliot  urged  upon  him  its  great  importance, 
he  said  he  cared  no  more  for  the  gospel  than  he  did  for  a  button  upon  his 
coat.  II  This  does  not  very  well  agree  with  the  account  of  Mr.  Gookin, 
respecting  Philip''s  feelings  upon  religious  matters;  at  least,  it  shows  that 
there  was  a  time  when  he  was  willing  to  list^  to  such  men  as  the  excellent 
and  benevolent  Gookin.  In  speakuig  of  the  Wampanoags,  he  says,  "  There 
are  some  that  have  hopes  of  their  greatest  and  chiefest  sachem,  named  Philip, 
living  at  Pawkunnawkutt.  Some  of  his  chief  men,  as  I  hear,  stand  well 
inclined  to  hear  the  gospel :  and  himself  is  a  person  r  f  good  understanding 
and  knowledge  in  the  best  things.  I  have  heard  him  speiui  very  good  words, 
arguing  that  his  conscience  is  convicted :  but  yet,  though  his  will  is  bowed  to 
embrace  Jesus  Christ,  his  sensual  and  coi'nal  lusts  are  strong  bands  to  hold 
him  fast  under  Satavfs  dominions."  IT  And  Dr.  Mather  adds,  "  It  was  not  long, 
before  the  hand  which  now  writes,  [1700,]  upon  a  certain  occasion  took  off 
the  jaw  from  the  exposed  skull  of  that  blasphemous  leviathan;  and  tlie  re- 
nowned Samuel  Lee  hath  suice  been  a  i)astor  to  an  English  congregation, 
sounding  and  showing  the  praises  of  heaven,  upon  that  very  spot  of  ground, 
where  Philip  and  his  Indians  were  lately  worshipping  of  the  devil."  ** 

The  error  that  Philip  was  grandson  to  Massasoit,  is  so  well  known  to  be 
such,  that  it  would  hardly  seem  to  have  required  notice,  but  to  inform  the 


Ml 


*  In  his  "  Prcvalency  of  Prayer,"  page  10.  t  Ibid,  page  7. 

X  Such  as  dogs,  wolves,  blood-hounds,  demons,  devils-incarTUUe,  caitiffs,  heU-hoimas,  fiends, 
monsters,  beasts,  &c.    Occasional  quotations  will  show  what  authors  have  used  these. 

5  The  author  of  "  Indian  Tales"  has  fathered  all  he  could  think  of  upon  Mr.  Hubbard.  He 
mail  be  called  upon  to  point  out  the  passage  in  that  valuable  author'i  works  where  he  has 
called  one  or  any  of  the  Indians  "  hell-hounds,"  Such  loose,  gratuitous  expressions  will  not 
do  at  the  bar  of  history. 

II  Magnalia. 

fr  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  200. 

"*  Mr.  Lee  was  taken  by  the  French  in  a  voyage  to  England,  and  carried  into  their  country, 
whcrn  he  died,  in  1691.  This  event,  it  was  thought,  hastened  his  end.  Perhaps  the  sur- 
viving natives  did  not  attribute  the  disaster  to  his  usurping  their  territory,  and  teaching  a 
religion  they  could  not  believe ;  but  might  they  not  with  equal  propriety  1 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


45 


one,  for  the 
f  the  chiers 


reader  of  its  origin.  The  following  passage  from  John  Jossehjii's  work  * 
will,  besides  i)n)\  ing  hiai  to  be  the  author  of  the  error,  at  least  the  first  writer 
that  so  ilenominiites  him,  furnish  some  valuable  information.  Speakuig  of 
the  Indians  ui  general,  ho  says,  "  Their  beads  ai-e  their  money ;  of  these, 
there  are  two  sorts,  blue  beads  and  white  beads ;  the  first  is  their  gold,  the 
last  their  silver.  These  they  work  out  of  certain  shells,  so  cunningly,  that 
neither  Jew  nor  Devil  can  counterfeit,  f  They  drill  them  and  string  them, 
and  make  many  curious  works  witii  them,  to  adorn  the  persons  of  their  sag- 
amores and  principal  men,  and  young  women,  as  belts,  girdles,  tablets,  bordei-a 
for  their  women's  hair,  bracelets,  necklaces,  and  links  to  hang  in  their  ears. 
Prince  Philip,  a.little  l)cfore  I  came  for  England,  [1671,]  coming  to  Boston, 
had  a  coat  on  and  buskins  set  thick  with  these  beads,  in  pleasant  wild  works, 
and  a  broad  belt  of  the  same ;  his  accoutrements  were  valued  at  £20.  The 
English  nuTcIitint  givelh  them  10s.  a  fathom  for  their  white,  and  as  much 
more,  or  near  upon,  for  their  blue  beads."  "  The  roytelet  now  of  the  Pocan- 
akets  is  prince  Philip,  alias  Mctacon,  the  grandson  of  Masscaoit"  1^ 

While  Mrs.  Rowlandson  was  a  captive  in  the  wilderness  with  the  allies  of 
Philip,  she  mentions  meeting  with  him ;  and  although  she  speaks  oflen  with 
bitterness  of  the  Indians  in  general,  yet  of  him  nothing  of  that  nature  appeojs 
in  her  jom'ual.  The  party  she  was  with  visited  PHtp  on  the  west  side  of 
tlie  Connecticut,  about  five  miles  above  Northfield,  tnen  called  Squakeag. 
Having  arrived  at  the  point  of  crossing,  Mi-s.  Rowlandson  says,  "  We  must  go 
over  the  river  to  Philip's  crew.  When  I  was  in  the  canoe,  I  could  not  but  be 
amazed  at  the  numerous  crew  of  pagans  that  were  on  the  bank  on  the  other 
side."  She  was  nmcli  afraid  they  meant  to  kill  her  here,  but,  being-assured 
to  the  contrary,  become  more  resigned  to  her  fate.  "Then  came  one  of 
them,  (fhe  says,)  and  gave  me  two  spoonfuls  of  meal  (to  comfort  me,)  and 
another  gave  me  lialf  a  pint  of  peas,  Avhich  was  v.  orth  more  than  many 
bushels  at  another  time.  Then  I  went  to  see  King  Philip ;  he  bade  me  come 
in  and  sit  down  ;  and  asked  me  whether  I  would  smoke  it ;  (a  usual  compli- 
ment now  a  days,  among  the  saints  and  sinners ;)  but  tliis  no  ways  suited 
me."  § 

"  During  my  abode  in  this  place,  Philip  spake  to  me  to  make  a  shirt  for 
his  hoy,  which  I  did ;  for  which  he  gave  me  a  shilling."  "  Afterward  he 
asked  me  to  make  a  cap  for  his  boy,  for  which  he  invited  me  to  dinner;  I 
went,  and  he  gave  me  a  pancake,  about  as  big  as  two  fingers ;  it  was  made 
of  parched  wheat,  beaten  and  fried  in  bears'  grease ;  but  I  thought  I  never 
tasted  pleasanter  meat  in  my  life."  || 

It  is  extremely  gratifying  to  hear  any  testimony  in  favor  of  the  humanity 
of  a  chief  who  in  his  time  was  so  much  execrated.  To  say  the  least  of 
Philip^s  humanity,  it  was  as  great  towards  captives,  so  far  as  we  have  any 
knowledge,  as  was  that  of  any  of  the  English  to  the  captive  Indians. 

As  the  Indians  were  returning  from  their  recesses  upon  the  Connecticut, 
(in  what  is  now  New  Ham{)shire  and  Vermont,)  towards  Wachusct,  "  having 
indeed  mylife,  (says  Mrs.  iloMJancfaQn,)  but  little  spirit,  PhUip,  who  was  in  the 
compariY,  came  uj),  and  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  said, '  Ttvo  loeeks  more  and 
i/oti  shdlihe  mistress  again,^  I  asked  him  if  he  sj)oke  true  :  he  said, '  Yes,  and 
quickly  you  sliall  come  to  your  master^  again,^  who  had  been  gone  from  us 
three  weeks,"  ** 

In  bringing  our  account  of  this  truly  great  man  towards  a  close,  we  must 
not  forget  to  present  the  reader  with  a  specimen  of  the  language  in  which  he 
spoke.    The  following  is  the  Lord's  prayer  in  Wampanoag : — 

JVoo-shun  kes-uk-qut,  qiit-tian-at-am-unch  koo-we-su-onk,  kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- 
oonk   pey-au-noo-utch,    kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk    ne    nai,    ive-ya-ne    kc-suk-qut 

^  Account  of  two  Voyacfcs  to  New  EiiKlaiul,  112,  llo. 

t  or  lliis  lie  was  iiiisiiil'ormed.  TIuto  was  mucli  spurious  wampum,  whiclj  became  a  sub- 
ject ()rioi;islaliori.     See  Ifmard's  Hist.  Cot.  vol.  ii. 

t  Acciiuiit  ol'two  Voyairi.'s  to  New  Enslaiicl,  IKt.  lie  is  also  called  {jramUon  ot' il/awrt- 
sr>it,  in  llit>  work  entitled  Pnwiit  Stii/i'  i<i'  Ni'in  Knxlaml.  in  n-.t/xxt  to  the  IiiJiau  War,  fol. 
London,  Unij  ;  the  auilinr  ot'llwt  work  doulaleis  copied  irqni  Jussclijti. 

4  Xitrnitiiv  of  her  CaptivUij,  313,  3'J,,  ||  Ibid.  40. 

1i  (iiii:iit:ipiit.    Sec  lii!j  Lifii.  '  *'>  Narrative  of  Mr&.  RowhtKi^on,  (J3. 


i   ill 


't     I 


nn 


46 


LIVES  OF  PHILIP'S  CHIEF  CAPTAINS.— XANUNTKXOO.    [Dook  IH. 


kah  oh-he-U.  w2f-sa-ma-wn-ne-an  ko-ko-ke-suk-o-da-t  nut-aa-e-suk-ok-ke  pt' 
tuk-qun-neg.  Kak  ah-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an  num-match-e-ae-one-an-on-uth, 
ne-unttch-e  ne-na-umn  teonk  nut-ah-quo-an-tam-au-o-un-non-og  nisn-nok  jxuvk 
Two-na-num-tuk-quoh-who-nan,  kah  dhque  tag-kom-pa-gin-ne-an  en  qutch-e-het' 
tu-ong-a^nit,  qtit  poh-qxta-wus-ain-ne-an  tinUch  maiai-i-tut.* 

Since  we  are  upon  curiosities,  the  following  may  very  properly  be  added. 
There  is  to  be  seen  in  the  library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society  a  large  skimmer, 
which  some  have  mistaken  for  a  bowl,  cut  out  of  the  root  of  ash,  that  will 
hold  about  two  quarts.  On  this  article  is  this  historical  inscription,  in  gilt 
letters :  "  .4  trophy  from  the  wigwam  of  Kino  Philip  ;  taken  he  was  slain  in 
1676,  by  Richard ;  presented  by  Lbenezer  Richard,  his  grandson."  i 


9i0te 


i  II 


CHAPTER  m. 
LIVES  OF  PHILIP'S  CHIEF  CAPTAINS. 

Nanuntenoo — Reasons  for  his  aiding  Philip — His  former  name — Meets  the  English 
and  Indians  under  Captain  Peirse — Fights  and  destroys  his  ickole  company  at  Paw- 
tucket — Incidents  relating  to  tltat  fight — Notice  of  Captain  Peirse — J^anuntenoo  sur- 
prised and  taken — His  magnanimity — Speetli  to  his  captors — Is  executed  and  his 
oody  burnt  —  Cassassinnamon  —  Catapazet  — r  Monopoide  —  Anna  won  —  His  escape 
from  the  swamp  when  Philip  was  kiUed — Captain  Church  sent  out  to  capture  hi%n— 
Discovers  his  retreat — Takes  him  prisoner — His  magnanimous  behavior — His 
speech  to  Church — Presents  him  with  Philip's  ornaments — Description  of  them — 
Church  takes  Annawon  to  Plimouth,  where  he  is  put  to  death — Qi'in.napin — His 
connections  and  marriage — M  the  capture  of  Lancaster — Account  of  his  wives — 
Weetamoo — He  is  taken  and  shot — Tuspaquin — His  sales  of  lands — His  opera- 
tions in  Philip's  War — Surrenders  himself,  and  is  put  to  death — Reflections  upon 
his  executioners — Tatoson — Early  notices  of —  Captures  a  garrison  in  Plim- 
outh— Trial  and  execution  of  Kewecnam — Totoson  dits  of  a  broken  heart — Bar- 
row cruelly  murdered — Tyasks. 

NANUNTENOO*  son  of  Miantunnomoh,  "  waa  chief  sachem  of  all  the 
Narragansets,  and  heir  of  all  his  father's  pride  and  insolency,  as  well  as  of 
his  malice  against  the  English."  |  Notwithstanding  this  branding  character, 
drawn  by  a  contemporary,  we  need  only  look  into  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh, 
to  find  excuse  for  "  malice  and  msoleucy  "  tenfold  more  than  was  contahied 
in  the  breast  of  JSTanunlenoo, 

The  English  had  cut  to  pieces  the  women  and  children  of  his  tribe,  burned 
them  to  death  in  their  wigwams,  and  left  their  mangled  bodies  bleaching  in 
the  wintry  blast !  The  swamp  fight  of  the  19  Dec.  1675,  could  not  be  for- 
gotten !  JVanuntenoo  escaped  from  this  scene,  but  we  cannot  doubt  that  he 
acquitted  himself  agreeably  to  the  character  we  have  of  him. 

The  first  name  by  which  he  was  known  to  the  English  was  Canonchet, 
though,  like  others,  his  name  was  written  with  many  variations.  In  1674,  he 
was  styled  "  chief  sujrviving  sachem  of  Narraganset,"  and  in  a  deed  in  which 
he  was  so  styled  his  name  is  written  "  JS/awnawnoantonnew  alias  Quananchity 
eldest  son  now  living  of  MKarUomomio.^  §  He  had  been  in  Boston  the  Octo- 
ber before  the  war,  upon  a  treaty,  at  which  time  he  received,  among  other 
presents,  a  silver-laced  coat.  Dr.  Mather  says,  speaking  of  tlie  Narragansets, 
•*'  their  great  sachem  called  Quanonchet,  was  a  principal  ringleader  in  the 
Narraganset  war,  and  had  as  great  nn  interest  and  influence,  as  can  be  said  of 


*  Eliot's  Indian  Bible,  Luke  xi.  2 — 4.. 

t  No  mention  is  made  to  whom,  or  when  it  was  presented.  It  does  not  appear  to  us  to  be 
of  such  antiquity  as  its  inscription  pretends ;  and  the  trulii  of  which  may  very  reasonably  be 
questioned,  in  this  particular,  when  the  more  glaring  error  of  the  name  of  the  person  said  to 
nave  killed  Philip,  is  staring  us  in  the  face. 

X  Hubbard,  67.— -Mr.  Olamixon  calls  him  "  the  mighty  sachem  of  Narraganset."— £W(. 
Empirf. 

}  Potter's  Hist.  Narraganset,  Coll.  R.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  172, 


30.    [Cook  III. 


Chap.  III.] 


NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET  FIGHT. 


47 


riptioD,  in  gilt 
he  was  slain  in 


aganset."— Brit, 


any  among  the  Indians ;"  *  and  that,  •*  whon  he  was  taken  and  slain,  it  was  an 
amazing  stroke  to  the  enemy."  f 

The  name  of  Canonchet  stands  first  to  the  treaty,  to  which  we  have  just 
alluded,  which  was  entered  into  at  Boston,  18  Oct  1675.  By  that  treaty,  the 
Narragansets  agreed  to  deliver  to  the  English  in  10  days, "  all  and  euery  one 
of  the  said  Indians,  whether  belonging  vnto  Philip,  the  Pocasset  Sqva,  or  the 
Saconett  Indians,  Quabaug,  Hadley,  or  any  other  sachems  or  people  that 
liaue  bin  or  are  in  hostillitie  with  the  English,  or  any  of  their  allies  or  abet- 
tors." J    The  names  to  the  treaty  are  as  follows  : 

"  Qcananchett's  \/  mark, 

sachem  in  behalf  of  himself  and  Cononacus  and  the  Old 

Queen  and  Pomhani  and  Quaunapeen,    (seol) 

Manatannoo  cotMiceHer  his  -j- 

mark,  and  Connonacus  in  his  behalf,    (seal) 

Ahanmanpowett's  -\-  mark, 


Witnesse.s. 
Richard  Smith, 
James  Browne, 
Samdel  Gorton,  Jr. 

Interpreters. 
John  Nowhenett's  X  mark, 

Indian  interpreter. 


counceller  and  Ats    (seal) 
CoRNMAN,  cheiffe  counceller  to 
Ninnegrett,  in  his  behalfe,  and  a  seal  (S.)" 

The  Indians  having  carried  their  whirlwind  of  war  to  the  very  doors  of 
Plimouth,  caused  the  sending  out  of  Captain  Peirce,  (or  as  his  name  is  uni- 
formly in  the  records,  PeirseA  to  divert  them  from  these  ravages,  and  destroy 
as  many  of  them  as  he  was  able.  He  had  a  large  company,  consisting  of  70 
men,  20  of  whom  were  friendly  Indians.  With  these,  no  doubt,  Peirsc 
thought  himself  safe  against  any  power  of  the  Indians  in  that  region. 

Meanwhile  this  most  valiant  chief  captain  of  the  Narragansets,  JVbnwn/e- 
noo,^  learning,  we  presume,  by  his  spies,  the  direction  the  English  were  tak- 
ing assembled  his  warriors  ot  a  crossing  place  on  Pawtucket  River,  at  a 
point  adjacent  to  a  place  since  called  Altlehorough-  Gore,  and  not  far  distant 
from  Pawtucket  falls.  It  is  judged  that  JVanuntenoo  was  upon  an  expedition 
to  attack  Plimouth,  or  some  of  the  adjacent  towns,  for  his  force  was  estimated 
at  upwards  of  300  men. 

On  arriving  at  this  fatal  place,  some  of  JSTanuntenoo's  men  showed  them- 
selves retiring,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  This  stratagem  succeed- 
ed,— Peirse  followed.  ||  No  sooner  was  he  upon  the  western  side,  than  the 
warriors  o{  J^annntenoo,  like  an  avalanche  from  a  mountain,  rushed  down 
upon  him ;  nor  striving  for  coverts  from  which  to  fight,  more  than  their  foes, 
fought  them  face  to  face  with  the  most  determined  bravery. 

A  part  of  JVanujifenoo's  force  remained  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  to  pre- 
vent the  retreat  of  the  English,  which  they  most  effectually  did,  as  in  the 
event  will  appear.  When  Captain  Peirse  saw  himself  hemmed  in  by  num- 
bers on  every  side,  he  drew  up  his  men  upon  the  margin  of  the  river,  in  two 
ranks,  back  to  back,ir  and  in  this  manner  fought  until  nearly  all  his  men  were 
slain.  Peirse  had  timely  sent  a  messenger  to  Providence  for  assistance,  and 
although  the  distance  could  not  have  been  more  than  six  or  eight  miles,  from 
some  inexplicable  cause,  no  succor  arrived ;  and  Mr.  Hubbard**  adds,  "As 
Solomon  saith,  a  faithful  messenger  is  as  snow  in  harvest." 

This  dreadful  fight  was  on  Sunday,  26  March,  1676,  when,  as  Dr.  Mather 
says,  "Capt  Peirse  was  slain  and  forty  and  nine  English  with  him,  and  eight, 
(or  more,)  Indians,  who  did  assist  the  English."  The  Rev.  Mr.  Newman  of 
Kehoboth  wrote  a  letter  to  Plimouth,  dated  the  day  after  the  slaughter,  in 

*  Brief  Hist.  W.  t  Prevalency  of  Prayer,  11. 

t  It  may  be  seen  at  1arg«  in  Hazard's  Collections,  i.  53G,  537. 

$  That  Nanuntenoo  commanded  in  person  in  the  fight  with  the  force  under  Capt.  Peirse  has 
been  a  tjucsticu  ;  indeed,  our  only  authority  is  not  very  explicit  upon  the  matter,  (Hnhbard, 
Postscript  7.)  who  observes  that  when  Denison  surprised  him,  he  "  was,  at  that  moment, 
divertizmg  himself  with  the  recital  of  Capt.  Peirse's  slaughter,  surprized  by  his  men  a  few 
davs  before." 

jl  Dr.  Mather  (Brief  Hist.  24.)  says,  "  a  small  number  of  the  enemy  who  in  desperate 
subtlety  ran  away  from  them,  and  they  went  limping  to  make  the  English  believe  they  were 
lame/'  and  thus  effected  their  object. 

IT  Deane's  Hist,  Scituate,  121.  *•  Narrative,  G4. 


^ 


43 


NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET  FIGHT. 


[fiooK  111. 


^vh^ch  he  says,  "52  of  our  Englisli,  and  11  Indians,"  were  slain.*  The  com- 
pany was,  no  doubt,  increased  by  some  wlio  volunteered  as  they  marched 
through  the  country,  or  by  such  as  were  taken  for  pilots. 

JVanuntenoo^s  victory  was  complete,  but,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  the 
English  consoled  themselves  by  making  the  loss  of  the  Indians  appear  as 
large  as  possible.  Dr.  Mather  says,  that  some  Indians  that  were  allerwards 
taken  confessed  they  lost  140,  which,  no  doubt,  is  not  far  from  the  truth,  f 

An  Englisiiman,  and  periiajis  tiie  only  one  who  escaped  from  tliis  disas- 
trous fight,  was  saved  by  one  of  tlie  friendly  Indians  in  this  manner :  The 
friendly  Indian  being  taken  for  a  Narniganset,  as  he  was  pursuing  with  an 
uplifted  tomahawk  the  English  soldier,  no  one  interfered,  seeing  him  pursue 
an  unarmed  Englisinnan  at  such  gicat  advantage.  In  this  manner,  covering 
themselves  in  the  woods,  they  escaped. 

A  friendly  Indian,  being  jjursued  by  one  of  J\''annnenoo^s  men,  got  behind 
the  roots  of  a  fallen  tree.  Thus  screened  by  the  eartli  raised  ujion  them,  the 
Indian  tliat  ])ursued  waited  Ibr  him  to  run  tiom  his  natural  fort,  knowing  he 
would  not  dare  to  maintain  it  long.  The  otlier  soon  thought  of  an  expe- 
dient, which  was  to  make  a  i)ort-liole  in  liis  lireast-work,  whicli  he  easily  did 
by  digging  tlu'ougli  the  dirt.  When  he  liud  done  this,  he  jiut  liis  gun 
through,  and  shot  his  pursuer,  tlien  fled  in  perfect  satisty. 

Another  escaped  in  a  manner  very  similar.  In  his  flight  he  got  behind  a 
large  rock.  This  afibrded  him  a  good  slielter,  but  in  the  end  he  saw  nothing 
but  certain  death,  and  the  longer  he  held  out  the?  more  misery  ho  nnist  sutler. 
In  this  deploralile  situation,  he  lietliought  himself  to  try  the  fi)llowing  device. 
Tutting  ills  cap  upon  his  gun,  he  raised  it  very  gradually  above  the  rock,  as 
though  to  discover  the  position  of  his  enemy :  it  had  tlie  desired  effect — he 
fired  uj)on  it.  The  one  behind  the  rock  now  rushed  uj)on  liiui,  before  he 
could  reload  his  gun,  and  desi)fitelK!d  him.  Tims,  as  Mr.  Hubbard  sfiys,  "it  is 
worth  the  noting,  what  faithfulness  and  couriig(!  some  of  the  Christian  Lidians 
showed  in  this  fight."  That  this  most  excellent  luitlior  <li(l  not  approve  of  the 
severity  exercised  tow;irds  those  who  appean^l  li'iendly,  is  abundantly  prove<l 
by  bis  writings.  In  another  place  he  s;iys,  "  Possibly  if  some  of  the  Englisli 
had  not  bec-n  too  shy  in  making  usu  of  such  of  them  as  were  well  atfeeted  to 
their  interest,  they  never  need  have  suffered  so  much  fi'om  their  cn(;mies." 

A  notice  may  be  reasonably  exi)ected  of  the  uiifortunat(!  Captain  Michael 
Peirsc,  of  Hciruate.  lit}  was  one  of  those  adventurous  s|»irits  "  who  never 
knew  fear,"  and  who  sought  rather  tlian  shrunk  from  dangers.  He  was,  like 
Jiis  great  antagonist,  in  the  \arraganset  fight  ;  and  in  107;!,  when  the  govern- 
ment (if  Plimouth  raised  a  force  to  go  against  the  Diifcii,  who  had  encroached 
tiixin  them  in  Connecticut,  he  was  a|)pointed  (.'usign  in  one  of  the  companies. 
lie  resided  in  severid  jilaces  before  gi>ing  to  i'limouth.  Mr.  Deane,  in  his 
Hislorij  of  Scittidlc,  gives  a  genealogical  account  of  his  family,  from  which  we 
learn  that  he  had  a  siH'ond  wi(i',  and  several  sons  luid  daughters.  Of  what 
family  la^  was,  lhi>re  is  no  meiuion.|  H(!  possessed  considerabk!  estate,  uikl 
made  his  will  on  engaging  in  the  war  with  the  Indians. 

TIk!  "son;  deleat"  of  Captain  Pvtrsc,  and  the  tide  of  the  Indians'  succoss(;s 
about  this  time,  caused  the  United  Colonies  to  send  out  almost  their  wiiole 
tstrength. 

^Yitnunknoo  came  down  from  the  country  iiiion  Connecticut  River,  early  in 
March,  fur  (he  purpose  of'  cullecting  seed  corn  to  plant  such  gromid  ns  the 
English  had  hern  driven  fi-om,  and  to  elli'ct  anv  other  object  he  might  meet 
with.  Whether  he  had  effected  th(>  first-named  object  before  liilling  in  with 
Pdrse,  we  im;  not  able  to  state ;  but  ceHain  it  is,  that  he  was  but  few  days  nflcr 
encamped  veiy  near  the  grouiul  where  the  fight  had  been,  and  wns  there  fallen 


*  Spo  llin  Irllpr  (fiving  tliu  imincii  of  tlie  eompuiiy  in  Dfaiif.'s  Sclluatc,  122,  123. 

t  Mr.  tfiil'linrd's  arcoiml  is  tlip  somr. 

till  llic  ll<ro'-il.i  o/  I'limtiiilli,  iimliT  <l;ile  l\f!ircli,  Mii!),  llicro  is  lliis  r\\\Tv  :—"  Mirlif, 
Pcii-\i'  of'Sritlniilr"  wns  ])r<'>iiMilcil  jM  the  rnurl  fur  viiscctnly  rnrrinijrs  liiwnrds  .'>I(()vi/i  Kirlm/s 
iif  ."^ritumii'."  mill  "  fi)riisniiicli  iis  (licri- ii|i|iriirL'il  lnit  oiio  losliiiiiniv  li>  llii'  |i'«Miliiifiil.  mid 
<liiil  till'  ii'vlmiiMiv  wns  written  miil  wA  reiiil  Midi  ili«  tl(|ioiiHiil,  llic  cniirl  s;iu  tiniic  In  ri'init 

l!lU  Mliil  ll'^'lHlllOlll.'' 


Chap.  Ill]         NANUNTENOO.— HIS  CAPTURE  AND  DEATH. 


49 


ir  ClKMllll'S. 


upon  at  iinawMcs,  wlicii  but  a  few  of  his  men  were  present,  and  there  taken 
prisoner. 

JVaiiuntenoo  was  nearly  as  much  dreaded  as  Philip  himself,  and  consequently 
his  capture  caused  great  rejoicing  among  his  enemies,  and  requii-es  to  be  par- 
ticularly related. 

Four  vohuiteer  companies  from  Connecticut  began  their  march  into  the 
enemy's  country  the  next  day  after  Pawtucket  figlit.  Among  the  captains 
of  these  companies,  George  Denison  of  Southerton  was  the  most  conspicuous. 
The  others  were  commanded  hy  James  Avety,  John  Staunton,  and  Major  Palms, 
who  also  had  the  chief  command.  With  these  were  three  comjmnics  of 
Indians ;  one  led  by  Oneko,  composed  of  Mohegans ;  one  of  Pequots,  by  Cas- 
sasinnamon ;  and  the  other  of  Nianticks,  by  Catapazet;  in  all  about  80. 

When  this  formidai)le  army  came  near  to  JVanu7ilenoo\'i  cam]),  on  the  first 
week  in  Ajjril,  l(i7G,  "tluiymct  widi  a  stout  Indianof  the  enemie's,  whom  they 
presently  slew,  and  two  old  scjuaws,"  who  informed  theui  of  tlu!  situation  of 
J\''anuntenoo.  At  the  same  time,  their  own  scouts  brought  th(;  same  intelligence. 
The  news  of  tlie  enemy's  apj)roach  reached  the  chief  in  his  tent  when  but 
seven  t)f  his  men  were  about  him  ;  the  rest  were  probably  in  the  neighborhood 
attending  to  their  ordinary  aftliire.  And  although  he  had  stationed  two  senti- 
nels upon  an  adjacent  hill,  to  give  him  timely  notice  if  any  a])peared,  their 
surprise  was  so  great,  at  the  sudden  ap|)roach  of  the  English,  that,  in  their 
fright,  they  ran  by  their  .sachem's  wigwam,  "  as  if  they  wanted  time  to  tell 
Avhat  they  ,«;i\v."  Seeing  this,  the  sachem  sent  a  third,  to  learn  the  cause  of 
the  flight  of  the  two  first,  but  he  fied  in  the  same  manner;  and  lastly  he  sent 
two  more,  on(!  of  ^vhicii,  "eitiier  endued  with  more  coiu'age,  or  a  better  sense 
of  his  iluty,  informed  biui  in  great  haste  that  all  the  English  army  was  upon 
him  :  whereuixin,  having  no  time  to  consult,  and  but  little  to  attempt  an  escape, 
and  no  ni(-ans  to  defend  liiniself,  he  began"*  to  fly  with  all  speed.  Running 
with  great  swifln<;ss  around  the  hill,  to  get  out  of  sight  upon  the  opposite  side, 
he  was  distinguished  by  his  wary  pin-suerp,  and  tli(>y  immediately  followed 
him  with  that  cMgi-rucss  flieir  inqiortant  objiH't  was  calciduK'd  to  inspire. 

The  pursuers  of  the  Hying  chief  wen^  Catapazet  ni\i\  his  Nianticks,  "and  a 
l(>w  of  the  I'jiglish  lightest  of  foot."  Seeing  tlii'si;  were  gaining  upon  him,  he 
lirst  cast  otf  his  blanket,  then  his  silver-laced  coat,  anil  lastly  his  belt  of  j)eag. 
On  seeing  these,  a  doubt  no  longer  remainr-d  of  its  being  ^Yanvntcnoo,  which 
urged  them,  if  |)(»ssilile,  fa-tcr  in  thi'  cha-sc.  There  was  in  tlu;  company  of 
CoUtjHtzrt,  one  Monopoide,  a  Pequot,  who  outran  all  his  coiupanions,  and  who, 
gaining  upon  ^J'annntcnoo,  as  lu^  fled  n|)on  the  side  of  the  river,  obliged  him  to 
attempt  to  cross  it  .sooner  than  he  intended.  Nevertheles.s,  but  for  an  accident 
in  his  |iiissagi'.  hi!  would  doubtless  have  elli'cted  his  escape.  As  he  was  wa- 
ding through  the  river,  bis  f)ot  slip|)ed  upon  a  stone,  which  brought  bis  gim 
underwater.  Thus  losing  some  time  in  recovering  jiimself,  and  also  the  use 
of  his  gun,  it  prol);il>ly  mail(»  him  despiiir  of  escaping;  for  Monopnide  came 
\\[)  a:i(l  seized  upon  him,  "  within  30  rods  of  the  river  side." 

^Yauuntnioo,  Imximr  madi'  up  his  mind  to  surrender,  niad(!  no  resistance, 
iilthoiigh  he  was  ;i  man  ot'  great  physical  streiifrth,  of  superior  stature,  and 
acknowledfred  bravery ;  luid  th(>  oniMvho  scIzimI  upon  him  very  ordinary  in 
that  respect.  One  of  the  first  Englishmen  that  came  up  was  Itoheii  Staunton, 
n  young  man,  who  presutued  to  ask  tlie  captured  chirf  mime  <picstions.  lie 
appeared  at  (irst  to  regard  the  young  man  with  silent  indignity,  but  at  len^tth, 
CM'^ting  a  disdiiiidid  look  ujton  bis  youthtid  face,  "this  mnnU  sachem,"  saiil,  in 
broken  I'.nglish,  "YOU  Ml'lMl  (MIILD!  NO  rXDKKSrANI)  MATTERS 
Ol  UAH!  \.\.T  YOI'H  I5HOTIIEK  OR  (HiEK  (O.ME,  Hl>l  I  WILL 
ANSWi'in."  And,  adds  i\Ir. //ufcifin/,  he  "  was  as  good  us  his  word:  acting 
herein,  as  if,  by  a  Pijlhiii(niraii  metenqHychosis,  sonu!  old  |{i>nian  ghost  liad 
posHcssed  the  body  of  tni.s  western  pajtaii.     And,  like  ,'ltlilius  Hci(idu3,\  ho 

*  Tlii<  plcirniil  pn^^ngo  of  Mr.  Ifiititmril  liriiiif<  tn  our  minil  llml  liiimilnlilo  one  of 
(\'.iriv,-';t,  in  hit  niioiiiii  oC  lli(>  woliil  (liivs  of  llir  .Mexioiins  ;  "  Tlii-y  litiil  iicillicr  nrmi  to 
rcpi'l  iIh-  ninlliliiilc  :mi(I  fiiiv  of  tlicir  tMii'iiiiis.  stri'iii.Mli  lo  i'  'fi'ihl  i1ii''iii-i'Iv(m,  nor  s|i;iit  Id 
tiulil  u|iciii  ;  llio  uroimil  of  the  rily  wns  ruvrri-d  willi  (lend  Ixiilics,  iiikI  llic  wilier  of  every 
(i.li'li  .iii'l  iiin;il  |nir|ili'il  wiili  lilooil.     I  list.  .IT  nVi.,  iii,  *.>. 

t  jy.Mi/v  ,l//iV//.>  tif^iiliin,  u  Iloiiiuii  consul  iiiui  gt'iiurnl,  lakrii  prisoner  liy  the  (.'urllia* 


60 


NANUNTENOC). 


[Book  in. 


is 


would  not  accept  of  liis  own  lift',  wlion  it  was  teiKlerod  lirni."  Tliis  tender  of 
lite  to  .Yanunteiwo  was,  no  (l(>nl)t,  ii|u)ii  the  roiiditiou  of  iii.sol)taininn;  tiic!  sub- 
mission of  Ids  nation,  lie  met  the  idea  with  indifrnation ;  and  when  thr* 
English  told  liim  that  he  should  be  ])Ut  to  deatii  if  lie  tlid  not  comply,  in  tlye 
most  composed  niiuiner  h(!  replied,  that  killinir  him  would  not  end  the  war. 
Some  of  his  caiUors  endeavored  to  redeet  njion  him,  by  telling  him,  that  \w 
had  said  he  would  bum  the  iinsclish  in  their  house.i,  and  that  he  had  l)oaste(l, 
in  <lefianco  of  his  i»romise  last  made  to  the  English,  which  was  to  deliver  the 
\Vam|tanoags  to  them,  that  he  wmdil  not  deliver  up  a  Wampmioafr  nr  the  pnrinr;' 
or  a  Wammmxts's  miil.    To  this  he  oidv  rei)lied,  "  OTllERS  WERI-:  AS 

FORVVAUi)  von  '['11  r;  war  as  myself,  and  i  desire  to  hear 

NO  MORE  AROUT  IT." 

Had  the  Engli.sli  not  burned  Ins  people  in  their  houses?  Did  they  ever 
deliver  up  any  that  had  conmiitted  depredations  upon  the  Narragnnsctf?  ?  No! 
— Wlio,  then,  will  ask  l()r  an  excuse  t(>r  the  masrnanimoiis  J\'amtvtenoo ?  So 
indignant  was  he  at  tliiiir  conduct,  that  he  would  hear  nothing  abotit  |)eace; 
"refusing  to  send  an  old  counsellor  of  his  to  make  any  motion  that  way,"  on 
a  pronnisi!  of  lili;  if  he;  would  do  so. 

Under  the  eye  of  Denieon,  JSfaminienoo  was  taken  to  Stoinngton,  where, 
by  the  "mlvici*  of  th(>  English  commanders,  he  wa«  shot."  His  head  was 
cut  olf  and  carried  to  Hartford,  and  his  body  consumed  by  lire.     The  English 

K-evailed  upon  some  of  each  tribe  of  their  allies,  viz.  Pcquots,  fllohegans  and 
ianticks,  to  i)e  his  executioners, '*  thereby  the  more  firmly  to  engage  the 
said  Indians  against  the  treaeherous  Narragansets."  *  "Herein,"  says 
another  writerf  of  tliat  day,  "the  Kiigli,~h  dealt  wisely,  for  l)y  this  means  tiie 
three  Indian  nations  jire  licc<ime  abominable  to  the  <itlier  India"""  And  a 
respectable  writer  |  of  oiu'  own  limes  says,  "It  may  be  pleasiinr:  ic  "  >  reader 
to  be  informed  "  of  the  fiit('  of  JVamintenoo  ! 

When  it  was  amiounced  to  i!ie  noble  (dii(!f  that  be  muM  be  ).>  <>,  <•.  h, 
he  was  not  in  the  least  dauntrd,  and  all  he  is  reported  to  hav('  said         ...•>: — 

"I  l.IKi:  IT  WEE!,;  I  SHALL  DIK  RKroRE  MV  IIKART  IS  SOFT, 
OR  HAVE  SAID  ANY  TlllMJ  INWORTIIY  OF  MYSELF."  With 
,V«»ii(»i/<aoo,  It'll  into  the  liamls  of  the  I'higlish  ■i'-)  others.'^ 

Till'  .'intlior  ol"  the  anonymous  '■•Letters  to  London''^  \\  says  the  Indiatis  \\i>w 
"connuanded  by  that  (iunous  bnl  vi'ry  bloiuly  and  erui-l  siichem,  ({iwnonshot, 
otherwise  enlled  JMi/dulonomi/"  whose  "carriage  was  strangely  ))naid  ami 
lotVy  afVcr  he  was  taken  ;  being  r\,iinitied  why  he  did  foment  that  war,  which 
woidd  certaihiy  Im>  the  dcsiructiiii  of  him  and  all  the  heathen  Inilians  in 
the  couniry,  iVc,  he  would  make  no  other  reply  to  any  interrogatories,  hi  it 
this  :  that  be  wiis  born  a  prince,  .-niil  if  princes  came  to  speak  with  him  he 
would  answc)-.  but  noni^  present  bring  such,  b(>  lliought  himself  obliged,  in 
honor,  to  hold  his  tongue;"  ainl  tiiat  he  said  hv.  would  rather  die  than 
remain  a  prisoner,  and  reipicsted  that  OacA'o  might  ])Ut  hitu  to  ileatli,  as  h<^ 
Was  ol'  I'ljUfil  rank.  "  Vet  witiiall  threateiu'd,  he  had  '2000  men,  [who]  would 
ri'\enge  his  death  severely.  Whereliire  om"  forces,  ti'aring  an  escape,  put  lli<! 
Htoutest  njeii  l;i  the  sword,  hut  i)ri'served  .V/i/anfonomi/  till  they  returned  to 
Stoneington;  where  our  Indian  friends,  ami  most  of  the  l''nglisli  soldiers, 
declaring  to  tla^  couunanders  their  tt'ar  that  the  I'lnglish  shoidd,  upon  con- 
ditions, releas*^  him,  and  that  then  he  would,  (though  the  English  might 

piiiiniis,  '•*)1  vciirs  It.  <'.  'I'liry  sriil  him  to  Romi!  lo  iiso  I1I.4  j-inlcnvcirs  In  eflecl  a  pcirc,  l>y 
nin  -tolpmn  prntiii^c  I"  rcliirii  ullliiii  11  •r'ncii  prrioil.  Tlii"  innsl  cxcnii'iiiliiisf  lortiircn  iiwiiilcd 
liim.  MiDilliI  lie  not  exccnlc  liin  ini<siiiii  iiccordiii!^  in  liis  iixlnu'lioiis.  Wlicii  iirrlvcil  :it  Itomr, 
III' exiiorlc'il  his  ciiiinlryiiicii  In  hold  0111.  mid  iiiaiiitiiiii  Ihi^  war  ni^nliivt  Ihc  ( 'arihiii^iiiian':, 
staliiit;  tlii'ir  Mliialinii,  and  ihc  fireat  ndviinUiKcs  that  wmihl  aicriic.  lie  knew  ulial  uoiihl 
Im'  hit  fall!  nil  rel\iriiiiii{  In  I'.irlhajfi',  and  nianv  a  nnlih-  Ituniaii  li('siiii:;hl  hlin  iml  tn  reliirii, 
aii<l  thus  snrrifire  Iih  lill*  ;  Imt  lie  wniilil  nut  hrcali  liis  |iri)iiiisi',  cvni  willi  his  Imrliaroiis  eiic- 
mirn.  This  is  what  is  nionnl  h\  no!  aiTcptini;  his  own  hii'  Hhcii  IriidrrtMlhiin.  Ilerrtnrnrd. 
nn<l,  il'hislciry  1)0  trii<>,  iin  hidiaji  iinlioii  I'vcr  tortiiri'd  a  prisoiuT,  licyniid  what  the  Cnrtlia- 
giniaiis  iiillirird  iipmi  Miirnis  Alliliiis  Uf'sidiis.     St'f  l'.ilh>nl's  Uminvi  Kint.  i.  I'll!—!!. 

•  Hiilibarit.  t  /.  MiUhr.  \  l),;„ir.  Hist.  Mritiialo,  121. 

^  Mniniirripl  K'tlpr  in  Hist.  Lilirary.  llnth  Itublhxrd  ami  Mi'thir  say  U;  perhaps  ihi'V  iti- 
cIikIpiI  A'liniiitti'iimi. 

II  EUewhcrt'  ciictl  iis  Thv  (Kil  Imlitin  Chnmhk, 


[Book  irL 

riiis  tendor  of 
lining  tiii!  siii)- 
und  wlu'n  tlur 
•oniply,  in  tbn 

eiui  tlic  wnr. 
f  him,  tlmt  ini 
;  had  hoastod, 

to  deliver  tlii' 
Cf  or  iht  fnrint!^ 
^  VVEUK  AS 
E  TO  HKAll 

Did  thoy  ovrr 
^anscts?  No! 
nniienoo?  fin 
;  al)oiit  pcaoo ; 
that  AM\v,"  on 

inwton,  whnrc. 
His  iioad  amis 
The  Kiifrlisii 
ftloiieirans  and 
to  tMifrnpo  tht? 
Hnroiii,"  nays 
this  means  thi; 
icii" "  And  !i 
f  tc  '    ^  n'ader 

IV  ).'  II.  !•  h, 
said  ...-•: — 
iRTlHSOFT, 

i;i-V'."    Witii 

•  In»ha)is  \v"ro 
I,  (^iionon.ihoi, 
ly  |)nind  and 
at  war,  which 
■n  Indians  in 
'oj^atories,  hi!t 
wi(h  iiini  he 

<eir  ohlifieil,  in 
titer  die  tiian 
o  dealli,  as  he 
who]  w(ini(l 
scape,  pnt  tiie 

ley  rctnrned  to 
jrlisli  soldiers. 
Id,  upon  eon- 
^ii^lisii  might 


(Ted  a  pcorc,  by 
r  inrliirci  iiwiiilcil 
iirrivt'd  ill  ItoniP, 
!•  CiirllmijiiiKiii';, 

WW  what  would 
jiiii  lint  Id  rrliirii, 
hcirliaroiis  ciic- 
llr  rcliiriH'il, 
«linl  the  Cnnlui- 
t.i.  nil!— 11. 
.  Sriliiiilo,  l'2l.. 

|)<'rlin[>i  ihi'y  iri- 


Chap.  HIl 


ANNAWON. 


>i 


have  peace  with  liini,)  he  very  porni(!ious  to  those  Indians  tlmt  now  assisted 
UH,  the  said  Indijins,  (on  these  considerations,  and  the  inischiers  and  mm-- 
thers  he  had  done  dnrini^  this  war,)  i)ermitted  to  put  him  to  death.*  And  that 
all  mififht  share  in  the  f,dory  of  destroying  so  great  a  prince,  and  come  under 
the  ohliga'tion  of  fidelity,  each  to  other,  the  Peipiods  shot  liim,  the  Mohegins 
cut  off  his  head  and  quartered  his  hody,  and  the  jYinnwroJls  men  niaile  the 
fire  and  l)urned  his  q\iarters,  and,  as  a  token  of  their  love  and  fidelity  to  the 
English,  presented  his  head  to  the  council  at  Hartford! " 

AJ^JVAl^^OX  was  a  Wampanoag,  and  one  of  Philip's  most  famous  coun- 
sellors and  ca])tains.  He  was  his  iiist  friend,  and  resisted  as  long  as  there 
was  a  heam  of  hope ;  and  wlien  at  last  every  chance  of  success  had  failed, 
lie  gave  hinjself  up  in  the  most  heroic  manner,  as  will  appear  in  the  follow- 
ing account. 

At  the  swamp,  when  Philip  was  killed,  he  escaped  with  most  of  his  men, 
as  has  heen  related,  hy  his  thoroughly  miderstanding  tlu;  situation  of  hia 
enemies,  "  Perceiving  (says  Church)  they  were  waylaid  on  the  cast  side  of 
the  swamp,  tacked  short  ahout.  One  of  the  enemy,  who  suen;ed  to  he  a 
great  stirly  old  fellow,  hallooed  with  a  loud  voice,  and  often  called  out,  I-oo- 
tash,  I-oo-tash.  Captain  Church  called  to  his  Indian  Peter,  f  and  asked  him 
who  that  was  that  called  so.  He  answered  that  it  was  old  Annawon,  Philip's 
gn;af  captain,  calling  on  his  soldiers  to  stand  to  it,  and  figlit  stoutly." 

"Captain  C'AurcA  had  Ix.'en  hut  little  while  at  Plimoutli,  [atler  the  <l(!ath 
of  Philip,]  hefore  a  post  li-om  lieliohoth  came  to  inform  the  governor  that 
old  Jlnnawon,  Philip's  chief  captain,  was  with  his  company  ranging  ahout 
their  woods,  and  was  very  otlensive  and  pernicious  to  Ilehohoth  and 
.Svvauscy.  Captain  Church  was  immediately  sent  for  again,  and  treat(;d  with 
to  engage  in  one  (!.\|)e(litiou  more.  He;  told  them  their  encouragement  was 
so  iM)(U',  he  li'ai-ed  his  soldicu's  would  he  dull  ahout  going  again.  But  heing 
a  la^ariy  Irieiid  to  the  cause,  he  rallies  again,  goes  to  Mr.  Jahcz  Howland,  his 
old  lieutenant,  and  some  of  his  soldiers  that  used  to  go  out  with  him,  told 
them  how  the  case  was  circumstanced,  and  that  he  had  intelligence!  of  old 
.Inn'twon^s  walk  and  haunt,  and  wanted  hands  to  hunt  him.  They  dul  not 
want  much  entreating,  hut  told  him  tln^y  would  go  with  him  as  long  as 
tia^re  was  an  Indian  lell  h>  the  woods.  He  moved  and  ranged  through  the 
woods  to  Pocassct." 

In  th(!  ejirly  part  of  this  exiicdition,  some  of  Captain  Churches  Indian 
f^couls  captured  a  mnnher  of  AHn(ncon''s  comi»any,  hut  fivun  whom  they 
could  learn  nothing  of  the  old  chief,  oidy  that  he  did  not  lodge  "twice  ill  a 
plac." 

'•  \o\v  a  certain  Indian  soldier,  that  Captain  Church  h;ul  gained  over  to 
lie  on  his  side,  prayed  that  he  might  have;  liherty  to  go  a)id  li'tch  in  his 
i!iliier.  who,  he  said,  was  ahout  foiu'  miles  from  that  iilace,  in  a  swamp,  with 
no  other  than  a  young  s(|uaw.  Captain  Church  imdined  to  go  with  iiim, 
tiiiiikiiig  it  might  he  in  his  way  to  gain  some  intelligence  of  Jlnnawon;  and 
>o  taking  one  Englishman  and  a  few  Indians  witli  him,  leaving  tla;  rest 
llicre,  he  went  with  his  ucw  soldier  lo  look  his  liither.  When  he  came  to 
the  t'wanip,  he  bid  the  Indian  go  and  see  if  he  could  find  his  liilluu'.  He 
Was  no  sooner  gone,  hiil  (^ai)tain  Church  discovered  a  track  coming  down 
out  of  the  woods,  upon  which  he  and  his  little  company  lay  close,  some  on 
one  ficle  of  the  track,  and  some  on  the  oilier.  They  heard  tin;  Iiulian 
.soldier  making  a  howling  for  his  father,  and  at  length  somehody  answered 
him  ;  hut  while  they  were  Jist<>niug,  they  thought  they  heard  somtdiody  com- 
ing towards  them.  Presently  they  saw  im  old  man  ciiujinLT  up,  with  a  giui 
on  hi-<  siioidder,  tuul  a  young  woukui  following  in  the  track  wliich  they  lay 
1)\.  Tiiey  let  them  come  hetween  them,  and  then  ^tarted  up  and  laid  liidd 
ol  lliem  hotli.  Captain  Church  immediately  e\amine<l  them  iijiarl,  telling 
ti.i'm  what  they  must  tni.-t  to  it"  they  told  false  stories.  He  asked  the  young 
Wdinan  what  company  they  came  from  last.  She  said  from  Captain  .Iniui- 
tfiiii's.    He  asked  her  how  many  were  in  company  with  him  when  she  It'll 

*  This  srcms  lo  m  the  nuisl  prolmMf  iiri'oiml  of  tlic  nffiilr  of  all  wc  lisivo  seen. 

i    TIlC   still   of  .III  M.*'l   i;i',S.   il    is  S|I|1|)M<«"|. 


ill 

m 

1 

11 

I 

! 

(1 

Pi  WM 

1'  I 
^1 


'1 


tl 


ANNAWON. 


[Book  HI. 


liini.  She  snitl  'fifty  or  sixty.'  Ho  jiskod  licr  how  nifiny  inih's  it  was  to  tlie 
place  wlieio  siie  lolt  him.  She  said  she  did  not  iiiKhirstiiiid  inih>s,  hut  lie  was 
np  ill  Siiiiaiiiiacoiik  swamp.  The  oh!  man,  wlio  had  hceii  one  of  Philip's 
conncil,  upon  examination,  gave  exactly  the  same  accoimt."  On  being 
asked  whether  they  could  get  there  tliat  night,  answered,  "  If  we  go  pres- 
ently, and  travel  stoutly,  we  may  g(!t  there  hy  siuiset."  The  old  man  said 
lie  was  of  ./2n7irtwon'*  comj)any,  and  that  ./?n?i«if0Ji  had  sent  him  down  to 
find  some  Indians  that  were  gone  down  into  Mount  Tlojie  neck  to  kill  pro- 
visions. Captain  Church  let  him  know  that  that  company  were  all  his 
prisoners. 

The  Indian  who  had  been  permitted  to  go  after  his  father,  now  returned 
with  him  and  another  man.  Cafitain  Church  was  now  at  great  loss  what  he 
should  do.  He  was  imwilling  to  miss  of  so  good  an  o]>portuiiity  of  giving 
a  finishing  hlow  to  the  Indian  power.  He  had,  as  himself  says,  liiit  "half  a 
dozen  men  heside  himself,"  and  y(!t  was  under  the  necessity  of  sending 
some  one  hack  to  givt;  Lieutenant  Howlmuf,  wliom  he  lefV  at  the  old  fort  in 
Pocassiit,  noti'-e,  if  he  should  proceed.  But,  without  wasting  time  in  jjon- 
dering  nj»on  what  course  to  jjursue,  he  put  the  nucstion  to  his  men, 
"wh(;ther  they  would  willingly  go  with  him  and  give  ^'^/nirticon  a  visit." 
All  answered  in  tlie  affirmative,  hut  rcmindcMl  him  "that  they  knew  this 
Captain  Jlnnawon  was  a  great  soldier  ;  that  he  had  been  a  valiant  captain 
under  .Isnhnmjuin,  [IVoosamcquin,]  Philip's  father;  and  that  he  had  been 
Philip's  chiefhiin  all  this  war."  And  they  ftirther  told  (^aptain  Church,  (and 
these  men  ku(!W  him  widi,)  that  he  was  "a  very  siditle  man,  of  great  resolu- 
tion, and  had  often  said  that  he  would  never  be  taken  alive  hy  tlie  English." 

They  alsorcminded  him  that  those  with  Annnwon  wen;  "resolute  fidlows, 
some  of  Philip^s  chief  soldiers,"  and  very  much  fearcvl  that  to  make  the 
atten'.[)t  witli  such  a  handl'ul  of  soldiers,  would  he  hazardous  in  the  extreme. 
IJut  nothing  could  shake  the  resolution  of  Captain  Church,  who  remarked 
to  them,  "  that  he  had  a  hmg  time  sought  for  Jlnnmvou,  hut  in  vain,"  and 
doubted  not  in  tlu!  hvist  Itut  Providence  would  protect  them.  All  with  ono 
consent  now  desired  to  proceed. 

A  nuui  by  the  name  of  Cook,*  belonging  to  Plimouth,  was  the  only 
Knglishman  in  the  comjianv,  except  the  captain.  (Captain  Church  asked 
Mr.  Cook  what  his  opinion  ot  the  undertaking  was.  He  made  no  other  reply 
than  this:  "I  am  never  afraid  of  going  any  where  when  you  arc;  with  me." 
The  Indian  who  brought  in  his  father  informed  Captain  Church,  that  it  ^va9 
impossible  t()r  him  to  tak(!  his  horse  with  him,  which  he  had  brought  thus 
liir.  He  tlierelt)re  sent  him  and  his  father,  with  the  horse,  hack  to  liieut(>n- 
ant  Hou'laml,  and  ordered  them  to  tell  him  to  take  liis  i)risoncrs  immediately 
to  Taunton,  and  then  to  come  out  the  next  morning  in  the  llehohoth  road, 
where,  if  alive,  he  hoped  to  meet  him.  ' 

'I'liings  being  thus  settled,  all  wen;  ready  for  the  journey.  Captain  Church 
turned  to  the  old  man,  whom  he  took  with  the  yoimg  woman,  .uid  asked 
him  wiiether  he  woidd  be  their  pilot.  H<*  saiil,  "Yon  having  given  me  my 
life,  I  am  under  t)br!gations  to  serve  you."  They  now  marched  f()r  Sipian- 
iiaconk.  In  leading  tlu;  way,  this  old  man  would  travel  ho  much  liister  than 
the  rest,  as  sometimes  to  be  nearly  out  of  sight,  and  conse(|ueutly  might 
have  escaped  without  fear  of  being  recajitiired,  but  he  was  true  to  his  word, 
and  \V(Mil(l  stop  until  his  weaned  followers  came  up. 

Having  trnvelleil  tl, rough  swamjis  and  thickets  mitil  the  sun  was  setting, 
the  pih)t  ordi-red  a  stop  Tin;  captain  asked  him  if  he  had  made  any  dis- 
covery. He  said,  "About  that  hour  of  tin;  day,  .//i/iaico/i  usually  sent  out 
his  scouts  to  see  if  llie  coast  was  dear,  and  as  soon  as  it  liegan  to  grow 
dark  llie  scouts  returned,  and  then  we  may  move  securely."  NVhen  it  was 
siitiiriently  dark,  and  they  were  about  to  proceed,  Captain  Church  asked  the 
old  iiiMii  ii"  lie  wiiiild  take  a  gun  and  light  for  him.  He  bowed  very  low, 
and  said,  "  I  pniy  yon  not  to  iiimose  such  a  tiling  upon  me  as  to  liglit  against 
Captain  .  huniuvii,  my  ohi  friend,  lint  I  will  go  along  with  you,  and  be  helpful 
to  you,  and  will  lay  hands  on  any  man  that  shall  oft'er  to  hurt  you."    Ihey 


•  Cu/i'A,  (loiilitk'sa,  wim  wot  pri'si'iii  nl  lliu  liino  Philip  wan  killnil. 


Chap.  III.]  ANNAWON.— HIS  CAPTURE  AND  DEATH. 


53 


f."     On  beiiiff 


had  proceeded  but  a  .sliort  space,  wlieu  tliey  lieard  a  noise,  wliich  tliey 
concluded  to  he  tlie  j)ounding  of  a  mortar,  Tliiw  warned  them  that  they 
were  in  the  vicinity  oi"  Jlnnawoti's  reti  i  at.  And  here  it  ^vill  be  very  proper 
to  give  a  description  of  it.  It  i.s  situated  in  the  soutii-easteriy  corner  oC 
Rehobotli,  about  ciglit  miles  from  Taunton  Green,  a  few  rods  from  tlui  road 
which  leads  to  Providence,  and  on  the  south-easterly  side  of  it.  If  a  straigiit 
line  were  drawn  fr(jm  Taunton  to  Providence,  it  would  jiass  very  ueaiiy 
over  this  place.  Within  the  limits  of  an  immense  swamp  of  nearly  IJOOO 
acres,  there  is  a  small  piece  of  upland,  scparaK.'d  i'rom  the  niain  only  by  a 
brook,  which  in  some  seasons  is  dry.  This  island,  as  we  may  call  it,  is 
nearly  covered  vvitli  an  enormous  rock,  which  to  this  day  is  called  Annawon^s 
Rock.  Its  south-east  side  presents  an  almost  perpendicular  precipice,  and 
rises  to  the  height  of  25  or  ^0  feet.  The  north-west  side  is  very  sloping, 
and  easy  of  ascent,  being  at  aa  angle  of  not  more  than  35  or  40°.  A  more 
gloomy  and  hidden  recess,  even  now,  although  the  forest  tree  no  longer 
waves  over  it,  could  hiu-dly  be  found  by  any  inhabitant  of  the  wilderness. 

When  they  arrived  near  the  foot  of  the  rock,  Captain  Churcli,  with  two 
of  his  Indian  soldiers,  crept  to  the  top  of  it,  from  whence  they  could  see 
distinctly  the  situation  of  the  whole  company,  by  the  light  of  their  tires. 
They  were  divided  into  three  bodies,  and  lodged  a  short  distance  from  one 
another.  Annawon^s  camp  wus  formed  by  felling  a  tree  against  the  rock, 
with  bushes  set  up  on  eacii  side. 

"  He  passcil,  ill  tlio  licnrt  of  that  ancient  wood — 

*  -v:  ■*  *  ^  *  -f: 

Nor  paused,  till  the  rock  where  a  vauhed  bed 
Had  beea  hewn  of  old  for  the  kingly  dead 

Arose  on  his  mi<hiight  way."— Hejians. 

With  him  lodged  his  son,  and  others  of  his  principal  men.  Their  guns 
were  discovered  stan<liug  and  leaning  against  a  stick  resting  on  two  crotches, 
safely  covered  from  the  wea'her  by  a  mat.  Over  their  fires  were  ])ots  and 
k(!ttles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting  u[)on  their  spits.  Captain  Church  was 
now  at  some  loss  how  to  proceed,  seeing  no  possibdity  of  getting  down  the 
rock  without  discovery,  which  woidd  have  been  fatal.  He  thend'on;  creeps 
silently  back  again  to  the  loot  of  the  rock,  and  asked  the  old  man,  their 
pilot,  if  there  was  no  other  way  of  coming  at  them.  He  answered,  "  No  :" 
and  said  that  himself  and  all  others  belonging  to  the  company  were  ordered 
to  come  that  way,  tuid  none  could  come  any  other  without  danger  of  be- 
ing shot. 

The  fruitfid  mind  of  Church  nns  no  long(;r  at  loss,  and  the  following  strata- 
gem was  put  in  successful  practice.  lie  ordertnl  the  old  man  and  tht;  young 
woman  to  go  forward,  and  lead  the  way,  with  tlnnr  basluits  upon  their  backs, 
and  when  Annawon  should  discov(;r  them,  he  wotdd  take  no  alarm,  knowing 
them  to  be  those  ln!  had  lately  srnt  forth  upon  discovery.  "Captain  Church 
and  his  iiandfiil  of  soldi<M's  crept  down  also,  under  the  shadow  of  thost!  two 
and  their  Imskt^ts.  Tin*  captain  himself  crept  close  behind  the  old  man,  with 
his  hatchet  in  his  hand,  tuid  stepjied  over  the  young  man's  head  to  the  arms. 
The  young  .'Innawon  discovering  him,  wliii)ped  his  bliuiket  over  his  head,  and 
sinimk  up  in  a  heap.  The  old  Captain  Annawun  started  up  on  his  l»reecli, 
and  cried  out '  Woiw>/6."  which  signified,  'Weleom.'"*  All  hope  of  escajio 
was  now  tied  forever,  and  he  niiule  no  effort,  hut  laid  himself  down  again  in 
jierli-ct  silence,  whih;  his  ca|)tors  si-cured  the  rest  ol'  the  comi»any.  For  he 
supposed  the  English  were  liir  nion;  numerous  than  tlit^y  were,  and  befJire  ho 
was  undeceived,  his  company  were  idl  secin-ed. 


*  ll  \%  u  eiirioiis  fuel,  lliul  uinoiic  the  tribes  of  the  wi;st,  the  same  word  is  used  to  sipiifv 
approbalion  ;  thus,  when  a  spceeli  had  lieen  made  to  some  m  that  region,  which  nieiispll 
Ihem,  at  the  end  of  each  para<;raph  they  would  exclaim,  "  iSoah  !  Iloali!  "—  W'lhfs  TramU 
in  Atmrira. 

The  fact  becomes  still  more  curious  wiien  we  find  the  same  word  used  yet  farther  wi.-st— . 
••veil  on  the  North-west  ("oast,  and  with  very  nearly  the  same  sipnilicnlion.  8ce />/.ffi«'.v 
V'owin--',  Ili'.l,  4to.  bon<lon,  17!!!).  hi  ihis  work  it  is  spelt  ItVit'ci/i.  See,  also,  lt:iiw ja 
Voyages,  i.  34<>,  ami  VMin's  Five  Nuiious,  ii.  "Jd. 

5* 


54 


ANNAWON. 


fBooK  III. 


i!   ii' 


(' 


One  circumstance  much  facilitated  this  daring  project.  It  has  been  before 
mentioned,  tliat  they  heard  the  pounding  of  a  moitar,  on  their  approach. 
Tliis  continued  during  tJicir  descent  down  the  rock.  A  squaw  was  jjounding 
green  dried  corn  for  tlieir  supper,  and  when  she  ceased  pounding,  to  turn 
the  corn,  they  ceased  to  proceed,  and  when  she  pounded  again,  tiiey  moved. 
This  was  tlie  reason  tliey  were  not  heard  as  they  lowered  themselves  do%Mi, 
from  crag  to  crag,  supported  by  small  bushes  that  grew  from  the  seams 
of  the  rock.  The  [wunded  corn  served  afterwards  for  a  supper  to  the 
captors. 

Annawon  would  not  have  been  taken  at  this  time  but  for  the  treachery 
of  those  of  his  own  company.  And  well  may  fhevr  Lucan  exclaim,  as  did 
tlie  Roman, 

"  A  race  renowned,  the  world's  victorious  lords, 
Turned  on  themselves  with  their  own  hostile  s^vords."— i?oitt's  Trans, 

The  two  companies  situated  at  a  sliort  distance  from  the  rock  knew  not  the 
fate  of  theu*  ca|)tain,  until  those  sent  by  Church  announced  it  to  them.  And, 
to  prevent  their  making  resistance,  they  were  told,  that  Captain  Church  had 
encompassed  them  with  his  army,  and  that  to  make  resistance  would  be 
immediate  death  ;  but  if  they  all  submitted  peaceably,  they  shoidd  have  good 
quarter.  "  Now  they  being  old  acquaintance,  and  many  of  them  relations," 
readily  consented :  delivering  up  their  guua  and  hatchets,  they  were  all  con- 
ducted to  head-quarters. 

"Things  being  tlius  far  settled,  Cajitain  Church  asked  Jlnnaivon  what 
he  had  for  supper, '  for,'  said  he,  'I  am  come  to  sup  with  you.'"  Annawon 
replied,  "  TaubiU"  with  a  " big  voice,"  and,  looking  around  uj)on  his  women, 
ordered  them  to  hasten  and  provide  Captain  Church  and  his  company  some 
supper.  He  asked  Captain  Church  "  whether  he  would  eat  cow  beef  or 
horse  beef."  Church  said  he  would  [)refor  cow  beef.  It  was  soon  ready, 
and,  by  the  aid  of  some  salt  he  had  in  his  pocket,  he  made  a  good  meal. 
And  here  it  sliould  be  told,  that  a  small  bag  of  salt  (whicii  he  carried  in 
his  pocket)  was  the  only  provision  lie  took  witli  him  upon  this  rx|)edition. 

When  supper  was  over.  Captain  Church  set  his  men  to  watch,  telling  tlicm 
if  they  would  let  him  sleep  two  hours,  thoy  sliould  sleep  all  the  rest  of  the 
night,  he  not  having  slejit  any  for  36  hours  before ;  but  after  laying  a  half 
hour,  and  fi;eling  no  disposition  to  sleeji,  from  the  momentous  cares  upon  his 
mind, — lor,  as  l)r.  Yotmg  suys  in  the  Revenge, 

"  The  dead  alone,  in  such  a.  night,  can  rest, — " 

he  looked  to  see  if  his  watch  were  at  their  ])osts,  but  they  were  all  Gxft  asleep. 
Annawon  felt  no  more  like  sleeping  than  Church,  and  they  lay  for  some  time 
looking  one  upon  the  other.  Church  spoke  not  to  Annawon,  because  he 
could  not  sjieak  Indian,  luid  thought  .^rjnaifon  could  not  speak  English,  but  it 
now  appeared  tliat  he  eoidd,  from  e  conversation  they  held  togeth(!r.  Church 
hud  laid  down  with  Annawon  to  prevent  his  escape,  of  wliieli,  however,  he 
did  not  seem  much  afraid,  for  after  they  had  laid  a  considerable  time,  Annatcon 
got  up  and  walkt^d  away  out  of  sight,  which  Church  considered  was  on  a 
common  occr.sion ;  but  being  gone  some  time,  "he  began  to  Hiis|)ect  some 
ill  design."  He  therefore  gathered  all  the  guns  close  to  hinisi  lt|  and  lay  as 
close  as  he  jiossibly  could  under  young  Annattmi's  sidr-,  that  if  a  shot  sliould 
be  made  at  him,  i'  must  endtuiger  the  life  of  young  Annuwon  also.  After 
laying  a  whih;  in  great  suspense,  he  saw,  by  the  light  of  tiie  union,  Amviwon 
coming  with  someliiiiig  in  his  hands.  When  he  had  got  lo  ('ai)t;iin  Church, 
he  knelt  down  before  liiin,  and,  after  presenting  him  wliMt  he  had  broimiit, 
spoke  ill  English  iis  follows: — "  Creat  captain,  ymt  have  killed  Philip,  and  con- 
quered his  countn/.  For  I  believe  that  I  and  mj/  compamj  arc  the  last  that  war 
ae;ainst  the  Enirhsh,  so  suppose  the  war  is  ended  hy  your  means,  and  therefore 
these  thin/rs  belone  unto  you."  lie  tiien  took  out  oi' his  pack  a  beautifully 
wrought  belt,  which  belougt'd  to  Philip.  It  was  nine  inches  in  breadth,  and 
of  such  length,  as  when  put  about  the  shoulders  of  Captain  Church,  it 
reached  to  his  ankles.    This  was  considered,  at  that  tinn;,  of  great  value, 


Chap.  III.] 


QUTNNAPIN. 


65 


being  embroidered  nil  over  with  money,  timt  is,  wampiimp(>£ur,*  of  various 
color?,  curiously  wrought,  into  fisruroH  of  birds,  bensts  and  flowers.  A  second 
belt,  of  no  less  exquisite  Avorkninnship,  was  next  presented,  which  belonged 
also  to  Philip.  Tliis,  that  chief  used  to  ornament  his  head  with  ;  from  the  , 
back  pait  of  whicli  flowed  two  flags,  which  decorated  his  back.  A  third  was 
a  smaller  one,  with  a  star  upon  tiie  end  of  it,  which  Ire  wore  upon  his  breast. 
All  three  were  edged  with  red  hair,  which,  Annawon  said,  was  got  in  the 
country  of  the  Mohawks.  These  belts,  or  some  of  them,  it  is  believed,  re- 
main, at  this  day,  the  property  of  a  family  in  Swansey.  He  next  took  froin 
his  pack  two  horns  of  glazed  j)owder,  and  a  red  cloth  blanket.  These,  it 
ai)pears,  were  all  tliat  remained  of  the  effiicts  of  the  great  chief  He  told 
Captain  Church  that  those  were  P/itYip's  royalties,  which  he  was  wont  to  adorn 
liimself  with,  when  he  sat  in  state,  and  he  thought  himself  happy  in  having 
an  opportiniity  to  present  them  to  him. 

The  remainder  of  the  night  they  spent  in  *l,  ourse,  in  which  Annawon 
"gave  an  account  of  what  mighty  success  he  had  had  formerly  in  wars 
airainsl  many  nations  of  Indians,  when  he  served  Asuhmequin,  PA,tllpK 
fatlier."  _  4 

Morning  being  come,  they  took  up  their  march  for  Tamiton.  In  the  way 
they  met  Lieutenant  Hoidand,  according  to  appointment,  at  his  no  small  sur- 
prise. Tliey  lodged  at  Taunton  that  night.  The  next  day  "  Capt.  Church 
took  old  Annawon,  and  half  a  dozen  Indian  soldiers,  and  his  own  men,  and 
went  to  Rhode  Island ;  the  rest  were  sent  to  Plimouth,  under  Lieutenant 
Howland, 

Annaicon,'it  is  said,  had  confessed  <' that  he  had  put  to  death  several  of  the 
English,  tiiat  had  been  taken  alive ;  ten  in  one  day,  and  could  not  deny  but 
that  some  of  them  had  been  tortured  ;"t  and  therefore  no  mercy  was  to  be 
expected  from  those  into  whose  hands  he  had  now  fallen.  Ilis  captor,  Captain 
Church,  did  not  mean  that  he  slioidd  have  been  put  to  death,  and  had  en- 
treated hard  for  him ;  but  hi  his  absence  from  Plimouth,  not  long  after,  he 
was  remorselessly  executed.  We  shall  again  have  occasion  to  advert  to  the 
execution  ol' Annaioon,  and  shall  now  jjass  to  consider  the  events  iu  the  life 
of  a  sachem  of  nearly  equal  interest. 

(^UI.YXAPIJV  was  by  birth  a  noble  Narraganset,  being  the  son  of  Cogirm- 
qiian,  otherwise  Conjannquond,  who  was  nephew  to  Canonicm.  Therefore 
Mianhmnomoh  was  uncle  to  Quinnaptn,  and  Canoniciis  was  his  great  luicle. 

Wo  find  his  name  spelletl  in  almost  every  jiossiblc  way,  and  for  the 
amusement  of  tlie  reader  will  offer  a  few  of  them — Quanopin,  Q^iwnopin, 
(lunnnpin,  (luannopin,  Qtienoqtiin,  Panoqvin,  Sowapronish,  and  Quanepin. 
Hi.'J  name  has  also  been  confounded  with  tliat  of  Quaiapen,  the  "old  (jueen  " 
of  Narraganset. 

In  l(i7y,  (luinnapin  confirmed,  by  a  writing,  the  sale  of  a  tract  of  land  pre- 
viously granted  by  Cos^naquan,  his  fiuher. 

This  sai'liem  took  part  with  the  Wampanoags  in  PhUip^»  war,  and  from 
the  puHishment  which  the  Englisli  executed  upon  him,  on  his  iailing  into 
their  hands,  we  may  suppose  he  acted  well  his  part  in  that  w.-ir,  altiu)iigii  l)ut 
littli!  is  recorded  of  him  by  the  historians  of  that  period.  From  Mrs.  Row- 
Imulson^s  account  of  him,  >m'  must  conclude  he  was  not  wanting  in  attentions 
to  the  liiir  s(!.x,  as  he  had  certainly  three  wives,  one  of  whom  was  a  sister  of 
If'ootonekaniuike ;  consequently  he  was,  according  to  the  English  method  of 
caleidating»i('lationshi|)s,  brother-in-law  to  the  fluuous  Mdacomet  himself. 

(^uinnnpin  was  one  of  the  chiefs  who  directed  the  attack  on  Lancaster, 
tlie  10  V'eli.  1(i7.%,  O.  t*.,  and  lie  piu-chascd  Mrs.  Itowlandson  from  a  Nunigau- 
set  Indian  who  liad  seized  her  when  she  came  out  of  tiie  garrison,  among 
the  captives  of  that  )»lac(!.  And  it  was  this  ciriMunstance  which  cau.sed  her 
to  notice  him  in  her  Narrative.  |  fCeUimore,  w  liom  she  mentions  in  the  follow- 
ing extract,  as  his  wife,  we  have  said,  was  ft'eetamoo,  t\\ti  "  queen  of  I'ocasset." 

In  the  winter  of  1(>7(!,  when  tiie  Narraguiisets  were  at  such  "  great  straits," 
from  the  loss  of  their  [irovisiona,  ia  the  great  swuinp  light,  ("corn  being  two 


*  All  Irdqiiols  wnrd  signifying  ii  mM.tr/.'.     donlim's  Itlsl.  PcnnsylvnniR,  pnpc  59H. 

\  llnbhard,  Nut:  1013.  \  Mr.  Willanl's  ediiion  of  it,  (p.  26.)  Luncusler,  1828. 


66 


QUINNAPIN. 


[Book  III. 


IIJ 


•|((V 


sliillingH  a  i)int  with  them,")  tlin  English  tried  to  Ijiiiig  ahoiit  a  peace  with 
thcin ;  hut  tlieir  terms  wore  too  liurd,  or  some  other  cause  prevented.  "  Ca- 
nonchtt  and  Panoquin  said  they  wouhl  fight  it  out,  to  tlie  last  man,  rather 
than  tiiey  would  hecome  servants  to  the  English."  *  A  truly  nohle  resolution, 
and  well  worthy  ortiie  character  we  have  of  Canondiet. 

"My  master  (says  Mrs.  Rowtundson)  had  three  squaws,  living  sometimes 
with  one  and  sometimes  w  ith  another.  Oniix,  this  old  squaw  at  whose  wig- 
wam I  was,  and  with  whom  my  master  [Qidimapiiij  had  heen  these  three 
•weeks.  Another  was  Wetthmre,  with  whom  I  had  lived  and  sei-ved  all  this 
while.  A  severe  and  jiroud  dame  she  was ;  hestowing  every  day  in  dressing 
herself  near  as  nuich  time  as  any  of  the  gentry  of  the  laud — powdcrmg  her 
hair  and  painting  her  iiice,  going  with  her  necklaces,  with  jewels  in  her  ears, 
and  hracolets  upon  her  hands.  Wiien  she  had  dressed  herself,  her  work 
was  to  make  girdles  of  wampum  and  heads.  The  third  squaw  [or  wife]  was 
a  yomiff  one,  hy  whom  he  had  two  j)ai)ooses."t 

^^liile  the  Narragansets  and  Ni))nuicks  were  encamped  at  a  place  on  Con- 
jRlcut  River  at  considerahle  distance  above  Northami)ton,  j)erha])s  near  as 
iftfat  as  Bellows  Falls,  Mrs.  Rowlandson  says,  "My  master's  maid  came  home: 
she  had  heen  gone  three  weeks  into  the  Narragauset  coujitry  to  letch  corn, 
where  they  had  stored  up  some  in  the  ground.  Sht  brought  Iwme  about  a 
peck  and  a  half  of  corn  " .' 

We  shall  relate,  in  the  Life  f^['  Xepamt,  the  mission  of  Mr.  Hoar  io  Philip's 
«|uarters  lor  the  redemjttion  of  Mrs.  Rotulandaon.  This  was  not  long  alter 
Sudhury  fight,  and  the  hidians  were  preparing  to  commemorate  it  by  a  great 
<lance, "  which  was  carried  on  hy  eight  of  them,  (as  Mrs.  R.  relates,)  lour  men 
and  four  squaws;  my  master  and  mistress  [i^uinnapin  and  Jfcetamoo]  being 
two.  lie  was  <lress('d  in  his  Holland  shirt,  with  great  stockings,  his  garters 
hung  round  with  shillings,  and  had  girdles  of  wampom  upon  his  head  and 
.shoulders.  She  had  a  kearsby  coat,  covenid  with  girdles  of  ivampom  from 
the  loins  upward.  Her  arms,  from  lier  elbows  to  her  hands,  were  covered 
with  bracelets;  there  were  liandfiils  of  necklaces  about  her  neck,  and  sev- 
eral sorts  of  Jewels  in  her  ears.  SIk;  had  line  red  stockings,  and  white  shoes, 
lier  hair  powdered,  and  her  iiice  |)aint('d  red,  that  was  always  before  black. 
And  all  tlio  danc(!rs  were  alter  the  same  manner.  There  were  two  others 
singing  and  kno<;king  on  a  kettle  for  tlieir  music.  They  kept  hopjiing  up 
anil  down  one  alter  another,  with  a  kettle  of  water  in  the  midst,  standing 
warm  upon  some  ismheis,  to  drink  of  when  they  were  dry.  They  held  on 
till  almost  night,  throwing  out  their  wampom  to  the  standers-by.  At  night 
I  asked  them  again,  if  I  should  go  home :  they  all  as  one  said.  No,  except  my 
husband  would  come  for  me.  When  we  were  lain  down,  my  master  went 
out  of  tl'o  wigwam,  and  hy  and  by  sent  in  an  Indian  called  James-the-printer, 
who  tolii  Mr.  Hoar,  that  my  master  would  let  me  go  home  to-morrow,  if  he 
would  let  him  have  one  jtint  of  liquor.  Then  Mr.  Hoar  called  his  own 
Indians,  Tom  and  Peter,  and  bid  them  all  go  and  see  if  he  would  promise  it 
before  them  three;  and  if  he  would  he  should  have  it,  which  he  did,  and  had 
it.  Philip  smelling  the  business,  called  me  to  him,  and  asked  me  what  I 
would  give  him,  to  tell  mi!  some  good  news,  and  to  speak  a  good  word  for 
Jiie,  that  1  might  go  home  to-morrow  ?  1  told  l.ini  I  could  not  tell  what  to 
giv(!  Iiim,  1  would  any  thing  I  had,  and  asked  him  what  he  would  have.  Ho 
wnid  two  coats  and  20  shillings  in  money,  half  a  bushel  of  seed  corn,  and 
some  tobacco.  I  thanked  him  for  his  love,  but  I  knew  that  good  news  as  well 
US  that  crally  1<)X.  3Iy  master,  ailer  he  had  his  drink,  quickly  came  ranting 
into  the  wigwam  again,  and  culled  for  Air.  Hoar,  drinking  to  him  and  saying 
7m'  was  a  f(ood  man  ;  and  then  again  he  would  say,  Huuf^  him  a  rogue,  lieing 
almost  drunk,  he  would  drink  to  him,  and  yet  presently  say  he  should  be 
liMiigi'd.  Then  he  called  ibr  me ;  I  trembleil  to  hear  him,  and  yet  I  was  liiiii 
to  go  to  him,  and  he  drank  to  me,  shewing  no  incivility.  He  was  the  lirst 
Indian  I  saw  drunk,  all  the  time  1  was  ainong  them.  At  last  his  squaw  ran 
out,  and  ho  alter  her,  round  the  wigwam,  with  his  money  jingling  at  his 


*  Hubbard 


t  Narrati\e,  Gi,  64. 


[Book  III. 

It  a  peace  with 
•evented.  "  Ca- 
lust  niai),  rather 
loble  resolutioii, 

ving  sometimes 
w  at  whose  wig- 
een  these  tliree 
sei-ved  all  this 
f  day  in  dressing 
-j)owderhig  her 
wels  in  lier  ears, 
lersclf,  her  work 
aw  [or  wile]  was 

;  a  place  on  Con- 
perha])s  near  as 
aid  came  home : 
•y  to  letch  corn, 
ht  Jutme  ahoiU  a 

.  Hoar  to  Philip's 

s  not  long  alter 

rate  it  by  n  great 

•elates,)  lour  men 

ffcdamoo]  being 

kings,  his  garters 

jn  his  head  and 

of  wampom  from 

Is,  were  covered 

r  neck,  and  sev- 

and  white  siioes, 

lys  before  black. 

were  two  others 

cept  hopping  up 

!  midst,  standing 

.    They  held  on 

rs-by.    At  night 

d.  No,  except  my 

my  master  went 

James-the-printer, 

to-morrow,  if  lie 

called  his  own 
would  ])romise  it 

he  did,  and  had 
isked  me  wliat  I 
a  good  word  for 
not  tell  what  to 
would  have.  lie 
i'  seed  corn,  and 
rood  news  as  well 
kly  came  ranting 
3  him  inid  saying 
I  a  rogue.  Being 
ay  he  should  be 
ind  yet  I  wiw  liiin 
He  was  the  tirst 
St  liis  squaw  ran 
y  jingling  at  his 


Chap.  111.] 


DEATH  OF  QUINXAPIN.— TUSPAQUIN. 


57 


knees,  but  she  escaped  him;  but  having  an  old  squaw,  he  ran  to  her,"*  and 
troubled  the  othc'-s  no  more  that  night. 

A  day  or  two  alti^r,  the  sagamores  had  a  council,  or  general  court,  as  they 
called  it,  in  which  the  giving  up  of  Mrs.  R,  was  debated.  All  seemed  to 
consent  for  her  to  go,  except  Philip,  who  would  not  come  to  the  council. 
However,  she  was  soon  dismissed,  and  some  who  were  at  first  opposed  to  her 
going,  seemed  now  to  rejoice  at  it.  They  shook  her  by  the  hand,  and  asked 
her  to  send  them  some  tobacco,  and  some  one  thing  and  some  another. 

When  the  extensive  system  of  war  carried  on  by  Philip  was  broken  in  the 
west  by  intestine  bickerings,  Qidnnapin  returned  with  Philip  to  his  country 
of  the  Wampanoags.  About  the  end  of  July.  1G76,  Captain  Church  learned  by 
a  captive  scpiaw  that  Quinnapin  and  Philip  were  in  a  "  great  cedar  swamp " 
near  Aponaganset  with  "abundance  of  Indimis."  This  news,  together  with 
a  discovery  the  captain  soon  alter  made,  induced  him  to  leave  that  country 
without  <listurbing  so  formidable  an  enemy.  Soon  after,  Quinnapin  escaped 
fiom  a  comi)any  of  Bridgewater  men,  who  killed  Jlkkompoin,  as  he^^d 
i'iiilip's  company  were  crossing  Timuton  River.  The  next  day,  Chvrda^i^ 
sued  him,  but  he  effected  his  escape.  ^^^ 

Not  long  after  this,  he  was  taken,  and,  immediately  after  the  war,  25 
August,  was  shot  at  Newport  in  R.  Island.  It  ap[)cars  that  Qidn7iapin  had 
iiad  sonic  difliculty  witli  the  R.  Island  people,  who,  some  time  before  the 
war,  had  cast  him  into  prison ;  but  that  by  some  means  he  had  escaped, 
and  become  active  in  the  war.  He  was  reported  "a  young  lusty  sachem, 
and  a  very  rogue."  f  A  court-martial  was  held  at  Newport,  R,  I.,  on  the 
'24  August,  1G7(J,  by  the  governor  and  assistants  of  that  colony,  for  the  trial 
of  Quinnapin,  or  Sowagonish,  as  ho  was  sometimes  called,  and  several  others. 
He  was  charged  with  adliering  to  Philip  in  the  war,  which  he  confessed, 
and  owned  he  was  in  the  Narraganset  Swamp  fight  of  December,  l(i75,  and 
next  in  conunand  to  Canonchel ;  wheren[)on  ho  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  tho 
next  day.  A  brother  of  his,  who  had  but  one  eye,  named  Sunkeejunasuc,  had 
the  same  sentence  passed  upon  him.  AsluiTtuittan,  another  brother,  was 
tried,  but  at  that  time  receivetl  no  sentence.}: 

TUSPAQUIJV,  whose  biography  we  shall  next  pursue,  was  one  of  Philip's 
most  faithful  cajitains,  and  sachem  of  Assawomset,  as  we  have  before  had 
occasion  to  notice,  in  speaking  of  John  Sassamon.  Ilis  name  in  printed 
accounts  differs  but  little,  and  is  abbreviated  from  Watuspaquin.  Also  in  our 
life  of  Taloson  it  was  necessary  to  speak  of  this  chief.  From  a  survey  of 
tiie  deeds  which  he  executed  of  various  large  tracts  of  land,  it  is  evident 
his  sachemdom  was  very  extensive.  It  will  be  necessary  to  glance  at  some 
of  the  conveyances  of  Waluspaquin  for  several  reasons,  the  principal  of  which 
is,  that  the  part  ho  acted  in  tiie  great  drama  of  1(175  and  1G7G  may  not  be 
underrated.  His  conveyances  to  the  Reverend  Jo/m  SassamommA.  his  family 
are  already  related. 

On  1)  August,  1()()7,  "  Tuspequin,  otherwise  called  the  Black-sachem,"  for 
£4,  sells  to //(!)i™  JFood  of  Plimouth  his  right  and  title  to  tho  land  on  the 
cast  side  of  "Namassakett"  Rivor,§  bounded  "on  one  end"  by  the  pond 
called  Black-sachem's  Pond,  or,  in  Indian,  fVanpawcull ;  on  the  other  end,  by 
a  little  pond  called  Asnemsciitt.  How  much  was  included  in  the  given 
liouuds,  is  not  mentioned,  nor  could  we  now  by  tho  description  possibly 
tell  how  far  said  tract  (;xtended  back  from  the  river.  With  Tuspaquin, 
liis  wife,  Amey,  signed  this  deed,  and  it  was  witnessed  only  by  two  Lnglish- 
nien. 

On  17  July,  10(3!),  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  William  sell  for  £10  a  tract  or 
parcel  of  huul  near  "  Assowami)sett,"  half  a  mile  wide,  and  "  in  length  from 
said  ponds  to  Dartmouth  path."  Resides  two  English,  Samuel  Henry,  Daniel 
and  Old  Hnrn/  were;  witness(!S.  E.vperience  Mitchell,  Henry  Sampson,  of  Dux- 
borongh,  Thomas  Little,  of  Marshfield,  and  Thomas  Puim,  of  Eastham,  were 
the  jiurchasers. 


*  Narrnlivo,  7;i — 7"). 

t  Captain  Move's  account  of  "  The  Warr  in  N.  E.  visibly  imlcil,"  &.c.  in  our  Indian 
rHiiiiNK  i.K.  \.  I'oltijr's  Narragaiisci,  1)8, 

^\  lie,  liowevcr,  reserved  liie  riglit  "  to  gctt  coder  barkc  in  tlic  swamps.'' 


58 


TUSPAQUIN.— BURNS  BRIDGEWATER. 


[Book  III. 


^a1 


'tn 


June  10, 1G70,  Tuspaquinand  his  son  William  so!!  for  £G,  to  Edward  Gray, 
"in  the  behalf  of  the  court  of  Pliniouth,"  " sill  that  our  nieddow  that  lyoth 
in  or  neare  the  town  of  Middleberry,"  on  the  west  side  of  a  tract  belon<fiiijr 
to  John  Alden  and  Constant  Soutlitoorth,  "and  is  between  Assowamsctt  Pond 
and  Taunton  path,  being  in  three  i)arsells  vpon  three  brookes ; "  also  another 
parcel  on  the  other  side  of  Taunton  path.  Witnessed  by  "  Jlmic"  the  Avile 
of  Tuspaquin,  and  two  English. 

30  June,  1672,  Tuspaquin,  "  sachem  of  Nainassakett,  and  Manlowapiid 
alias  fVUliam  his  son,  sell  to  Edward  Gray  and  Josias  Winslow,  lands  on 
the  easterly  side  of  Assowamsett,  to  begin  where  Naniasket  River  falletli 
out  of  the  pond,  and  so  south  by  the  pond ;  thence  by  jjerishablo  bounds 
to  Tuspaquin'a  Pond,  and  so  home  to  the  lands  formerly  sold  to  Henry 
Wood. 

3  July,  1673,  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  Jf'illiam  sell  to  Benjamin  Church  of 
Duxborough,  house  carpenter,  and  John  Tompson  of  Barnstable,  lauds  about 

' gborough,  lor  which  they  paid  him  £15.    It  is  t'l  scribed  as  "  lying  att 

iretlie  township  of  Middleberry,"  bounded  westcnly  by  a  river  called 
ififg-en,  which  runs  into  a  jjond  called  Quisquasett,  and  so  by  a  cedar 
swamp  to  Tuspaquiii's  Pond ;  thence  by  Hennj  Wood's  land  to  a  place 
called  Pochaboquett,  Nahudset  River  is  named  as  a  northern  boundary ;  and 
the  two  "  places  "  called  rw«com£fvi€S<  and  JUasso/jano/t  are  also  named,  like- 
wise a  pond  called  Sniptuett, ai\([  a  "river's  mouth  called  Tuppaluctl  which 
runneth  into  a  pond  called  Quiituwashett"  Two  English,  Sam  Huny,  and 
Joseph  of  Naniasket,  were  witnesses. 

1  November  1673,  Jf'illiam  Watuspaquin,  Jlssaweta^  Tobias  and  Beivat,  lor 
£10  sell  to  tlu*ee  English  of  Barnstable  a  tract  of  laud  bounded  i)y  Qiic- 
taquash  Pond  northerly,  by  Queta(]uash  River  easterly,  Snt;|)etuitt  Pond,  &c. 
14  May,  1075,  the  two  Tuspaquins,  father  and  son,  "  make  ov.  r  to  John 
Tompson,  Constant  Southworth  ftnd  others,  of  Middlcboroiigh,  "all  lliat  tract 
of  land  which  we  now  have  in  possession,  culled  commonly  ^'Issowamset 
neck  or  necks,  and  places  adjacent,"  as  a  security  against  the  claims  of  others, 
&c.  of  other  lauds  deeded  at  the  same  time  ;  if,  t!ierefore,  they  are  not  dis- 
turbed in  the  possession  of  the  former  lands  deeded,  then  they  "are  not  to 
be  outed  of  Assawamsett  neck."  Potlawo,  alias  Daniel,  Poyman,  Pagatt,'*  alias 
Joseph,  were  witnesses. 

For  the  land  deeded  they  received  £33,  "  sterling."  It  consisted  of  uplands 
and  meadows  about  the  pond  called  JVinipoket,  Qui7icus,f  &c.,  and,  judging 
from  the  jirice  paid,  was,  no  doubt,  a  very  largo  tract. 

Thus  are  a  few  of  the  acts  of  JFatuspaquin  sketched  previous  to  the  war. 
We  are  now  to  trace  his  operations  in  quite  another  sphere.  In  our  opinion, 
Mr.  Hubbard  was  right  in  styling  him  "  the  next  noted  captain  to  Philip,"  but 
erroneously  calls  Old  Tuspaquin  "  the  Black-sachem's  son."  He  docs  not 
appear  to  have  known  of  the  son  William.  Indeed,  we  hear  nothing  of  him 
in  tlie  war,  but  it  is  probable  he  shared  the  liite  of  Ids  father. 

In  the  spring  of  1070,  Tuspaquin  was  marching  from  place  to  place  with 
about  300  men,  and  was  doubtless  in  high  expectation  of  Inunbling  the 
pride  of  his  enemies,  and,  but  for  Philip's  western  disasters,  occasioned  by 
tiie  disaffection  of  his  Pocomptucks  and  others,  his  expectations  might  have 
been  realized.  It  was  doubtless  under  his  direction  that  1!>  buildings  in 
Scituate  were  burnt  on  20  April ;  and  on  the  8  May,  had  not  a  shower  pre- 
vented, most,  if  not  all,  the  houses  in  Bridgewater  would  have  shared  the 
same  fate.  Tuspaquin  was  known  to  have  led  his  men  in  this  attack.| 
The  inhabitants  exerteil  themselves  to  repel  the  Indians,  but,  conscious  of 
tlieir  strength,  they  maintained  their  ground  until  the  next  day,  when  they 
retreated.  Notwithstanding  the  rain,  they  succeeded  in  burning  17  buildings 
before  tluw  decamped. 

On  11  May,  l(i7(>,  there  were  eleven  houses  and  live  bainis  liiirnt  in  Plini- 
outh, and  a  few  weeks  after,  seven  houses  more  and  two  barns.     These 

*  Two  names,  probahly  ;  but  in  ilie  Ms5.  llicre  is  no  connna  between,  ns  is  often  the  case, 
t  Titiciit,  proljnbly,  now. 

X  .Mr.  Iluhhard  stiy,,  (Nnr.  '!.)  l!io  Lillians  were  led  by  one  Ttis^vogcn,  but  we  are  satis- 
fied Ttispaqiiiii  is  meaul. 


Chap.  Ill] 


Tl'SPAQUIN.— Ills  COMPANY  SURPRISED. 


59 


llmie"  the  wilb 


wore  prolxilily  siicli  as  were  at  a  considorablo  distance  from  tlje  village,  and 
liad  cliiefiy  been  deserted.  This  "  iniscliief"  -vvas  attributed  to  Tuspaqiiin 
and  Jiis  in(!n. 

About  tills  time,  Benjamin  Church  was  commissioned  by  the  government 
of  Plimoutli  to  had  panics  in  different  directions  over  the  colony ;  and  from 
the  time  he  commenced  o])erations,  tlie  Indians  found  but  few  opportunities 
to  do  mischief  in  Plimoutli  colony. 

Tuspitquin  still  kept  his  ground  in  the  Assawomsot  country,  and  for  a  long 
time  baffled  all  the  skill  Captain  Church  was  master  of  in  his  endeavors  to  take 
him  prisoner.  Church  received  his  commission  24  July,  107(5,  and  the  same 
night  set  out  on  an  expedition  against  Tuspaquin.  His  Indian  scouts  brought 
him  before  day  upon  a  company  of  his  people  in  Middleborough,  every  one 
of  whom  fell  into  his  hands.  How  many  there  were.  Church  does  not  say. 
He  took  them  directly  to  Plimouth,  "and  disposed  of  them  all,"  except  "one 
Jrffenj,  who,  proving  very  ingenious  and  faithful  to  him  in  informing  where 
other  parcels  of  the  Indians  liarliorcd,  Capt.  Church  promised  him,  that  if 
he  continued  to  be  faithful  to  liim,  he  should  not  be  sold  out  of  the  coiwltt'y, 
l)Ut  should  be  liis  waiting  man,  to  take  care  of  his  horse,  &c.,  and  accord- 
ingly he  served  him  faithfidly  as  long  as  he  lived."* 

Thus  strengthened  by  Tu^aquin's  own  men,  Church  pursued  his  successes 
with  manifold  advantage.  There  was  a  small  tribe  residing  near  Munponset 
Pond,  which  was  next  cajjtured  without  loss  on  either  side,  and  there  was 
henceforth  scarcely  a  week  passed  wherein  he  did  not  capture  some  of  these 

l)C0|)lc. 

Not  long  after  this,  it  "was  found  that  Tuspaquin  had  encamped  about 
Assawornset,  and  Church  sot  out  on  an  expedition  there ;  but  finding  Old 
Tuspaquin  was  ready  for  him  at  the  neck  between  the  two  great  ponds,  f  he 
Mils  glad  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  on  towards  Acushnet  and  Dartmouth. 
As  he  was  crossing  Assawomset  neck,  a  scout  from  Ttispaquin's  camp  fired 
u])on  him,  but  did  liim  no  injury. 

Meanwhile  the  great  Annawon  having  been  surprised  by  the  indefatigable 
Church,  Tuspaquin  saw  no  chajice  of  holding  out  long;  he  therefore  appears 
afterwards  only  intent  ui>on  keeping  out  oftho  way  of  the  English.  This 
could  not  be  long  reasonably  expected,  as  their  scouts  were  ranging  in  every 
direction. 

On  4  Sept.  1G76,  according  to  Churches  account,  Tuspaquin^s  company 
were  encamped  near  Sippican,  doing  "great  damage  to  the  English  in  kill- 
ing their  cattle,  horses  and  swine."  The  next  day.  Church  and  his  rangers 
were  in  their  neighborhood,  and,  after  observing  their  situation,  which  was 
"sitting  round  their  fires  in  a  thick  jilace  of  brucli,"J  in  seeming  safety,  the 
captain  "ordered  every  man  to  creep  as  he  did;  and  surrounded  them  by 
creeping  as  near  as  they  could,  till  they  should  be  discovered,  and  then  to 
run  on  upon  them,  and  take  them  alive,  if  jiossiblo,  (for  their  prisoners  were 
tiiolr  pay.)  They  did  so,  taking  every  one  that  was  at  the  fires,  not  one 
escaping.  Upon  examination,  they  agreed  in  their  story,  that  they  belonged 
to  Tispaquin,  who  was  gone  with  John  Bump  and  one  more  to  Agawoin  a.id 
Hipicaii  to  kill  horses,  and  were  not  exj)ected  back  in  two  or  three  davs."§ 
C/iu)t/i  proceeds :  "Tins  sanae  Tispaquin  had  been  a  great  captain,  anc^.  the 
Indians  reported  tliat  he  was  such  a  great  pouwau,  [priest  or  conjurer,]  that 
no  bullet  could  enter  him.  Capt.  Church  said  he  would  not  have  him  killed, 
for  there  was  a  war  broke  out  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  countiy,  and  ho 
would  have  him  saved  to  go  with  them  to  fight  the  eastern  Indians.  Agree- 
ably, he  left  two  old  stpiaws  of  the  jjri.'soners,  and  bid  them  tarry  there  until 
their  Captain  Tispaquin  returned,  and  to  tell  him,  that  Church  had  been 
there,  and  had  talccn  his  wife,  children  and  company,  and  carried  them 
down  to  Plymouth  ;  and  would  spare  all  their  lives,  and  his  too,  if  he  would 

*  C/i«;T/i,  Narrative,  31. 

t  Ju3l  below  wliiTc^  Suiiiason'i  tavern  now  stoiids. 

t  I  suspect  Mr.  Huhhnnl  mistakes  the  situation  of  this  plare,  in  sayinsf  it  was  "  in  Laken- 
liam,  upon  Pocassot  ncrk."'  Church  is  so  unres^nrding  of  all  ;^eoijrapliy,  tliat  it  is  ()uile  un- 
certain where  it  was.     If  it  were  near  Sippican,  It  was  a  Ion?  way  (rom  any  pari  of  Pocasset. 

$  By  this  it  seems  the  place  iniglu  have  been  as  far  offos  Pocussei. 


% 


60 


TUSPAQUIN  MURDERED  AT  PLIHIOUTH.— TATOSON.    [Book  III. 


'■L' 


',,'1!  I 


i 


# 


come  down  to  them  and  briiiji  the  otlier  two  tliat  were  with  hhn,  and  they 
should  ho  his  solcUers,  &c.  C'apt.  Church  tlien  returned  to  Plynioiitii,  leav- 
ing the  old  squaws  well  provided  lor,  and  biski't  lor  Tispaquin  when  ho 
returned." 

This  Church  called  laying  a  traj)  lor  Tvspaqum,  and  it  tm-ned  ont  as  he 
expected.  We  shall  now  sen  with  what  tuitli  tlie  English  acted  on  this 
occasion.  Church  had  assured  him  thiit,  if  he  gave  himself  tip,  he  should 
not  be  killed,  but  he  was  not  at  Plimouth  when  Tuspaquin  cunio  in,  having 
gone  to  Boston  on  business  for  a  kw  days ;  "  but  when  he  returned  he 
found,  to  his  grief,  the  lujads  of  Jlnnamn,  Tispaquin,  &c.  cut  off,  which 
were  the  last  of  Philip's  iriends" ! 

It  is  true  that  those  who  \vorc  known  to  have  been  personally  engaged  in 
killing  the  English  were,  iii  the  time  of  the  greatest  danger,  cut  off  from 

f)ardon  by  a  law;  that  time  had  uovf  passed  away,  and,  like  many  other 
aws  of  exigency,  it  should  then  have  been  considered  a  dead  Icttpr ;  leaving 
out  of  the  case  the  faith  and  promise  of  their  best  ser\'ant,  Church.  View 
it,  therefore,  in  any  light,  and  nothing  can  bo  found  to  justify  this  flagrant 
inroad  upon  that  promise.  To  give  to  the  conduct  of  the  Plimouth  govern- 
ment a  pretext  for  this  murder,  (a  milder  expression  1  cannot  use,)  Mr. 
Hubbard  says,  Tuspaquin  having  pretended  that  a  bullet  could  not  iienetrate 
him,  trial  of  his  invulnerableness  was  resolved  upon.  So  he  was  placed  as 
a  mark  to  shoot  at,  and  "  he  fell  down  at  the  first  shot" ! 

This  was  doubtless  the  end  of  numerous  others,  as  vm  infer  from  the 
following  j)assage  in  Dr.  Mathrr^s  Pkevalkncy  or  Prayer.  He  asks, 
"Where  are  the  six  Narragansct  sachems,  with  all  their  cajjtains  and  coun- 
sellors ?  Where  are  the  Nipmuck  sachems,  with  their  captains  and  coun- 
sellors ?  Where  is  Philip  and  Sqiiaw-sachem  of  Pocassct,  with  all  their 
captains  and  counsellors.'  G9d  do  so  to  all  the  implacable  enemies  of 
Christ,  and  of  his  peoi)le  in  N.  England"! !  Tlie  next  of  Philip^s  captains, 
in  our  arrangement,  is 

TATOSOJV,  also  a  great  cajitain  in  the  war  of  1075.  It  seems  rather  un- 
certain whether  he  were  a  Narragansct  or  Wampanoag.  He  (or  one 
bearing  the  same  name)  signed  the  treaty  made  with  the  Narragansets  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  It  is  (piito  certain  that  his  residence  allerwards 
was  in  Sandwich,  since  Rochester;*  and  when  he  signed  the  treaty  just 
named,  it  is  probable  he  was  only  among  the  Narragansets  upon  a  mission 
or  visit.  He  was  a  son  of  the  "  iiot<;d  Sam  Barrow,"  but  of  iiis  own 
family,  or  whether  he  had  any,  we  are  not  informed. 

We  first  meet  with  Tatoson,\  or,  as  his  name  is  commonly  printed,  Toto- 
son,  in  KSfiO,  in  the  resi)ectable  com[)any  of  flir.  Secretary  Morton  of  Plim- 
outh, and  Jlcanootns,  W«nnoo,  two  "grauo  and  sage  Indians,", and  a  number 
more,  of  whose  characters  we  aro  not  so  well  prepared  to  speak.  Among 
this  assemblage  he  is  only  conspicuous,  however,  as  a  witness  to  a  deed  of 
the  lands  ujion  Weequanceil  neck.  Mr.  Morton^s  name  follows  Taioson%  on 
this  instrument. 

There  was  a  general  disarming  of  the  Indians  in  1671,  as  will  elsewhere 
be  mentioned.  Among  a  great  number  ordered  to  appear  at  Plimouth  the 
same  year,  to  bind  themselves  more  strongly  in  allegiance  to  the  English, 
%vc  find  the  name  of  Tatoson,  or,  as  his  name  was  then  written,  Tautozeii, 
Also  Toby,  alias  JVauhnocomtoit,  X  and  Will,  alias  JVashaivanna. 

On  the  12th  of  June,  1676,  several  Indians,  who  had  been  sent  in  by 
Bradford  and  Church,  were  "  convented  before  the  councell "  at  Plimouth ; 
being  "  such  of  them  as  were  accused  of  working  vnsufferable  mischeifte 
vpon  some  of  ours."    Among  them  was  one  named  Watukpoo,  or,  as  he 


*  On  the  rif!;lit  of  the  main  road,  as  you  pass  from  I\Ialapoisct  to  Rochester  village,  and 
about  two  niilos  from  the  former,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  road,  is  a  kind  of  island  in  a 
mii3'  swamp.  Upon  this,  it  is  said,  was  Taloson's  camp.  This  island  is  coimectcd  by  an 
isthmus  to  the  main  land. 

t  So  almost  always  in  the  MSS. 

X  Somrlimcs  called  Tohtj  Cole.  The  same,  we  conclude,  who  joined  Philip  afterwards, 
and  full  into  the  hands  of  Captain  Cliurch,  as  did  his  mother,  and  many  more  at  the  same  time. 


Chap.  III.]    T.VTOSON.— TAKES  A  GARRISON  AT  PLIMOUTII. 


61 


•was  often  called,  Tiikpoo.*     Against  him,  several  charges  were  brought,  siifli 
as  his  going  off  to  the  enemy,  and  trying  to  deceive  the  governor  about  the 

Iirospect  of  war ;  telling  him  that  Philip's  men  had  deserted  him,  and  tbat 
10  had  only  a  few  old  msn  and  boys  remaining.  At  this  time  were  present 
tliree  other  Indians,  Avhose  names  were  Woodcock,  Quanapawhan  and  John- 
num.  The  two  first  were  accused  by  a  squaw  of  destroying  Clark's  garrison 
at  Eel  River  in  Plimouth,  and  murdering  the  inhabitants.  This  had  been 
done  on  the  12  March  previous,  and  witli  such  secrecy  and  effect,  tiiat  the 
English  knew  not  whom  to  accuse  of  it.  Many  supposed  that  fFutuspaquin 
conducted  the  affair,  and  Mr.  Hubbard  charges  it  upon  him  without  liesLta- 
tion,  but  it  is  now  quite  certain  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  as  in  the 
sequel  we  shall  show. 

The  two  just  ment'oned,  finding  themselves  detected,  accused  their  fellow 
prisoner,  John-num.  It  appears  that  JVum  not  only  owned  himself  guilty  of 
this  charge,  but  acknowledged,  also,  that  he  was  concerned  in  the  murder  of 
"  Jacob  Jmtchd  and  his  wife,  and  John  Popt,  f  ai  I  soe  centance  ol"  death  was 
pronounced  again.st  them,     hich  accordingly  en:odiately  was  executed." 

Before  these  were  e.xeci.  ed,  tl<oy  implicate<i  a  fourth,  whose  nutne  was 
Keweenam.  Although  Talison  command'?d  the  company  that  put  to  death 
the  people  at  Clark's  garrison,  yet  Keivee>utin  set  the  expedition  on  foot  He 
lived  at  Sandwich,  and  was  probab'y  one  of  Tatosons  ni-ii:.  However,  on 
Saturday,  the  1 1  March,  he  was  at  Mr.  h'illiam  Cork's, ;  "d  observed  how 
every  part  of  tiie  garrison  was  condi;>  ned.  H.  hen  went  to  his  chief, 
Taloaon,  anA  told  him  that  it  could  be  easily  takr>:  as  it  was  but  slightly 
fortified;  and  that  the  next  day, being  Sunday  "  f.  lia  be  the  proper  time  to 
execute  their  jilan,  as  the  residents  would  most  v  be  gone  to  meeting;  "and 
in  case  they  leit  a  man  at  home,  or  so.  they  might  soon  disr    ch  him." 

This  intelligence  was  jjleasing  to  T''.'Jon,  and  he  foui."  himself  at  tlie 
licad  of  ten  warriors  the  same  day.  'I'h  'r  names  were  as  follows :  iVoo- 
nashenah,  Musquash,  JVapanpoicett,  .i.''om,  ''the  son  of  Tatoson's  hr  fir  r." 
Uttsooweest,  and  Tom  Plant;  which,  with  the  three  before  named,  Uiavif  uj' 
the  whole  comjiany.  Commencing  li.jir  march  before  night,  they  arrived 
in  the  borders  of  Plimouth,  where  they  lr\y  concealed  until  the  people  liad 
gone  to  public  woiship.  About  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  they  came  ii\mii 
the  garrison,  which  fell  easily  into  their  hands.  After  killing  all  they  met 
with,  they  took  what  plunder  they  i  /i;Id  carry,  and  burned  the  buildings ; 
then  agaui  dispersed  into  the  woods. 

There  were  some  of  two  other  families  in  this  garrison,  mostly  women 
and  children.  Three  only  were  of  Mr.  Clark's  family,  but  there  were  eight 
others  belonging  to  the  other  t\vo.  Mrs.  Elizahdh  Clark,  t  one  of  the  heada 
of  the  family,  was  among  the  slain.  § 


*  This  Indian,  wliom  we  -^liall  have  occasion  several  times  to  mention,  was  not  one  of  tiiose 
sent  in  by  TJ/'arf/orrf,  as  ap(.-ai.  ""rom  Matlier,  (Brief  Hist. '10. )  but  ihey  "informed  that  a 
bloudy  liidian  called  T^tck--'  -ho  the  last  summer  murdered  a  man  of  Boston,  at  Nanias- 
ket,)  with  about  20  Indians  i.-.ore,  was  at  a  place  within  16  miles  of  Plimouth."  Eight 
English  and  fourteen  Indians  succeeded  iii  taking  them  all,  and  Tuckpoo  was  immediately 
executed. 

t  The  murder  of  thnse  people  is  supposed  to  be  referred  to  by  Mr.  Hubbard  in  his 
"  Table."  The  pasi  ;•  j,i;  follows  :  "  In  June,  1676,  [1675  ?]  a  man  and  a  woman  were  slain  by 
the  Indians  ;  ano*'-.  ,  woman  was  wounded  and  taken  ;  but  because  she  had  kept  an  Indian 
child  before,  •  i  juta  ,  kindness  was  showed  her,  as  that  she  was  sent  back,  after  they  had 
dressed  her  wound  ;  the  Indians  guarded  her  till  she  came  within  sight  of  th«  English."  Mr. 
Milchd  informs  us  that  the  name  of  the  wounded  woman  was  Dorothy  Haywood.  See  1  Coll. 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  159. 

i  "  Who  was  the  daughter  of  a  godly  father  and  mother,  that  came  to  N.  England  on  the 
account  of  religion."  "  They  also  killed  her  sucking  child,  and  knocked  anotlier  child  hvho 
was  about  eight  years  old)  in  the  head,  supposing  they  had  kHIed  him,  but  afterwaras  he 
came  to  himself."    /.  Matlier,  Brief  Hist.  24. 

§  We  relate  all  that  is  to  be  found  in  the  MS.  records,  but  the  author  of  the  Present  Slate, 
&c.  furnishes  the  following  valuable  facts  :  "  About  this  time,  [his  last  dale  mentioned  being 
14  March,]  one  Mr.  Clarke's  wife,  children,  and  all  his  family,  at  his  farm-house,  two  miles 
from  Plimouth,  were  surprised  and  killed,  except  one  boy,  who  was  kuockt  down,  and  left  for 
dead,  but  afterwards  taken  up  and  revived.  The  house  they  plundered  of  provision  and 
goods  to  a  great  value  ;  eight  complete  arms,  30^  [lb.]  of  powder,  with  an  answerable  quaa- 

6 


% 


h  ,ti 


62 


TATOSON.— SVVAHIP  FlfJllT. 


t>iiM 


r 


IIJooK   llf. 


Keweennin  wns  bplion(Jf'il,  but  liow  tlio  otlicr  tliiro  worn  (liHjtospd  of,  ^sn 
an;  not  iiiroriiu-d  ;  jt  is  mtv  ]tr()l).i!ili'  that  tlii'  wlioli!  iiiinihi.T  siiU'crctl  in  duo 
time.  At  tlio  trial  of  Kcweeiuim  and  thi;  other  three,  some  of  them  |)lea(hd 
tiiat  tiio  irovernor'rt  in-ochiniation  was  now  their  ])i-oteetion  ;  ii-oni  whieh  it 
would  seem  tiiat  they  iiad  surrendered  themselves.  Hut  then;  was  none  to 
l)lead  their  ease,  (>\ee])t  their  aeeusers,  and  they  e.\|)lained  thin^iH  in  their 
own  way.  'J'lie  court  said,  "  I'orasmueh  as  th(!  eoimeil  had  l)e(()r(^  thin 
en^'ajjed  to  sevciral  Indians  desirous  to  eomo  iu  and  tender  themselves  to 
nierey,  thnt  they  should  find  liivor  in  so  doin;;:  it  was  lidly  madt;  known  to 
such  Indinns  as  were  then  present,  that  the  sjiid  enf:n<reineiit  wns  to  he  vwlcr- 
stood  icHh  e.rc('plio)i  airainst  sueh  as  liy  miird<'r  as  nbe.ve  said  had  so  acted, 
uiid  not  ajfaiiist  such  as  killed  his  enemie  in  the  field  in  a  sonldi(rrlike  way." 

This  kintl  of  arj.'ument  would  answer  amonjj  duelists,  ))nt  wlieii  did  iIk! 
Indians  ajiree  to  liirht  tho  lOnulisii  aecordiuf;  to ///«iV  rules  oi' war  ?  TIim 
li)riner  mijudtt  with  eipial  propriety  demand  that  the  Eiifrlisli  should  coul'orm 
to  thoir  fuaiuier,  and  not  depend  on  their  mnnhers,  ibrls,  aiul  sup(M-i()r 
wea|V)iis. 

Althoujrii  the  munhr  at  ('li/rlt\i  jrarrisoii  was  one  of  those  horrible  acts 
ill  Indian  wjirliire,  which  would  justity  the  most  rij?id  retaliation,  still,  as  the 
.l']nglish  began  tli(>  war,  they  had  no  liirlit  to  expect  but  that  ii  woidd  bo 
prosecuteii  by  the  iudians  in  ail  the  ways  at  their  coimnand.  Oil  this  ground 
the  philanthropist  will  (m er  eondrum  the  severity  of  the  English. 

When  (':())tain  Vltuirh  came  upon  Philip  and  a  great  ntmd)er  of  his  jieople, 
the  ;{d  of  Atigust,  ltl7(>,  '■^Tispmiuin,  1  oloson,  titc."  ])revente(l  the  enlin; 
destruction  of  some  of  them,  by  combating  tlu;  English  whih;  their  chief 
and  others  extricated  themselves  from  a  small  swamp  into  which  they  had 
lied.  "In  this  swamp  skirmish  (/apt.  Cliurcb  with  his  two  men  which 
always  ran  by  his  side  as  his  guard,  met  with  three  of  the  enemy,  two  of 
which  .siirrenilered  lliemselves,  and  the  captain's  guard  seized  tiiein  ;  but 
the  other,  being  a  great  stout  siirlv  fellow,  with  his  two  locks  ty'd  up  with 
re<l,  mid  a  T'cat  rattlesnake's  skm  hanging  to  tla;  back  part  of  his  head, 
(whom  Vti\tt.  Vliwrh  concluded  to  be  Toloson,)  ran  Irom  them  into  the 
Hwnmp.  ('apt.  (Viuir-li  iu  person  pursued  him  clost>,  till,  coming  pretty  near 
up  wi'li  bim,  presente<l  bis  gun  between  his  shouldei  s,  but  it  nfissing  tire, 
the  liiilian  perceiving  it,  turneil  and  ]»resented  at  Cajit.  Church,  and  missing 
tire  also,  (their  guns  taking  wet  w  ith  the  fog  and   dew  of  the  morning,)  but 


tlu 


Ind 


ian    tiu'iiiiiir  short  l()r  another  run,  his  foot  trip'd  in  n  sii 


lal 


"rail. 


vine,  and  be  tell  flat  on  his  (iice.  ("apt.  Churrh  was  by  ibis  time  up  with 
iiiiK  i\u(\  struck  the  mu//.le  of  bis  gun  an  inch  aiul  an  half  into  the  back 
piu't  ot"  his  iH'ad,  w  hi<'li  dispatched  him  without  another  blow.  Hut  ('apt. 
Chuirli  looking  behind  him  saw  V'o/o.wji,  the  Jndian  whcnn  Ik^  tho't  lie  had 
killed,  come  ilviiu;  at  bim  like  a  tiragon ;  but  this  happened  to  be  fair  in 
f^isrlit  of  the  guard  that  were  set  to  keep  the  prisoners,  who  spviiig  Totnson 
i\\u\  others  Tiial  were  follow  iug  bim,  iu  the  very  seasonable  junclure   madi) 


shot  u| 


)i)ii    tiieiii,  a 


nd  rescued  their  captain,  though   Ik;   was  in   no  small 


ilaiiger  ti-o'ii  bis  friends'  bullets,  for  some  came  so  near  bim  that  he  thought 


he  felt  the   'ind  ol'  them.' 


The  celebrated   Churrh,  in  the    skirmishes  luj 


# 


bad  in  these  two  days,  August  !  and  '2,  took  and  killed  17;{  Indians. 

Little  iiinre  tlimi  a  month  aOer  the  Dili  of  Philip,  Church  siirprisitd  Tfih- 
aon's  whole  company,  about  .'iO  persons.  lie  was  the  last  that  was  lell  of  tim 
linnily  of  Harrow;  and,  .^ays  Churrh,  "the  wretch  retlecting  u|ion  the  niiser- 
nble  condiiion  be  ha<I  brought  himself  into,  his  heart  became  a  stoiu;  witiiiii 
liim,  and  be  died.  'I'lie  old  s(|Uiiw  [that  iViiirch  had  employed  to  persuade 
iiim  to  submit]  lluiig  a  few  leaves  and  brush  over  him— came  into  Sandwich, 
nnd  gave  this  accouni  of  bis  death;  and  olfered  to  show  them  where  she  letV 
liisbod\.but  ne\er  bad  an  opportunity,  for  she  immediately  fell  sick  and 
died  also," 

Tlin  fiUc  of  the  futlier  of  Taloson  docH  not  »u  iiaicli  iwcitu  Kympntliy,  as 

litY  o1'  icnit  tor  liiilli't!!.  mill  150/.  in  rctnly  inoiicv  ;  (lie  ■luid  Mr,  Chirk  himself  norrowly 
r'i'HpniK  t'irir  iriu-lu ,  l<v  licini;  at  llmt  iiislniil  iil  u  inuctiiig.'' 
•  lli»t.  riiilips  Ww,'  ». 


Chap.  HI.] 


MURDER  OF  IJARROW.-TIASIIQ. 


63 


does  that  of  the  son,  Itiit  is  one  oftliosc  ctises  more  cidculated  to  arouse  the 
fiercer  jm.s.sions.  TIk^  old  chiel'lMI  into  tiie  hands  orCajJlain  Chvrch/m  one 
of  his  successful  expeditions  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod.  Church  say.s,  in 
liis  iiistory,  tiiat  lie  ^vas  "  as  noted  a  rof^ue  as  uny  anionjf  tlie  enemy."  Cap- 
tain Church  told  hini  that  tiio  government  would  not  permit  liim  to  grant 
]iim  quarter,  "  hecause  of  ids  inlunnan  murders  and  hari)arities,"  and  there- 
fore ordered  inin  to  prepare  for  execution.  "B«»roiy  replied,  tiiat  the  seu- 
tence  of  death  against  him  was  just,  and  that  indeed  he  was  ashamed  to  live 
any  longer,  and  desired  no  mons  fiivor,  than  to  smoke  a  whift"  of  tobacco 
Iteibre  his  execution.  When  he  had  taken  a  few  wliitfs,  he  said,  '1  am 
r(!ady;'  upon  which  one  of  Captain  ChurcKa  Indians  sunk  his  liutchet  into 
his  brains." 

TMSHq*  or  TYJlSKS\''wi\A\\w  next  man  to P/a7i>," says  CViurc/i ; there 
wi!re  others  also  said  to  be  "  next  to  him,"  and  it  may  be  all  reconciled  by 
supposing  these  chiefs  as  having  the  chief  eonunand  over  jmrticular  tribes. 
Mr.  lluhhaHX  says  only  this  ol'tJie  famous  Tiaslu/:  "In  Jiuie  last,  [l<i7tl,l  one 
Tlanhq,  a  great  captain  of  Philip's,  his  wife  and  child,  or  chilclren,  being 
taken,  though  he  escap<!d  himself  at  first,  yet  came  since  and  surrendered 
hinisi'll'."  Dr.  /.  Mather,  writing  under  date  of  2*2  July,  I()70,  says  it  was  "this 
week"  that  Captain  Church  und  his  Indian  soldiers  tell  upon  Tiashq  and  hia 
company.  It  appcsars  thereii)re  that  Mr.  Hubbard  is  in  (srror,  as  the  account 
given  by  Church  corroborates  that  of  Mather,  who  speaks  thus  of  his  opera- 
tions: "It  having  been  his  manner  when  he  taketh  any  Iiulians  by  a  promise 
of  favor  to  them,  in  case  they  aci|uit  themselves  well,  to  set  them  an  hunting 
ajhr  more  of  these  wolves,  wherebj  tlu)  worist  of  them  sometimes  do  .sin- 
gular good  servici!  in  finding  out  the  rest  of  their  bloody  fellows.  In  onr;  of 
lliesc  skirmishes,  Tinshi],  Philip''s  chief  ca|ttain,  ran  awav  leaving  his  gim  be- 
hind him,  and  his  sipuiw,  who  was  taken."  ^  These  iiidlan  stddiers,  who 
pt-rliirined  this  exploit,  wore  forced  upon  it  by  Church.  Tht>y  bud  been 
seeking  Indians  about  Aponaganset  Kiver,  and  discovered  that  a  large  com- 
pany of  tli"m  had  just  been  gathc^ring  the  ap|)les  at  a  deserted  settlement  on 
the  ea.st  side  of  it.  The  Kuglish  and  Indians  innnediately  pursued  in  their 
track. II  "Traveling  three  miles  or  more,  they  came  into  the  country  roud, 
V  hen!  the  track  (larted  :  on(!  (mrcel  steered  t<)wards  the  west  -end  of  the 
grriit  cedar  swamp,  and  tin-  other  to  the  east  end.  The  captain  halted  and 
tolil  his  Indian  souliliers  that  they  had  heard  as  well  as  he  what  some  men 
had  said  at  I'lymouth  aboiU  them,*!  &.c.,  that  now  was  a  good  opjtortunity  fi)r 
each  party  to  provt^  themselves.  The  track  being  divided,  they  should  fol- 
low one,  and  the  Knglish  th(^  other,  being  e(pialin  ninnher.  The  Indians 
declined  the  motion,  and  were  not  willing  to  move  any  wiicre  with<tut  him: 
snid  Ihiji  should  ml  think  thtmsclvis  snjc  u-ilhuul  him.  Mill  the  captain  insisting 
upon  it,  they  submitteil.  He  gave  tiie  Iiulians  their  choice  to  follow  whicli 
tr.ick  tlicy  pleased.  They  replied,  Thci/  wcrt  lishl  and  idde  tu  travel,  Iherr/otK 
if  III  jiliimd  llutf  would  lake  the  irisl  Inirl,:  And  appointing  the  riiins  of  John 
CV»(,/,',t  house  ai  ('uslui(>t  *'  Ibi  the  iilace  to  mei't  at,  ea<'h  company  set  out 
briskly  to  try  their  litrtimes." ft  When  the  parties  met,  "they  very  remark- 
nlily  tiiund  that  the  number  tiiat  each  company  had  taken  and  slain  was 
eipial.  The  Indians  had  killed  three  of  the  eiiemv,  and  taken  (».'l  |)risoners, 
lis  tlie  Miiglisii  had  done  beliire  tliein."|t  Jinlh  parties  were  much 
rejfiiced  iit  their  successes,  but  the  Indians,  told  ('aptiu:\  fViior/i  "  that  they  hud 
missed  a  brave  opportunity  l»y  parting.  They  came  upon  a  great  town  of 
the  enemy,  viz:  Captain  Ti/asks' vomimuy.     [Tynak^  wan  the  next  man  to 


liimsclf  narrowly 


•   lliihh.inl,  Milker.  t  Church.  t  Nnrrnlivc,  lOfi. 

vS  Uriel' llisl.4J.  ■*  II  rhnr<h,;U. 

*!  'I'hi'  tliii  siiiijim  in  which  the  liii)inii<  wiri'  hi'lil  l)V  soiiio  nii'ii."  iji  iniiiiv  ulhcr  iiluri'K  as 
well  us  ill  I'lliiuMiili,  will  olipii  ii{i|i)'iir  in  llii^  »(ir',.  Snrh  |i<'ii|ilc  roiilil  know  iinthiii^  (if 
kiiiii.iii  iiiiliirc.  iiikI  iiiaiiv  would  iioi  Unw  Ik'IIim  .  n  llic  Iiulians  ra|iiilila  of')(oo(l  artionit,  liioiigh 
oiii'  li'xiii  ''"'  li'iiil  liml  asMiri-il  ilirin  iln'V  wt'.<>. 

*'  Aliliroxiali'd  linin  A<ii!.liii('l.  .*<<'«•  !>iiiii[/ii\s,  ■">>iiniiiiarv.  i.  K);),  who  wrilct  it  Ariiishiiol 
Tims  iiiaiiv  liKliiiii  iiiiiiu's  aro  r|iaii;.i  d.  bisica  I  of  AMonniriinsri.  we  linir  I'oDtu^nnsil,  ainl 
Ji't  AMiiiet,  Simil,  \c.     (■'■.•liiirl  is  ilic  iimt  on  which  Si  w  Hcdlnnl  i>n'\  I'.iirhaxcii  slaiid. 

1)  C!iii.ih,M.  j{  ll.id.  ;>i. 


t 


64 


MAGNUS.— HER  SURPRISE  .»ND  DEATH, 


[Book  HI. 


Philip.)  They  fired  upon  the  enemy  hefore  tliey  were  (iiscoveretl,  and  ran 
upon  them  with  a  sliout.  The  men  ran  and  left  their  wives  and  children, 
and  many  of  them  their  guns.  They  took  Tyasks'  wife  and  son,  and  thonj^ht 
that  if  their  captain  and  tlie  Enghsh  conii)any  liad  been  with  them  they 
might  have  taken  some  hiuidreds  of  tliem,  and  now  they  determined  not  to 
part  any  more."  *  This  transaction,  in  the  opinion  of  Captain  Church,  was  a 
"remarkable  providence,"  inasmuch,  pcrliaps,  as  the  equality  of  their  suc- 
cesses prevented  either  ])aify  from  boasting,  or  claiming  superiority  over  the 
other.  Nevertheless,  Church  adrls, — "But  the  Indians  had  the  ttrtun(!  to 
take  more  arms  than  the  English."  It  would  add  not  a  little,  perhaps,  to 
the  gratification  of  the  reader,  could  he  know  the  name  of  the  Indian  captain 
in  tliis  far-famed  exploit,  or  even  that  of  one  of  hia  men;  but  at  present  they 
are  hid  alike  from  us  and  from  him. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Chief  women  consincmnts  in  Philip's  tmr — Magnus — Tfcr  country  and  relations-^ 
Her  capture  ami  death — Awashonks — Is  greatly  annoyed  in  the  ertnls  of  1()71 — 
Her  men  disarmed — Philip's  endeavors  to  engage  her  against  the  English— Church 
prerents  her — Is  finally  in  the  power  of  Philip — Reclaimed  by  Church — Some  par- 
ticulars of  iter  family. 

Although,  before  wc  had  finished  the  life  of  Heclamo,  \Vc  deemed  it 
proper  to  have  deferred  it  to  this  chapter,  but  as  we  had  been  led  rather  im- 
perceptibly into  n»any  particuhu-s  cuncerning  her  in  that  plarc,t  we  could 
not  break  ofl"  our  •>»rr;'.llVe '.vithout  u  greater  nnproprieiy  than  an  omission 
iiere  would  have  been,  and  shall  therefore  begin  hero  with  one  of  her  con- 
temporaries, the  bare  diets  in  whose  life  are  sufHcient  to  maintain  a  high 
interest,  we  believe,  iu  the  mind  of  every  reader. 

M^WjVUS  was  stjuaw-sachem  of  Kome  part  of  the  extensive  country  of 
the  Narraganscts,  and  was  known  by  several  names  at  different  and  the  same 
times  ;  as  Old  Qiieen,  Sunk  Si/wtWyl  (^uainpeti,  and  Matanluck,  She  married 
Mriksnh,  or  Mexam,  a  son  at'  Cnnonicu.%  and  was  sister  to  .Vtrtigrd.  She  hud 
two  sous,  Scuttup  iuid  tlucmuuiuenuci  otherwise  ({tuquegunent,  called  by  the 
Euglisli  Gideon,  liUil  a  dauglit(!r  named  (^uincmi(jiiel.  'I'hese  two  «lied  young. 
Gideon  was  alive  us  late  us  WMl ;  Scuttup,  and  a  sister  also,  in  l(j(J4.  Hhe 
was,  iu  1()75,  one  "of  the  six  present  sachems  of  the  wiiolo  Narraganset 
country." 

In  till!  beginning  of  Philip''s  war,  the  English  army,  to  cause  the  Narragan- 
scts to  fight  for  them,  whom  they  liad  always  abused  und  treated  with  con- 
tempt, since  before  the  cutting  ofl'  of  jWanlunnomoh^s  lieiul,  marclHul  into 
their  country,  but  could  not  meet  with  a  singlt;  stirlicui  of  the  nation.  They 
feU  in  with  a  fi'W  of  their  peo|>le,  who  could  not  well  secrete  themselves, 
und  who  c(in('liid('d  a  long  treaty  of  mere  verbosity,  the  import  of  which  they 
could  know  but  little,  and  doubtless  cared  less;  tor  when  the  urmy  lefl  their 
coimtry,  tli*>y  join<>d  tigaiu  in  the  war. 

W(!  hear  no  more  of  Uvr  until  the  next  yeiu',  when  herself  and  a  largo 
company  of  her  uiiiu  were  discovered  by  Major  Talrol,  on  the  2  Jidy,  iu 
Narraganset.  Tht;  English  scouts  discovered  them  from  a  hill,  having 
pitched  their  tents  iu  a  vallev  in  the  vicinity  of  a  swani|>,  as  was  usually 
their  cnslom.  About  liOOof  tlie  English,  nuMUited  u|>on  fleet  horses,  divided 
into  two  simadrons,  and  I'ell  upon  them  liefore  they  were  aware  of  their  ap- 
pK'.ich,  and  iriade  a  great  slaugiiter  of  tliem.  The  IMulicgansand  I'equotscamo 
upon  them  in  the  centre,  white  tht^  liorHcnu'U  beset  them  on  each  side,  anil 


*   Chiirrh,  .'Mi.  f  HiMik  iii.  rlinji.  1. 

t  Tiumtiutl,  i.  ;H7.  from  Iluhhitnl,  I  «ii|i|i(i>o,  i.  ,■)!.  rciiiiilc  •  '  loT.  were  pbIIpiI  miuiUc*  liy 
thf  lrnlinii<i.  which  »i|{nilicil  wili'  of  the  >."rln'ni  ;  l>iil  wriliT".  I  lum  ieimrniit  of  Ihni  fiirt, 
Oionifht  it  II  |iro|ii'r  iiiiini!  of  ii  pnrliciilur  |icr<>'>ii,  und  liciu'u  thu  upix  llnliitiit  oi  Snuki\  tHunk*. 
l^tutkf,  \c,  i\|i|ilii'il  to  .W(i;r""'. 


Chap.  IV.]        AWASHONKS.— TREATS  WITH  THE  ENGLISH. 


C* 


tlnis  prevenled  many  from  escaping  into  the  swamp.  Wiien  all  wero  killed 
and  taken  within  the  eucanipnient,  Captain  JVewbun/,  who  commanded  the 
horsemen,  di.smonnted,  and  with  his  men  nished  into  the  swamp,  where, 
witliout  resistance,  they  killed  a  hmiJred,  and  made  many  prisoners.  In  all, 
thov  killed  and  took  171  *  in  this  swamp  fight,  or  rather  msussacre.  Not  an 
Englishman  was  hurt  in  the  aftiiir,  and  but  one  Moliegan  killed,  and  one 
wounded,  which  we  can  hardly  suppose  was  done  by  JfagHwa's  people,  as  they 
made  no  resistance,  l)ut  rather  by  themselves,  in  their  fury  mistaking  one 
another.  Ninety  of  the  captives  were  put  to  death !  among  whom  was  Mag- 
nus.\  The  swamp  where  this  affiiir  took  place  is  near  the  present  town  of 
Warwick,  in  Rhode  Island ;  and  thus  ends  our  short  histoiy  of  Maspius. 

AH'^SHOjVKS,  squaw-sachem  of  Sogkonate,|  was  the  wii'e  of  an  Indiim 
called  ToLONY,  but  of  him  we  learn  very  little.  From  her  iuiportant  stand- 
ing among  the  Indians,  few  desene  a  more  particular  attention ;  and  we 
shall,  therefore,  go  as  minutely  uito  iier  history  as  our  documents  will 
enable  us. 

Tin;  first  notice  we  have  of  Awashon^s  is  in  1671,  whea  she  entered  into 
articles  of  agreement  with  the  court  of  Plimoiuh  as  follows: — "In  achnitting 
that  the  court  are  in  some  measure  satisfied  with  your  voluntary  coining  in 
now  at  last,  and  submission  of  herself  unto  us;  yet  this  ive  expect  that  she 
give  some  meet  satisfaction  for  the  ciiarge  and  troid)le  she  has  put  us  upon 
by  lier  too  long  standing  out  against  the  many  tenders  of  peace  we  have 
made  to  her  and  her  people.  And  that  we  yet  see  an  intention  to  endeavor 
tlie  reduci'inent  of  such  as  have  buen  the  incendiaries  of  the  trouble  and 
disturbance  of  her  people  and  ours.  And  as  many  of  her  people  as  shall 
give  themselves  and  arms  unto  u.s,  at  the  time  appointed,  shall  receive  no 
damage  or  hurt  from  us,  which  time  appointed  is  ten  days  from  the  date 
Jiercof.  Thus  we  may  the  bettor  keep  off"  such  from  her  lands  as  may 
hereafter  bring  upon  her  and  us  the  like  trouble,  and  to  regulate  such  an  vvifl 
not  be  governed  by  her,  she  having  submitted  her  lauds  to  the  authority  of 
the  government.  And  that,  if  the  lands  and  estates  of  such  as  we  ore  neces- 
sitated to  take  arms  against,  will  not  defray  the  charge  of  the  expedition, 
that  she  shall  bear  some  due  proportion  of  the  charge.  In  witness  whereof, 
and  in  testimony  of  the  sachem,  lier  agreement  hereunto,  she  hath  subscribed 
her  hand  in  presence  of  Samuel  Barker  and  John  Almty. 

Mark  X  of  the  squaw-sachem  Awasuncks  ; 
tJie  mark  X  <i/'*roTATOMET,  and  yoMAOAONET." 

jrdnessed  at  the  same  time  by  "  Tattacommett, 

Sami'oncct,  and 
Tamoueesam,  aZitw  Jefferv. 

Pliiiwuth,  24  Jidy,  1G71." 

The  last-named  witness  appeared  again,  in  the  same  capacity,  4  September 
following,  when  "  between  40  and  50  Indians,  living  near  or  in  the  town  of 
Dartmouth,  made  a  like  submission."  Jlshawanomuth,  JVomati,  Marhorkum^ 
Jitmes,  and  Johv,  were  other  wituessey.  ' 

.Iwashnnks  was  at  IMimouth  when  the  former  articles  were  executed,  from 
which  it  appears  there  was  considerable  alarm  in  I'limnuth  colony.  There 
were  about  this  time  many  other  submissions  of  the  Indians  in  ditterent 
jilaces.  Thiiit  step  was  taken  to  draw  them  from  Philip,  or  at  least  to  give  a 
check  to  tlieir  joining  with  him,  as  he  was  now  on  the  point  of  attacking  the 
Knglish  settlements,  under  a  pn^tence  of  injury  done  him  in  his  planting 
lands. 

Not  only  the  chiefs  of  tribes  or  clans  subscriiuMl  articles,  but  all  tlieir  men, 
that  could  be  jtrevailed  with,  did  the  same.  The  August  following,  42  of 
»lwashuiiJ,s's  men  signed  a  [Htper,  approving  what  she  bad  done,  and  binding 


"  TriimlHill.    30O  any*  CMet'n  mnmmrript :  HO,  HiiM.nrd. 

t  lliil.l.nrd,  IikI.  Wars,  i.  1)7,  '.111.  I.  MiilltPr^  Uriel'  Hisl.  .T.).  Trumlnill's  HUt.  Con- 
nri'lirnl,  i.  ;U7. 

t  'I'll!' iKiiiil  iif  land  lu'low  I'onisscl,  mid  now  chicHy  iiicliulod  in  llio  town  of  ("ompUni, 
llliodc  Islund,  and  coiiiinuiilv  called  tiranwt. 

a* 


66 


AWASIIONKS.— HER  CORRESPONDENCE. 


[Book  III. 


',F 


t     \' 


themselves  in  like  manner.     Out  of  42,  we  can  give  names  of  throe  only — 
Totalomct,  Tunuokum  and  Sausaman. 

It  ajiptinrs  froiti  the  folIowin<r  letter  from  Jiwashonks  to  Governor  Prince,  that 
tliOHc  who  suhmitted  themselvtH,  delivered  up  their  arms  to  the  English : — 

"August  11,107],  Honored  sir,  I  have  received  a  very  great  favor  from 
your  honor,  in  yours  of  the  7th  instant,  and  as  you  are  jdeased  to  signify, 
that  if  I  continue  fnithfid  to  the  agreement  made  with  yourselves  at  Plim- 
outh,  I  may  expect  all  just  favors  from  your  honor.  I  am  fully  resolved, 
Avhile  I  live,  with  all  fidelity  to  stand  to  my  engagement,  and  in  a  peaceable 
submission  to  your  commands,  according  to  the  best  of  my  jioor  ability. 
It  is  true,  and  I  am  very  sensible  thereof,  that  there  arc  some  Indians  who 
do  sock  an  advantage  against  me,  for  my  submitting  to  his  majesty's  authority 
in  your  jurisdiction,  but  being  conscious  to  myself  of  my  integrity  and  real 
intentions  of  ])('ace,  I  doubt  not  but  you  will  attbrd  me  all  due  encourage- 
ment and  protection.  I  had  resolved  to  send  in  all  my  gims,  being  six  in 
number,  according  to  the  intimation  of  my  letter;  but  two  of  them  were  so 
large,  the  messengers  w(!rc  not  able  to  carry  them,  I  siiu-e  proffered  to 
leave  them  with  IMr.  Jinrkcr,  but  he  not  having  any  order  to  receive  them, 
told  me  he  conceived  1  might  do  well  to  send  them  to  IMr.  JUmy,  who  is  a 
person  concerned  in  the  jurisdiction,  which  I  resolved  to  do;  but  since 
then  an  Indian,  known  by  the  name  of  Bmad-faced-wiU,  stok;  one  of  them 
out  of  the  wigwam  in  the  night,  and  is  rim  away  with  it  to  Mount  Hope  ; 
the  other  I  think  to  send  to  Mr.  .Hmy.  A  list  of  those  that  are  obedient  to 
me,  and,  I  ho[(c,  and  am  iiersuiuUul,  tiiitliful  to  you,  is  here  enclosed.  Hon- 
ored sir,  I  shall  not  troiilde  you  further,  but  desiring  your  jieace  and  jtros- 
perity,  in  which  I  look  at  my  own  to  be  included,  I  reniuin,  your  unfeigned 
servant,  X  Awasuncks." 

This  letter  was  vciy  probably  written  by  Mr.  Barker,  named  in  it. 

October  20, 1()7],  Governor  Prince  wrote  to ^'Iwa3]u)nk3,i\in\  l\o  had  received 
the  list  of  names  of  her  men  and  husband,  that  freely  submitted  tlieiiiselvea 
to  his  majesty's  authority;  and  assured  her  that  the  English  would  befriend 
her  on  all  just  occasions ;  but  intimates  her  dij  appointment  and  his  own, 
that  she  had  su(;cceded  no  better  in  procuring  the  submission  of  her 
subje<"t8.  "Though,"  he  continued,  "I  fault  not  you,  with  any  failing  to 
endeavor,  only  to  notice  your  good  persuasions  of  them  (nilweiit  their 
deserts,  for  aught  yet  appeareth.  I  could  have  wished  they  had  been  wiser 
for  themselves,  especially  your  two  sons,  that  may  probably  succeiul  you  in 
your  gov(;rnment,  and  your  brother  also,  who  is  so  nearly  tit-d  unto  you  by 
nature.  Do  they  think  themselves  so  great  as  to  disregard  and  alliont  his 
majesty's  interest  and  auth(»rity  here;  and  the  amity  of  the  llnglish?  Cer- 
tainly, if  they  do,  I  think  they  did  much  disservice,  and  wisji  they  would 
yet  show  themselves  wiser,  before  it  be  too  late."  Ho  closed  by  recom- 
mending her  to  send  sonn^  of  hers  to  the  next  court,  to  desire  their  arms, 
that  her  people  might  have  the  use  of  them  in  the  upproaching  seai^on. 
Desires  her  to  let  him  hear  from  her  and  her  husband. 

On  the  20  June,  1(>72,  the  ilillowing  writing  ajinears  on  record  :  "Whereas 
t'lwnDhitnckfD,  s(|ua-sachem,  stand  indebted  viilo  Mr.  John  Jllmei/  the  siiine  of 
£2r»  to  be  paid  in  porke  att  three  |>ence  a  pound,  or  peage  att  It!  |ieiiev,  and 
20  pole  of  stone  wall  att  £4,  which  stone  wall, or  £4,  is  to  be  vndeistood  to 
b(!  |>rte  of  the  tine  and  twenty  jionnd,"  theretiire  ./Iwiwhonks,  having  liiiled 
to  pay  agreeably  to  her  promise,  agrees  to  set  otV  land  on  the  north  side  of 
"the  Indian  field,"  next  I'unkateesett,  on  th(^  east  line  till  it  meets  with  "a 
great  riming  brooke,"  thence  northerly  to  afresh  meadov\,  thenc(>  boiitided  to 
the  river  by  a  salt  cove: — this  "isniorgaged  vnto  tht^  court  of  Plymouth"  for 
the  payment  of  said  debt,  which  di^bt  is  to  bei»ai<l  10  nf  February,  1(>72,  O.  S. 

"  The  inark  X  <l/  AwASltu^KE8." 

To  illustrate  the  connections  and  genealogy  of  tho  family  of  Jiwashonks, 
we  give  from  the  Records  of  Plimoiith  tho  following  exceedingly  valuable 
fuels : — 


Chap.  IV.]       AWASHONKS.— REJECTS  PHILIPS  OVERTURES, 


67 


■A8UNCK9. 


SIIUAKE8.' 


July  14,  107;^.  "  Wlicreaa  Mmnaneway  [a  s<^n  of  ^washonks]  hath  by  full 
and  clear  testimony  proved  to  this  court,  in  hciiidf  of  liimself  and  brethren, 
tlie  sons  of  Tolonejf,  and  a  kinsman  of  theirs  called  ^Inumpash^  [commonly 
■written  J'Aimposli,]  son  to  Pukattitwagg,  tiiat  they  are  the  ciiief  proprietors 
and  saclieuis  of  fcSaconett,  or  places  coninionly  so  called ;  and  yet  it  being 
also  probahlc  that  Tatiickanma  *  ^Iwashunckts  and  those  of  that  kindred  who 
are  of  the  same  stock,  the  more  remote  may  have  some  rij,'ht  to  lands  there, 
us  they  are  relations  to  the  ai)ove  said  Mamantway,  &c.  and  have  been  long 
inhabitants  of  tiiat  place.  This  court  adviseth  that  convenient  proportions 
of  land  be  settled  on  the  above  said  Tatacamana  .^toashanhs,  &c.  at  Kaconett 
albrcsaid  ;  concerning  wliicii,  the  al)ove  said  Mamanewaij  and  his  brethren 
and  kinsman  who  have  jjroved  tlicir  rigiit  to  those  lauds  do  not  or  cannot 
agree,  this  court  do  appoint  that  some  meet  persons,  by  order  of  this  court, 
siiall  repair  to  tiie  place,  and  make  settlement  of  the  said  lands  by  certain 
and  known  boundaries  to  intent  tiiat  pcmce  may  be  continued  among  the 
said  Indians,  and  they  may  all  be  accommodated  for  their  subsisting  and 
payment  of  their  debts  in  an  orderly  way." 

'riie  same  year,  we  hem*  again  of  Tokamona,  or,  as  he  is  then  called, 
Totomonna,  who,  with  his  In-other  Smiamalt,  having  endeavored  to  hinder 
the  English  from  jiosscssing  some  lands  in  Dartmouth,  was,  from  some 
consideration,  not  named,  induced  to  relimpiish  his  right  to  them.  And  the 
next  year,  1H74,  Mamanawacliij,  or,  as  his  name  was  before  written,  Manut- 
neway,  surrendered  his  right  also.  The  rights  of  these  Indians,  it  is  said, 
had  i)sen  sold  by  others. 

We  hear  no  more  of  .Qwashonks  until  about  the  commencement  of  Philip's 
war.  The  year  before  this  war,  Mr.  lienjainin  Church,  aiterwards  the  fiunous 
and  well-known  ('olonid  C7ii(rc/i  f  settled  upon  the  peninsula  of  Sogkonato,  in 
the  midst  iti'  Jlwashonks's  people.  Tiiis  ])eninsula  iis  on  the  nortii-east  side  of 
Narraganset  Bay,  against  the  south-east  end  of  the  island  of  Uliode  Island. 
Here  he  lived  in  the  gnratest  friendship  witii  these  Indians,  \nifil  tlic;  spring  of 
th(!  year  Ki/."),  when  suddenly  a  war  was  talked  of,  and  messengers  were  sent 
by  Philip  to  .iwashonJcs,  to  (sngage  iier  in  it.  She  so  iiir  listened  to  their  persua- 
sions, as  to  call  her  principal  ptiople  togc^tluT,  and  make  a  great  dance  ;  and  l)e- 
'•aiise  she  res|)ected  Mr.  Church,n\w  sent  jjrivately  (or  him  also.  Church  took  with 
liini  a  man  that  well  understood  Indian,  and  went  directly  to  the  jilace  apjwint- 
ed.  Here  they  found  hundreds  of  Indians  gathered  together  from  all  parts  of 
her  (1< minions,  .^washouks  lnM-self,  in  a  foaming  sweat,  was  leading  the  dance  ; 
but  when  it  was  announced  that  Mr.  Church  was  come,  she  stopped  chort,  and 
sat  down  ;  ordered  her  chiefs  into  her  prc8(!uce,  and  tluMi  invited  INIr.  Church. 
All  being  seated,  she  informed  him  that  Melacomd,  that  is,  Philip,  had  sent 
six  of  his  men  to  urge  her  to  join  with  him  in  prosecuting  a  war  against  the 
Ejiglish.  She  said  these  messengers  informed  lH!r  that  the  Umpnme3,X  that 
is,  Pliniouth  men,  were  gathering  a  great  army  to  invade  his  country,  and 
wished  to  know  of  him  if  this  were  truly  the  case.  He  told  her  that  it  was 
entirely  without  foundation,  for  he  had  but  just  come  from  Pliniouth,  and  no 
preparations  of  any  kind  were  making,  nor  did  he  believe  any  thoughts  of 
war  were  entertained  by  any  of  the  head  men  there.  "He  asked  her 
whiitiier  she.  thought  he  would  have  brought  up  his  goods  to  settle  in  that 
place,"  if  he  in  the  least  a|>i»rehended  a  war ;  at  which  she  seemed  some- 
what convinced.  .'Iwiuthoiiks  then  ordered  the  six  Pokanokets  into  their 
jiresence.  Tlies(!  made  an  imposing  a|)pearance,  having  their  faces  jiainted, 
and  their  hair  so  cut  as  to  rejiresent  a  cock's  comb;  it  being  all  shaved  from 
each  si(l((  of  the  head,  let\  only  a  tult  U|ioii  the  crown,  which  extended  from 
the  foreheiul  to  the  occiput.     I'liey  had  powder-hornB  and  shot-bags  at  their 

*  Or  Tokiimmui,  killed  l)y  tlii!  NiirnisaiistMs,  not  long  nO'T.  prohnlily  in  lfi7t. 

+  After  nn  active  litb,  .spent  cliieliy  in  his  rountrv's  sorvue,  liu  died  sudilenly  at  his  rcfi- 
denre  in  Coniplon,  then  i'i!lle(l  Litilo  Conipton,  17  Jiui.  1710,  in  the  78  ycnr  of  his  hkc.  He 
hud  heconie  rorpiileiit,  nnd  seemed  inij)rcss«(l  with  the  iilcii  that  he  should  not  live  long.  The 
niorninp  hel'ore  his  de.ilh,  he  rode  '1  miles  to  visit  nn  only  sister.  On  lenvinjf  her,  he  hid  her 
"  a  last  liirewell.'"  As  he  was  returnin){  home,  his  horso  stumbled  and  threw  him.  In  iho  tall 
a  blood-vessel  was  niplnred,  nnd  he  die<l  in  abont  12  honrs. 
Vmpaine  unU  Apaitm  were  Indian  nunic«  of  Plinioutli. 


C8 


AWASilONKS.— TREATS  WITH  CHURCH.  [Book  HI. 


backs,  wliich  denoted  warlike  nicpsengcrs  of  tlieir  nation.  She  now  in- 
formed tiiem  of  what  Captain  Church  iiud  said.  Ui)oii  which  they  discovered 
dissatisfaction,  and  a  warm  talk  ibllowe<l,  but  Awashonks  soon  put  an  end  to 
it ;  after  whicli  siie  told  Mr.  Church  that  Philip  had  tokl  liis  messengers  to 
tell  her,  that,  unless  she  joined  with  him,  he  would  send  over  some  of  his 
warriors,  privately,  to  kill  the  cattle  and  burn  the  houses  of  the  English, 
which  they  would  think  to  be  done  by  her  men,  uud  consequently  would  fall 
upon  her.* 

Mr.  Church  asked  the  Mount  Hopes  what  they  were  going  to  do  with  the 
bullets  in  their  possession,  to  which  they  scoffingly  answered,  "to  shoot 
pigeons  with."  Church  then'told  Jlioashonks  that,  if  Philip  were  resolved  on 
war,  "  her  best  way  would  be  to  knock  those  six  Mount  Hopes  on  the  liead, 
and  shelter  herself  under  the  protection  of  the  English."  When  they  under- 
stood this,  they  were  very  silent,  and  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  so  worthy  a 
man  as  Church  should  bo  the  first  to  recommend  murder,  and  a  lasting  re- 
membrance is  due  to  the  wisdom  of  Jlwaslwnks,  that  his  unadvised  counsel 
was  not  put  in  execution. 

These  six  Pokanokets  came  o\cr  to  Sogkonate  with  two  of  Awashonhs's 
men,  who  seemed  vei-y  favorably  inclined  to  the  measures  of  Philip.  They 
ex|)res8ed  themselves  witii  great  indignation,  at  the  rash  advice  of  Church. 
Another  of  her  men,  called  Little-eyes,  one  of  her  council,  was  so  enraged, 
that  he  would  then  have  taken  Churches  life,  if  he  had  not  been  prevented. 
His  design  was  to  get  Mr.  Church  aside  from  the  rest,  under  a  pretence  of 
j)rivate  talk,  and  to  have  assassinated  him  when  he  was  ofl'  his  guard.  But 
some  of  his  friends,  seeing  through  the  artifice,  prevented  it. 

The  advice  of  Church  was  adopted,  or  that  part  which  directed  that 
Awashonks  should  immediately  i)ut  lierself  under  the  protection  of  the  Eng- 
lish, aiul  she  desired  him  to  go  immediately  to  Piimouth  and  make  the  ar- 
rangement, to  which  he  agreed.  ,  After  kindly  thanking  liim  for  his  informa- 
tion and  advice,  she  sent  uvo  of  heir  men  with  him  to  his  house,  to  guard 
him.  These  urged  him  to  secure  his  goods,  lest,  in  his  absence,  the  enemy 
should  come  and  destroy  them;  but  Ik;  would  not, because  such  a  step  might 
be  thought  a  kind  of  preparation  lor  hostilities ;  but  told  them,  that  in  case 
hostilities  were  begun,  tliey  migiit  convey  his  eflects  to  a  place  of  safety. 
He  then  proceeded  to  Piimouth,  where  he  arrived  7  June,  l(j7r>. 

In  his  way  to  Piimouth,  he  met,  at  Pocasset,  the  husband  of  Weelnmoo. 
He  was  just  returned  from  the  neigliboriiood  of  Mount  Ho])e,  and  confirmed 
all  that  had  been  said  about  Philip'a  intentions  to  begin  a  war.  But  before 
BIr.  Church  could  return  again  to  Awushonks,  the  war  conunenced,  and  all  com- 
munication was  at  an  end.  This  he  veryjiiu(!h  regretted,  and  the  benevolent 
Awaslwnks  was  carried  away  in  tins  tide  of  Philip'a  successes,  wliich,  as  she 
was  circumstanced,  was  her  only  alternative. 

Mr.  Church  was  wounded  at  the;  great  swamp  fight,  19  December  follow- 
ing, and  remained  upon  Rhode  Island  until  about  the  nfiddle  of  May  Ki/G. 
He  now  resolved  to  engage  again  in  the  war,  and,  taking  passage  in  a  sloop 
bound  to  Barnstablt!,  arrived  at  Plimoutli  tiie  first  Tuesday  in  June.  The 
governor  and  other  officers  of  govermneut  were  highly  pleased  to  see  him, 
and  desired  him  to  take  tiie  command  of  a  cor^puny  of  men  to  be  inune- 
d"''it('ly  s(^nf  out,  t(»  which  he  consented.  We  thus  notice  Church's  pi-oceed- 
ing,  because  it  led  to  im|)ortant  matters  connected  with  the  history  of  Awa- 
shoiiks.  Betbre  he  set  out  with  the  soldiers  raised  at  Piimouth,  it  was  agreed 
that  he  should  first  return  to  Ilh(t(l(!  Island,  for  the;  piuposc!  of  raising  other 
forces  to  be  joineii  with  them.  In  his  return  to  tlm  island,  as  he  passed  ii'om 
SogkonesMef,  now  called  IVimVs  Hole,  to  the  island,  and  when  he  ^aln(^  against 
Sogkonate  Point,  some  of  the  enemy  wi-re  seen  fishing  upon  tht;  rocks.  He 
was  now  in  an  open  i-anoe,  which  he  had  hired  at  Sogkoiiesst^t,  and  two 
Indians  to  paddle  it.  He  ordered  them  to  go  so  near  the  rocks  that  he  might 
8|H'ak  with  those  upon  th<-m  ;  being  p(>rsuu<led  thnt  if  he  could  have  an  op- 
(jortimity,  he  migiit  still  gain  over  the  SogkonatoH  to  the  side  of  the  English, 


*  This  iimv  struiifrthcn  tlic  liolirfiljiii  t'liiliji  put  in  practice  a  similar  cxpedianl  tu  f^ain  the 
Moliawks  to  ills  cause,  as  wu  liavu  seen  in  Ills  lilc. 


Chap.  IV.]       AWASIIONKS.-CIIURCirS  HAZARDOUS  VISIT. 


09 


iaiil  (u  gain  the 


for  he  knew  they  never  had  any  real  attacliment  to  Philip,  and  were  row  in 
his  interest  only  Ironi  necessity.  Tliey  accordingly  paddled  towards  them, 
who  made  signs  lor  therii  to  approach ;  hut  when  they  had  got  pretty 
near,  they  skulkid  away  among  the  rocks,  and  could  not  be  seen.  The  canoe 
then  paddled  oft"  again,  lest  tiiey  sliould  he  fired  upon ;  which  when  those 
among  the  rocks  observed,  they  showed  themselves  again,  and  called  to  them 
to  come  ashore ;  and  said  tiiey  wished  to  apeak  with  them.  The  Indians  in 
tiie  canoe  answered  them,  but  tliosc  on  shore  informed  them  that  the  waves 
dashed  so  upon  the  rocks  tliat  they  could  not  understand  a  word  they  said. 
Church  now  made  signs  for  two  of  t\wm  to  go  along  upon  the  shore  to  a 
beach,  where  one  could  see  a  good  space  round,  whether  any  others  were 
near.  Immediately  two  ran  to  the  piaci,  one  without  any  jirnis,  but  the 
other  had  a  lance.  Knowing  Church  to  be  in  the  boat,  they  urged  him  to 
come  on  shore,  and  said  tiicy  wanted  to  discourse  with  him.  He  told  him 
that  had  the  lance,  that  if  he  Avould  carry  it  away  at  considerable  distance, 
and  leave  it,  he  would,  Tliis  he  readily  did.  Mr,  Church  then  went  ashore, 
left  one  of  his  Indians  to  guard  th(!  canoe,  and  the  other  he  stationed  upon 
the  beach  to  give  notice  if  any  sliould  approach.  He  was  surprised  to  find 
that  George  was  one  of  them,  a  very  good  man,  and  the  last  Sogkonate  ho 
had  spoken  with,  being  one  of  thos(!  sent  to  guard  him  to  his  house,  and  to 
whom  he  had  given  charge  of  his  goods  wlum  he  undertook  his  mission  to 
Plimouth,  On  being  asked  what  he  wanted  that  he  called  him  ashore, 
answered,  "that  he  took  him  for  Church,  as  soon  as  he  heard  his  voice  in  the 
canoe,  ajul  that  he  was  glad  to  see  him  alive,"  He  also  told  him  Xhnt^wa- 
shonks  was  in  a  swamp  about  three  miles  ofl",  and  that  she  had  left  Philip  and 
did  not  intend  to  retin-n  to  him  any  more ;  and  wished  Mr.  Church  to  stay 
while  he  shoidd  go  and  call  her.  This  Church  did  not  think  prudent,  but 
said  lie  would  come  again  and  s|)eak  with  Awashx)nks,m\A  some  other  Indians 
that  he  should  name,  lie  therefon;  told  Oeorgc  to  notify  Awashonks,  her  son 
Peter,  their  cliief  cajitfun,  and  o\w.  JVompash,  to  meet  him  two  days  alter  at  a 
certain  rock,  "at  the  lower  end  of  Ca|)t,  Richmotid^s  fiirm,  which  was  a 
very  noted  place,"  It  was  provided  that  if  that  day  should  j)rove  stormy,  the 
next  i)leasant  day  should  be  improved.  They  parted  with  cordiality,  George 
to  carry  the  news  to  Jlwashonks,  ajid  Church  for  Newport. 

On  being  made  acquainted  with  Churches  int<!ntiou  to  visit  those  Indians, 
the  government  of  Rhode  Island  uiarvelled  much  at  his  presumption,  and 
would  not  give  him  any  permit  undcM*  tlieir  linuds;  assuring  him  that  the 
Indians  would  kill  him.  They  said  also  that  it  was  madness  on  his  part, 
after  such  signal  services  as  he  had  <lone,  to  throw  av/ay  his  life  in  such  a 
maimer.  Neither  could  any  entreaties  of  friends  alter  his  resolution,  and 
he  made  ready  for  his  departure.  It  was  his'  intention  to  have  taken  with 
him  on»  Daniel  iVilcox,*  a  man  who  well  tniderstood  the  Indian  language,  but 
the  government  utterly  retiised  him ;  so  that  his  whole  retinue,  in  this  im- 
])ortant  embassy,  consisted  only  of  himself,  his  own  man,  and  tlu;  two  Indians 
who  (H)iiducted  him  from  Hogkonesset.  As  an  important  item  in  his  outfit, 
must  be  mentioned  a  bottle  of  rum,  and  a  roll  oftolmcco. 

The  day  appointed  having  arrivt^l,  alter  paddling  about  three  miles,  they 
came  to  the  appointed  rock,  wiiere  the  Indians  wen;  ready  to  receive  them, 
and  gave  him  their  hands  in  token  of  friendship.  They  went  back  from  the 
siioie  about  lilty  yards,  for  a  convenient  place  for  oonsultation,  when  all  ut 
once  rose  up  from  the  high  grass,  a  gI•(^•lt  many  Indians,  so  that  they  wore 
entirely  enconipf  sed.  They  were  all  armed  wiiii  guns, spears  and  hatchets; 
faces  iiaiuted  and  hair  trimmed,  in  compliite  warlike  array.  If  ever  a  man 
knew  fear,  w(!  should  aiipreheiid  it  would  discover  itself  u()oii  an  occasion 
like  this.  lint,  judging  from  his  conduct,  wo  should  say  he  was  one  of  those 
"  who  never  felt  tear." 

As  soon  as  he  could  be  heard,  Mr.  Church  told  .'hmahonka  that  George  had 
said  that  she  desired  to  see  him,  about  making  peaco  with  the  English.    She 

•  1(1117.  "  n.imil  Willrorkis  tnokc  llio  onlli  oflT  liilclilii!  tliis  court."     Plim.  Jiic. 
hi  liil-.  (iiir  W'ilmr  sci  up  iv  Irmliii!;  liim'ii!  in  tliu  NiirniKiuisi'l  coiiiilry.     Seo  Callrmler'a 
t'l  lit,  liiiCouNi',  Ju.    ir  lio  wuru  ilio  sami',  il  will  well  uceouul  I'orliis  liciii;;  iui  iulcrpmler. 


70 


AWASHONKS.— CHURCH  ENGAGES  HER  MEN.        [Book  HI. 


said,  "Yea,"  Then,  Raid  Mr.  Churchy  "it  is  customary  when  people  meet  to 
treat  of  peace,  to  lay  aside  their  arms,  and  not  to  appear  in  such  liostile  form 
u«  your  peoph;  do."  At  this  there  was  inuch  munnuring  among  tiiem,  and 
Awiishunks  asked  him  what  arms  tlicy  siiouid  lay  aside.  Seeing  their  dis- 
pleasure, he  said,  only  their  guns,  lor  form's  sake.  With  one  consent  tlicy 
tiien  laid  away  their  guns,  and  cmne  and  sat  down.  He  then  drew  out  his 
bottle  of  rum,  and  asked  Jlimshonks  whotiier  she  had  lived  so  long  up  at 
Wachusett*  as  to  ^'orget  to  drink  occapeches.  Then,  drinking  to  her,  ho  ol)- 
served  she  watched  him  very  narrowly  to  see  whether  he  swallowed,  and, 
on  offering  it  to  her,  she  wished  him  to  drink  again,  lie  then  told  her  tlioro 
was  no  poison  in  it,  and,  pouring  some  into  the  palm  of  his  hand,  sipjied  it 
up.  Alter  he  had  taken  a  second  hearty  dram,  Jlwaslwnks  ventured  to  do 
likewise ;  then  she  jiassed  it  among  her  attendants.  The  tobacco  was  next 
passed  round,  and  they  began  to  talk.  Jlwashonks  wanted  to  know  why  he 
had  not  come,  as  he  i)romised,  the  year  before,  observing  that  if  he  had,  she 
and  her  people  had  not  joined  with  Philip.  He  told  her  he  was  [)revented 
by  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  and  mentioned  that  he  made  an  attempt, 
notwithstanding,  soon  after  he  left  her,  and  got  as  far  as  Punkatesse,  when 
a  multitude  of  enemies  set  uj)on  him,  and  obliged  him  to  retreat  A  great 
murmur  now  arose  among  the  warriors,  and  one,  a  fierce  mid  gigantic  fel- 
low, raised  his  war  club,  with  intention  to  have  killed  Mr,  Church,  liut  some 
laid  hold  on  him  and  prevented  him.  They  informed  him  tiiat  this  fellow's 
brother  was  killed  in  the  fight  at  Punkateese,  and  that  he  said  it  was  Church 
that  killed  him,  and  he  would  now  have  his  blood.  Church  told  them  to  tell 
liim  that  his  brotiier  began  first,  and  that  if  he  had  done  as  he  had  directed 
him,  he  would  not  have  been  hurt.  The  ciiief  caj)tain  now  ordered  silence, 
telling  tiiem  they  should  talk  no  more  al)otit  old  mutters,  which  put  an  end 
to  the  tumult,  and  ini  agreement  was  soon  concluded.  Avnslwnks  agreed  to 
serve  the  English  '•  in  wiiat  wrty  she  was  able,"  provided  "  Plimoutli  would 
firmly  engage  to  her  tliat  she  and  ail  of  her  peoj)le,  and  their  wives  and 
children  should  have  their  iiv(!s  spared,  and  none  of  tiiem  trans])ort(;d  out  of 
tht>  country."  This,  Church  told  her  he  did  not  doubt  in  the  least  but  Plimouth 
woidd  consent  to. 

Things  being  thus  matured,  the  cliief  captam  stood  up,  and,  after  express- 
ing tlui  great  rcispect  he  had  for  Mr.  Churchy  said,  "  Sir,  if  you  will  i)leaso 
accept  of  me  and  my  nuiu,  and  will  head  us,  wc  will  fight  for  you,  and  \ill 
lielp  you  to  PhilijPs  head  before  the  Indian  corn  be  rii)e."  We  do  not  ex- 
pect that  this  ciiitif  jjretended  to  jiossess  tlas  spirit  of  pro|)hecy,  but  certainly 
lie  was  a  triKsr  prophet  than  many  wiio  have  made  the  pretension. 

Mr,  Church  would  have  taken  a  lew  of  the  men  with  him,  and  gone  di- 
rectly throi;gh  the  woods  to  Plimoutli ;  but  ,'lw(tshonki  insistecl  that  it  would 
be  very  hazardous.  He  therefore  agreed  to  return  to  the  island  and  jiroceed 
by  water,  and  so  would  take;  in  some  of  their  company  at  Sogkonate  Point, 
which  was  accordingly  brought  about.  And  here  it  should  be  mentioned 
tliat  tlu!  Iriendship,  now  riMUiwed  by  the  industry  of  Mr.  Church,  was  never 
ail(!rward  broken.  Many  of  these;  Indians  always  accompanied  Church  in  his 
memornbli!  expeditions,  and  rendered  great  service  to  the  Englisli.  When 
Philii)\i  war  was  over.  Church  went  to  reside  again  among  them,  and  the 
greatest  harmony  always  prevailed.  Hut  to  return  to  the  thread  of  our  nar- 
rativf?: — 

On  returning  to  the  island,  Mr.  Church  "was  at  great  pains  and  charge  to 
get  a  vessel,  but  with  una(;counfable  disa|»i)ointments;  sometimes  by  the 
iiilseness,  and  sometimes  by  the  fiiint-heartedness  of  men  that  he  bargained 
with,  and  sometimes  by  wind  and  weather,  &c."  he  was  bindend  a  long 
time.  At  length,  Mr.  .'//i//i(»i//  /yoir,  of  Swansey,  hajipening  to  put  into  tiie 
harbor,  and  altliongii  boimd  to  the  westward,  on  being  made  acipiainted  with 
Mr.  Church\i  I'ase,  said  lu;  would  run  the  venture  of  his  vessel  and  cargo  to 
wait  upon  him.  Ihit  \\  hen  they  arrived  at  r^niikonate  Point,  altliougii  the 
Ijidians  were  then*  according  to  agn.'enient  waiting  upon  the  rocks,  they  met 


*  ."^lio  lind  |>!i<isc{|  ilu;  Drc'i'dlinsf  wiiiicr,  it  would  seem,  wiili  f'liili}j's  people  on  the  fron- 
tivrt  ul'  Miissui'liiisciis 


[Hook  III. 

coplc  meet  to 
li  liostilc  tbnn 
ing  tliein,  and 
ling  tlieir  dis- 

consent  they 

drew  out  liis 
so  long  up  ut 
to  lier,  lie  ob- 
vallowed,  anti, 
told  her  then; 
find,  Hipjied  it 
eiiturcd  to  do 
icco  was  next 

kuow  why  he 
if  he  had,  she 
vas  prevented 
le  an  attempt, 
ikutesHe,  when 
rcat  A  great 
:1  gigantic  I'el- 
[irch,  but  sonic 
it  this  fellow's 

it  was  Church 
Id  them  to  tell 
)  had  directed 
'dered  silence, 
•ii  put  an  end 
nnk.i  agrctnl  to 
limouth  would 
eir  wives  and 
s]iort(;<l  out  of 
it  but  Plimoutli 

after  express- 
3U  will  please 
you,  and  \ill 
Va  do  not  ex- 
,  but  certainly 
ion. 

and  gone  ili- 
tiiat  it  would 
1  and  ])rocec(l 
rkonate  Point, 
)e  mentioned 
ch,  was  never 
Church  in  his 
rlish.  When 
iieni,  and  the 
id  of  our  nar- 

md  charge  to 

Btiines  hy  the 
he  bargained 

id(M('d  a  long 
put  into  tlu; 

ipiainted  with 
and  cargo  to 
altiioiigb  the 

}cks,  they  met 

ople  on  the  fron- 


Chap.  IV]     AWASIIONKS.— surrenders  TO  THE  ENGLISH. 


71 


with  a  contrary  wind,  and  so  rough  a  sea,  that  none  but  Pder  Jlwaahonks 
could  get  on  board.  This  be  did  at  great  peril,  having  only  an  old  broken 
canoe  to  get  off  in.  The  wind  and  rain"  now  Ibrced  them  up  into  Pocassct 
Sound,  and  they  were  obliged  to  bear  away,  and  return  round  the  north  end 
of  the  island,  to  Newport. 

Church  now  dismissed  Mr.  Low,  as  he  viewed  their  effort  against  the  will 
of  Providence.  He  next  drew  up  an  account  of  what  had  passed,  and  de- 
spatched Peter,  on  the  t)  July,  by  way  of  Sogkonate,  to  Pliinouth. 

Major  Bradford*  having  now  arrived  with  an  army  at  Pocasset,  Mr.  Church 
repau'ed  to  him,  and  told  him  of  his  transactions  and  engagements  with 
Ainf  fihonka,  Bradford  directed  him  to  go  and  inform  her  of  his  arrival,  which 
1.0  did.  tfiwaslionks  doubtless  now  discovered  much  uneasiness  and  anxiety, 
but  Mr.  Church  told  her  "that  if  she  would  be  advised  and  observe  order,  she 
nor  her  people  need  not  fear  l)eing  hurt."  He  directed  her  to  get  all  her 
people  together,  "  lest,  if  they  should  be  found  struggling  about,  mischief 
might  light  on  them;"  and  that  the  next  day  the  army  would  march  down 
into  the  neck  to  receive  her.  After  begging  him  to  consider  the  short  time 
siie  had  to  collect  them  together,  she  promised  to  do  the  best  she  could,  and' 
he  left  her. 

Accordingly,  two  days  ailer,  she  met  the  army  at  Punkateese.  Awaskonks 
was  now  unnecessarily  perplexed  by  the  stern  carriage  of  IVIajor  Bradford. 
For  she  expected  her  men  would  have  been  employed  in  the  army;  but 
instead  of  that  he  "  presently  gave  forth  orders  for  Awashonks,  and  all  her 
subjects,  both  men,  women  and  children,  to  repair  to  Sandwich,  and  to  be 
there  upon  peril,  in  six  days."  Church  was  also  cjuite  disconcerted  by  this 
unexiJected  order,  but  all  reasoning  or  remonstrance  was  of  no  avail  with 
the  commander  in  chief.  He  told  Mr.  Church  he  would  employ  him  if  he 
chose,  but  as  for  the  Indians,  "he  would  not  be  concerned  with  them,"  and 
accordingly  scut  them  off  with  a  flag  of  truce,  under  the  direction  of  Jack 
Havens,  an  Indian  who  had  never  been  engaged  in  the  war.  BIr.  Church  told 
Awashonks  not  to  be  concerned,  but  it  was  best  to  obey  orders,  and  he  would 
shortly  meet  her  at  Sandwich. 

According  to  promise.  Church  went  by  way  of  Plimoutli  to  meet  the  Sog- 
konates.  The  governor  of  Plimoutli  was  highly  pleased  at  the  account 
Church  gave  him  of  the  Indians,  and  so  much  was  ho  now  satisfied  of  hia 
siiiierior  abilities  ar.d  skill,  that  he  desired  him  to  be  commissioned  in  the 
country's  service,  lie  left  PIvnouth  the  same  day  with  six  attendants, 
among  wiiom  were  Mr.  Jabez  howland,  and  Mr.  JVaihanied  SoiUhworth.  They 
slejit  at  Sandwich  the  lii:<t  night,  and  here  taking  a  few  more  men,  agreeably 
to  tiie  governoi-'s  orders,  proceeded  to  Jlgawam,  a  small  river  of  Rochester,' 
where  tliey  expected  to  meet  the  Indians.  Some  of  his  company  novf 
became  discouraged,  presuming,  perha])s,  the  Indians  were  treacherous,  and 
half  of  them  returned  home.  VViieu  they  canie  to  Sippican  River,  which 
emjities  into  Blizzard's  Bay  in  Rochester,  Mr.  Howlarut  was  so  fatigued  that 
they  were  obliged  to  leave  him,  he  being  in  years,  and  somewhat  corpulent; 
Church  left  two  more  with  him  as  a  reseiTe,  in  case  ho  should  be  obliged  td 
retreat.  They  soon  came  to  the  shore  of  Buzzard's  Bay,  and,  hearing  a 
great  noise  at  considerable  distance  from  then>,  upon  the  bank,  were  pres- 

*  Out  of  a  curious  book  we  take  tlie  follouing  note,  as,  besides  giving  us  an  intercstin;^ 
fact  concerning  the  major,  it  contains  others  of  value.  It  was  written  in  1697.  At  that 
time,  some  pretended  that  tlie  age  of  people  was  much  sltorter  in  America  than  in  Europe ; 
wliicli  cave  rise  to  what  wo  are  about  to  extract. — Mary  Brown  was  the  first-born  of  New- 
bury, Mass.,  who  married  a  (Hodfi-y ;  and,  says  our  book,  she  "  is  yet  alive,  and  is  bccoino 
the  mother  and  grandmother  of  many  children."  "  The  mention  of  Atanj  Hruwn  brings  to 
our  mind  an  idle  whimsey,  as  if  persons  born  in  New  England  would  l)e  short-lived;  whereas, 
the  natives  live  long.  And  a  jiKlgment  concerning  Englishmen  cannot  well  be  made  till  -0 
or  30  years  hence.  C:apt.  Peregrine.  Wliite,  born  [on  board  the  Mayflower^  Nov.  KJiO, 
is  yet  alive,  and  like  to  live.  [He  died  7  years  after,  in  I7W.]  Major  William  liradl'urd 
is  more  than  73  years  old,  and  hath  worn  a  bullet  in  hi ;  (lesh  above  20  of  lliem,  [wliidi  ho 
doubtless  received  in  Philip's  war.  He  died  age<l  7!).]  Eli:aheth  Alrlen,  (now  Pttijhoihi, 
whose  granddaughter  is  a  mother,)  Capt.  JnUii  Aldeii,  her  brother,  Alex^.  i^titmlixli,  aiiit 
Jolm  Ifowlanil,  have  lived  more  tliau  70  years."  S.  Sewall's  Ncio  IJeaven  upon  the  Neio 
Earth,  5U,  GO. 


72 


AWASHONKS.— iMANNER  OF  iMAKING  SOLDIERS.       [Book  III. 


51 


U 


ently  in  sight  of  u  "vast  coinjiany  of  luilluns,  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  some  on 
horseback,  ruiniiug  races,  sonic  at  ibot-ball,  some  catclilng  eels  and  flat  fish 
in  the  water,  some   clamming,  &c."     They  now  had  to    find  out    what 
Indians  these  were,  before  they  dared  n«ikc  themselves  known  to  them. 
Church  therelbre  halloed,  and  two  Indians  that  were  at  a  distance  from  the 
rest,  rode  up  to  him,  to  find  out  what  the  noise  meant.    They  were  very 
much  surprised  when  they  foimd  tliemselves  so  near  Englishmen,  and  turned 
their  horses  to  run,  but.  Church  making  liiuLself  known  to  them,  tliey  gave 
him  the  desired  information.    He  sent  lor  Jack  Havens,  who  innnediately 
came.     And  when   lie  had  confirmed  what  tiie  others  had  related,  there 
arrived  a  large  number  of  tliem  on  horseliack,  well  armed.    These  treated 
the  English  very  respectfully.     Church  tiien  sent  Jack  to  JlwashonJcs,  to  inform 
her  that  he  would  sup  with  her  that  night,  and  lodge  in  her  tent.     In  the 
mean  time,  the  English  returned  with  tlieir  friends  thuy  had  left  at  Sijipican. 
When  they  came  to  the  hidian  company,  they  "were  immediately  conducted 
to  a  siielter,  open  on  one  side,  whither  ^hvashonks  and  Iier  chiefs  soon  came 
and  paid  their  respects."    When  this  had  taken  -jilace,  there  were   great 
shouts  made  by  the  "multitudes,"  which  "made  the  heavens  to  ring."  About 
sunset,  "tiie  JVetops*  came  running  from  all  quarters,  laden  witli  the  tops  of 
dry  pines,  and  the  like  combustible  matter,  making  u  huge  pile  tliereofj  near 
Mr.  Church's  shelter,  on  the  ojien  side  tliereotl     But  by  this  time  sui)[)er  was 
brought  in,  in  tlirce  dishes,  viz.  a  curious  young  bass  in  one  dish,  eels  and 
flat  fish   in  a  second,  and    shell  fish  in  a  third ; "   but  salt  was  wanting. 
Wlien  the  supper  was  finished,  "  the  mighty  jiile  of  pine  knots  and  tops, 
&c.  was  fired,  and  all  the  hidians,  great  and  small,  gatlicred  in  a  ring  around 
it.    Awashonks,  with  the  eldest  of  her  jieople,  men  and  women  niixed,  kneel- 
ing down,  made  the  first  ring  next  the  fire,  and  ail  the  lusty  stout  men 
standing  up  made  the  next ;  and  then  all  the  rabble,  in  a  confused  crew, 
surrounded  on  the  outside.    Tlien  the  chief  cajitain  stcjijied  in  bctAveen  the 
rings  and  the  fire,  with  a  spear  in  one  hand,  and  a  hatchet  in  the  other, 
danced  round  tlie  fire,  and  began  to  fight  with  it,  making  mention  of  ail  the 
several  nations  and  companies  of  Indians  in  the  country  that  were  enemies 
to  the  English.     And  at  naming  of  every  jiarticular  tribe  of  hidians,  he 
would  draw  out  and  fight  a  new  fire-lmtnd,  and  at  his  finishing  his  fight  witli 
each  particular  fu'e-brand,  would  bow  to  Mr.  Church  and  thank  him."     When 
he  had  named  over  all  the  tribes  at  war  witli  tiie  English,  he  stuck  his  spear 
and  hatchet  in  the  ground,  and  left  the  ring,  and  then  another  stepped  in, 
and  acted  over  tiie  same  farce  ;  trying  to  act  with  more  fury  than  the  first. 
After  about  a  half  a  dozen  had  gone  through  with  the  performance,  their 
chief  ca[)taih   stepped  to  Mr.  Church,  and  told  him  "  they  were   making 
soldiers  for  him,  and  what  they  had  been  doing  was  all  one  swearing  of 
them."    Awashonks  and  her  chiefs  next  came  and  told  him  "  that  now  they 
were  all  engaged  to  fight  for  the  English."    At  this  time  Atoashonks  jiresented 
to  Mr.  Church  a  very  fine  gun.    The  next  day,  July  22,  he  selected  a  number 
of  her  men,  and  proceeded  to  Plimouth.     A  commission  was  given  him, 
and,  beuig  joined  witli  a  number  of  English,  volunteers,  commenced  a  suc- 
cessful series  of  cxjiloits,  in   which  these  Sogkonates  bore  a  conspicuous 
part,  but  have  never,  since  the  days  of  Church,  been  any  where  noticed  as 
they  deserved. 

It  is  said  f  that  AwaslmnJcs  had  two  sons ;  the  youngest  was  William  Mom- 
mynewit,  who  was  put  to  a  grammar  school,  and  learned  the  Latin  language, 
and  was  intended  for  college,  but  was  prevented  by  being  seized  with  the 
palsy.  We  have  been  able  to  extend  the  interesting  memoir  of  the  family 
of  Awashonks  in  the  early  part  of  this  article  much  beyond  any  before 
printed  account ;  of  Tokamona  we  have  no  printed  notice,  except  what 
CliurchX  incidentally  mentions.  Some  of  his  Lidian  soldiers  requested 
liberty  to  pursue  the  Narragansets  and  other  enemy  Indians,  immediately 

*  S\^n\(y\ne friends,  in  hulian.  t  Coll.  Mass.  IJi.it.  Soc. 

i  llust.  i'hilip's  War,  31).  h  is  usual  In  oilo  Captiiin  Chiirch  as  the  nullior  or  rorordpr  of 
Ills  o\Mi  nrtioiis  ;  it  \<t  so,  allliougli  liis  son  Tlwinns  anpoars  as  llic  writer  of  the  liislorv.  Tlio 
tiiilli  i<,  lliu  fallior  dictated  to  the  son,  and  correcto<(  what  apj)cared  erroneous  alter  the  work 
was  written. 


ft 


Chap.  V.] 


PUMHAM. 


73 


after  they  had  captured  Philip's  wife  and  son.  "  They  said  the  Narragansets 
were  great  rogues,  and  they  wanted  to  be  revenged  on  tlieni,  lor  killing  s-onie 
of  their  relations  ;  named  Tokkanwna,  (Jlwaslionk^s  brother,)  and  some  others." 

About  I'SO  years  ago,  i.  e.  1700,  there  were  100  Indian  men  of  the  Sog- 
konate  tribe,  and  the  general  assembly  appointed  .Yumpaus  their  captain, 
who  lived  to  be  an  old  man,  and  died  about  1748,  after  tlie  taking  of  Cape 
Breton,  1745.  At  the  commencement  of  the  eighteenth  century,  they  made 
quite  u  respectable  religious  congregation ;  had  a  meeting-house  of  their 
own,  in  which  they  were  instructed  by  Rev.  Mr.  Billings,  once  a  month,  on 
Sundays.  They  had  u  steady  preacher  among  themselves',  whose  name  was 
John  Simon,  a  man  of  a  strong  mind. 

About  1750,  a  very  distressing  fever  carried  off  many  of  this  tribe,  and  in 
1803  there  were  not  above  ten  in  Compton,  tlieir  principal  residence. 


CHAPTER  V. 

,1  further  account  of  chiefs  conspicuous  in  Philip's  war — PuMHAsr — Taken  and 
slain — His  son  Quaqualh — Ciuckon — Socononoco — Potock — His  residence — 
Complaint  against  Wildboio's  encroachments — Dditrrs  himself  vp — /•*/('  fo  death — 
Stone-wall-joun — Jl  great  captain — .'i  mason — His  men  greatly  (innoy  the 
English  army  in  JVarragansct — Kills  several  of  them — They  burn  a  garrison,  and 
kill  Jif teen  persons — A  traffic  in  Indian  prisoners — The  burning  of  Rehoboik  and 
Providence — John's  discourse  with  Roger  WiUiams' — Is  hllled-^S\GAMORF.  John — 
Fate  of  Matooh  AS — Put  to  death  on  Boston  Common — His  son  hanged  for  inur- 
der — MoNoco — David — Mndrcw — James-the-printer —  Old-jktiiesio — Saoamoui;- 
SAM,  alias  Shosuanim — Visited  by  Eliot  in  1(J52 — Jlnccdotc — Petkr-jethero. 

PUMHAM,  it  may  be  truly  said,  "was  a  mighty  man  of  valor."  Our 
history  has  several  tinu's  hecetolbre  brought  him  before  us,  and  we  shall 
now  proceed  to  relate  such  facts  concerning  him  as  \ve  have  been  able  to 
collect.  He  was  sachem  of  Shawomet,  the  country  where  the  old  squaw- 
sachem  Magnus  was  taken  and  slain,  as  in  her  lite  we  have  shown. 

As  in  almost  every  other  case,  we  can  only  learn  how  to  estimate  the 
consequence  of  a  chief  from  the  story  of  his  enemies.  It  is  j)eculiarly  so  in 
the  biography  of  Pumham.  When  it  was  reported  that  he  \vas  sluin,  every 
chronicler  seems  to  have  stood  ready,  with  the  ink  oi"  exultation  in  his  pen, 
to  record  all  the  particulars  of  his  lall ;  and  to  make  it  a))pear  the  greater,  it 
is  to  be  feared,  they  have  sometimes  raised  them  to  a  height  to  wliicli  they 
were  not  entitled,  for  that  object.  But  it  was  not  so  in  tlie  case  oi'  Pumham. 
When  it  was  reported  at  Boston  that  he  was  killed,  an  author  in  our  Chronicle 
said,  "  If  it  is  so,  the  glory  of  that  nation  is  sunk  with  him  Ibrever." 

This  chief  was  brought  into  considerable  difficulty  by  the  English  as  early 
as  1()45.  In  1()42,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Gorton  took  refuge  in  his  country,  and 
was  kindly  trealeil  by  him ;  and  in  January  the  next  year,  Miantunnomoh 
and  Canonicus  deeded  to  him  Mishawomet,  or  Shaoniet,  which  he  afterward 
called  Warwick,  after  the  earl  of  that  name.  This  settlement  was  ;.'rievous 
to  tlie  Puritan  liithers  of  Massachusetts,  as  they  soon  showed  by  their 
resentment  to  Miantunnomoh ;  and  here  we  cannot  but  discover  the  germ  of 
all  the  subsecpient  disasters  of  that  sachem,  ftlr.  Gorton  was  kindly  treated 
by  him,  as  well  as  Pumhaxn,  until  the  latter  was  urged  by  Mr.  Gorton's 
enemies  to  lay  claim  to  the  lands  he  had  purchased  of  Miantunnomoh,  whom 
the  court  of  Massachusetts  declared  an  usuqier,*  as  in  his  life  has  been  told. 

By  the  letters  of  the  unimpeachable  Roger  JVUliams,  the  above  conclu- 
sions will  appeiu-  evident.  In  lt»5(i,  he  wrote  to  Massachusetts,  showing 
them  the  wretched  state  Warwick  was  in  from  their  difficulties  with  tlie 
Indians,  as  follows: — "Your  wisdoms  know  the  iidiumaii  insultations  of 
these  wild  crtmtures,  and  you  may  be  pleased  also  to  imagine,  that  they  have 
not  been  sparing  of  your  name  as  the  patron  of  all  their  wickedt;es8  against 


*  MS.  state  paper. 


74 


rUMIIAM 


:C';yo\OCO.— QUAQUAUr. 


[Cook  ril. 


our  En^'lisli  men,  women  ta.a  eliililre)i,  iiiid  (vmlo,  fo  the  yearly  dnmann  •>»■ 
(iO,  f\)  aiul  lOO.C.  Tlic  ri'iiicdy  in,  (ill  icr  (iod,)  (inly  your  jileiisiiri!  tlitit 
Pt<w/i«w  Hi liiil  come  to  an  agreement  wltli  tJK!  town  vr  colony,"'*  j\o\v  it 
isiioiild  lie  renienilier(>d,  tliM  wlseu  Warwiek  was  ])rirciiaw!d,  Pumliaiii  and 
some  other  inl(;ri(ii'saelieiiis  rceeived  jiri'seiits  i'or  their  i);irti(;iilar  interests  in 
wliat  was  sold,  ai,'reeal)ly  to  the  law.s  jiiid  iisiij^es  oC  the  Indians. 

The  I'liiiionth  pcoiile  had  their  sliare  iti  the  Warwick  eontroverisy,  having 
caiis(!d  Ousctmuqum  to  lay  claim  to  the  i-;.me  place,  or  a  sachem  who  liv<;u 
with  him,  namt.'d  Xnirwushmusuck ;  hetweeii  whom  and  Pumham  the  quarrel 
ran  so  hifjii  that  the  Jonner  stnlihcd  the  latter. 

TJie  afliiii-s  of  Warwick  had  lieeii  under  consideration  liy  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  United  Colonies  for  sev(M'al  years  hefbre  this,  and  in  1049, 
they  say,  "  Vpiion  a  (iiiestion  hetwixt  the  two  eollonies  of  the  iMa.ssachiiscts 
and  Plymoiilli,  ibniierly  iiropoiinded,  and  now  aj^^ain  renewed  hy  the  com- 
missioners of  the  I\!assaehnsetts,  conccrninjr  a  tract  ol' land  now  or  lately 
belonirini,'  to  Pamham  and  Samnoco,  two  Jiidian  saj-amores  who  had  sub- 
mitted themselves  and  their  people  to  the  Massachusetts  governumt,  v])|ion 
part  ol" which  land  som  ICnglish,  (besides  the  said  Indians,)  in  anno  Kjl.'j,  were 
planted  and  settled."  TIk^  decision  was,  that  thoiij;h  the  said  tract  of  land 
iiill  within  Plimoiitii  liounds,  it  should  heiicetbrth  belon;,ao  iMassachusotts. 
About  l(>-4(>.  we  tind  the  ioUowinji  ro'eord  f  of  these  cjiicfs  : — '■'•Pomihom 
and  Snconanom  com|ilainin!,'  to  tis  [the  court  of  Mass.]  that  many  Indians 
dwj'llin^  '20  riiles  beyond  them,  (beinij  iriends  and  heljiers  to  the  Narragan- 
setts  in  tiieir  presi'iit  wars  with  Uncn.%)  are  come  njion  their  lands,  and 
planted  umu  ti'.e  same  against  tlieir  \\ills,  they  net  being  able  of  themselves 
to  remove  them,  and  therefore  desire  our  eomisel  and  help.  Wc  shall 
therefore  advise  them,  if  the  deputies  agree  thereunto,  to  send  a  messenger 
to  the  sachem  of  those  intriiderf!  to  come  to  us  to  give  an  account  of  such 
his  intention  ;  aiul  if  ho  come  to  us,  then  to  offer  him  ))rotectiou  upon  the 
same  terms  that  Pumham  hath  It,  j)rovided  they  satisfy  Unrns  tor  any  injuiy 
they  have  done  him.  If  be  reliise  to  come,  then  we  would  liave  our  mes- 
senger (•barge  them  to  depart  irom  Pomhani  and  H'oconanodw  their  lands, 
which  ah'o  if  they  refuse,  IIkmi  we  shall  account  them  our  enemies."f 

Though,  liy  the  aid  of  the  J]nglisli,  Pumham  had  been  able  to  maintain  a 
kind  of  independence  for  somi;  years  alter  the  death  of  the  chief  sachem, 
yet  he  vvas  aniong  the  first  who  esiioused  the  cause  of  Philip  in  his  war, 
as  it  would  seem  from  bis  not  attending  at  the  treaty  in  June,  immediately 
after  hostilities  commeneed.  The  army  Avho  went  to  make  that  treaty  jiai-sed 
through  his  country  in  their  march,  and,  as  3Tr.  Huhhnrd  states,  "Th(5y  Ibund  the 
Indians  in  Ponthmii's  country  (iie.xt  adjoining  to  Pltilip''s  borders)  all  fled,  and 
their  wigwams  without  any  people  in  tlieu)."  The  Knglish  arnij'also  mtirch- 
ed  through  bis  country,  in  their  return  from  the  attack  on  Philip  and  his  con- 
federates in  Nar^aganset,  in  ]>eeember,  l(i7j.  At  this  time  a  small  fight  took 
place  between  some  of  the  English  and  u  number  of  Pumham^s  men,  under 
a  chief  whose  name  was  (il'ACil' ALII,  who  gained  some  advantage  of  the 
English,  wouuding  lour  of  their  men.  The  whites,  however,  report  thattliey 
killed  five  ol"  the  Indians.  Qmqunlh  himself  -was  wounded  in  the  knee.  At 
the  same  time  they  burnt  P!»«/w»?/t',9  town, |  ■which  contained  near  100  wig- 
wams.    The  English  were  commanded  by  Captain  Prentice.  § 

Pumham  was  not  the  chief  captain  in  the  fight  at  the  great  iidls  in  the  Con- 
necticut, which  took  place  If)  May,  1070,  although  we  presume,  from  the 
known  character  of  him,  that  he  was  the  most  conspicuous  in  it  on  the  side 
of  the  Indians ;  being  a  man  of  vast  physical  powers  and  of  extraordinaiy 
bravery.  Li  this  affair  the  English  acted  a  most  cowardly  piu't,  having  every 
advantage  of  their  enemy,  who  acquired  credit  upon  the  occasion,  even  at 
the  time,  from  the  historian.  The  English  came  upon  them  before  day, 
while  none  were  awake  to  give  the  alarm,  and,  "finding  them  secure  indeed, 
yea,  all  asleep,  without  having  any  scouts  abroad,  so  that  our  soldiers  came 

*  Hutchinson's  papers,  and  HaTard. 

t  III  mintimcnpt,  among'  the  papers  on  file  in  llii;  sf^cretary's  office,  Mass.  without  dale. 
I  Old  Jiidlan  Cliron.  58.     This  aiulior  luis  his  name  liiimham.     Tliere  wore  many  in- 
stances, al  tliis  lime,  of  the  use  of  B.  for  P.  §  Hubbard,  Nat.  67. 


Chap,  v.] 


rU.MIIAM.— THE  FALL  FIGHT. 


76 


and  i)ut  tlieir  guns  into  tlieir  ui^rwanis,  lieibro  tlio  Iiidiiin.s  wcri;  aware  ol' 
them,  and  made  a  groat  and  iiotaljlt;  nlaiiglitor  amongst  tlieni."  *  iMany  iti 
tlioir  fright  run  into  tiio  river,  and  were  liuricd  down  tlic  falls,f  sonic  of 
wJioni,  doid)tl«!ss,  were  drowned.  As  soon  as  tiio  English,  who  were  led  by 
Cuptaina  Turner  nwd  Holioke,  had  murdered  the  unresisting,  and  the  Indians 
liavijig  begun  to  rally  to  oppose  tlnjni,  they  lied  iu  the  greatest  confusion, 
ultluiugh  they  had  "about  an  luuidn-d  and  foiu-  seore"  men,  J  of  whom  hut 
one  was  wounded  when  tiie  llight  began.  This  eniianees  the  valor  of  tlie 
Indians,  in  our  mind,  esj)ccially  as  we  read  the  following  jjassagc,  in  Mr. 
Mallter's  Krief  History : — "In  the  mean  while,  a  party  of  Indians  from  an 
island,  (whoso  coming  on  shore  miglit.  easily  have  been  ])revented,  and  the 
soldiers,  befbrp  tiiey  set  out  from  lladley,  were  earnestly  admonished  to  take 
care  about  that  matter,)  assaulted  our  men  ;  yea,  totiic  great  dishonor  of  the 
English,  u  few  Indians  jjursiied  oin*  soldiers  Ibm-  or  five  nfdes,  who  wore  in 
number  near  twice  as  many  as  the  enemy."  In  tiiis  fligiit  Captain  Turner  was 
killed,  as  ho  was  crossing  Green  River.  Holioke  cxezted  himself  with  great 
valor,  and  seems  well  calcidated  to  opjjose  such  a  chief  as  Pumham.  We 
]iear  of  no  other  bravery  amqng  the  i^nglish  in  this  massacre,  but  the  follow- 
ing i)assage  concerning  Holioke,  which  wo  are  sorry  is  so  sadly  eclij)S('(l. 
During  the  fight,  some  old  persoius,  (whetlier  men  or  women  is  not  men- 
tioned,) and  children,  had  hid  themselves  under  the  bank  of  tlie  river.  (Jaj)taiM 
Holioke  discovered  tliem,  and  with  his  own  hands  put  five  of  them,  "young 
and  old,"  to  death.  §  This  English  cajUain  did  not  long  survive  his  antago- 
nist, lor,  by  his  great  exertions  in  this  fight,  a  lever  was  l)rought  upon  him, 
of  which  ho  died  in  Septendjor  following,  "  aliont  I{oston."|| 

It  would  seem  from  the  several  accounts,  that,  although  the  English  were 
sadly  distressed  in  this  fight,  the  Indians  could  never  have  rei)aired  their 
loss  ;  which,  says  the  author  of  tb.c  Puf.sk.nt  Statk,  "was  almost  as  nuich, 
nay,  in  some  rcsj)ects  more  considerable,  than  tli;Mr  lives."  He  continues, 
'•  ^Ve  destroyed  all  their  annnuuition  and  provision,  which  we  think  they 
can  hardly  be  so  soon  and  easily  recruited  with,  as  possibly  they  may  be 
with  men.  We  likewise  here  demolished  two  ibrges  they  had  to  mend 
their  arms,  took  away  all  their  materials  and  tools,  and  drove  nvuiy  of  them 
into  the  river,  where  they  were  drowned,  and  threw  two  great  ])igs  of  lead 
of  theirs,  (intended  for  making  of  bidlets,)  into  the  said  river."  H — "  As  our 
men  were  returning  to  Hadley,  in  a  dangerous  i)ass,  which  tliov  were  not 
suliicienfly  aware  of,  the  skulking  Indians,  (out  of  the  woods,)  killed,  at  one 
volley,  the  sigd  captain,  and  eight-and-thirty  of  his  men,  but  immediately 
after  they  had  discharged,  they  fled." 

In  relating  the  capture  and  (\cixth  of  Ptimham,  Mr.  Hubbard  says,**  "He 
was  one  of  the  stoutest  and  most  valiant  sachems  that  belonged  to  the  Nar- 
ragansets  ;  whose  courage  and  strength  was  so  great  that,  after  he  had  been 
morlally  vvounded  in  the  fight,  so  as  him.«elf  coidd  not  stand  ;  yet  catching 
hold  ot"  an  Englishman  that  by  accident  came  near  him,  bad  done  him 
mischief,  if  lie  hud  not  been  i)resently  rescued  by  one  of  his  fellows." 
This  was  on  25  July,  in7(),  Pumham,  with  a  few  Ibllowcvs,  had  ibr  sonic 
time  secreted  themselves  in  Dedhrun  woods,  where  it  was  supposed  they 
wcr.5  "  almost  stiUTcd  Ibr  want  of  victuals."  In  this  sad  condition,  they 
were  fallen  upon  by  the  English  mulcr  Captain  Hunting,  who  killed  fifteen 


*  r.  Mather,  30. 

t  Wo  cannot  ngrco  willi  otir  friend  Gen.  Hnut,  llint  llicsc  (alls  slionld  bo  named  Tiirncr's 
Ftills,  altli(Hiy;li  wo  once  thon-flil  it  well  enough.  We  would  rallier  call  tlieni  llie  Ma.t.incre 
Falls,  IK.  indeed,  tlieir  bidian  name  cannot  1)0  recovered.  A  bcautilul  view  of  these  cele- 
brated falls  is  ffiveu  by  Professor  Hitchcock,  in  the  volume  of  plates  accompanying  his 
Cieol'ifj;v  of  Mass. 

i  I.',)L!lhfr,  30.  ^   Hiihbard,  \ar.  8f!.  |l  Ibid. 

"[  -Many  of  the  Indians  learned  trades  of  the  Knfilisli,  and  in  the  wars  turnoil  iheir  knowl- 
edge 111  good  account.  'I'liey  had  a  forgo  in  iheir  fort  at  .Narraganset,  and  the  bidian  black- 
MLilli  Wiis  killed  when  that  was  Inken.  The  aullior  of  the  I'ri'.ieiit  State,  &c.  says,  lie  was 
fill.'  only  man  amongst  ihiMii  liiat  filled  (heir  iruns  and  arrow-heads  ;  that  among  oilier  liousos 
iliev  l.iuiit  his,  demiilishcd  his  forge,  and  carried  nway  his  tools. 

**  Narrative,  100.  -llo.  edition.' 


Jm^ 


*(*  'f' 


m 


m  )    r 


I       \ 


i 


i 


<'::y 


76 


rOTOK.— DEATH  OF  TUMIIAU 


[iVioK  i:r. 


and  took  tliirty-fivc  of  tlicm  without  resistance.*  Tliey  found  licre  roii- 
sideruble  plunder;  "besides  kettles,  there  was  about  half  a  bushel  ol'  wan;- 
j)unii)eaic,  whieh  the  enemy  lost,  and  twelve  pounds  ol'  jiowder,  wiiich  ilio 
captives  say  they  had  received  Irom  Albany  but  two  days  belbre."f  A  sou 
of  Puinham  was  among  the  caj)tives,  " a  very  likely  youth,"  says  Huhlanl,] 
"and  one  whose  countenance  would  have  bespoke  favor  for  him,  had  Ik; 
not  belonged  to  so  bloody  and  barbarous  an  Indian  as  his  fatlKU"  was."  it 
would  seem  from  this  imteeling  account  that  he  was  put  to  death.  Dr. 
Mather  says  ho  was  carried  ])risoner  to  JJoston.  From  the  same  author  we 
must  add  to  the  revolting  picture  of  the  father's  death,  "This  Pwnliam, 
niter  ho  was  wcjunded  so  as  that  he  could  not  stand  u-ion  his  legs,  and  was- 
thought  to  have  been  deail,  made  a  shift,  (as  the  solt.iers  were  jiursuing 
others,)  to  crawl  a  little  out  of  the  way,  but  was  found  again,  an<l  when  an 
Englishman  drew  near  to  him,  thougli  he  could  not  stand,  he  did,  (like  a 
be.'ist,)  in  rage  and  revenge,  get  hold  on  the  soldier's  hejid,  and  had  li.'-e  to 
liave  killed  liini,  had  not  another  come  in  to  his  heli),  and  rescued  him  out 
of  the  enraged  dying  hiUids  of  tiiat  bloody  Imrbariany  \ 

That  it  may  be  seen  how  the  sauK?  story,  ri.-corded  at  the  same  ti'ae,  at 
the  sanie  place,  and  by  ditierent  individuals,  varies  on  comparison,  we  give 
liere  the  account  of  the  light  in  which  Puinhani  was  slain,  from  an  author  in 
the  Chronicle;  in  whieh  it  will  bi^  obseiTed  that  a  dilfercnt  date  is  given  to 
the  event.  "L'pon  the  27  of  .July  it  was,  that  about  20  Indians  were  slain, 
and  ;50  taken  prisoners,  ^^'e  had  5  and  20  i'nglish,  and  20  of  our  Indian 
Iriends  in  this  e\|doit.  One  of  these  that  were  shiin  was  Pumham.  After 
he  had  received  a  deadly  shot  in  his  back,  he  withdrew  himself  from  his 
men,  (for  they  wen'  all  his  relations  and  sidijects  that  were  slain  and  taken 
at  this  time,)  and  tliou<:ht  to  hide  himself  in  a  bushy  hole,  but  was  tbund  out 
by  an  I'.nghshman,  who,  as  he  went  to  apprehend  him,  l()und  that  the  stout 
Kicliem  was  unwilling  to  liill  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  for  he  gave  him 
a  stunning  blow  with  his  hatchet,  which  he  had  reserved  of  all  his  weapons, 
and  perhaps  had  slain  the  I'.nglishmau,  but  (i«>d  ordered  it  so  that  he  had  a 
sudden  revival,  and  took  couragt;  and  grap|)led  with  him,  [Pumham,]  and 
thri'W  him  under  him,  and  others  coming  in  to  his  assistance,  Pumham  was 
soon  despatched.  There  was  about  £20  of  inditm  money  found  in  their 
l)askels,"  w  liich  the  English  gave  to  their  Indian  friends,  and  their  guns  they 
took  to  llieinsehes, 

A  short  lime  before  this,  a  grandson  of  this  chief  was  killed  by  a  party 
under  Utni.iun,^  "who  was  also  a  sacheni,  and  another  sachem  called 
Chhkon." 

I'O'J'OK,  a  Narraganset  chief,  we  may  jtroperly,  in  the  next  jtlace,  notice. 
None  of  his  ads  in  Philiji'n  war  are  recorded,  at  least  none  iiave  come  to 
oin-  knowledge,  but  they  coidd  not  have  been  inconsiderable,  in  the  opinion 
of  his  enemies,  as  his  lilt-  atoned  liir  them.  \Ve  tind  him  iirst  tiieiiliiuied, 
on  account  of  his  upposition  to  the  introiluction  of  (Christianity  into  his 
nation.  When,  in  the  beginning  of  l'hiilii\H  war,  the  l''uglish  army  marched 
into  tiie  Xarrayaiiset  country,  to  treat  or  light  with  that  nation,  as  tiiey  might 
b(!  fouiid  inclined,  I'lilol;  appeared  as  the  principal  chief.  In  tiie  treaty 
which  was  ciinchided  at  that  time,  a  condition  was  urged  by  him,  "  that  the 
English  should  not  send  any  among  them  to  preach  the  gospel  or  call  upon 
them  to  |iray  to  (iod."  lint  the  ICnglish  would  not  admit  such  an  article ; 
but  if  an  article  ot'  this  character  had  been  urged  on  the  other  hand,  we 
doubt  whether  there  would  have  been  any  objection  urged  by  the  Indians. 
On  this  iiolicy  of  the  I'nglish  Hoixir  IHIIIams  should  be  heard,  a^:,  at  this 
day  e\('n,  wo  n 1  no  better  conmientarv  on  the  mattei'  in  hand.  It  is  con- 
tained in  a  leftcrll  to  the  govermu'  of  IMacsachusells,  and  is  as  I'ollow-'"  — 
"At  my  Inst  deparluie  liir  llnglMid,  i  was  iriporluned  by  y  iNarragaiisct 
8uchems,  and  especially  by  AV/ircKmr/,  to  preseni  ;!'eir  petition  to  the  hl^^h 


t  Malhot's  ilrii-(  Hist.  U. 


*  MS.  Niirraiivp  of  Hov.  T.  CMi,l. 

1  Niiiriilivr.  I't  tiijirii. 

tt  .M;iiiy  uTilc  li-iiiiismi.  bill  lii<  nwii  «iiiinliiro,  in  iiiy  |iossv<)!iiun,  it  o»  i»  llio  lexl. 

il  111  MS.  iliilnl  rriivi.lciicc, .),  u    IiijI. 


[Hook  Tjr. 

nd  licro  roii- 
slicl  ol'  v,;iir.- 
(■r,  wliicli  i!u! 
re."t  A  s.m 
lyH  Huhl(m{,\ 

liini,  Imil  ]i(; 
tlicr  was."  it 
)   (loutli.     Or. 

IK!  author  wo 
'liis  Pumluim, 
lo<,'s,  ami  was 
ere  pursiiiiii^ 
uiul  wlicn  ail 
e  did,  (like  ii 
lid  liud  ii,'-<!  to 
I'ued  Jiim  out 

same  tiMc,  at 
risoii,  \\{'  give 

I  an  aiitiior  in 
\U\  is  ji'iven  to 
lis  were  slain, 
A'  our  Indian 
<mlmm.  Alter 
isell"  I'rom  liis 
ilii  iuid  taken 
was  loiiiid  out 

that  the  stout 
he  gave  him 
lis  weapons, 
that  he  had  a 
Ptimliam,]  and 
,  I'limlmm  was 
>un(l  in  their 
leir  guns  they 

led  by  a  party 
aelieni   ealled 

:  place,  notice, 
iiave  cmiie  to 
in  the  ()|iinion 
rst  mentioned, 
inity  into  his 
iniiy  marched 
as  they  might 
In  the  treaty 
liini,  "that  the 
'I  or  call  upon 
icli  an  article  ; 
her  hand,  we 
V  the  Indians, 
ird,  as,  at  this 
(I.  It  is  con- 
as  tolliiw-'*  — 
<■  iNiu'ragansel 

II  to  the  lii(.'li 


Hricl  Ilk.  13. 
Iio  text. 


CuAP.  v.] 


STONE- WALL-JOILN.— OLIVERS  JuLll.N.VL. 


1  I 


i 


sachems  oi"  i'liijiland,  that  they  iiiiglit  not  Ik;  I'orccd  li-om  tiicir  icligi 


nn 


4   I 


'.nd. 


lor  not  changing  their  religion,  he  invaded  hy  war.  tor  tiiey  said  they  wen; 
daily  visited  with  threaten iiigs  by  Indians,  that  caiiic!  from  aliout  the  Massa- 
t'husetts;  that  if  they  would  not  pray,  they  should  he  destroyed  by  war." 
Aii<i  again,  in  the  same  letter:  "Are  not  all  the  English  of  this  land,  (gener- 
ally,) a  persecuted  peoj)le  Irom  their  native  soil .'  and  hath  not  the  (Jod  of 
peace  and  Father  of  mercies  made  the  natives  more  friendly  in  this  than  our 
native  countrymen  in  our  own  land  to  us?  have  they  not  entenul  leagues  ol" 
love,  and  to  this  day  eoiitimir;d  peaceable,  commerce  with  ns?  are  not  <tur 
families  grown  iij)  in  peace  amongst  them  ?  (  ])on  which  1  humbly  ask  liow 
it  can  suit  with  Christian  ingeiniiiy,  to  take  hold  of  some  seeming  occtisions 
for  their  destruction." 

We  an;  able  to  fix  the  place  of  liis  residence  in  the  vicinity  of  Point  Judith. 
In  th<!  year  KKil,  Poloh,  with  several  other  cliiels,  comjilained  to  tin;  court 
of  Massaclius(!tts,  that  ^'■Samuel  fVildboic,  and  others  of  his  companies"  claimed 
jurisdiction  at  J'oint  Judith,  in  their  country,  and  lands  adjacent,  'riieycame 
on  and  jiossessed  tlu^mselvcs  forcibly,  bringing  their  cattle!  and  otlicr  c  tVects 
wltli  them.*  What,  order  the  court  took  upon  it  does  not  a])p<'ar.  About 
the  close  of  Phi!ii)\t  war,  Pofok  cam(!  voluntarily  to  Rhode  Island,  no  doubt 
\",irli  the  view  of  making  iriends  again  with  his  enemies;  but  was  scjit  to 
IJostoii,  where,  after  answering  all  t.ieir  impiirics,  he  was  ]iut  to  death  witli- 
out  ceremony. 

It  IS  related  by  an  author  in  t'lc  ()i,i»  Indian  C'iiko.mci.t;,  that  Pntok  was 
capftired  by  the  liirces  under  Major  Talrot,  in  June,  l()7(!,  at  or  near  the 
same  time  Stimt-Lmjcr-John  was.  in  closing  his  account  of  the  capture  ol" 
John,  he  ,dds,  "  Likewise /*o/)a'^-f,  the  great  Indian  counsellor,  a  man  eon- 
Fid(!riiig  ,iis  education  of  wonderful  subtl(>tv,  was  brought  prisoner  into 
Uhode  Island." 

in  till!  account  carried  to  London  by  Cajitnin  More,  mentioned  in  the  last 
cliajiter,  is  this  notice  of  J^otofr; — '•There  is  one  A*i'urA',  a  mischievous  lOn- 
giiie,  and  a  <  "oimsellour,  taken  formerly,  said  to  be  in  (ioal  at  idiodc!  Island,  is 
now  sent  to  IJostiiii,  and  there  siiot  to  death." f 

In  tli<!  detail  ot'  the  great  Narraganset  exiieilitioii  of  lf)75,  we  have  omitted 
to  notice  a  by-no-ineans-imimiiort.int  Iiidian  ca|)tain. 

Sloi'j-tnill-JuIni,  St(mc-ltai(r-Julin,  and  S(uiietinies  simply  Sfoiu-irall,  were 
names  by  which  his  Mnglish  friends  knew  him,  and  we  hav(!  not  «iiscovered 
what  was  his  Indian  naiiii'.  Oiu!  wriier  ol"  his  time  observes  that  he  was 
ealled  tlu'  Stone-layer,  "fi>r  that,  bf^ing  an  active,  ingenimis  fellow,  he  had 
learned  i  mason  s  trade,  and  was  of  great  use  to  the  Indians  in  iiuildiiig 
their  liirts,  > -c."  Hence  we  may  hazard  but  little  in  tiie  conjecture  that  he 
Was  the  cliiel' engineer  ill  the  erection  of  the  great  Xarraganset  fort,  whicii 
has  been  <lcscribed  in  the  WiV  i>i'  Phil i/t.  Although  but  little  is  known  ot' him, 
he  was  doiibtl»!ss  one  of  the  most  distinguished  N'arragansel  captains. 

The  lirst  notice  ol"  Slour-laiiir-John,  which  we  now  remember,  is  coii- 
taiiieil  in  a  letter  of  Captain  Ul\\rr,\  whicli  he  wrote  while  on  his  niareli 
with  the  I'.nglish  aimy  to  atui.-k  the  fort,  Aviiich  we  hive  iii>t  mentioned.  Me 
.^ays,  "  Dec.  IT)  ca|iiie  'u\]  John  ii  ••iigne,  with  a  pretence  of  jieace,  and  was 
dismissed  with  [this]  erraml :  That  we  might  speak  witli  sachems.  That 
<'\ciiing,  ho  not  being  gone  a  (|uart<'r  of  an  hour,  his  company,  tli;it  lay  hid 
behind  a  hill  ot'  our  (|uarl<'rs,  killed  two  Salem  men,  and  woimded  a  third 
within  a  mill!  of  n^^,  that  he  is  d.'ad.  Ami  at  a  house  three  miles  o(I|  where 
1  had  ten  men,  they  killed  t>vo  ol"  them.  Instantly  ('apt.  Mosilji,  my<''lt" 
iiiid  ('apt.  (iiirihirr  were  sent  to  li-tch  in  Major  .Iftjildon^t  company,  ihiit 
kept  three  miles  and  u  half  off,  and  coining,  they  lay  behind  a  stone  wall, 
and  fired  on  us  in  sight  ol"  the  gariisoi,,  we  killed  the  captain  that  killed  (Uie 
ot"  ihr  Salem  men,  and  had  liis  cap."  Mr.  Hiililmril  says,  "A  t"'W  (lc-|ierato 
Indians,  cree|)ing  under  a  stone-wall,  tired  Mventy  or  thirty  guns  at  .Mosdjf  in 
jiarticular,  a  commaiiiler  well  known  amongst  them,  but  tiie  re.'^t  ot'thi'  com- 


"  MS.  Slalo  Pnpprs. 

t  Ul.l  lii.li.iM('liruiiirlc,  111. 

\  III  nidiiiisiripl.    ^^cc  an  ucoouiit  of  it  in  u  nolo  to  ilic  life  of  Philip. 


7* 


78 


STONE-WALL-JOHN.— PROVIDENCE,  &c.  IIURNT.        [Hook  IIL 


pauy  running  down  uj)on  tlieni,  killed  one  of  them  and  scattered  the  rest." 
riiuw  did  die  scoiils  Ironi  the  main  ixidy  of  the  Indians,  under  such  captains 
as  the  Stonc-laijcr,  annoy  the  Enj^liwh  in  their  march  into  their  country.  Im- 
mediately after  thesi!  skirmislies,  "tht;y  burnt  Jerry  BiUVs*  house,  and  killed 
seventeen  [persons.]!  ■L'^'c.  J(i,  came  that  news.  Dec.  17,  came  news  that 
Connecticut  l()r(U's  were  at  Peta(|uaniscut;  killed  four  Indians  and  took  six 
prisoners.  That  day  we  sold  Ca])t.  Davenport  47  Indians,  young  and  old, 
lor  JCriO  in  money."  J 

How  nmth  John  ht.d  to  do  in  the  devastations  which  had  been  i)erj)etrated 
the  previous  season,  's  unknown,  but  we  are  told  that  he  had  no  small 
agency  in  "tiie  sackijig  of  Providence,"  §  and  Rehoboth  also,  without  doubt. 
Li  the  former  about  ;io  houst^s  ||  were  burned, and  in  the  latter  place  "near 
upon  40  "  houses  and  .'10  barns. 

Stone-wall-Jolin  was  doubtless  one  who  conversed  with  the  Reverend  3Ir. 
WUUams  at  the  time  Providence  was  burned.  The  substance  of  that  conver- 
sation is  related  by  oiu'  anonymous  author,  already  cited,  in  these  words: — 
"But  indeetl  the  reason  tiiat  the  iidiabitants  of  the  towns  of  Seaeonick  and 
Providence  generally  esca|)ed  with  tluur  lives,  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any 
compassion  or  good  nature  of  tiie  Indians,  (whose  very  mercies  are  iuhumano 
cruelties,)  bin,  [tlic!  author  soon  contradicts  himself,  as  will  be  seen,]  next  to 
God's  providence,  to  their  own  jnudence  in  avoiding  their  fury,  when  they 
found  themselves  too  weak,  and  unable  to  resist  it,  by  a  tinudy  fligi  *  into 
Rhode  Island,  which  now  becami!  tlie  conunon  Zom\  or  place  of  refuge  li)r 
the  distressed  ;  yet  some  remained  till  their  confuig  to  destroy  the  said  towns; 
as  iji  particular  "Sh:  I'iliuims,  at  l'rovideiic(>,  who,  knowing  several  of  tlie 
chief  Indians  that  came  to  tir(i  that  town,  discoursed  with  tiiem  a  consider- 
able time,  wlio  pretended,  tlieii-  greatest  (piarrel  was  against  Plimouth ;  and 
as  lor  wiiat  they  atti'mpted  against  the  other  colonies,  they  weri^  constrainetl 
to  it,  by  the  spoil  that  was  done  them  at  Narraganset.H  'I'hey  told  him,  that 
when  Caittain  I'iirce  engaged  tiiem  near  Mr.  lilackstonv's,  tiiey  were  bound 
ibr  Pliniouth.  They  gloried  nnieh  in  their  suei'ess,  pronfising  tlieiusel\(!s  tho 
cojKiuest  of  the  wliole  country,  and  rooting  out  of  all  the  l!!i;:lish.  Mr.  U'il- 
tlanus  reproNcd  their  eonfideiiee,  nfuided  them  of  their  cruelties,  and  told 
them,  that  the  Hay,  viz.  J{(jstoii,  could  yet  spare  l(),()t)()  men  ;  and,  if  they 
should  destroy  all  them,  yet  it  was  not  U>  be  doidited,  but  our  king  would 
send  as  many  every  year  from  Old  Dngland,  rather  than  they  should  share 
the  country.**  They  answered  |in/udly,  that  they  shouhl  be  re.idy  for  them, 
or  to  that  elliict,  but  told  .Mr.  It  illiaws  that  he  was  a  g»iod  man,  and  had  been 
kind  to  them  Ibnnerly,  and  tlier<'fore  they  would  not  hurt  him." 

This  agrees  well  with  Mr.  Uuhlxtrd's  account  of  the  carriage  oi'Jolin  at  the 
time  he  went  to  the  I'.nglish  army  to  talk  ab.nit  peace,  already  mentioned. 
His  words  are.  "yet  coulil  the  messenger,  [7(y/ti,]  hardly  forbear  threatening, 
vajtoring  of  their  munbers  and  strength,  adding,  withal,  that  the  Knglisli 
durst  not  tight  them." 

We  iiave  now  to  close  th(>  career  of  this  Indian  ca|>tain,  fur  w  hicli  it  rc- 
((Uires  but  a  word,  as  he  was  killed  on  the  "2  July,  l(i7(>,  at  the  same  liini^  iho 
old  s(|uavv-saehem  ({uolajun  and  most  o)'  her  people  were  fallen  upon  by 
Major  Tiilidt,  as  we  have  related  iii  a  llii'mer  chapter. 

.Slany  Indians  bore  the  name  of  John,  but  when  they  were  any  ways  con- 
spicuiMis,  some  distinguishing  |)reti.\  or  atilK  w;.  generally  added,  as  wo 
have  seen  in  several  instances  in  the  p  eceiling  cl  .ijiterk!.     \Ve  have  already 


•  J-'rali  wns  |irol)i\My  lii^  iiiiiiii'. 

*  Tni  men  .mil  inr"  \<(iiiu'ii  iiml  cliililrcii.  Ilnhhiird,  M.  •' Aluml  II."  /.  .lAi/Zic;', ''0. 
"  I'.ijriilr.'ii.  iiini,  women  iinil  cliililri'U."  Chronicle,  -U. 

I  ('n|iluiii  (Hirn's  MS,  IcUcr. 

&  Ol.ll  ImHAN  ('HItliNK  if.  '.)!). 

|]  '1  lie  liiiililiiiK  <iiiiliiiiiiiin'  'III'  rocnrds  of  R.  T.  wm  roimimrtl  it  llii'!  limp.  nii<l  pnri  of  i\% 
roiilciiU.  .'^ciinc  "I  llirm  wcri'  siivcd  liy  lu'iiiij  llirowii  oiil  (if  a  Miiiiliiw  iiilo  sonic  waler. 
They  Ix'iir  to  lln-i  linir  Iho  niiirks  of  llioir  uniiicrtiiun.— Uriil  iiifurmutiuii  of  N.  K.  Ulaplet, 
Esj.  of  I'rovidcnrc. 

IT  And  who  ronid  n-k  for  a  licllrr  n-nson  1 

*•  Thi*  wun  ralhcr  (rascoiuidin;;  lor  s<i  rcviTond  a  mnn !  Und  he  lived  since  tho  revulu> 
tionun-  war,  he  wonid  hanlly  liiivc  iii'tiiil  so,  whulevcr  lie  miglil  have  .«niJ. 


Chap.  V.] 


JIATOONAS.— EXECUTED  AT  DOSTOX. 


79 


fi;ivcn  tlio  life  of  one  Sus^mnore-John,  but  another  of  that  name,  still  more 
eonspiciious,  (for  liis  treachery  to  his  own  iiution,)  liero  ])rcsents  himself. 
This  Sagamore -John  was  a  Ni])nnik  sachem,  and  a  traitor  to  his  country. 
On  the  27th  of  July,  1()7(),  douhtless  I'rom  a  conviction  of  the  hopelessness 
ol'  his  cause,  ho  cunie  to  Boston,  and  threw  himself  on  the  mercy  of  the 
English.  They  pardoned  him,  as  he  enticed  along  willi  him  ahout  180 
others.  And,  that  he  might  have  a  stronger  claim  on  their  clemency,  he 
seized  Matoonas,  and  his  son,  against  whom  he  knew  the  English  to  he  great- 
ly enraged,  and  delivered  them  up  at  tiie  same  time.  On  death's  heing  im- 
mediately assigned  as  the  lot  of  Matoonas,  Sagamore-John  reciuested  that  he 
Might  execute  him  witii  his  own  hands.  To  render  still  more  horrid  thie 
story  of  blood,  his  refjuest  was  granted ;  and  he  took  Matoonas  into  the  com- 
mon, bound  him  to  a  tree,  and  there  "shot  him  to  death."  To  the  above  Dr. 
Mather  adds,*  "Thus  did  the  l^ord  retaliate  ujion  him  the  innocent  blood 
which  he  had  slu'd ;  as  lu;  had  done,  so  Clod  rcMpiited  him." 

Akhoiigh  much  had  l)een  alleged  against  John,  before  he  came  in,  af>cr- 
wanls  the  most  fiivoralile  construction  was  put  upon  his  conduct.  Mr.  Hith- 
harii  says,  ho  "allirmed  that  he  had  never  intended  any  nfischief  to  the  Eng- 
lisii  at  JJrookfield,  the  last  year,  (near  which  village  it  seems  his  place  was,) 
Ijiit  that  Pliilip,  (Miming  over  nigi.t  amongst  them,  he  was  forced,  tor  fear  of 
his  own  lili;,  to  jcjin  with  tliem  against,  th(!  English."  f 

MATOONAS  was  also  a  Nipnuik  chief.  A  son  of  his  was  siiid  to  have 
nnirdijred  an  Englishman  in  Ki/l,  when  "traveling  along  the  road,"  which 
i)Ir.  Hubbard  says  was  "  out  ot"  mere  malice  and  spite,"  because;  he  was  "  vexed 
in  his  mind  that  tin;  design  against  the  English,  intetided  to  begin  in  that 
year,  did  not  take  plac(,'."  Thi.s  son  of  Matoonas  was  hanged,  and  afterwards 
beheiided,  and  his  licad  set  u|ton  a  l)ole,  wliere  it  was  to  be  seen  six  years 
alter.  The  name  of  the  murdered  llnglisinnan  was  Zmhanj  SmillL,  a  young 
man,  who,  as  he  was  passing  throuiji  Dedhain,  in  th(!  month  of  Aiiril,  put 
up  at  the  house  of  31r.  Caleb  Church.  About  half  an  hour  alter  he  waa 
gone,  the  ne\t  morning,  three;  Indians  jmssed  the  same  way ;  who,  as  they 
passed  by  Church\'i  house,  beliaved  in  a  very  insolent  mami(!r.  They  had 
been  employed  as  laborers  in  Dorchester,  and  said  thi'y  belonged  to  Philip; 
they  lelt  their  masters  imder  a  suspicious  pretence.  TIh^  body  of  tht>  nnirdered 
man  was  soon  alter  found  near  the  saw-mill  in  J)eilliain,  and  these  Indians 
Were  appr(>hended,  and  one  |tut  to  deatli,  as  is  stated  above.  \ 

Mv.  Hubbard  sup|)oses  that  the  liitiier,  "an  old  malicious  villain,"  bore  "an 
old  grudge  against  tiiem,"  on  the  ac<'oimt  of  the  execution  of  his  son.  And 
the  first  mischief  that  was<h)ne  in  Massachusetts  colony  was  charged  to  him; 
wliicli  was  the  killing  of  foiu'  or  five  persons  at  .U(»i//ort,  a  town  upon  l*aw- 
tucket  liiver;  and,  says /.  .W«//ifr,  "  had  we  wm  /uW  our  ways  as  we  should 
have  dope,  this  mis;!ry  would  have  been  prevented."  § 

When  Midoonas  was  broiiglit  belbre  the  council  of  Maflsaohusctts,  ho 
"conli'ssed  that  he  had  rightly  deserved  (h'ath,  and  coidd  expect  iso  other." 
"lie  had  ollen  seemed  to  favor  the  jtraying  Indians,  and  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, but,  like  Simon  Magus,  by  liis  atler  |)ractice,  tliscovered  quickly  that  ho 
Jiad  no  part  nor  jiortion  in  that  matter."  || 

Tlie  tidlowing  is  the  statement  of  this  aifair  in  the  Oi.n  Indian  CnnoMcr.E. 
John  "deedared  himself  sorry  that  he  had  fought  against  the  Kiiirlish,  and 
jM-omised  to  give  some  testimonial  to  them  soon  of  his  fidelity;  and  at  his 
return  now  with  his  men,  women  and  children,  be  brought  down,  bound  with 
cords,  old  MattoonusMuX  his  son  prisoners.  This.U^.'/ooniw'  eldest  son  had  been 
tried  at  IJoslon,  anil  executed,  .''K)r(!  years  auro,  for  an  i  xecrable  murder  by  him 
comui"ted  on  a  yoimg  maid  *i  of  the  English  near  VVoburn,  and  his  head  was 


*  Mri.f  IliMorvof  llic  Wat,  13. 

\  N.irralivc,  Kit.  Iti>  cdiiiiiii.  If  lliis  l)c  Inic,  PhiiiphnA  llin  rhiof  direclion  in  lhcnmbi.^iiini; 
of  ftiililiinxKii  iiiid  yyiiifliT  lit  Wii'knliiiuir,  US  ri'liiliMl  in  llic  lifo  of  Philip  ,  lull  in  our  op  iiiuit 
iiot  iiiiirli  rrcilll  slioiilil  lii!  );lvcu  in  anv  thing  roiniiii;  fnun  ii  irailur. 

]  Ma'in^rripl  anions  H"-'  lili'»  in  llio  oltii-e  of  tlic  siMrclary  of  the  stale  of  MaMnrbiisolU. 

6  Hri<!f  llisl.  ft.  ■  \\H)M,vil,m. 

11  'I'liis  nnlhor  i<  pviili-mly  in  rrrnr  alionl  Iho  Woluirn  mnrdpr.  Dr.  I  ilfiM.  r  nay*,  Rel.i- 
lion,  7."),  "  Siiiiic  few  privHti'  iniinhcrs  ih' re  hiive  liocn.  as  luunely  llioso  ai  Nnnturkel,  luid 
Unit  liy  Malnums  his  sou,  and  llial  ul  VVoburu."    No  uUicr  parliciilurs  aro  givcu  by  Matltir; 


60 


NETUS.— JIO.NOCO— AILUDERS  AT  ttLDi'.LlCV. 


[\U 


nu? 


fastened  lo  a  polo  at  one  end  of  die  jrallows.  Tliis  old  Mcdiuor.ii.s'  i;  i]-a  ■■  1 ;  r| 
giv(!nitouttliatlie\voidd  be  avenged  of  ns  lor  lii.s  son's  deatii,  wl.icli  ((Muii.;  io 
the  knowledge  ot"  the  couneil,  he  wass  sent  for  and  examined  ubout  it;  i,n(lli:.\;i,.: 
denied  it,  and  there  not  being  siitlicient  evidence  of  it,  he  was  diMiii.-s*  (i, 
liiiving  oiily  <-onlessed  this,  tJKit  co/iA'iV/nu!"-  the  dadh  of  his  son,  he  fuund  1:'.; 
heart  so  l/ig  hoi  within  him,  but  tfuit  he  resolved  to  abide  a  faithful  friend  to  ll.c 
Eiifriisli,  and  so  that  accusation  ended.  ]Jnt  after  sachem  Philip  had  Ix  ;;i;;i 
liis  min-ders  in  I'linionth  colonj',  this  savage  first  ai)])eared  an  r-nemy  to  iis, 
and  slew  the  two  first  in(!n  that  were  killed  within  the  limits  of  onr  colony 
(to  wit,  at  Mendhani)  and  in  that  cruel  and  outrageous  attemiit  at  Quabfiog 
this  old  MattooniLS  was  the  principal  ringleader.  Being  now  brought  a 
prJsou(!r  to  Uoston,  lie  was  by  the  council  the  same  day,  ['^8  July,]  adjudged, 
to  l)e  shot  to  death,  which  was  executed  in  Boston  connnon,  by  thrcje  Indians. 
His  head  was  cut  ofi"  and  jjlaced  upon  a  i)oI'!  on  the  gallows,  o[)positc  to  his 
son's  that  was  tiuire  fi)rmerly  hanged.  His  son,  brought  along  Avith  him, 
remains  still  a  prisoner." 

While  Malooiias  belonged  to  the  Christian  Indians,  liis  residence  ^^•as  i'.t 
Pakaclioog.  llen^  la' was  made  constalile  of  tiie  town.*  On  joining  in  the 
war,  he  led  parties  which  coimnilted  sever.d  depredatiojis.  IN;  joined  the 
main  body  of  the  Nipniuks  in  tlu;  winter  of  J(i75,  when  Jamts  (liianapohit 
was  among  iIkjiu  as  a  s|ty,  who  saw  him  arrive  there  \\ith  a  train  of  fiillow- 
ers,  and  lake  the  lead  in  the  war  dances,  f  Doubtless  (^uunapohiCs  evidence 
drew  |()rtli  the;  coidL'ssioiis  which  he  made,  and  added  to  the  severity  exer- 
cised at  his  execution,  t 

A  Nipmuk  cajHain  we  will  in  the  next  ]ilac(!  notice,  who  makes  a  sudden 
inroad  upon  the  frontier  ot"  .Massachusetts,  und  who  as  suddeidy  dis- 
aj)pears. 

i\KTUS,  on  the  1  I'ebruary,  ](i7(l,  with  jdiont  10  followers,  attacked  the 
house  of  one  iViowa/.s -L'Tmc.?,  4  or.')  miles  beyond  Sudbury,and  took  hisand  his 
son's  limiilies  prisoners.  They  then  destroyed  r-very  thing  upon  his  liirm, 
burnt  u|)  his  house  and  his  barns  with  tla;  cattle  iii.d  corn  in  tlicm,  and 
withdrew  beyond  tin;  reach  ofllie  Mnglish,  as  Tvlosrn  had  done  at  I'.el  Hiver. 
When  this  onset  was  made,  Eanus  himself  was  absent  at  Hoston  to  I'rcicnri! 
unununition.  In  all,  seven  i^  persons  were  killed  or  ll'il  into  tli«'  lamdsofthis 
party  of  Indiims.  About  three  months  afterwiu'ds,  one  ol"  the  childicii  takrn 
at  this  time  escaped,  and  alter  wandering  ;!()  miles  alone  tliroiigb  the  v.  ililcr- 
iiess,  under  extreme  suHi'rings,  arrived  among  the  English  settlements.  On 
the  ','7  iMarcli  il)llo\ving,  Xclus  was  killed  mar  iMarlborougli,  by  a  jKirty  of 
English  under  Lieutenant  Jiuobs,  w  ith  aboul  10  otliers.|| 

VVe  have  yet  to  notice  u  distinguished  iMjiniuk  sachem,  called 
IMONOOO  by  his  countrymen,  lint,  by  the  llnglisli,  generally,  Onr-n/cil- 
John  ;  as  tliougli  deficient  in  the  organs  of  \ision,  which  probably  a\ as  the 
ease,  lie  was,  says  an  early  writer, -a  notidiie  fi'llow,"  who,  when  I'li'lip." 
war  began,  lived  near  Lancaster,  and  consetpaiitly  was  ae<inaintc  i  \.itli 
«nery  |iart  of  the  to\Mi,  which  knowledge  he  ini|iro\cd  to  his  advaniuye,  on 
two  occasions,  in  lliat  wiir.    On  Sun<lay,  "i'i  August,  It  17.''),  a  man,  his  will; 


i    ii 


bill  Ifiihhanl,  ia  the  prrfncp  In  his [Snrrativc. edition  (if  11)77,  snvs,  "a  niiirlluT wasrimuiiiuiil 
n(  riirniiii:;l<)n,  niiollirr  ill  Wnliiini,  l>y  souw!  luiliiuis  in  llivir  (iraakca  liiinuirs  '1|k)»  .i  iiiaiil 
scrvaiU  iir  two,  ulio  (Iriilod  ilii.'iii  diiiik." 

•   KluUliirk's  Uisl.  (•.iiK'ord,  31.  t   I  C"IL  M<:ss.  Hist.  Sor.  vi.20t.. 

{  The  Niiniiuks  wrrc  ;it  (liis  limn  rhietly  imiUr  five  siiclirnis,  wliicli,  Mr.  y/w/i/OTx/  fhvs. 
\v<!ro  "  lour  too  inniiv  to  irovcrii  so  small  a  i>i<i|.lc,"  The  >.iinc  luillior  says,  "  The  Ni|>iu'(s 
wercvaider  the  rommaiid  of  the  siii-licm  of  Sloinil  llci|)<',"  «liiili  fad  is  vpnficd  liv  niniR'roiis 
passnfrcs  of  our  history.  The  names  ofllie  live  priiicipal  sachems  wer«  MoNOCO,  BIautamp, 
Shoshanim,  Matoonas.  and  .Saiiamokk,  JoUN. 

^  According  to  the  Ci'llcii  MSS.  seven  v\err  killed  mid  two  rhildrPti  only  Inkrn.  Thisn^rrrs 
uilh  oar  Cukonki.k,  77.  where  it  is  said  '  lliev  kihed  seven  people  in  a  luirharoiis  niaiiner, 
hikI  ciiiried  some  iiwiiv  niplive."  Iluhhuni.  lU  and  Talile.  says  En  mis'  «ife  was  killed,  and 
his  soifs  wife  (lied  die  next  day,  bat  siivs  nollmifj  ofllie  niiiiiber  killed  or  taken. 

II  ("onipurc  i/wWrnn/,  71)  aiid  111.— 'I'his  was  the  jiHiiir  «hirli  lie  siiys  wiis  done  "when  It 
was  so  dark  that  an  liidiuii  roi.ld  hardly  be  (jiscenied  from  a  better  man."  Hen  11  iOK  111. 
Chap,  II.  <»n  'Jl  Hept.  Ibllowin^s  three" Indiaiii  were  hiin((ed  b»  roiiccrncd  in  the  murder  of 
£unu$'s  faaiily. 


Chap.  V.]  IMON'OCO.— PRAYING  INDIANS  PERSECUTED, 


81 


and  two  cliildrcii  were  killed  at  that  place.*  At  this  time  the  Hassanamesit 
praying  Indians  wi.-ro  placed  ut  Alarlboi-ough  by  authority.  No  sooner  v  -J 
it  known  that  ii  nnnder  was  coniniitted  ai  Lancaster,  than  not  a  few  were 
wanting  to  charge  it  upon  the  llassanainesits.  Captain  Mosely,  who  it  seema 
was  in  the  neighborhood,  sent  to  their  quarters,  and  found  "much  suspicion 
against  eleven  of  them,  lor  singing  and  dancing,  and  having  bullets  and  slugs, 
and  nuich  .owdor  hid  in  tiieir  baskets."  For  t'l;.?  q^ence,  these  eleven  were 
sent  to  Boston  30  August,  on  suspicion,  and  iiiero  tritil.  "  But  upon  trial,  the 
said  prisoners  were  all  of  them  acquitted  fron^  the  i'act,  and  were  either  released, 
or  else  were,  with  others  of  that  fort,  sent  fov  better  se -urity,  and  for  preventing 
future  trouble  in  tlic  like  kind,  to  some  of  the  islands  below  Boston,  towards 
Nantasket."  Fifteen  wtis  the  number  brought  down  to  Boston,  but  eleven 
only  were  suspected  of  the  alleged  offunce.  The  others,  among  whom  were 
Jlbmm  Speen  and  John  C'lioo,  were  taken  along  and  imprisoned,  for  no  other 
reason  but  tlunr  being  accitlentally,  at  that  time,  at  Marlborough,  or  the  critne 
of  being  Indians.  It  appears  sonu!  time  had  elapsed  alter  tlie  murder  was 
comnfittcd,  before  they  wore  svut  down  for  trial,  or  more  probably  they  were 
Mulfered  to  return  lionii!  before  being  sent  to  Deer  Island.  For  Kvluraim 
Turner  ami  fV'dliam  Kent  were  not  sent  up  to  find  out  where  "they  all  \."re," 
and  wliiU  answers  they  coidd  get  from  those  they  siiould  meet,  until  the 
beginning  of  October;  at  wifich  time  tln'se  f'leven  Indians  were  scattered  in 
various  dirt!Ctions,  about  their  daily  callings.  And  all  the  information  Turner 
and  Kent  handed  into  coiu't  was,  that  they  were  thus  disjiersed.  ft'ahan  and 
Mr.  John  H'nt.ion,  vviuj  liad  been  .-iiJiJointed  to  reside  among  those  Indians, 
were  the;  only  persons  (luestioucd.  What  steeps  the  court  took  u|)on  this 
information,  wc;  are  not  informed,  but  they  were  about  this  time  sent  to  Deer 
Island. 

The  nam(!s  of  these  Indians,  concerning  whom  more  particular  inrpiiry 
may  lierealter  bi;  made  by  the  benevolent  antiquary,  it  is  thought  should 
be  given ;  especially  as  they  may  not  elsewhere  be  jjreservc'.  They 
were, 

Old-jtthro  and  two  mma,  Jtmws-thr  printer,  JumesJlcompan(i,Danicl  Mumips, 
Johu  Cijudsqudconct,  John  .Isqur.ncl,  (ito-ri^f  JVons(fiue,iewit,  Thomas  Mamuxon- 
iput,  and  Joseph  Iflitapiiroson,  alias  Joseph  Spoomut. 

After  a  trial  <i('  ;ireat  vexation  to  tli(!.-e  iimoci'iit  Indians,  David,  tin;  main 
witnt!ss  against  tlicm,  acknosvlcdgcui  he  had  per'  "iously  accused  them;  and 
at  tlie  same  time,  a  prisoner  was  brought  in,  win,  testifieil  that  he  knew  One- 
ej/ed-johii  had  committed  the  murder  at  l,ancast(;r,  and  a  short  time  alitor 
another  was  taken,  »vho  confirmed  his  testimony. 

Till  s(!  iii;lians  brought  all  these  troubles  upon  themselves  by  reason  of  their 
attacliiHcut  to  the  F,n;zlish.  It  was  in  their  service  thiii  tlit^y  discovered  and 
C'lpnu'ed  .htdrew,  a  liother  of  Dm  .,  who,  on  being  delivered  to  the  soldiery, 
was  shot  f'y  them  v  ith  ferocious  /reci|)it(Uicy.  Therciore,  wl",!n  the  Lancaster 
nnirder  liai»|iei!ed,<";ipiam//').sT/i/,  having  already  sundry  charges  against  OayiV, 
Ik'IiI  an  iininisitiou  fipoii  him  to  make  him  conli'ss  relative  to  tlie  LancastcT 
atliiir.  The  ine'hod  lak  'U  to  innlic  him  confess,  (agreeably  to  the  desire 
of  his  inquisitors,)  was  this:  the^  bound  him  to  a  tree,  and  levelled  gmis  ut 
his  breast.  In  this  ritnatinn,  to  avi-rt  innnediate  death,  as  well  as  to  ho,  re- 
venged litr  the  death  oi' his  broth  -r,  he  proceeded  to  accuse  the  eleven  Indians 
before  named.  l''or  thus  tidsely  accusing  his  countryme'.,  and  shooting  at  ii 
boy  who  was  looking  alt(  r  sheep  at  Marlborough,  David  was  condemned  to 
slavery,  and  accordingly  sold,  as  was  oik^  of  the  eleven  named  ft'ntiipncoson. 
This  last  act  being  entirely  to  calm  the  clamors  f  th(>  multitude;  alter  ho 
hail  Ihm'U  once  acquitted,  a  new  trial  was  got  up,  iuid  a  new  jury  for  this 
pcrtieidar  end.f 

.Intlnu'n  liistory  is  as  follows:  He  had  been  gone  fr)r  some  time  before  tlio 
war,  (Ml  a  hunting  Mtvnure  t(twar(ls  tin-  lakes;  and  on  his  return  homeward, 
he  tell   in  among  I'hiiiiis  men  about  C|uabaog.     This  was  about  a  month 

•  Tlio  nlxivo  \i  Mr.  Ifiilili:!  ■(/■«  iicciiiml.  Mr.  Williint,  in  his  cxrrlloiit  liistory  of  Liin- 
rnsUr,  y'ves  Us  llio  iii\mi-^  of  six.  iiinl  snvs  fit;lil  were  killcil.  lliil  in  liis  ciiimioraliuu  I  count 
..!< .' .  :iiiil  (Imhiii  s:>ys  si-vi'ii.     Our  Icvl  is  iircorcl'ii);  lo  Hnbliani,  Nar,  30, 

t  'i«:i{iii,  .Maiiuseript  Hist.  Pfiiyini;  Iiiiliwin. 


mk 


m 


^:i 


'i ! 


'^m 


'j'L 

•  it 


.  ml 


g. 


MONOCO.— F I\  E  CHIEFS  EXECUTr^U. 


[Book  III. 


IWiO.*:  1 .: ..  iftuir  at  Lancaster.  Tlio  reason  lie  staid  anioni;  tlic  hostile  Indiaus 
is  vOk-y  obvious:  he  vva:^  alVaid  to  ventufi;  into  the  vieiuity  of  the  whites,  le«t 
they  sliould  treat  liiin  as  an  enemy.  IJnt  as  his  ill  lortune  fell  out,  he  vas 
I'ounil  in  the  woods,  by  his  counlrymen  ol"  Marlborouj,di,  who  conducted  liiiu 
to  tlie  En<,'lish,  by  whom  he  was  siiot,  as  wo  have  just  related.  The  ofli- 
cor  who  i)resided  over  and  directed  this  allair,  would,  no  doubt,  at  any  other 
time,  have  received  a  reward  jjroportionato  to  t!ie  malignity  of  the  offenct! ; 
but  ill  this  horrid  storm  of  war,  many  were  suliered  to  transgress  the  laws 
with  impunity. 

From  one  account  of  this  affair,*  it  would  seem  that  one  of  the  Indians 
seized  by  Moidij  at  this  time  was  actually  <!xecutcd  ;  '*  lor,"  says  the  writer  to 
whom  we  refer,  "  the  commonalty  were  .-o  cnraiied  aj:ainst  Mr.  Eliol,  and 
Capt.  Guggim  especially,  that  Capt.  Gui!;u;ins  said  on  the  bench,  [he  bein;;  a 
judge,]  that  ho  was  alraid  to  go  alonj;  tlie  streets  ;  th(!  answer  was  made,  you 
may  thank  yourself;  however  an  order  was  issued  out  for  tiie  c.\(!Cutiou  of 
that  one  (notorious  above  the  rest)  liulian,  and  accordingly  In;  was  led  by  a 
rope  about  his  neck  to  the  gallows.  When  he  eamo  tiiere,  tlie  executioners 
(for  there  were  many)  llun;;  one  end  over  the  post,  and  so  hoisti'd  him  up 
like  a  dog,  three  or  four  times,  ho  being  yet  liafl' alive,  and  h;df  dead  ;  then 
came  an  Ltdian,  a  Irieiul  of  his,  and  with  his  knile  nuide  a  hole  in  his  breast 
to  his  heiU't,  and  suck.'d  out  Ids  iicart-blood.  iJeing asked  his  reason  tliere- 
ibr,  lus  answer  [wasj  LWt,  Uiiih  nu,  me  stro.igf^r  as  1  was  beibre  ;  me  be  so 
strong  as  me  aiul  he  too;  he  be  ver  strong  man  i()re  he  die.  Thus  with 
the  (log-like  death  (good  enough)  of  one  i)oor  iieatheii,  was  the  people  rage 
laid,  iLi  t'o  ue  measure." 

V/'i  :.c;v3  yet  to  add  a  word  concerning  Mouoco.  When  Quanapohil  was 
out  i^j  \ :-]  V,  .Uotioco  kindly  entertained  him,  on  account  of  l()rnier  ac(|uaint- 
anct;,  .iOt  iuiowing  his  cjiaracter.  They  h;id  pcrvcd  together  in  their  wars 
af'.iii.tit  tlie  Mohawks.  On  10  Feb.  I(i7(),  about  (I(JO  Indians  i'ell  ui)ou 
Liiiicuiter,  mid,  after  burning  tlic!  town,  carried  the  iuiiabitauts  into  captivity. 
Among  them  was  the  tiimily  of  lieverend  Mr.  lioiclamlson.  Mrs.  Eow- 
liindson,  after  her  redemption,  published  an  annising  account  of  tiie  aftiur. 
JMuiwco,  or  One-ei/ed-john,  it  is  saiil,  was  iunoiig  tiie  actors  of  this  traginly. 
On  I'i  March  Ibllowing,  Croton  was  surprised.  In  this  allair,  too,  Jo'ni 
Munoco  was  ]»rincipal;  and  on  his  own  word  we  st't  him  down  as  the  destroy- 
er of  Medfield.  Aih'r  Ik;  had  burned  (Jvoton,  excejit  one  garrison  house,  he 
called  to  the  cajitain  in  it,  and  tohl  him  he  would  burn  in  succession  Cliehus- 
ford.  Concord,  Watertown,  Cambridge,  Charlesl(nvn,  Koxbury  and  Hoston. 
11^  iioasted  much  of  tJK!  men  at  his  command;  said  he  had  480  warriors; 
an  1  added — ''  IVhat  me  will  me.  do."  The  report  ol"  this  visry  much  enragecl 
the  English,  and  occasioned  his  being  entitled  u  •'  bragadoeio  "  by  the  histo- 
rian. At  the  close  of  I'hilij/\'i  war,  with  othtM-s,  be  gave  himself  u|t  to  Major 
Udldron  at  Cochecho;  or,  having  come  in  there,  at  the  recpiest  of  Pctir- 
jdliro,  to  make  pijace,  was  s(!iz(ul  and  sent  to  IJoslon,  where,  in  the  languagi! 
ot' Mr.  7/f''*,'/«r(/,  h(!,  "  with  a  few  more  bragiidocios  like  himseil|  .S'«g,n/iore- 
sam,  Ohl-jdluv,  and  tiie  sachi'iii  ol'  (iuabaog,  [.Maiildinii,^]  were  taken  by  the 
Fiiiglish.  and  was  seen,  (not  long  beibre  the  writing  of  this,)  marching  towards 
th('  gallows,  (through  Huston  streets,  which  1h!  thn  aleiied  to  burn  at  his 
pleasure,)  with  u  halter  aiiout  liis  neck,  with  which  lie  was  hanged  at  the 
town's  end,  !?ept.  '20,  in  this  jiresent  year,  I(i7(»."i 

On  f.'ie  '^4  .Inly,  l(i7r).  Jive  of  tiu^  princijial  Nipmuk  saclieu;-'  signed  an 
agree:!  'Mt  to  meet  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  to  treat  ol' peace  s(ton  aller, 
but  not  u,.|>eariug  according  to  agriM^nu^nt  Captain   /^idWii'/woH  was  sent  out 

*  111  tlie  Indian  CnuoNicr.K,  iJli,  '27. 

f  ('(  'ipnri'  lliililhinl.  A't  ami  7.j. — 'I'hc  sunn',  proliiilily,  railed  Matlawdiiijijir,  wlin.  in 
Ifirt').  \vi,:ie><pil  llic"  siilc  of  llr(iiili;ic'l(l,  Ma-^*.,  dri'ilcil  al  llial  limn  by  n  rliicl'  iiaincil  ,s7m^ 
toitckqri'.  i]/i/H/((Hi;)  cliiiiuoil  an  iuUTosI  in  said  liuiils,  and  rcooivcil  pari  of  llio  pay.— Rev. 
Mr.  /v.  /,'.s-  llUl.  Iirintl,li.  III. 

i  Tlii^,  >ci  r,ir  as  'l  !;"""■.  a.:reps  willi  an  nilry  in  fipxruH's  iMS  INary,  filrd  in  l<lhiUiick'.-> 
Concord,  I i.' — ■•  Siiiriiiiii'i'i'  Sinn  ifot's,  Oik-vi/iI  Juliii,  Miil'.'iiiin  [Minitdiii])]  Sajfainore  ol' 
linalini)!;-.  IJi'iicral  al  l.anraslcr.  &o.  ./.V/im  (llip  CiiiiiT)  walkcil  lo  tlie  ^jallows  Onc-iifil 
Jii'iii  ail'  .OS  y.i-i(wi";-c  Jo'iii  lo  liaw  lircd  ilio  lirsl  •jiiii  ut  tiuahaog  and  killed  ''apt.  Hutch' 
imon." 


_ 


'^:m 


Chap.  V.] 


SIIOSTIANIM.— OLD  JETIIRO. 


S3 


to  ascertain  tlic  causp,  and  was  nnibusliod  by  them,  as  we  have  in  the  life  of 
Philip  related.  At  this  time,  "  Sam,  Hacheni  of  W(  haenm,"  and  Netaump, 
are  particular!}'  mentioned  as  having'  been  Jinnged  ai  IJoston. 

It  was  reported,  (no  doubt  i)y  tli<:  Indians,  to  vex  tlieir  enemies,)  that  Mrs. 
Rowlandson  kad  married  .Wo/foco.  "  JJiit,"  the  autiior  of  the  Prksk.nt  State, 
&e,  says,  "it  was  soon  contradicted,"  and,  "that  she  appeared  and  behaved 
Iifrself  amongst  them  with  so  nincli  courage  and  majestic  gravity,  that  none 
durst  otfcr  any  violence  to  her,  but  on  the  contrary,  (in  their  rude  manner) 
seemed  to  show  her  gri\'U  respect." 

In  the  above  <|uotation  iVom  iMr.  Tluhharil,  we  linvo  sliown  at  what  timo 
several  of  the  Nipmuck  chiefs  were  jiut  to  death  beside  Munoco. 

OliD-JIiTllUO  was  little  lesn  noted,  thougii  of  (piito  a  diflerent  character. 
Hi:f  Indian  name  was  Timlammii.  lie  was  present  at  the  sale  of  Concord 
(Mass.)  to  the  En;,dish,  about  which  time  he  lived  at  Natick.  In  1G74,  he  was 
!  ppciiiited  a  missionary  to  the  Nipmiiks  living  at  Wcshakim,  eince  Sterling, 
but  his  :-tay  there  was  short.*  He  and  his  liunily  (of  about  ]'2  persons) 
Avr'n;  among  thos'.i  ordered  to  Deer  Island,  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  war 
the  next  yo;n%  Their  rcsidtnice  then  was  at  Nobscut  Hill,  near  Sudbury 
iJis  spirit  could  not  brool;  the  indignity  <itl(;red  by  tiiose  Englisli  who  were 
sent  to  conduct  the  praying  bidiaiit;  to  Hoston,  and  in  the  night  he  escaped, 
with  all  his  iiuniiy,  into  his  native  \\ilds.  His  son  Pdcr  had  been  so  long 
iin«ler  tlie  instruction  of  th<^  I'lnglish,  t)iat  he  had  become  almost  one  of 
tin  tn.  H(!  deserf(nl  his  tiither's  cause,  and  \\as  tin;  means  of  his  being  exe- 
cuted with  the  oiii(!r  ?','ijimuk  saclienis  ah'.'ady  mi'ntioni-d.  This  occasioned 
Dr.  I.  Mather  to  say  ol*  him,  "Tiiat  ahcnninabfe  Indian,  Pder-jelhro,  betrayed 
his  own  fdlhn;  tn\ii  other  Indians  of  his  sjiecial  accpiauitancc,  unto  death." 
It  seems  he  had  been  employed  by  the  I'nglish  for  this  j)urpose. 

.Mioiit  a  month  belbrc  the  fall  of  Philip,  th(!  Nipmueks  became  fully 
:i-\v:.;t  o.'"  their  wretched  condition,  wlio,  on  tla;  (J  July,  ](!7(),  sent  an  Indian 
m.T.: 'ni'cr  to  the  Knglisii  with  a  white  iiag.  He  came,  says  oiu- (.'ju-onicde, 
'•.'nim  S(t'xaiiwre  Sam  ol"  IS'assoway  (a  proiul  Salvage,  who  two  months  since 
insulted  over  tlie  Kngli.-sh,  and  s;iid,  il'  the  English  would  first  hegge  Peace 
of  iiim,  he  would  let  them  have  i'eace,  but  that  he  would  never  ask  it  of 
them :)  'i'his  Indian  was  sent  from  him  witii  Letters,  desiring  Peace  of  us, 
and  expressely  praying  us  in  tiie  iiami!  of  Jesus  Christ,  anil  lor  his  sake  to 
gri'.nt  it  whosi;  holy  name  they  have  so  much  blasi)henied.  Thus  doth  the 
Lord  Jesus  make  them  to  how  hei()re  him,  and  to  lick  the  dust.  And  having 
made  jnention  of  !iis  h'tter  it  will  not  he  unacceptable  to  transcribe  some 
copies  of  th(^  Letters  sent  by  iiini.  and  others  on  this  subject,  Mhich  take  as 
)<)llowelli.  The  reader  m\ist  bear  with  tiieir  barbarisms,  and  (^wuse  the 
omission  of  some  cxpressio)is  in  them,  tiiat  can  hardlv  admit  of  good 
English." 


ift(> 


"lii>.  in 
idimI  SIkiI- 
av. — llov. 


"  The  first  Letter,  Jidy  the  6th,  ir.7fl.t 

"  i\Ir.  John  Leverelt,  my  Lord,  IMr.  K'ahan,  and  nil  the  chief  men  our  Breth- 
ren, I'raying  to  (lod  :  [T/ii's  .Vr.  Waban  ,*,'}  a  Prai/Insr  Indian,  faithful,  and  a 
Ruhr  amonst  them  ;  In/  their  lirtlhroi  prai/inir  to  God,  the;/  nuan  those  of  the  samo 
.Vd/iod.]  We  beseech  you  all  to  help  ns ;  my  wife  she  is  but  one,  but  there 
be  more  Prisoners,  which  W(!  pray  you  keep  wi  II :  Mattainuck  his  wiii>,  we 
entreat  you  for  her,  and  not  onely  that  man,  but  it  is  the  Ilecpiest  of  two  Sa- 
chems, Sam  Sachem  of  ffeshid;uni,  and  the  Paknslwafr  Sachem. 

"  And  that  further  you  will  consider  about  tht;  making  i'eace:  We  l)ave 
8i)oken  to  the  People  of  Nashobah  (viz.  Tom  Duhler  lunl  Pc/er,)  that  we  woidd 
agice  with  you,  and  make  a  ("ovenaiit  of  Peace  with  you.  We  have  been 
destroyed  by  your  Souldiers,  but  still  wc  Remember  it  now,  to  sit  still ;  do 

«  Mr.  fflialliirk's  Hist.  Concord,  .TO. 

t  Tilt!  lonor  of  Ihe  tbllowiiiK  lellors,  is  very  (litTi-rciil  from  tiio<p  in  April  previoii«,  wliicli  I 
hm\  (lisiovured  in  Mf?.  mid  printed  in  llie  forinci  cdiiions  of  llio  Hook  ot  the  Indians.  These 
uetc  liien  unknoun  to  nii*. 


84 


SHOSIIANIM.— INDIAN  LETTERS. 


[DOOK  III. 


you  consider  it  nj^nin;  we  do  earnestly  entreat  you,  that  it  may  be  so  li\ 
Jesus  Christ,  O !  let  it  be  so  !  Amtn,  Jlmtn* 
It  was  signed 

Mattamuck,  his  Mark  N. 

Sam  Sachem,  Ms  Mark  '^1'. 

Simon  Pottoquam,  Scribe.j 

Uppanh'paquem,  his  —  C. 

Pakaskokag  his  Mark  '/'." 

"  Superscribed,^^  "  To  all  Englishmen  and  Indians,  all  of  you  hear  Blr.  Waban, 
Mr.  Eliott." 

"  Second  Letter. 

"ftly  Lord,  Mr.  Leveret  at  Boston,  Mr.  Wahan,  Mr.  Eliott,  Mr.  Gookin,  and 
Council,  hear  yea.  I  went  to  Connecticot  about  tiie  Captives,  that  J  mijrht 
bring  th(;m  into  your  hands,  and  wiien  we  were  almo.st  tiiere,  the  Ens;lish  Jiad 
destroyed  tliose  Indians:  wlicn  I  heard  it,  I  returned  back  again;  tlien  when 
I  came  home,  we  were  i:lso  destroyed ;  after  we  were  destroy'd,  thou  Philip 
and  (^uanipim  went  away  into  tlieir  own  Countrcy  againc ;  and  I  knew  tliey 
were  much  afraid,  becauMi;  of  our  ofler  to  joyn  with  the  English,  and  tlicre- 
ibre  they  w<,'nt  back  into  tiieir  own  Countrey,  and  1  know  they  will  make  no 
Warre ;  therefore  because  when  some  English  men  cimn?  to  us,  Philip  and 
(^lumapun  sent  to  kill  them ;  but  1  said,  if  any  kill  tiiem,  I'll  kill  tliem.J 

Sam  Sachem, 

fVrilten  by  Simon  Boshokum  Scribe."  § 

Third  Letter. 

"  For  Mr.  Eliot,  Mr.  Gookin,  and  Mv.  JVaban. 

Consider  of  this  I  entreat  you,  consider  of  this  great  businesse  that  is  done ; 

and  my  wonder  concerning  Philip;  but  his  name  is /rfH'es«/ra)i/ii7,|| 

he  engngcth  all  the  jjcople  that  were  none  of  his  subjects:  Then  when  I  was 
at  Penakook,  .Vumpho  John,  .Oltine,*i\  Snni..Vitmj)ho,  and  others  who  were  angry, 
and  A*»Hi/^/io  very  much  luigry  that  Philip  did  engage  so  many  j)eo])le  to  him; 
and  JVtimpho  said  it  were  u  very  good  deed  that  1  should  go  and  kill  him  that 

*  This  snrpassctli  nny  lliins;,  in  supplicatinn,  llint  uc  have,  from  the  poor  Tiidinns.  Thoy 
were  truly  sciisihif  of  their  (le|iloriil)lo  roiulilioii !  Little  tn  subsist  upon — the  iiorlliern  anil 
western  wilderness  so  full  of  their  native  enemies,  that  a  retreat  upon  those  hunlilig-u-ronnds 
was  cut  oil' — all  th('  llslilna;  places  near  nml  upon  the  coast  watchetl  by  their  siiccessliil 
enemy — lieuc(>  nothiu;;  now  reniaino<l  but  to  try  the  ellect  of  an  olfer  of  unconilitional  sub- 
mission I — This  letter,  however,  must  not  be  resjarded  as  the  languaOT  of  the  warriors,  it 
was  the  lanifuage  of  the  (Christian  Indians,  in  behalf  of  them  and  themselves. 

t  Tlic  luiim;  of  this  saehem  approaching  nearly  in  sound  to  that  of  the  place  since  called 
Worcester,  of  which  ^aij;iiiiwre-J«liu  was  chief,  almost  induces  the  belief  that  he  is  the  same. 
A  sachem  of  thi!  name  bavins^  deedetl  Worcester  to  the  whiles  in  1(J71,  is  additional  proot". 
See  the  elaborate;  history  of  llial  town  by  U  »t.  I.incnln,  Esq.,  now  in  course  of  publication. 

f  This  letter  will  be  regarded  as  an  admirable  specimen  of  Indian  sentiment,  an<l  its  value 
is  much  enhanced,  as  it  unfolds  truths  of  great  value — truths  that  lay  oj)en  the  situation  of 
things  at  this  period  that  will  be  gladly  received.  Sam  was  a  magnannnous  sachem,  So 
was  Mononi.  We  doubt  ii  any  tiling  can  in  truth  be  brought  agc-iist  ei'her,  that  would  not 
comport  widi  a  warrior  of  their  time,  but  they  did  not  come  within  the  limits  of  a  pardon 
offered  in  the  V'roclamation  !  When  messengers  were  sent  to  treat  with  the  Indians  for  the 
redemption  of  iirisoiiers,  to  prevent  the  evil  such  negotiation  was  calculated  to  produce,  and 
which  I'liilip,  <loul)lless,  foresaw,  he  ordered  such  to  be  snmmarily  dealt  with.  Qiiividpoliit 
was  suspected  for  a  spy,  and  Fliilip  had  ordered  him  to  be  killed,  but  Monaco  said,  "  I  will 
kill  whomsoever  shall  Kill  (iiianapoliit."  ffliosluiiiiin  afterwards  said  the  same  when  visited 
by  Mr.  fhar  and  A'l'purirt,  who  were  sent  to  treat  for  the  ransom  of  Mr.  Roiclamlsoji's  fam- 
ily. "  If  any  kill  Ihem,  I  will  kill  them,''  that  is,  lie  would  kill  the  murderer.  P'U  these  kind 
offices  were  forgotten  in  the  days  of  terror ! 

^  The  s.unc  person,  whose  name  to  the  hist  letter  is  spelt  Poltoquam,  and  in  Book  ii.  Chap, 
vii.,  lietoknm 

11  This  stands  in  the  MH.  records,  Wfwasotrantii'll.    See  Rook  iii.  ("hap,  ii. 
Tl  There  is  some  error  roiicerniiig  this  person's  name.     Jolin  IL  I.iiir  means  the  same  per- 
son, I  think,  in  (uinhin's  MS.  history.     See  Hook  ii.  t.'hap.  vii.  j  an  account  of  several  otlicrs 
licrc  mentioned  may  there  also  be  found. 


[DOOK    III. 

■  be  so  lt\ 


ark  N. 
lark  'l'. 
,  Scribe.^ 
s  —  C. 
ark  •]•:'" 

h:  Wabau, 


lookiii,  and 
lat  J  nii<rlit 
jiiglbh  had 
tlicn  wlion 
lion  Philip 
knew  they 
and  there- 
II  make  no 
Philip  and 
lein.f 
Sachem, 


lat  is  done ; 

[esffira?!Hi7,|| 

vlion  I  waa 
■TO  anjfry, 
le  to  him; 

11  him  that 


Ills.  Thcv 
orllirrn  ami 

'  snrci'ssl'iil 
ilioiial  sul)- 
warriors,  it 

since  called 
is  ilie  same. 
llonal  proof. 
iiililicatioii. 
:iii(l  its  value 
siiiialioii  of 
aclicm.  So 
1 1  would  not 
of  a  |)ar(lon 
lians  for  the 
)ro(lucr,  and 
(iiiiiihipoltit 
iaid,  "  I  will 
when  visited 
7>itsoii'.s  fam- 
it  these  kind 


lok  ii.  Chap. 


Chap.  VLJ 


SIIO.SHANIM.— AMOS. 


85 


10  same  ni 
jveral  ollii 


icr- 


joyned  so  many  to  himself  without  cause :  In  like  manner  1  said  so  too. 
Tlien  had  you  formerly  .said  be  at  j)eace,  and  if  the  Comicil  had  sunt  word 
to  kill  Philip  we  siioiild  have  done  it :  then  let  us  clearly  s[)cak,  wliat  you 
and  we  shall  do     O  let  it  be  so  sjieedily,  and  answer  us  clearly. 

PUMKAMUN, 
Po.VNAKPCKUJV, 

or,  Jacob  Muttajiakooo." 

"Tlie  answer  the  Council  made  them,  was,  'That  treacherous  j)cr,sons 
who  began  the  war  and  luoae  that  have  been  barbarously  bloody,  niii.st  not 
expect  to  have  their  lives  spared,  but  others  that  have  been  dra^vn  into  tlio 
war,  and  acting  onlyas  Souldiers  sulmiitting  to  be  without  arms,  and  to  live 
quietly  and  peaceably  4br  tlie  future  siiall  have  their  lives  spared.'" 

Sagamore  Sam  was  one  of  those  that  saclced  Lancaster,  10  February, 
.107G.  His  Indian  name  was  at  one  time  Shoshanim,  but  in  PhUip''s  war  it 
appears  to  have  lx?en  changed  to  Uskatuhgim ;  at  least,  if  Ik;  be  the  same,  it 
was  so  subscribed  by  Pekr-jethro,  when  the  letter  was  sent  l)y  the  Indians  to 
tlie  English  about  the  exchange  of  Mrs.  Ttowlandson  and  others,  as  will  be 
found  in  the  lil'e  of  J\l'cpand.  He  was  hanged,  as  has  been  before  noted. 
Shoshanim  was  successor  to  Mntlhew,  who  succeeded  Sitolan, 

This  last-mentioned  sachem  is  jirobably  referred  to  by  the  author  quoted  in 
Mr.  Tlwrowgooifs  curious  book.  In  tlic  smniiier  of  IGo'i,  Xleverend  John  Eliot 
intended  to  visit  thcNasIiuas,  in  his  evangelical  capacity,  but  un(I(.'rstanding 
there  was  war  in  that  direction  among  tlie  Indians,*  delayed  his  journey  for  a 
time.  The  ,«aciiem  of  Nashua,  hearing  of  Mr.  ElioCs  intention,  "took  20 
men,  armed  after  their  manner,"  as  his  guard,  with  many  others,  and  con- 
ducted him  to  his  country.  And  my  author  adds,  "this  wa.s  a  long  journey 
into  tlie  wilderness  of  (iO  miles:  it  proved  very  wet  and  tedious,  so  that  he 
was  not  dry  three  or  four  days  together,  riight  nor  day."  f  One  of  tiic  Indians 
at  this  time  jtskcd  Sir.  Eliot  wl  y  those  who  prayed  to  (Jod  among  the 
English  loved  the  Indians  thati-'ayed  to  d'od  "  more  than  their  own  breth- 
ren." The  good  man  seemed  some  at  a  loss  for  an  answer,  and  waived  the 
subject  by  several  scriptural  quotations. 

AV(!  may  be  incorrect  in  the  siq)i)osition  that  the  sachem  who  conducted 
Mr.  Eliot  on  this  occasion  was  Sholan,  as  perhaps  Passaconaway  would 
suit  tJie  time  as  well. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Fricmllij  Indiana — CatTain  Amo.s — Pursues  Taloson  and  Pcnarhason — Escapes  the 
shiiiglUcr  at  Pnwtuckrt — Commands  a  rnmpanij  in  tlir,  eastern  irar — Cattain 
Lir. iiTi-oor — His  srrrircs  in  Philip's  irnr — In  the  eastern  war — Kkttf.nanit — 
His  srreires — Qiannapoiht — His  important  services  as  a-  spy — Mautamp — 
Monaco — Nkpankt — Emploi/id  to  trcatvilh  the  enemy — lirimfs  letters  from  them — 
Effects  an  exchange  of  prisoners — Pkikk  Co.nway — Petek  Ephraim. 


commonly  called  Captain  .^mos,  was  a  Wampanoag,  whose  residence 
Cai)e  Cod.     We  have  no  notice  of  him  imtil  Philip\i  war,  at  which 


AMOS,  com 

tiin(!  he  was  entirely  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  English.  After  the  Plim- 
oiith  people  had  f()und  that  Taloson  was  concerned  in  the  destruction  of 
Clark\'i  garrison,  they  sought  for  some  li'iendly  Indians  who  would  under- 
take to  d(!liv(!r  him  and  his  abettors  into  their  hands.  Captain  ,^mos  ten- 
dered his  services,  and  was  duly  commissioned  to  prosecute  the  enterprise, 

*  hi  Kin,  throe  biilians  wore  killed  between  Qiiabaog  and  SprinsTfiold.  by  otlicr  bidians. 
Tlio  M(-\l  year,  fivi'  nihris  wire  lvi!locl  alxnit  iiiiiUwiy  bolwooii  (iiiii!iao!f  aiKl  l.iinoiisler. — 
i\'intlirnp'.i  Ji.nnnl,  {^uriiiir'x  eil.)     Surli  inslaiioos  wore  coniiiion  aniony  Iho  Indians. 

t  Sure  Ar^iiinonl-;  1(1  prove  that  tlie  .lew-i  inhaliit  now  in  .\\norira.— Hv  Tlwimis  Tltnrow- 


■:  -tell' 


jrnod,    llo.  i.oiidon.  Itj.j.'.     ?>ir  Ji 
THE  Americans  no  Jews. 


L'Estr 


uiibwcrcd  this  hook  by  uiiolhcr,  entitled 


80 


TN'Di.w  srt! \T\(;inis,— i,t(;ff TiYio: 


fn.x.K  rii. 


and  to  t(ilu>  into  tlint  .-(Mvii-c  miiv  <>\'  his  iViriHls.  I\Ic7iiifiiii( ,  Tiilimm  \\m\  fled. 
f<»  l'!li/:ilictll  Isl.Miul,  ill  coiiiiiMliy  witli  I'diarhnnoti,  !iii<iflirf  cliicl'  \vlii>  \vii« 
nisii  lo  Ito  tdkt'ii,  \\'  lie  cniild  In-  ruiiiid.  'I'liiH  I'diiirhmtdn  wiiH  proliiililv  Tdlo- 
ii()ii\i  linillicr's  son,  soiiiclinics  cmINmI  Tom,  who,  if  thi>  hjiimc,  whs  iiIso  fit  fho 
ih'Hlioyinif  ol"  Clntl's  ;,f;in-isiiM.  Xrt  the  wily  rhirls  rhidcd  the  vifrihiiicr  of 
('iilitnin  ./mo.'!,  hy  llyiiii;  (ri)!M  th'it  ri'v,ioii  iiiti)  llir  NipmiikM"  I'oimtry,  whcro 
they  joined  /'hlli/i. 

'I'll  ciironniiic  :;n>tit('r  cxcilion  on  Ihc  jiiirt  of  th(^  CrM'iully  Indiiiii.w,  to 
cxciMitc  llicir  coiiimissioii,  il  \v;is  ordered,  thiit  in  eiise  they  ciiiiliired  iiiiil 
I'ronsrht  in  .ither  Taloxon  or  I'cii'irliu.idii,  "ihey  niiiy  <'\|)ect  for  their  rewiird, 
lor  eiieh  wf  them  I'oin'  eojils,  mid  ii  eoat  apiece  (or  every  other  liidiiiu  that 
shall  prov<<  inereliaiitalile." 

We  jifive  mentioned  in  a  li)riiier  <diapter  the  horrid  cntastroplie  of 
Caplaiii  I'cirsv  and  Ids  men  al  I'aw tiiekel.  C.iplain  .liiion  escaped  lliat 
dreiuirnl  slansrhter.  lie  liniLdil  there  with  *i()  of  his  warriors,  and  m  hen 
<'a|ttain  /Viiw  was  shot  down  hy  a  liall  which  wounded  him  in  tin'  tliifrh, 
lie  stood  hy  his  side,  an<l  deti'iided  him  as  lonir  n^^  lliere  was  a  sjl'-am  ol' 
hope.  Al  leiiulh,  seeinjf  nearly  all  his  Iriends  slain,  with  admirahle  preseiici! 
ol"  mind  he  made  his  escape,  hy  the  liillowin;;  sniille  siratasrem : — 

.VJ(/n/»f/<'//m>',s' warriors  hud  hlackened  their  faces,  wliiidi  ('aplnin  .Imos  had 
ohserved,  and  hy  means  of  po>\der  contrived  lo  discolor  his  own  niKdiservcil 
hy  them.  Wlii'ii  he  had  done  this,  he  nianaired,  hy  a  dextrous  iiiaiMeiivre, 
lo  pass  amoiii,'  the  enemy  for  one  ot'  them,  and  hy  thesis  means  escaped. 

What  were  (\')plain  .linos's  other  acts  in  this  war,  if  .•my,  we  have  not 
hviriied  ;  »ior  do  we  meet  aj^Min  with  him  until  lt!H!>.  In  that  year,  he  went 
^ithCol.  <7u(»vA  air.'iinsl  tiie  eastern  Indians  and  l'"reiicii,  in  whi<di  expedi- 
tion he  also  had  the  rominaml  of  a  I'ompaiiy.  Vltnrrli  arrived  with  liin 
forces  in  Sept.  at  Casco,  now  I'ortiand,  and,  haviniu'  landed  secri'tly  under 
cover  ot"  the  niifht,  surprised,  on  the  followins^  morninjr,  ;ihoiit  four  limidicd 
Indians,  who  had  come  to  destroy  the  place.  Althonirh  the  Indians  did  not 
receive  nmclidamaire,  yet,  (io\-eriior  Siillivnn  says,*  the  whole  eastern  conntiy 
wan  saved  hy  the  timely  arrival  of  thi.s  expedition.  In  the  fii;lil  alCasco, 
yi  Septemher,  ei,<,dit  of  the  llmilish  were  killed  and  many  wounded.  Two  of 
<'iiptaiii  .7(»(),i','(  men  were  hadly  womided,  and  Sinn  .l/ow,?,  another  friendly 
Indian,  was  killed.  There  was  another  Indian  eompaiiy  in  this  expedition, 
eommaiided  hy  Captain  />(»»n7,  out  ol' \>hieh  one  man  was  killed,  who  was 
i}^  ^"a^ml)nth  on  ("ape  Cod.-t- 

M( J iriT'( )()'!',  of  the  trihe  of  the  Siykonates,  <listin,!,mished  in  I'liilipn 
war.  was  also  in  the  service  imder  Chuirli  at  ("asco  ;  ;i  memorahle  expedition, 
on  more  than  one  account.  One  circumstance  we  will  name,  as  it  well  iiijrii 
proved  the  ruin  of  the  iindertakiiiL'.  When,  on  the  followini,'  niorniii!;-,  aller 
(he  arrival  of  liie  force's,  the  attack  was  hei;nn,  it  was,  to  the  inexpressihle 
surprise  ol' the  l''n!;lisli,  found,  that  llie  hnllets  were  much  lari;ir  tliaii  the 
(■alihre  of  their  ifims.  Tiiis  was  ji  most  «>.xlrHordiiiary  mid  iMiaccountahle 
ocei'.rreiice.  and  srr(>at  hianie  was  charjjeahle  somewhere,  la  this  wretched 
dilemma,  the  fiirht  liaviiiir  already  hetinii,  Clntirh  set  some  at  work  makinir 
the  hiillels  into  shins,  liy  which  resort  he  was  ahle  lo  coiitiniie  the  linht.  It 
heinj;  lii^rh  water  at  tlie  time,  an  estuary  separated  the  hattle-iironiid  tiom  the 
town.  The  hnllets  were  to  he  carried  to  the  army  eii<ra<red,  in  hiickeis,  after 
beinjj;  hammered.  When  the  first  recruit  of  shiirs  was  made  up,  Colonel 
(liiiirh  mil  with  it  lo  the  water's  edjre,  and,  not  carim,'  to  Nciitnre  himself  to 
wade  across,  called  to  tho.so  on  the  other  side  to  send  someone  to  take  it  over 
to  the  army.  None  appeared  Itnt  Lishlfotil.  This  Indian  dexironsly  repassed 
the  estuary,  with  a  ipiaiitity  of  powder  upon  his  head,  and  a  "  kettle"  of  hiil- 
let,s  in  each  liiuid,  and  tlnis  the  fii;hl  was  maintained,  and  the  otieiny  put  to 
Hijlht. 

In  Philip's  war,  Liffhtfoofs  exploits  were  donl)tless  very  niimerous,  hut  few 
of  them  have  come  dowit  to  us.  He  volunteered  to  fii;lit  for  th<>  l''iii;lisli,  lit 
. //<v(,s7m»iA',<  irreat  dance  at  ]?n/./ard's  Hay,  already  meiitione'd.  When  Liltlc- 
f i/M  was  taken  at  Ciishnet,  in  1(!7(!,  Liirhtjool  was  sent  with  liim  to  what  i.s 


Hist.  Dhti-icl  <^i'M,  i:i,\  lOJ. 


t  MS.  kuor  oir;i|ili\ni  Rissci  of  the  expedition. 


fnooK  rii. 


ClIAP.    VI.] 


KATTr-NANIT.— EASTERN  WAll. 


87 


Insmi  liiiil  f1(>(I 
licC  who  WHS 
ohiihly  I'alo- 
IIM  nIsK  (if  (lie 
vii,nliiMcc  of 
iiiilrv,  \vli(Tn 

y   liiiliiiiis,  to 

tipliii'cil  iiriil 

llicir  iTwiird, 

liiiliiiii  tli.'it 

t;istrr>|i|i('  of 
sc;i|ic(l  lliiil. 
s,  iiiid  wlii'ii 
ill  till'  tliiirli, 
(  !i  i;'l''aiii  of 
lilc  |in'S('iici> 

lin  .■ImoH  liiiil 
I  iinoliHci'vcil 

lllillldMh  I'C, 

I'scnpcd. 
vc  liMvc  not 
ciir,  lie  went: 
liicli  <'\|i('(li- 
<'il  with  iii.s 
crclly  iiikIci- 
Mil-  iiiiiiih'cd 
liiiiiH  did  nut 
-tiTii  coiiiitiy 
;lit  at  ("jisco, 
1(1.  Two  of 
thcr  (Viriidly 
■i  ('.NiicdilioM, 
I'd,  wlut  was 

I  in  rhtll/i'.i 
1'  fxpcdition, 
it  well  niirh 
lornitijr,  alicr 
iii('.\'|ir('Hsilii(! 
U'T  than  thi- 
laccoiiMtalilc 
lis  \Mi'tclii'd 
■oi'i<  iiiakiiii; 
he  li-;!!!.  Jt 
lid  ri'Diii  tlic 
iickcts,  alii-r 
lip,  Colonel 
('  hiinsclt'  to 
laki!  it  over 
isly  repassed 
tic  "of  biil- 
leniy  put  lo 

tins,  hilt  few 
Kiijflish,  at 

riieii  Lilllc- 
to  wliiit  is 

!  expcdilioii. 


now  ciilifd  Pidnwr^H  Islamic  niiiir  IIk;  iiiontli  of  (yiisliiKJt  River,  wlioro  Ih;  lield 
liiiii  ill  fjiiiird  until  lie  could  Ik;  safely  ei)iidiu;ted  to  Fiiinoiitli.  About  tlio 
tiiiii;  Jlkkompoin  was  killed,  and  J'hillji'n  wU'f  iiiul  won  wiin;  liikeii,  ('hurch 
^'iivi;  liiiii  II  ('ii|itaiii'H  <-<>iniiiiHsioii,  itihr  wliirli  In;  iiukU;  hcvim'uI  HiiceesHfiil 
t'xpeditionH. — VVc  now  pass  toi-liarai'tei'H  liilli(;i'ti)  lij.sis  known,  tlioiif^h  perhupH 
of  nion;  inti^n^st. 

Very  little  was  known  of  (•(Mtain  iiiiporlaiil  cliaracterH  anioiif^  tlio  friondly 
Indians  of  MasMaeliusetls,  which  slioiih'.  Imvc  by  no  Mieaiis  biien  ovorlook(!(l, 
until  tJH!  discovery  of  !\lr.  (Idohiri's  iiiannscript  iiistory  of  tlio  (iriiyinf^ 
Indiiins,  not  lonf(  sinctj,  and  to  wliicii  wo  iiavo  ollen  nifiirriid  iiircudy.  Wo 
hIihII,  tlierel(>re,  devote;  the  n;inaind(;r  of  tlio  present  clmjiter  to  their  history. 

JOU  KA'l"rKNANIT  seems  first  to  doinaud  uttention.  lie  was  u  (Jhristiiin 
Indian,  and  lived  hoiih;  time  at  Natick,  lint  was  ut  one  time  a  preach(;r  ut 
iMaj^'iinko;;,  and  bek»n},'e(l  oriffinally,  wo  believi),  to  HaHsanainosit.  However 
that  may  havi;  been,  it  is  cenaiii  he  lived  jIkm'o  in  the  lM;f;iiininji;  of  PAi/t/)',t 
war,  when  that  chief's  nun  mMd(;  a  d(;sceiit  ii|ion  tlio  |)lii(re,  with  tin;  intention 
of  carryinj?  away  those  (,'liristian  Indians  prisoners.  Jolt  iiinde  his  escajie 
from  them  at  this  tiiii<  .  and  came  in  to  the  ICn^dish  at  JVlendon.  lie  had  still 
three  children  in  ti  leiny's  IimikIs,  and  lu;  was  willin;,' to  run  any  v<;ntiire 
to  release  lliem.  .  iieri  lore  applied  tiir  and  obtained  a  pass,  assiirin;^'  liiiri 
.saliily,  jirovided  that,  in  his  return,  he  should  liill  into  tin;  IiiiikIs  of  the  I'iiif?- 
lisli  scouts.  IJi'sides  liheratiii;;  his  children,  considerablo  hopes  were  enter- 
'aincd,  that  he  mi<.di(  be  enabled  to  furnish  information  of  tin;  enemy.  It 
nnliii'tunately  happen(;d,  that,  lielon;  he  had  passed  tin;  i'rontier,  lie  li.;ll  in 
with  some  I'lnfflii'h  soldiers,  who  tn'at(;d  him  as  a  jirisoner,  and  iv*  enemy, 
oven  liikiii!!;  fi-oni  him  his  clothes  and  ffiin,  si'iidin^  him  to  the  st>Vf"'"<"'  of 
Uosion  ;  '■  who,  more  to  satisly  tiii!  clamors  of  the  ju;opJe  than  for  any  otiiineo 
coinmifted,"  assifrned  him  to  the  common  jail,  wli(;r(;  ho  suiferedexeeediiif^ly; 
liinisclf  and  many  oth(;rs  beiiifr  crowded  info  a  narrow  and  filthy  jiIium;.  Af- 
t(;r  about  lhr(;e  W(;eks,  h  •  was  taken  out  and  sent  to  Deer  Island.  The  (rlani- 
■ors  of  tin;  jieoph;  wen;  indeed  liiffh  at  this  time,  and  many  accused  Major 
<ioo/,-in,  \vi;o  jiave  him  tin;  [lass,  of  b(;iiig  guilty  of  iiirnishing  the  (snomy  with 
int(;Hi<r(;nce. 

After  the  Narra^riuisct  fifiht,  l!>  December,  Ki/.'i,  the  I'iiif^lish  were  very 
nnxious  to  <rain  iiiliirmation  n;lativ(;  to  the  position  of  tlu;  enemy,  undaecord- 
jiiirly  instructed  IMajor  (loafdn  to  iisi;  bis  endeavors  to  ein|iloy  some  friendly 
Jndiaii  spies;  who, after  considerable  neprotialioii  lunonf;;  those  at  D(;or  Island, 
('iifiaircd  Job  a!:aiii,  and  Junw.i  (^udnnnjuthil,  alias  i^uumipnwr.  Their  reward 
was  to  be //'re  pounds  api(;c(; !  They  ilcpartcd  u|ion  this  servii-e  before  day, 
the  ;U)fli  of  December,  and,  diirin;?  thi;ir  mission,  behaved  with  f^roat  pru- 
dence, and  brou<.dit  valuabh;  intiirination  to  tin;  I']n^lish  on  their  return;  but 
which,  from  intestiiii;  bickerings  among  tlu;  English,  turned  to  small 
account. 

Jdini's  ^^»rtn?i«/)o/n7  returned  y4th  of  .fanuary  f()llowing,  luiarly  worn  out  and 
liiiiiished  ;  having  tra\clled  about  80  mill's  in  that  cold  season,  upon  snow- 
shoes,  the  snow  lieiiig  very  deep.  The  iiiliirmation  which  he  gave  was  writ- 
ten down  by  Major  (jiio/iiii.*  ^v.iiong  otli(;r  matters,  he  statiul  that  tlio  ene- 
my had  taken  up  their  (piarleir  in  different  iiliiciis,  jirobalily  near  Scattacook  ; 
and  many  otli(;rs,  including  the  Nipiiiiiks,  about  M(;iiumesse.  The  Narra- 
gaiiscis  had  not  yet  joined  Philip  openly,  but  while;  James  and  Job  were  atiiong 
the  Nipmiiks,  mess(;ngers  arrived  fi"oiu  Narraganset  which  gave  them  much 
joy,  liir  they  «.'.\pr(!ssed  an  ardent  desire  to  join  them  anil  Philip  in  prosecut- 
ing tin;  war.  They  said  their  loss  in  the  griiat  swamp  light  was  small.  In 
three  Weeks,  Jamt'S  learned,  they  would  assault  Lancastt;r,  which  uccordingly 
came  to  pass,  upon  the  v(;ry  day  which  lit;  said  they  intended  it.  He 
learned  and  thus  divulged  their  |)lans  to  a  great  extent.  A  circumstance  now 
occurred  which  tibligcd  him  to  make;  his  escape,  wiiich  was  this:  He  fiamd  a 
iiiend  and  protector  in  Mavlamp,]    one  of  the  Niiimuk  chief's,  who,  it  seems, 


■41 


^^ 


*  r\u'  simic  iml.lisluMl  in  Col/.  Mn.s.  I  list.  S:><\  1.  vi.  JOS— 2()8. 

t  'I'lio  SiUiu'.  i)ri)l>eilily,  ciillod   .\iiiiiiiiip.  wlio  was   at'tcrwards  executed  at  liiislon,  at  the 
»mi)'.'  liiiu'  ivilli  t^<\::^niiiort-Siun.    Wee  UiuutirJ,  'io. 


s>rvj 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


.4. 


1.0 


I.I 


[f  i^  IIIIIM 

•^  1^    III  2.2 
^    1^    12.0 


1.8 


1.25      1.4 

1.6 

^1 

6"     - 

► 

% 


V] 


>> 


">> 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRHT 

WBBSTER.N.Y.  14580 

(716)  672-4S03 


i/j 


88 


KATTENANIT. 


[Book  hi. 


intended  shortly  to  visit  Philip;  and  insisted  that  QuannapoTiit  shijld  ac- 
company him,  and  it  was  witli  no  small  difficulty  he  was  ahle  to  elude  the 
vigilant  eye  of  Mautamp,  and  make  his  escape,  which,  however,  was  effected 
only  hy  a  cunning  stratagem,  as  follows: — He  told  Mavlamp  that  he  had 
fbught  against  Philip  in  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  that  Philip  knew 
him,  and  that,  unless  he  could  go  to  him  with  some  important  trophy,  Philip 
would  not  believe  him,  and  would  immediately  kill  him.  And  moreover, 
Tukapeidllin  had  privately  told  him  that  Philip  had  given  out  word  that  cer- 
tain praying  Indians  ehoidd  be  sought  after,  and,  if  possible,  seized  and 
brought  to  him;  for  he  wanted  to  put  them  to  death  in  a  cruel  manner,  with 
his  own  hands,  and  that  he  was  one  of  them.  He  therefore  told  Maviamp 
that  he  wonld  go,  iii  tiie  first  place,  and  kill  some  English,  and  take  their 
heads  along  with  him,  and  then  he  should  consider  himself  safe.  This 
being  consented  to,  he  lost  no  time  in  retracing  liis  steps  to  the  frontiers  of 
the  English. 

He  mentions  Monaco,  ov  One-eyed-john,  as  a  great  captain  among  the  ene- 
my, who  also  treated  him  kindly,  and  entertained  him  iu  his  wigwam  during 
his  stay  there ;  they  being  old  acquaintance,  having  served  together  in  their 
wars  against  the  Mohawks,  ten  years  before.* 

And  here  also  Mr.  Gookin  gives  a  favorable  account  of  .Wonoco.  Philip  had 
ordered  that  the  jiersons  above  named  should  be  brought  to  him,  if  taken 
alive,  "that  he  might  put  them  to  some  tormenting  death,  which  had  hitherto 
been  prevented  by  the  care  and  kindness  of  a  great  captain  among  ihem, 
named  John-mth-one-eye,  belonging  to  Nashua,f  who  had  civilly  treated  and 

Erotected  James,  and  entertained  him  at  his  wigwam,  all  the  time  of  his 
eing  there."  f 

Job  was  requested  to  come  away  with  Q^uanapohit,  but  saw  no  way  of 
getting  away  his  children,  which  was  a  main  object  with  him.  He  knew, 
too,  that  James  could  give  all  the  information  they  both  possessed  at  that 

Iieriod,  and  not  considering  himself  in  imminent  danger,  preferred  to  tarry 
onger. 

At  Wancxit,  or  Manexit,  they  fell  in  with  seven  Indians,  who  took  them 
and  conveyed  them  about  twenty  miles,  across  the  path  leading  to  Connecti- 
cut, northward  from  Uuabaog.  These  were  some  of  the  Quahmsits  and 
Seguncsits.  At'  this  place  were  throe  towns  which  contained  about  300 
warriors  well  armed.  Here  they  were  threatened  with  death,  their  mission 
being  truly  guessed.  But  going  to  the  wigwam  of  One-eyed-john,  "  Sagamore 
of  Nashua,"  or  Monaco,  ho  charged  his  gun  and  said,  "I  will  kill  whom- 
Boever  shall  kill  (^utnapohit."  §  Some  said  he  had  killed  one  of  Philip's 
couMsclloi-s  11  at  Mount  Hope,  and  Philip  had  hired  some  to  kill  him;  also 
James  Speen,  Andrew  Pitimy,  Cajitain  Hunter,  Tlwmas  Quanapohit,  and  Peter 
Ephrmm.  On  being  ordered  to  visit  Philip,  ^^Job  and  he  pret«!nded  to  go  out 
ununting,  killed  three  dear  (piickly,  and  j)erceiving  they  were  dogged  by 
some  other  Indians,  went  over  a  pond  and  lay  in  a  swamp  till  before  day,  and 
when  they  had  prayt-d  together  he  ran  away."  Job  was  to  return  to  tho 
enemy,  and  tell  them  that  James  ran  away  becatise  they  had  threatened  to 
kill  him.  Job,  not  being  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  concluded  to 
remain  longer  for  the  end  of  ransoming  his  children,  as  we  have  said.  Ho 
retiu-ned  to  the  English  in  the  night  of  the  J)th  of  Ftibruary,  and  said,  as 
Jamrs  had  before,  tliat  on  the  next  day  Lancaster  woidd  be  attacked,  for  he 
kn(!W  about  four  biuidred  of  the  enemy  were  aln^ady  on  their  march,  and  it 
so  resulted.  He  further  informed  the  English,  that  the  enemy  would  shortly 
attack  Medfield,  Grotou,  Marlborough,  and  oth(si'  places,  and  that  the  Nar- 
rugansets  had  joined  Philip  and  tho  Nipmuks. 

While  Jams  was  there,  "  a  Narrogans«'t  brought  to  them  one  English  head : 
they  shot  at  him,  and  said  the  Narragauseta  were  the  English  friends  ull  last 


•  Of  lliis  war  we  Imvo  (riven  nn  ncroiinl  in  Book  II.  clinp.  III. 
t  Ciilk'il  siifjuiiKiro  of  Nnsliua,  ill  llii;  Cotton  muiiusinpls. 
i  Hi!<t.  I'rii^'iiif;  Inilinns. 
11  lli'fiTriii^  pruljubly,  to  TiiGUC.    See  Uook  HI.  ciiup.  II. 


^  Col  tun  ManuKripU. 


[Book  hi. 

it  sh'.jld  ac- 
to  elude  the 
was  effected 
that  he  had 
Philip  knew 
rophy,  Philip 
id  moreover, 
ord  tliat  cer- 
,  seized  and 
nanner,  with 
jld  Mavtamp 
i  take  their 
safe.  TJiis 
frontiers  of 

ng  the  ene- 
wani  during 
lier  in  their 

Philip  had 
ini,  if  taken 
had  hitherto 
«ong  ihem, 
treated  and 
time  of  his 

no  way  of 

He  knew, 

ised  at  that 

red  to  tarry 

took  them 

)  Connecti- 

iimsits  and 

uhout  300 

cir  mission 

Sugamoro 

U  whom- 

Philifa 

him;  also 

and  Peter 

to  go  out 

ogged  by 

day,  and 

irii  to  the 

atoned  to 

eluded  to 

Kaid,    IIo 

Kiiid,  as 

d,  for  ho 

li,  and  it 

d  siiortly 

tlie  Nar- 

i.sh  Jicad : 
all  last 


IKfipU. 


Chap.  VI.] 


KATTETANIT. 


summer.    Afterwards  two  messengers    came    with   twelve  heads,  craving 
their  assistance,  they  then  accepted  them."  * 

Before  he  left  the  enemy,  he  appointed  a  place  of  safety  for  his  children, 
and  sundry  others  of  his  friends,  captured  at  Hassanamesit,  where  he  would 
afterwards  meet  and  conduct  them  to  the  English,  lie  therefore  petitioned 
the  council  for  liberty  to  meet  them,  which  was  granted.  But  he  now  had 
new  difficulties  to  encounter,  owing  to  "  the  rude  temper  of  tliose  times,"  as 
one  of  the  wise  men  of  that  age  expressed  it.  f  Although  both  these  men 
had  acquitted  themselves  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  authorities  who 
sent  them  forth,  yet  the  populace  accused  them  of  giving  information  to  tlie 
enemy,  and  that  they  were  secretly  theu*  advisers,  or  else  they  hud  not 
returned  in  safety ;  to  appease  which  they  were  confined  again  to  the  island. 
This  so  interfered  with  the  time  set  by  Job  to  meet  his  children  and  friends, 
that  great  sufferings  overtook  them,  as  well  as  himself;  and  he  knew  not 
that  ever  he  should  have  an  opportunity  to  see  his  children  again.  But  it 
much  sooner  happened,  no  doubt,  than  he  expected,  although  in  an  indirect 
way.  About  the  time  he  was  sent  to  the  island,  a  vote  passed  in  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts,  to  raise  an  army  of  six  hundi'ed  men,  and  Major 
Thomas  Savage  was  applied  to,  to  conduct  them  in  die  wai*.  He  refused, 
unless  he  coind  have  some  of  the  friendly  Indians  from  the  island  for  assist- 
ants. On  a  messenger  being  sent  among  them,  six  of  their  jwincipal  and 
bravest  men  volunteered  in  that  .service,  among  whom  was  Job  KtdtenanU. 
The  oi-my  marched  about  the  firi^t  of  March,  1675,  O.  S.  But  when  at  Marl- 
borough, Job  got  liberty  of  Major  Savase  and  Major-general  Denniaon,  to 
attempt  the  finding  of  his  friends  and  cluldren,  whom  he  had  appointed  to 
meet  near  Hassanamesit.  When  it  was  known  to  Captain  Moaelu,  he  behaved 
himself  very  unbecoming  towards  the  connnanding  officer,  and  nothing  but 
his  popularity  with  the  army  saved  his  reputation.  Indeed,  his  conduct 
seems  quite  us  reprehensible  us  that  of  a  more  modern  Indian  hunter  in  the 
Floridas,  which  all  friends  of  humanity  joined  to  condemn.  Mosely,  it 
appears,  would  place  no  confidence  in  any  Lidiun,  and  doubtless  thought  ho 
was  acting  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  He  urged  that  it  was  a 
most  impolitic  measure  to  suffer  any  Indian  to  go  away  at  this  time,  knowing 
their  natural  treacherousness ;  and  he  doubted  not  but  Job  (altliough  a  tritid 
friend)  would  inform  the  enemy  of  the  api)roucli  of  the  army,  which  would 
frustrate  all  their  designs.  The  great  ascendency  which  this  officer  held  in 
the  army  can  be.st  !»  understood  by  a  simple  statement  of  the  fact,  that  Major 
Savage  and  General  Dennison  were  obliged  to  send  after  Job  before  the 
soldiery  would  cease  their  clamor.".  Cai)tain  JVadsworth  and  Captain  Sifll, 
accompanied  by  Jaine^  Qiuinnapohit,  went  in  pursuit  with  the  utmost  speed. 
But  tlioy  did  not  overtake  him,  and  he  soon  returned  to  the  army  without 
finding  his  friends;  they,  from  fear  of  discovery,  having  changed  their 
place,  the  time  having  been  much  longer  than  was  set,  and  their  consequent 
sufferings  were  indescribable. 

We  shall  only  add  here  concerning  them,  that  they  afterwards  fell  into 
the  hands  of  a  pat  i y  of  English,  who  treated  them  in  a  savage  manner, 
taking  every  thing  from  thorn.  But  when  they  were  brought  to  Major 
Savage,  he  treated  them  kindly,  and  had  them  sent  to  Boston,  all  except  fom-, 
who  ran  away  from  Marlborough,  where  they  stopped  for  the  night,  from 
the  fear  of  bcnng  murdered,  some  of  the  people  so  abused  and  insulted  them. 
About  two  months  after  that,  they  were  found  and  brought  in  by  .Vepanet. 
Finally,  Job  recovered  nil  his  children,  and,  mairying  again,  lived  happily. 
His  wife  was  one  of  tjiose  which  Ik-  had  managed  to  deliver  out  of  the 
liatids  of  tlio  enemy  at  Huch  hazard  and  pains.  Slie  had,  during  their  wan- 
derings, nnr.xed  and  kept  alive  hia  children,  one,  especiidly,  which  was  very 
voung. 

Wlien  the  Hassanamesits  wont  off  with  the  enemy,  James  (^naniuipoktt 
was  in  the  neighborhood  with  ttie  English  forces.  Captain  Si/ll  sent  out  a 
scout,  and  Jamea  and  Elizer  Pegin  accompanied.    Seven  of  the  enemy  woie 


*  Cotton  Mnnutrripln. 

t  Mnjur  Ditniii  Uookin,  vvliu  waa  at  least  n  liuudruil  years  in  advance  ul'thut  ago, 
8  * 


90 


EMBASSY  TO  THE  NIPMUCKS. 


[Book  III. 


soon  discovered,  one  of  whom  was  lending  an  English  prisoner.  They 
discovered  the  English  scout,  and  fled.  Janua  and  Ehzer  pursued  them,  and 
recovered  the  prisoner,  whose  name  was  Christopher  MiuMn,  who  had  been 
taken  from  Marlborough,    James  also  took  one  of  the  enemy's  guns.* 

The  English  having,  by  means  of  spies,  as  in  the  preceding  life  we  have 
stated,  learned  the  state  of  feeling  among  their  enemies,  lelt  themselves 
prepared,  as  the  spring  of  1G76  advanced,  to  make  overtures  to  them  for 
peace,  or  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  or  both,  as  they  might  be  found  inclined. 

Tom  Nepanet  was  fixed  upon  as  plenipotentiary  in  this  business.  And, 
although  unjustly  suffering  with  many  of  his  brethren  upon  a  bleak  island 
in  Boston  harbor,  consented,  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his  life,  to  proceed  to 
meet  the  Indians  in  the  western  wilderness,  in  the  service,  and  for  the 
benefit,  of  those  who  had  caused  his  sufl[brings. 

JVepanet  set  out,  3  April,  1676,  to  make  overtures  to  the  enemy  for  the  re- 
lease of  prisoners,  especially  the  family  of  Mr.  Roivlandson,  which  was  taken 
at  Lancaster,  rettaned  on  the  12  following,  with  a  written  answer  fi'om  the 
enemy,  saying,  "  tVt  no  give  answer  hy  this  one.  man,  but  if  you  like  my  answer 
seiU  one  more  man  besides  this  one  Tom  Nepanet,  and  send  with  all  true  heart 
and  tmtk  all  your  mind  by  two  men ;  because  you  knoio  and  we  know  your  heart 
great  sorrowful  with  crying  for  your  lost  many  many  hundred  man  and  all  your 
house  and  all  your  land  and  looman  child  and  cattle  as  all  your  thing  that  you 
have  losty 

Signed  by    Sam,  Sachem, 
KuTquEN,  and 
QuANoiiiT,  Sagamores. 
Peter  Jetlwo,  scribe. 

At  the  same  time,  and  I  conclude  in  the  same  letter,  tliey  wrote  a  few 
words  to  others,  as  follows :  "  Mr.  Rowlandson,  your  wife  and  all  your  child  is 
well  but  one  dye.  Your  sister  is  well  and  her  3  child.  John  Kittell,  your  unfe 
and  all  your  child  is  all  ivell,  and  all  them  prisojien  taken  at  JK'aahua  is  (dl 
well. 

Mr.  Rowlandson,  se  your  lovii^  sister  his  1uind  Q  Ilanali. 
And  old  Kcttel  tvif  his  hand.  -j- 

Brother  Rowlandson,  pray  send  thre  pound  of  Tobacco  for  mt,  if  you  can  my 
laoing  husband  pray  send  thre  pound  of  tobacco  for  me. 

"  This  writing  by  your  enemies — Samuel  Uskattuhguu  and  Gunrashit,  two 
Indian  sagamores." 

Mrs.  Ihwlandson,  in  her  account  of  "The  Sixteenth  Remove,"  relates,  that 
when  they  had  waded  over  Raciuaugf  River,  "Quickly  thei-e  came  up  to  us 
an  Indian  who  informed  them  tlict  I  must  go  to  Wachuset  to  my  master,  for 
there  was  a  letter  come  from  the  council  to  the  saggamores  about  redeeming 
the  captives,  and  that  there  would  bo  another  hi  14  days,  '.nd  that  I  must  bo 
tliere  ready."  t  This  was  doubtless  after  the  letter  just  n -corded  had  been 
sent  to  the  Enj^lish.  "  About  two  days  after,"  Mrs.  JR.  coiitinucs,  "  came  a 
comjiany  of  Indians  to  us,  near  30,  all  on  horseback.  My  heart  skipt  within 
me,  thinking  thoy  had  been  Englishmrn,  at  the  first  sight  of  them :  For  they 
■were  dressed  in  English  apparel,  with  hats,  white  neck-cloths,  and  sashes 
about  their  waists,  and  ribbons  upon  thoir  shoulders.  Rut  when  they  came 
near,  there  was  a  vaat  diffi-renci'  betwei.-n  the  lovcsly  faces  of  Christians,  and 
tlie  foul  looks  of  those  heathen,  which  much  damped  my  spirits  again."  § 

Having,  alltr  great  distress,  arrived  at  Wachuset,  our  authori'ss  adds, 
"Then  came  7'om  and  fc/tr  with  the  second  letter  from  the  count;!!,  about 
the  ca|)tives."    "I  asked  them  how  my  husband  did,  and  all  my  friends  and 


*  Goofein'f  MS.  Hist.  <'lirisii,iii  Itidinns. 

t  Or  I'liviinncc.  now  Alillcr'i.  Kivcr.  lis  connncncu  with  tliu  Connecticut  h  between 
Norlliflcld  ani^  MdiiIhs'uo. 

J  Narrative  of  lior  Ciiiilivily,  C)9. 

^  Ibid.  <iO,  The  rcffiiui'iitiiU  ill  wliicli  tliey  were  now  tricked  out,  were  probably  token 
from  the  Enjj^lisli  ulioiii  llii^  lind  killed  in  bulllo. 


[Book  III. 

iier.  They 
[  them,  aud 
)  hud  been 
lis.* 

Pe  we  liave 
themselves 
)  them  for 
id  inclined. 
leas.  Aud, 
leak  island 
proceed  to 
lid  for  the 

for  the  re- 
I  was  taken 
er  Iroin  the 

my  answer 
I  true  heart 
V  your  heart 
im  all  your 
ng  that  you 


imores. 
ibe. 

vrote  a  few 
ifour  child  is 
11,  your  wife 
skua  is  all 


jou  can  my 
u'ushit,  two 


(flutes,  that 
10  up  to  us 
iiiusu-r,  for 
rc'decniing 
:  1  must  bo 
1  iiail  been 
,  "  i"imo  a 
(ipt  within 

For  they 
imI  sashes 

I  icy  came 
stiaiiH,  and 
liii."  § 
rths  adds, 
iii'il,  about 
iciids  aud 


it  l>ctwcen 
)ably  taken 


Chap.  VI.J 


NEPANET.— SECOND  EMBASSY. 


91 


acquaintance.  Tiiey  said  they  were  well,  but  very  melancholy."  They 
brought  her  two  biscuits  and  a  pound  of  tobacco.  The  tobacco  she  gave  to 
the  Indians,  and,  when  it  was  all  gone,  one  threatened  her  because  she  had 
no  more  to  give ;  probably  not  believing  her.  F^he  told  him  when  her 
husband  came,  she  would  give  him  some.  "  Hang  him,  rogue,  says  he,  1 
will  knock  out  his  brains,  if  he  conies  here."  "Agaiu,  at  the  same  breath, 
they  would  say,  if  there  should  come  an  hundred  without  guns  they  would 
do  them  no  hurt.  So  unstable  and  like  madmen  they  were."  *  There  had 
been  somediing  talked  about  Mr.  Rowlamlaon's  going  himself  to  ransom  his 
wife,  but  she  says  she  dared  not  send  for  him, "  for  there  was  little  more 
trust  to  them  than  to  the  master  they  served."  * 

JVt panel  learned  by  the  enemy  that  they  lost  in  the  fight  when  Capt.  Peirse 
was  killed,  "  scores  of  their  men  that  sabbath  day."  f 

As  they  refused  to  treat  with  Tom  JVepanet  alone,  Peter  Conway  was  joined 
with  him  on  a  second  expedition,  as  we  have  seen,  which  led  to  several 
others,  to  which  some  English  ventured  to  add  themselves,  which  resulted  in 
the  redemption  of  Mrs.  Roiolandson  and  several  others. 

"When  the  letter  was  come,  (says  Mrs.  R.\  the  saggamores  met  to  consult 
about  the  captives,  and  called  me  to  them,  to  inquire  how  niucli  my  husband 
would  give  to  redeem  me :  When  I  came  and  sat  down  among  them,  as  I  was 
wont  to  do,  as  their  manner  is :  Then  they  bid  me  stand  up,  and  said  they 
tcere  the  general  court.  They  bid  me  speak  what  I  thought  he  would  ^ive. 
Now  knowing  that  all  that  we  had  was  destroyed  by  the  Indians,  I  was  in  a 
great  strait."  J  She  ventured,  however,  to  say  £20,  and  Tom  and  Peter  bore 
the  offer  to  Boston. 

Of  their  return  the  same  writer  proceeds:  "On  a  sabbath  day,  the  sun 
being  about  an  hour  high  in  the  afternoon,  came  Mr  John  Hoar,  (the  council 
permitting  him,  and  his  own  forward  spirit  inclining  him,)  together  with  the 
two  fore-mentioned  Indians,  Tom  and  Peter,  with  the  tliird  letter  from  the 
council.  When  they  came  near,  I  wus  abroad  ;  they  presently  called  uie  in, 
and  bid  mo  sit  down,  and  not  stir.  Then  they  catched  up  their  guns  and 
away  they  ran,  as  if  an  enemy  had  been  at  hand,  and  the  guns  went  off 
apace.  I  manifested  some  great  trouble,  and  asked  them  what  was  the 
matter.  I  told  them  I  thought  they  had  killed  the  Englishman ;  (for  they 
had  in  the  mean  time  tohl  me  that  an  Englishman  had  come  ;)  they  said,  Ab, 
tkeij  shot  over  his  horse,  and  under,  and  before  his  horse,  and  tliey  pushed  him  this 
way  and  tluit  way,  at  their  pleasure,  showing  ium  what  they  could  do."§ 

Tliey  would  not  at  first  suffer  her  to  see  Mr.  Hoar,  but  when  they  had 
gratified  their  tantalizing  whim  sufficiently,  she  wtis  permitted  to  see  him. 
He  brought  her  a  pound  ol'  tobacco,  whicii  she  sold  for  nine  shillings.  "The 
next  morning,  Mr.  Hoar  invited  the  saggamores  to  dinner;  but  when  we 
went  to  get  it  ri'ady,  we  found  they  hiid  stolen  the  greatest  jiait  of  the  provis- 
ions Mr.  Hoar  had  brought.  And  we  may  see  the  wonderful  jiower  of  God, 
in  that  one  passage,  in  that,  when  there  wus  such  a  number  of  them  together, 
and  so  gr(>edy  ot  a  little  good  food,  and  no  English  there  but  Mr.  Hoar  and 
myselfj  that  there  they  did  not  knock  us  on  the  head,  ai:ii  take  what  we  had ; 
there  being  not  only  some  provision,  but  also  trading  cloth,  a  part  of  the 
20  pounds  agreed  uiion  :  But  instead  of  doing  us  any  mischief,  they  seemed 
to  be  ashamed  of  tlio  fact,  aud  said  it  was  the  matchit  [bad]  Indians  that 
did  it."  II 

\i  is  now  certain  that  this  negotiation  wus  the  immediate  cause  of  their 
final,  overthrow.  For  before  this  time  the  Pokanokets  and  Narrnsransetts 
went  hand  in  hand  against  their  common  enemy,  and  they  were  the  most 
powirliil  tribes.  This  parleying  with  the  English  wus  so  detestable  to  Philip, 
that  11  se|)aration  took  place  among  these  tribes  in  consequence,  and  he  and 
the  Xarnigaiisets  scpuruted  themselves  from  the  Nipmuks,  and  other  inland 
trilics,  and  went  off  to  their  own  country.  This  wus  thfl  reason  they  were 
HO  ciMily  subdued  after  the  separation  took  place. 


•  Nnrriiiivp  of  lior  Caplivily,  6t,  6*. 
\  }\MnUi\v,  lU  supra,  (}6. 


t  Manuicripts  of  Rev.  /  Cotton. 
H'>id.7J,72.  II  Ibid.  72,  73. 


OS 


PETER  EPIIRAIM-QUANAPOHIT. 


[Book  III. 


It  wns  tliroii{,'h  JWpancfs  rnrnns  that  a  i)nrty  of  EnjrIi«I>,  under  Captain 
//encAwMin,  wen! enabled  to  snrj)iirt(!  a  body  ofiiis  countrymen  at  Wesliakom* 
Ponds  near  Lancaster,  ;{0  May,  1()7(>.  Following  in  a  traek  pointed  out  by 
JVepanet,  the  Indians  were  liillen  upon  while  fishing,  and,  Innng  entirely  un- 
jjrepared,  seven  were  killed,  and  '-iit  taken,  ehii'ilv  wonuui  and  children. 

PETER-EPHRAIM  and  ANDREVV-PITYME  were  also  two  other 
considerably  distinvnished  Ni|)nink  Indians.  They  rendenul  nuich  service 
to  the  English  in  Philip's  war.  They  went  out  in  January,  1G7G,  and  brouglit 
in  tnnny  of  the  Nipnets,  who  had  endeavored  to  shelter  themselves  under 
Uiicas.  But,  Mr.  Hubbard  observes,  that  Uncas,  having  "shabbed"  them  off, 
"they  were,  in  the  begiiming  of  the  winter,  [lfi7(),]  brought  in  to  Boston, 
many  of  them,  by  Peter-ephrainmiid  Andnw-pibpne"  Ephraim  commanded 
an  Indian  company,  and  had  a  commission  from  government.  The  news 
that  many  of  the  enetny  were  doing  mischit^f  about  Rehobolh  caused  u  party 
of  English  of  Medrield  to  march  out  to  tlunr  relief;  Ephruim  went  with 
than,  with  his  company,  which  consisted  of  29.  The  snow  being  deej),  the 
English  soon  grew  dis(!ouraged,and  returned,  but  Captain  J5p/imim  continued 
the  inarch,  and  came  upon  u  body  of  them,  encani])ed,  in  tlie  night.  Early 
the  next  morning,  he  successftillv  surrounded  thcni,  and  oftisrcd  them  quar- 
ter. "Eight  resolute  fellows  retiised,  wlio  were  presently  shot;"  the  others 
yielde<I,  and  were  brought  in,  being  in  number  42.  Other  minor  exploits  of 
this  Iiuiian  captain  (u-e  recorded. 

THOMAS  QUANAPOIHT,  called  also  Runmeii-rmrsh,  was  a  brother  of 
James,  and  was  also  n  Christian  Indian.  In  the  beginning  of  hostilities 
against  Philip,  Major  Gookin  received  orders  to  raise  u  conijjany  of  praying 
Indians  to  lie  employed  against  him.  This  company  was  inunediutely 
raised,  and  consisted  of  52  men,  who  wer<!  conducted  to  Mount  Hope  by 
Captain  Isaac  Johnson.  Quanapohit  was  oik;  of  these.  The  officers  under 
whom  they  served  testified  t«  their  credit  as  faithful  soldiers;  yet  miuiy  of 
the  army,  officers  and  men,  irie«l  all  in  tlu^r  jiower  to  bring  them  into  disre- 
pute with  the  country.  Such  proceedings,  we  should  naturally  conclude, 
would  tend  much  to  dishearten  those  friendly  Indians;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
they  used  every  exertion  to  win  the  affections  of  their  oppressors.  Qiiana- 
pohit,  witli  the  other  two,  receiveil  from  government  a  reward  for  the  scalps 
which  tliey  brought  in.  Though  not  exactly  in  order,  yet  it  nnist  lie  men- 
tioned, that  when  Thomas  was  out,  at  or  near  Swanstiy,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  be  by  accident  had  one  of  his  hands  shot  ofl!  He  was  one  of  the 
troojters,  and  carried  a  gun  of  remarkablii  length.  The  weather  being  ex- 
cessively hot,  his  horse  was  very  uneasy,  iM'ing  disturbed  by  flies,  and  struck 
the  lock  of  the  gun  as  the  breech  rested  upon  thv!  ground,  and  caused  it  to 
go  oflj  which  horribly  mangled  the  hand  that  held  it;  and,  notwithstanding 
it  was  a  long  time  in  getting  well,  ytst  he  nMulered  great  service  in  tlu!  war 
aflerwurd.  The  account  of  one  signal  ex|iloit  having  been  preserved,  shall 
here  be  related.  While  Captain  Hvnchnuin  was  in  the  enemy's  coimtry,  he 
made  un  excursion  tiom  Ilassanamesit  to  Packaclioog,  which  lies  about  ten 
miles  north-west  from  it.  M*!etiug  here  with  no  enemy,  he  marchiHl  again 
for  Ilassanamesit ;  and  having  got  a  lew  miles  on  his  way,  discovered  that 
he  had  lost  a  tin  case,  which  contained  his  connnlssion,  aiul  other  instructions. 
Me  therelbre  despatched  Thomas  and  two  Englishmen  in  search  of  it.  They 
made  no  discovery  of  the  lost  article  imtil  thoy  came  in  sight  of  an  old  wig- 
wam at  Packaclioog,  where,  to  their  no  small  surprise,  ilny  discovered  some 
of  tiie  enemy  in  possession  of  it.  They  were  but  a  lew  rods  from  them,  and 
being  so  fiw  in  number,  that,  to  have  given  them  battle  would  have  been 
desperate  in  the  extreme,  as  neither  of  them  was  armed  tor  such  an  occasion; 
stratagem,  tli(>re(ore,  could  only  save  them.  The  wigwam  was  situated  upon 
an  eminence ;  and  some  were  standing  in  tiio  door,  when  they  approached, 
who  discovered  them  ns  soon  as  they  came  in  sight.  One  prescmted  his 
gun,  but,  the  weather  being  stormy,  it  did  not  go  oil'.  At  this  moment  our 
chief,  looking  back,  called,  and  mad<'  many  gestures,  as  though  he  were  dis- 
posing of  u  large  force  to  encompass  them.    At  this  munwuvre  they  all  fled, 


•  Roger  Williams  scls  down  sea  as  ilic  dctiaiiion  tf  W'echkum, 


[Book  III. 

3r  Cnptam 
eHlmkom  * 
;e(l  out  by 
iitirnly  lui- 
Iron. 

wo  other 
ch  service 
id  brought 
Ives  under 
"  them  off, 
to  Boston, 
imnmnded 
Tlie  news 
*ed  u  [)arty 
went  with 
3;  deep,  the 
I  contnmed 
rlit.  Early 
them  quor- 
tlie  others 
exploits  of 

brother  of 
f  hostilities 
of  praying 
mmediately 
It  Hope  by 
icers  under 
et  many  of 
into  disre- 
y  conclude, 
ic  contrary, 
s.     Qiiana- 
Iho  scalps 
St  be  men- 
ginning  of 
one  of  the 
being  ex- 
and  struck 
luiscd  it  to 
itiistanding 
in  tiie  war 
ervcd,  shall 
comitry,  he 
about  ten 
cbtul  again 
()ver("d  that 
nstnictions. 
fit.    They 
an  old  wig- 
vered  some 
I  them,  and 
have  been 
I  occasion ; 
[uatcd  upon 
pproaclied, 
stuitod  his 
loinont  our 
were  dis- 
iiey  all  fled, 


Chap.  VII.] 


PASSAC^NAWAY. 


93 


being  six  in  number,  leaving  our  heroes  to  pursue  their  object  Thus  their 
preservation  was  due  to  Quanapohit ;  and  is  the  more  to  be  admired,  as  they 
were  in  so  far  destitute  of  the  moans  of  defence.  Captain  ^uanapohit  had 
liimself  only  a  pistol,  and  one  of  his  men  a  gun  without  a  flint,  and  tlie 
other  no  gun  at  all.* 

It  was  about  the  time  these  events  occurred,  that  Captain  Tom,  of  whom 
wo  have  spoken,  his  daughter,  and  two  children,  were  taken  by  a  scout  sent  out 
by  Captain  Henchman,  about  10  miles  south-east  of  Marlborough.  They  appear 
to  have  been  taken  on  the  11  June,  and  on  the  26  of  the  same  month  Captain 
Tom  was  executed. 


CHAPTER  Vn. 

Of  the  Indians  in  J^ero  Hampshire  tiiid  Maine  prerlmis  to  their  wars  with  the  whites^ 
Dominions  of  the  bashaba — Priinlms  in  war — I'AssACONAWAy — His  dominions — 
His  last  speech  to  his  people — His  life. — U's  daughter  vuirries  Winnapurket — Peti- 
tions the  court  of  Massachusetts — Lands  allutted  to  him — English  send  a  force  to 

■  disarm  him — Their  fears  of  his  enmity  unfounded — they  seize  and  illtreat  his  son — 
He  escapes — Passaconaway  delivers  his  arms,  and  makes  pence  with  the  English- 
Traditions  concerning — L//"e  0/ Wannalanckt — His  situation  in  Philip's  tear — 

.  Messengers  and  letters  sent  him  by  the  English — Leaves  his  residence — His  humanity 
— fate  of  JosiAH  NouEL — fVannalancet  returns  to  his  country — His  lands  seized 
in  his  absence — He  again  retires  into  the  wilderness — Mosely  destroys  his  village, 
fyc. — Imprisoned  for  debt — Favors  Christianity — ^  speech — WEHANOWiNowiT, 
sachem  of  A'ew  Hampshire — Rodiniiood — His  sales  of  land  in  Maine — Monciuine 
— Kknnf.bis — AssiMiNASftUA — Abbioauasset — Their  residences  and  sides  of  land 
— Melancholy  fate  of  Chocorua. 

Some  knowledge  of  the  Indians  eastward  of  tho  Massachusetts  was 
very  early  obtained  by  Captain  John  Smith,  which,  however,  was  very 
general ;  as  that  they  were  divided  into  several  tribes,  each  of  which  had 
their  own  sachem,  or,  as  these  more  northern  Indians  pronounced  that 
word,  sachemo,  which  the  English  understood  sagamore ;  and  yet  all  the 
sachemos  acknowledge  1  subjection  to  one  still  greater,  which  they  colled 
bashaia. 

Of  the  dominions  of  the  bashaba,  writers  difftu*  much  in  respect  to  their 
extent.  Some  supj^ose  that  his  autliority  did  not  extend  this  side  tlie  Pas-  , 
cataqua,  but  it  is  evident  that  it  did,  from  C'untain  Smith's  accountf  Wars 
and  pestilence  had  jjreatly  wasted  the  eastern  Indians  but  a  short  time  before 
the  English  settled  ni  tho  country ;  and  it  was  thou  difficult  to  determine  the 
relation  the  tribes  had  stood  in  one  to  the  other.  As  to  the  bashaba  of  Penob- 
scot, tradition  states  that  he  was  killed  by  the  Tarratiucs,  who  lived  still 
farther  east,  in  a  war  which  was  at  its  height  in  1G15. 

PASSACONAWAY  seems  to  have  been  a  bashaba.  He  lived  upon  the 
Merrimack  River,  at  a  place  called  Pennakook,  and  his  dominions,  at  the 
period  of  the  English  settlements,  were  very  extensive,  even  over  the  sachems 
living  upon  tho  Poscataqua  and  its  branches.  The  Abenaques  inhabited 
between  the  Pascataqua  and  Penobscot,  and  the  residence  of  the  chief 
sachem  was  upon  Indian  Island.|  Fluellen  and  Captain  Sunday  were  early 
known  as  chiefs  among  the  Abenaques,  and  Squando  at  a  later  period;  but 

*  Gnokin's  MS.  Hist.  Prayiiiij  Indians. 

t  "  The  principal  luibitnlioiiM  I  saw  at  northward,  was  Penobscot,  who  are  in  wars  with  the 
Toreiitines,  their  next  northerly  noijfhbors.  Southerly  iip  the  rivers,  and  along  the  coast,  we 
found  Mecadacul,  Seffockel,  Pcmmn'idid,  Nusoonciis,  So^adahock,  Satqiiin,  Aumauirhcaw- 

fen  and  Kcnabeca.  I'o  those  belonir  the  coiuitries  and  people  of  Scgota^ro,  Pauhunlaimck, 
'ocopassuni,  Taiightanukngnct,  \\^ibi(r(raniis,  Nassnquc,  Mashcrosqueck,  Wawripvick, 
MoshiKiuen,  Wnccogo,  Pasharniinck,  &.c.  To  those  aro  allied  in  confederacy,  the  countries 
of  Aiirooisco,  Accoininticus,  Pa.Hsata(|uak,  Auj^awonm  and  Nacmkenk,  all  these,  for  any 
thinjf  I  could  perceive,  ditfcr  little  in  lan<;iiHno  or  any  ihini; ;  thousjh  most  of  Ihcm  be  sagamoj 
and  lords  of  themselves,  yet  they  li. '  '  the  bnslmbes  of  Penobscot  the  chief  and  gtC3tcs( 
iinionirsi  Ihem."  .'{  Coll  Mass.  Hist.  >Vc.  iii.  21,  22. 
\   WiUiainaon's  Hist.  Maine,  ii,  1. 


04 


PASSACONAWAY. 


[Book  III. 


of  these  we  sball  be  more  pai-ticular  liereafter :  the  first  snchcm  we  should 
notice  is  Passaconaway.  He  '•  lived  to  a  very  great  age ;  for,"  says  tJie  aiitlior 
of  my  manuscript,  "1  saw  him  alive  at  Pawtucket,  when  he  was  about  a 
hundred  and  twenty  years  old."*  Before  his  death,  he  delivered  the  follow- 
ing speech  to  his  children  and  friends :  "  /  am  noio  going  the  way  ofalljiesli,  or 
ready  to  die,  and  not  lihdy  to  see  you  ever  meet  togetlier  any  more.  Jtmtt  now  leave 
this  tcord  of  counad  with  youjtfiat  you  may  take  heed  Iiow  you  quan'elmthtlie  English, 
for  though  you  may  do  them  much  mischief,  yet  assuredly  you  will  all  be  destroyed, 
and  rooted  off  the  earth  if  you  do ;  for,  I  was  as  much  an  enemy  to  the  English,  at 
their  first  coming  into  tliese  parts,  as  any  one  whatsoever,  and  did  try  all  ways  ami 
means  possible,  to  have  destroyed  them,  at  least  to  Imve  prevented  them  settling  dotvn 
here,  but  I  could  no  way  effect  it ;  therefore  I  advise  you  never  to  contend  with  the 
English,  nor  make  war  iinth  them„"  And  Rlr.  Huhbard  adds,  "  it  is  to  be  noted, 
that  this  Passaconawa  was  the  most  noted  powow  and  sorcerer  of  all  the 
country." 

A  story  of  the  maiTiage  of  a  daughter  of  Passaccnaway,  in  1G62,  is  thus 
related.  Winnepurket,  commonly  called  George,  sachem  of  Saugus,  made 
known  to  the  cliief  of  Peunakook,  that  he  desired  to  marry  his  daughter, 
which,  being  agreeable  to  all  parties,  was  soon  consummated,  at  the  resi- 
dence of  Passaconaway,  and  the  hilarity  was  closed  with  a  great  feast.  Ac- 
cording to  the  usages  of  the  chiefs,  Passaconaway  ordered  a  select  number  ol" 
his  men  to  accompany  the  new-married  coujjle  to  tiic  dwelling  of  the 
husband.  When  they  had  arrived  there,  several  days  of  feasting  followed, 
for  the  entertainment  of  his  friends,  who  could  not  be  present  at  the  con- 
summation at  the  bride's  father's,  as  well  as  for  the  escort ;  who,  when  this 
was  ended,  returned  to  Peniiakook. 

Some  time  after,  the  wife  of  ffinnepurket,  expressing  a  desire  to  visit  her 
father's  house  and  friends,  was  permitted  to  go,  and  a  clioice  company  con- 
ducted her.  When  she  wished  to  return  to  her  husband,  her  father,  instead 
of  conveying  her  as  before,  sent  to  the  young  sachem  to  come  and  take  her 
away.  He  took  this  in  high  dudgeon,  and  sent  his  father-in-law  this  answer: 
■"  When  she  departed  from  me,  I  caused  my  men  to  escort  her  to  your  dwell- 
ing, as  became  a  chief  She  now  hidving  an  intention  to  return  to  me,  I  did 
expect  the  same."  The  elder  sachem  was  now  in  his  turn  angry,  and 
returned  an  answer  which  only  increased  the  ditlei-ence ;  and  it  is  believed 
tliat  thus  terminated  the  connection  of  the  new  husband  and  v.ife.f 

This  same  year,  [10()2,^  we  find  the  general  court  acting  upon  a  petition 
of  Passaconaway,  or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  the  records  themselves,  Papisse- 
coneway.  The  petition  we  have  not  met  with,  but  from  the  answer  given  to 
it,  we  learn  its  nature.  The  court  say :  "  In  answer  to  the  petition  of 
Papisseconeway,  this  court  ^udgeth  it  meete  to  gruinit  to  the  said  Papiasecone- 
way  and  his  men  or  associates  about  Naticot,  I  above  Mr.  BrerUon's  lands, 
where  it  is  free,  a  mile  and  a  half  on  either  side  RIerremack  Riuer  in  breadth, 
three  miles  on  either  side  in  length :  provided  he  nor  they  do  not  alienate 
any  part  of  this  grant  without  leave  and  license  from  this  court,  first 
obtained." 

Governor  fVinthrop  mentions  this  chief  as  early  as  1()02.  One  of  his  men, 
having  gone  with  a  white  man  into  the  country  to  trade,  was  killed  by 
another  Indian  "  dwelling  near  the  Mohawks  country,  who  fled  away  with 
his  goods ; "  but  it  seems  from  the  same  account,  that  Passaconatvay  pursued 
and  took  the  murderer.  Li  1(542,  there  was  great  alarm  throughout  tlio 
English  settlements,  from  the  belief  that  all  the  Indians  in  the  country  were 
about  to  make  a  general  massacre  of  the  whites.  The  government  of  Mas- 
sachusetts took  prompt  measures  "  to  strike  a  terror  into  the  Indians."  They 
tiierefore  "  sent  men  to  Cutshamekin,  at  Braintree,  to  fetch  him  and  his  guns, 


*  Oookin's  Hist,  of  Prnijiug  Indians.  Tliis  history  was  drawn  up  during  liic  year  1077, 
and  liow  long  buforc  this  ilie  author  saw  him,  is  unknown  ;  hut  there  ran  be  no  douht  but  ho 
wiis  dead  some  ^ears  hcliire  Philip's  war.  Nevertheless,  wiih  Mr.  Hubbard  and  our  text 
Ix'liirc  hiin,  the  author  of  Tales  of  thf  Imtians  has  niudo  Passaconaway  appear  in  the  i>crEon 
oC  Asi)i)iqiiid,  in  Mil'i,  at  Atrnmentacns  in  Maine. 

\  W'l'.uivA  Croin  I'acls  in  .'/drton's  A'.  Canaan, 

•t  .VnuiiiiT  versiun  ol  .Vi(/i«<;i-/idi^-, 


[Book  III. 


Chap.  VII.]    WANNALANCET  MADE  PRISONER  BY  THE  ENGLISH. 


95 


ve  should 
lie  uutlior 
8  about  a 
he  foUow- 
allfesli,  or 
\  now  leave 
he  English, 
;  destroyed, 
English,  at 
ways  ami 
tling  down 
id  with  the 
I  be  noted, 
of  all  the 

32,  is  thus 
gus,  made 
daughter, 
t  the  resi- 
east.  Ap- 
iiuinber  ol" 
ig  of  the 
;  followed, 
t  the  con- 
when  this 

o  visit  her 
ipany  con- 
ler,  instead 
d  take  her 
lis  answer : 
[our  dwell- 
i  me,  I  did 
ngry,  and 
is  believed 

a  petition 
s,  Papisse- 
3r  given  to 
letition  of 
apissecone- 
on'a  lands, 
in  breadth, 
ot  alienate 
jouit,  first 

f  bis  men, 
killed  by 
away  with 
ly  pursued 
ghout  tlio 
»iti7  were 
it  of  Mas- 
."  They 
his  guns, 

!  year  IfiTT, 
oubl  bui  ho 
iiul  our  ti'xt 
I  ihc  person 


bows,  &c.,  which  was  done ;  and  he  came  willingly :  And  being  idte  in  the 
night  when  they  came  to  Boston,  he  was  put  into  the  prison ;  but  the  next 
morning,  finding,  upon  examination  of  him  and  divers  of  his  men,  no  ground 
of  suspicion  of  his  partaking  in  any  such  conspiracy,  he  was  dismissed. 
Upon  the  warrant  which  went  to  Ipswich,  Rowley  and  Newbury,  to  disarm 
Passaconamy,  who  lived  by  Merrimack,  they  sent  forth  40  men  armed  the 
next  day."  These  English  were  hindered  from  visiting  the  wigwam  of 
Passaconaway,  by  rainy  weather,  "  but  they  came  to  his  son's  and  took  him." 
This  son  we  jiresuine'  was  Wannalancet.  This  they  had  orders  to  do ;  but 
for  taking  a  squaw  and  her  child,  they  had  none,  and  were  orderqd  to  send 
them  back  again  immediately.  Fearing  fVannalancefs  escape,  they  "led  him 
in  a  line,  but  lie  taking  an  opportunity,  slipped  his  line  and  escaped  from 
them,  but  one  very  indiscreetly  made  a  shot  at  him,  and  missed  him  nar- 
rowly." These  were  called,  then,  "unwarranted  proceedings,"  as  we  should 
say  they  very  well  might  have  been.  The  English  now  had  some  actual 
reason  to  fofu*  that  Passaconaway  would  resent  this  outrage,  and  therefore 
"  sent  Cutshainekin  to  him  to  let  hiia  know  that  what  was  done  to  his  son 
and  squaw  was  without  order,"  and  to  invite  him  to  a  parley  at  Boston;  also, 
"  to  show  him  the  occassion  wliei'eupon  we  had  sent  to  disarm  all  the  In- 
dians, and  that  when  we  slioidd  find  that  they  were  innocent  of  any  such 
conspiracy,  wo  would  restore  all  their  arms  again."  Passaconaway  said  when 
he  siiould  have  his  son  and  squaw  returned  safe,  he  would  go  and  speak 
with  them.  The  squaw  was  so  much  frightened,  that  she  ran  away  into  the 
Avoods,  and  was  absi-iit  ten  days.  It  seems  that  Wannalancet  was  soon  lib- 
erated, as  lie  witliiii  a  short  time  went  to  the  English,  "and  delivered  up  his 


giuii- 


&( 


no 


Thcs  •  were  the  circumstances  to  which  Miantunnomoh  alluded 


"together  with  their  lands  and 


so  hajjpily  athn'wards. 

At  a  court  in  Mat^.iacliiisetts  in  1(544,  it  is  said,  "  Passaconatoay,  the  Merri- 
mack s;i(li(Mn,  came  in  and  submitted  to  our  government,  as  Pumhain,  &c. 
had  doiio  helbro ;"  and  the  next  year  tlie  same  entry  occurs  again,  with 
the  addition  of  his  son's  submission  also, 
peo]ile."  t 

This  cliief  is  supj)osed  to  have  died  about  the  same  time  with  Massasoit, 
a  sachem  whom  in  many  respects^he  seems  to  have  much  resembled.  I  Ho 
Avas  often  styled  the  great  sachem,  and,  according  to  Mr.  Hubbard,  was  con- 
sidered a  great  jiowwow  or  sorcerer  among  his  people,  and  his  fame  in  this 
respect  was  very  extensive  ;  and  we  know  not  that  there  was  any  thing  that 
they  thought  him  not  able  to  jici  Ibrm :  that  he  could  cause  a  green  leaf  to 
grow  in  winter,  trees  to  danc(>,  and  water  to  burn,  sccin  to  have  been  feats 
of  common  notorietv  in  his  time. 

WANNALANCF5T,  or  Womlancet,  in  obedience  to  the  advice  of  his  father, 
always  kept  peace  witli  the  English.  He  resided  at  an  ancient  seat  of  the 
sagamores,  upon  the  Mi  rrimack,  called  at  that  time  N'aamkeke,  but  from 
whence  he  withdrew,  in  the  time  of  the  war  with  Philip,  and  took  up  his 
quarters  among  the  Pennakooks,  who  were  also  his  people. 

About  tiie  beginning  of  September,  1G75,  Captain  Mosely,  with  about  100 
men,  was  ordered  to  miu-ch  up  into  the  country  of  the  Merrimack  to  ascertain 
the  state  of  affairs  under  Wannalancet.  These  men  scouted  in  warlike  an'ay 
as  far  as  Pemiakook,  now  Concord,  N.  II.  They  could  not  find  an  Indian, 
but  came  upon  their  wigwams,  and  burned  them,  and  also  a  quantity  of  dried 
fish  and  other  articles.  Although  this  was  a  most  wanton  and  unwarrantable, 
not  to  say  unnecessary  act  of  these  whites,  yet  no  retaliation  took  place  on 
the  jiart  of  the  Indians.  And  whether  to  attribute  their  forbearance  to  cow- 
ardice, or  to  the  great  respect  in  which  the  dying  advice  of  Passaconaway  was 

*   Winthrop's  Journal.  f  Ibid, 

X  Among  other  slaii7.ns  in  Farmei  ami  Moore's  Collections,  the  following  very  happily 
introduces  Passaconaway : — 

"  Once  did  my  throbbing  bosom  deep  receive 
»  The  sketch,  \\\\\c\i  one.  o(  Passaconaway  drew. 

Well  may  the  muse  liis  memory  retrieve 
From  dark  oblivion,  and,  with  pencil  true, 
Retoucii  that  picture  strange,  with  lints  and  honors  due." 


96 


WANNALANCET.-INDIANS  SEIZED  AT  DOVER.       [Book  III.' 


lield,  is  not  certnin ;  for  IVarudancet  and  his  men  liad  notice  of  tlie  approach-' 
of  Mostly,  and  Jay  concealed  while  he  was  destroying  their  effects ;   and 
might  have  cutoff  his   company,  which  the  young  wai-riors  advised,  but. 
WanndaruxtwouUX  not  permit  a  gun  to  ho  fired. 

Having  abundant  reason  now  to  icar  the  resentment  of  the  Pawtuckett  and- 
Pennakook  Indians,  the  council  of  Massachusetts,  7  September,  1675,  ordered 
that  Lieutenant  Thomas  Henchman,  of  Chelmsford,  should  send  some  messen-< 
gers  to  find  him,  and  persuade  him  of  their  friendship,  and  urge  hia  return  to  his 
place  of  residence.    With  this  order,  a  letter  was  sent  to  pFannalancet  at  the 
same  time.    They  are  as  follows :  "It  is  ordered  by  the  council  that  Lieut.' 
Tho'.    Henchman  do  forthwith  endeavor  to  j)rocure  by  hire,  one  or  two- 
suitable  Indians  of  Wainesit,  to  travel  and  seek  to  find  out  and  spealc  with 
IVannalancet  the  sachem,  and  carry  with  tiicm  a  writing  from  the  council, 
being  tt  safe  conduct  uiUo  the  said  sachem,  or  any  other  principal  men  be- 
longing to  Natahook,  Penagooge,  or  other  ]}eople  of  those  northern  Indians,  = 
giving  (not  exceeding  six  persons)  fi*ee  liberty  to  come  into  the  house  of  tho 
said  Henchman,  where  the  council  will  appoint  Capt.  Gookin  and  Mr.  Eliot  to" 
treat  witii  them  about  terms  of  amity  and  peace  between  them  and  the  Eng- 
lish; and  in  case  agreements  and  conclusions  be  not  made  to  mutual  satis-' 
faction,  then  the  said  sachem  and  all  otiiers  tliat  accompany  him  shall  have 
free  liberty  to  return  back  again;  and  this  ofler  the  council  are  induced  to> 
make,  because  the  said  Wannalancet  sachem,  as  they  are  informed,  hath  de- 
clared himself  that  the  English  r.ever  did  any  wrong  to  him,  or  his  father 
Passaconaway,h\\\.  always  lived  in  amity, and  tliat  his  tiither  charged  him  so  to 
do,  and  that  said  Wannalancet  will  not  begin  to  do  any  wrong  to  the  English." 
The  following  is  the  letter  to  Wannalancet : — 

"This  our  writing  or  safe  conduct  doth  declare,  that  the  governor  and 
council  of  Massachusetts  do  give  you  and  every  of  you,  provided  you  exceed 
not  six  persons,  free  hberty  of  coming  luito  and  returning  in  safety  from 
the  house  of  Lieut.  T.  Henchman  at  Naamkeake,  and  there  to  treat  with 
Capt.  Daniel  Gookin  and  Mr.  John  Eliot,  whom  you  know,  and  [whom]  we 
will  fully  empower  to  treat  and  conclude  with  you,  upon  such  meet  terms 
and  articles  of  friendship,  amity  and  subjection,  as  were  formerly  made  and 
concluded  between  the  Englisii  and  old  Passaconaway,  your  father,  and  his 
sons  and  people  ;  and  for  this  end  wo  have  sent  these  messengers  [blank  in 
the  MS.]  to  convey  these  imto  you,  and  to  bring  your  answer,  whom  we 
desire  you  to  treat  kindly,  and  speeilily  to  despatch  them  back  to  us  with- 
your  answer.  Dated  in  Bostcui,  1  Oct.  1G75.  Signed  by  order  of  the. 
council.  JoH»  Leverett,  Gov'. 

Ediai.  Rawson,  Seer."  .  • 

The  messengers  who  went  out  with  tliis  letter,  to  find  Warincdancet,  could* 
not  meet  with  him,  but  employetl  tuiother  to  find  him,  and  returned ;  and 
whether  he  ever  received  it  is  not  distinctly  stated.  However,  with  a  few 
followers,  he  retired  into  the  wilderness  near  the  source  of  tho  Connecticut/ 
and  there  passed  the  winter.  The  next  summer  he  was  joined  by  parties  of 
Nipmuks  under  Sammore  sam,  One-eyed-john,  and  others,  who,  coming  in' 
with  him,  were  in  liopes  of  receiving  pardon,  but  their  fate  has  b^en* 
stated. 

Major  WW-'-oji  of  Cochccho  had  many  Indians  in  his  interest  during  the 
war  with  Philip,  Some  of  these  were  employed  to  entice  men  from  the 
enemy's  ranks,  and  they  succeeded  to  a  great  extent.  And  by  the  Ireginning 
of  September,  1(576,  about  400  Indians,  from  various  clans  far  and  near,  had 
been  mduced  to  come  into  Dover.  Among  these  was  Wannalancet  and  his 
company.  They  came  without  hesitation,  as  they  had  never  been  engaged 
in  the  war ;  and  many  who  had  been  engaged  in  hostility  came  along  with 
them,  presuming  thoy  might  be  overlooked  in  the  crowd,  imd  so  escaj)e  the 
vengeance  of  their  enemies  ;  but  tlicy  were  all  made  prisoners  on  the  6  Sep- 
tember by  a  stratagem  devised  by  si-veral  officers,  who  with  their  men  hap- 
j)ened  then  to  be  at  Dover  with  If'nlilmn,  and  somewhat  more  than  half  of 
the  whole  were  sold  iiUo  foreign  slavery  or  executed  at  Boston:  about  200 
were  of  the  former  number. 


Chap.  VII.] 


tVANNALANCET  RETIRES  TO  CANADA. 


9T 


The  stratagem  made  use  of  to  trepan  those  Indians  was  as  follows:  It  was 
proposed  by  the  English  that  they  should  join  with  tlie  Indians  in  a  training, 
and  have  sham-fights.  Wliile  performing  their  evolutions,  a  movement  was 
made  by  the  whites,  which  entirely  surrounded  the  Indians,  and  they  were 
all  secured  witliout  violence  or  bloodshed. 

On  the  3  May,  1076,  Thomas  Kimhal  of  Bradford  was  killed,  and  his  wife 
and  five  children  carried  into  the  wilderness.  From  the  circumstance  that 
fFantuUancel  caused  them  to  be  sent  home  to  their  fi'icnds  again,  it  would 
8eem  that  they  were  token  by  some  of  the  enemy  within  his  sachemdom,  or 
by  some  over  whom  he  had  some  control.  From  a  manuscript  written  about 
the  time,*  wo  are  able  to  make  the  following  extract,  which  goes  to  show 
that  fVannalancet  was  ever  the  friend  of  the  English,  and  also  his  disposition 
to  humane  actions.  Mr.  Cobbet  says,  "  though  she  [Mrs.  Kimbal,]  and  her 
sucking  child  were  twice  condemned  by  the  Indians,  and  the  fires  ready, 
made  to  burn  them,  yet,  both  times^  saved  by  the  request  of  one  of  their  own 
grandees ;  and  afterwards  by  the  intercession  of  the  sachem  of  Pennicook, 
stirred  uj)  tliereunto  by  Major  fValdron,  was  she  and  iicr  five  children,  together 
with  Philip  Eastman  of  Haverhill,  taken  captive  when  she  and  her  children 
were,  set  at  liberty,  without  ransom." 

The  400  Indians  surprised  at  Cochecho,by  Hathome,  Frost,  Sill,  and  Wal- 
dron,  included  tf^annalancet  with  his  people,  who  did  not  probably  exceed 
100.  This  chief,  then,  with  a  few  of  his  people,  being  set  at  liberty,  was  per- 
suaded to  return  to  his  former  residence  at  Naanikeke,  but  he  never  felt  rec- 
onciled here  afterwards,  for  it  had  become  almost  as  another  place :  some 
lawless  whites  had  seized  upon  his  lands,  and  looked  upon  him  with  envious 
eyes,  as  though  he  had  liecn  an  intruder  and  had  no  right  there.  He,  howe\er, 
continued  for  about  a  year  afterwards,  when,  upon  tlie  19  September,  1G77, 
he  was  visited  by  a  party  of  Indians  from  Canada,  who  urged  him  to  accom- 
pany them  to  th(!ir  country.  He  finally  consentci,  and  with  all  of  his  people, 
except  two,  in  number  about  50,  of  whom  not  above  eight  were  men,  dejjart- 
ed  lor  Canada,  and  was  not  heard  of  after,  f 

It  was  on  this  very  same  day,  viz.  19  September,  that  a  party  of  Indians  fell 
upon  Hatfield,  the  particulars  of  which  irruption,  though  in  one  view  of  the 
case  does  not  strictly  belong  to  the  life  of  nannalancet,  we  give  here  in  the 
words  of  Mr.  Hubbard.  X  "  About  Sept.  19th,  40  or  50  River  Indians  §  fell  sud- 
denly upon  the  town  of  Hatfield,  whose  inhabitants  were  a  little  too  secure, 
and  too  ready  to  say  the  bitterness  of  death  was  past,  because  they  had  neither 
seen  nor  heard  of  an  enemy  in  those  parts  for  half  a  year  before.  But  at  this 
time,  as  a  considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  small  village  were 
employed  in  raising  the  frame  of  an  house  without  the  palisadoes,  that  defend- 
ed their  houses  from  any  sudden  incursions  of  the  enemy,  they  were  violent- 
ly and  suddenly  assaulted  by  40  or  50  Indians,  whom  they  wei'e  in  no  capacity 
to  resist  or  defend  themselves,  so  as  several  were  shot  down  from  the  top  of 
the  house  which  they  vvere  raising,  and  sundry  were  carried  away  captive,  to 
the  number  of  20  or  more,  which  was  made  up  24  with  them  they  carried  away 
the  same  or  the  next  day  from  Deerficld,  whither  some  of  the  inhabitants  had 
unadvisedly  too  soon  returned.  One  of  the  company  escaped  out  of  their  hands 
two  or  three  days  after,  who  informed  that  they  had  passed  with  their  poor 
cai)tivrs  two  or  three  times  over  the  Connecticut  to  prevent  being  pursued." 

At  first  this  attack  was  supposed  to  have  been  made  by  a  party  of  Mohawks, 
according  to  Gookin,  because  it  took  place  the  next  day  after  some,  of  that 
nation  had  passed  through  the  place  with  some  Christian  Indians  prisoners, 
and  a  scalp,  which  was  afterwards  found  to  have  been  taken  from  the  head 
of  an  Indian  named  Josiah  JVauel,  If  near  Sudbury.    But  one  of  the  captives 


*  By  Rev.  T.  CoAAcf  ef  Ipswich. 

t  GooKfN's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Fndians.  t  Hist.  N.  England,  G36. 

5  They  inliahitcd  rhiolly  in  New  York  nlon|j  the  Hudson  ;  a  frw  in  llie  N.  Vv.  corner  of 
Connecticut,  and  a  few  on  the  Housatunnuk  River.  Hopkf.v's  Memoir  of  the  Hmisatnnnuk 
Indians,  p.  1. — "  The  Wabiiiga,  sometimes  called  River  Indians,  sometimes  Mohicanders, 
and  who  had  their  dwellings  between  the  west  branch  of  Delaware  and  Hudson's  River,  from 
the  Kitlntinney  ridge  down  to  the  Rarilon."     Jefferson's  Notes,  .WS. 

II  By  his  death  four  small  childrea  were  If  ^  fatherless.  Ntmel  and  James  Seen  had  been 
9 


08 


ASIIPELON.— STOCKWELI/S  CAPTIVITY. 


[Book  III. 


taken  at  Hatfield  escaped,  and  rotiirnod  soon  after,  and  reported  thattlie  rom- 
puny  of  Indians  tl-Ht  attacked  Hatfield  consisted  of  23  men  and  four  women, 
and  were  some  of  those  who  had  l)oh)n>red  to  Philip's  party,  l)Ut  had  taken 
up  their  residence  in  Canada,  from  whence  tiiey  made  tiiis  exjiedition.* 
Another  party  left  Canada  at  tiie  same  time,  who,  after  separating  ii'oni  the 
former,  directed  theic  course  towards  ftlcrrimack,  and  this  was  the  company 
who  {)er8iiaded  or  comjjellod  fi'annalnncet  to  go  with  them.  That  he  went 
not  by  compulsion  is  very  prohable  ;  for  the  i)arty  with  whom  lie  went  oflf 
"were  his  kindred  and  relations,  one  of  them  was  his  wife's  brother,  and  his 
eldest  son  also  lived  with  the  French  "  in  Canada,  f 

While  at  Pawtncket,  and  not  long  belijro  his  final  departure,  Wannalancet 
went  to  the  Reverend  Mr.  Fiske  of  Chelmsford,  and  inquircul  of  him  con- 
cerning the  welfiire  of  his  former  acquaintances,  and  whether  the  place  had 
snftercd  much  during  the  war.  Mr.  Mske  answered  that  they  had  been 
highly  favored  in  that  resi)ect,  and  for  which  he  thanked  God.  "  Me  next," 
said  the  chief,  thereby  intimating  that  ho  was  conscious  of  having  prevented 
mischief  from  falling  upon  them.  \ 

In  1059,  Wannalnnsit  was  thrown  into  prison  for  a  debt  of  about  £45.  IIi» 
people,  who  owned  an  island  in  3Ierrimack  River,  three  miles  above  Paw- 
tuckett  Falls,  containing  60  acres,  half  of  which  was  under  cultivation, 
relinquished  it,  to  obtain  his  release.  About  1G70,  ho  removed  to  PawtucJcett 
Falls,  where,  upon  an  eminence,  he  built  a  fort,  and  resided  until  Philip's 
■war.  He  was  about  55  years  of  age  in  1()74 ;  always  friendly  to  the  English, 
but  unwilling  to  bo  importuned  about  adopting  tlieir  religion.  When  he  hacl 
pot  to  be  very  old,  however,  he  submitted  to  their  desires  in  that  respect. 
Upon  that  occasion  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  I  must  acknowledge  I  have  all 
mif  days  been  used  to  pass  in  an  old  canoe,  and  now  you  exhort  rne  to  change  and 
leave  my  old  canoe  and  embark  in  a  new  one,  to  which  I  have  hitherto  been  umvill- 
ing,  bid  now  I  yield  up  myself  (o  your  advice,  and  enter  into  a  ncio  canoe,  and 
do  engage  to  pray  to  God  litreafUrf* 

Reverend  John  Eliot  thus  writes  to  the  Honorable  Robert  Boyle  §  in  England, 


together  but  half  an  hour  before  the  former  was  killed,  and  by  appointment  were  to  have  met 
again.  But  ivlieii  Ifpceit  came  to  the  place,  he  could  tiiid  nothing  of  his  friend.  Tlioy  were 
brolhers-in-taw. 

*  It  seems  from  the  narrative  of  Quint'm  StockireH,  that  the  party  who  oommiltrd  this 
depredation  was  lorl  liy  a  groa<  and  magnanimous  saehem  railed  ASHPELON,  of  whom, 
further  than  the  events  of  this  famous  expedition,  I  have  learned  nothing.  "  Sept.  19,  J()77, 
about  sunset,"  saya  Stoctwell,  "land  another  man  being  together,  the  Indians  with  great 
shouting  and  shooting  came  upon  us,  [at  Decrfield,]  and  some  other  of  the  English  hard  by,  at 
which  we  ran  to  a  swamp  for  refuge  ;  which  they  perceiving,  made  after  us,  and  shot  at  us, 
three  guns  being  discharged  upon  me.  The  swamp  being  miry  I  slipt  in  and  fell  down  ; 
whereupon  an  Indian  slept  to  me,  with  his  hatchet  lifted  up  to  knock  me  on  the  head,  sup- 
posing 1  was  wounded,  and  unfit  for  travel.  It  happened  I  had  a  pistol  in  my  pockel,  which 
though  uncharged,  I  presented  to  him,  who  presently  stept  back,  and  told  me,  if  1  would 
yield  I  should  liave  no  iiurt ;  boasted  that  they  had  destroyed  all  Hatiield,  and  that  the  woods 
were  full  of  Indians  ;  wheronpon  I  yielded  myself"  He  was  then  taken  back  to  Decrfield, 
where  he  was  pinioned,  and  with  other  captives  marched  into  the  wilderness.  Their  siiller- 
ings,  as  usual  m  Indian  captivity,  were  most  cruel  and  severe ;  for  many  nights  together  they 
were  "  staked  dovfn  "  to  tlie  cold  ground,  in  this  manner  :  The  captive  being  lain 


back,  his  arms  and  feet  were  extended,  and  with  cords  or  withes  lashed  to 


upon  his 
strikes  driven 


into  the  ground  for  thai  purpose.  Uesider,  lashing  the  arms  and  lees,  the  neck  and  body  were 
also  secured  in  the  same  way,  and  often  so  tight  as  to  cause  swelfings  and  the  most  excruci- 
ating pains.  While  on  their  march,  the  captives  had  frequent  opportunities  of  escaping 
singTy,  but  would  not,  lor  fear  of  endangering  the  lives  of  the  rest ;  but  at  length  Bevjamin 
Stebhins,  in  a  journey  whh  his  Indian  master  to  VVachuset  hill,  made  his  escape.  When  the 
rest  knew  this,  they  were  for  burning  the  remaining  captives,  but  .some  being  opposed  te  the 
measure,  they  agreed  to  have  a  cmirt  and  debate  tlie  suoject.  Ashpelon  told  the  English  not 
to  fear,  for  he  would  speak  last,  and  would  frustrate  the  design  of  burning,  for  he  would  show 
that  it  was  not  Stebbins's  fault  (or  running  away,  but  the  fault  of  the  Indian  who  had  him  in 
charge ;  and  he  brought  it  to  pass,  as  he  had  promised.  Having  at  length  arrived  among  the 
French,  Stockwell  was  pawned  to  one  of  them,  and  in  the  end  sold  for  21  beaver  skins,  and 
some  time  the  next  year  got  home  again.     Remarkable  Proridences.    Dlome's  America,  221. 

t  Gonkin's  MS.  History.  i  Allen's  Hist.  Chelmsford,  157. 

^  For  many  years  at  the  head  of  the  Society  for  Proi^agating  the  Gospel  among  the  Indians. 
He  was  a  great  benefactor  of  N.  England,  and  one  of  the  foimders  of  the  Roval  Society  of 
Loudon.    He  was  by  birth  an  Irishman,  but  settled  finally  at  Oxford,  England.    lie  died  in  Loii- 


[Book  III, 

nttliecom- 
iir  womon, 
liad  taken 
xpedition.* 
J  iioni  tha 
e  company 
it  lie  went 
I  went  off 
er,  and  lii» 

^annalancet 
'  liim  con- 
I  place  had 
had  been 
Me  next," 
:  prevented 

£45.  His 
bove  Paw- 
cultivation, 
'awtiickett 
itil  Philip's 
le.  English, 
len  he  hatl 
at  rcspectr 
e  /  httve  all 
:hange  and 
sen  nnurill- 
canoe,  and 

a  England, 


to  have  met 
Tliey  were 

Timittrd  this 
of  whom, 
19,  lfi77, 
with  great 
hard  by,  at 
shot  at  us, 
fell  down  ; 
head,  sii;)- 
kcl,  which 
if  1  would 
the  woods 
Decrfield, 
heir  sullbr- 
a'ther  they 
upon  his 
kcs  driven 
body  were 
>st  cxTruci- 
esrapinp;' 
Benjamin 
VVhoii  the 
osed  te  the 
nglish  not 
ould  sliow 
lad  him  in 
among  the 
skins,  and 
erica,  221. 
rd,  157. 
ie  Indians, 
jociety  of 
ed  in  Lou- 


Chap.  VII.] 


WANNALANCET. 


in  1677 : — "  We  had  a  sachem  of  the  gi-eateat  blood  in  die  coimtry  submitted 
to  pray  to  God,  a  little  belbre  tlie  wars :  his  name  is  Wanalauncet :  in  the 
time  of  the  wars  he  fled,  by  rea.son  of  the  wicked  actings  of  some  English 
youth,  who  causelessly  and  basely  killed  imd  wounded  soine  of  them.  He 
was  persuaded  to  come  in  again.  But  tiie  English  having  plowed  and  sown 
with  ry«  all  their  lands,  they  had  but  little  corn  to  subsist  by.  A  party  of 
French  Indians,  (of  whom  some  were  of  the  kindred  of  this  sachem's  wife,) 
very  lately  fell  upon  this  peoj)le,  being  but  few  and  unarmed,  and  partly  by 
perauBsion,  partly  by  force,  carried  them  away.  One,  with  his  wife,  child 
and  kinswoman,  who  were  of  om*  praying  Indians,  made  their  escape,  came 
in  to  the  English,  and  discovered  what  was  done.  These  things  keep  some 
in  a  continual  disgust  and  jealousy  of  all  the  Indians."  * 

It  may  be  proper  to  add  a  word  upon  the  name  of  the  place  which  we 
liave  often  mentioned  in  this  life,  as  the  same  word,  differently  pronounced, 
was  applied  to  a  great  many  places  by  the  Indians,  and  is  the  same  word 
which  Dr.  /.  Mather  and  some  others  made  many  believe  was  made  up  of 
two  Hebrew  words,  to  prove  that  the  Indians  were  really  the  descendants  of 
the  diBjjersed  Jews ;  but  for  which  purpose,  if  we  are  not  misinfornjied,  any 
other  Indian  word  would  answer  the  same  purpose.  The  doctor  writes 
the  name  JVehumkdk,  and  adds  that  JSTahum  signifies  consolation,  and  kdk  a 
hosom,  or  heaven  ;  and  hence  tiie  settlers  of  places  bearing  this  name  were 
seated  in  the  bosom  of  consolation,  f  He  points  out  this  etymological  anal- 
ogy in  speaking  of  the  settlement  of  Salem,  which  was  called  by  the  Indians 
J^aumkeag,  JVumkeg,  JVaamhok,  JVaumkuJc,  or  something  a  little  somewhat 
like  it.  A  sad  bosome  of  consolation,  did  it  prove  in  the  days  of  Tituha,  (to 
.say  nothing  of  some  more  modern  events,)  and  even  in  Dr.  Mather's  own 
days.  [Though  a  digression,  we  shall,  I  doubt  not,  be  pardoned  for  uiseiting 
here  Th:  C.  Mather's  account  of  a  curiosity  at  Ainoskeag  Falls,  which  he  gave 
in  a  letter  to  London,  and  which  atlerwai'ds  appeared  in  the  Philosophical 
Transactions :  t  "  At  a  i)!ace  called  Aniuuskeag,  a  liiile  above  the  hideous  § 
falls  of  Merimack  River,  there  is  a  huge  rock  in  the  midst  of  the  stream,  on 
the  top  of  which  are  a  great  number  of  pits,  made  exactly  round,  like  barrels 
or  hogsheads  of  different  capacities,  some  so  large  as  to  hold  several  tuns. 
The  natives  know  nothing  of  the  time  they  were  made ;  but  the  neighboring 
Indians  htive  been  wont  to  hide  their  provisions  in  them,  in  their  wars  with  tlm 
]Maquus ;  affirming,  God  had  cut  them  out  lor  that  use  for  them.  They  seem 
plainly  to  be  urtificiid."  It  could  certainly  have  required  no  great  sagacity 
to  have  supposed  that  one  stone  placed  upon  another  in  the  water,  so  as  to 
have  been  constantly  rolled  from  side  to  side  by  the  current,  would,  in  time, 
occasion  such  cavities.  One  quite  as  remarkable  we  have  seen  near  the 
source  of  this  river,  in  its  descent  from  the  Franconia  Mountains ;  also  upon 
the  Mohawk,  a  short  distance  below  Little  Falls.  They  may  be  seen  as  you 
puss  upon  the  canal. 

Eai'ly  purchases  of  lands  bring  to  our  notice  a  host  of  Indians,  many  of 

don,  IfiOl,  aged  fi4  years.    The  following  lines  are  no  less  well  conceived  by  the  poet  than 
dtiscrviid  by  tliis  benevolent  philosopher : 

How  much  to  BovLE  the  learned  world  does  owe, 
•  The  learned  world  does  only  know. 

He  traced  great  nature's  scciel  springs  ;  '^  . 

The  causes  and  the  seeds  of  things }  i 

What  strange  elastic  power  the  air  contains, 
What  mother  earth  secures  within  her  secret  veins. 

Atlienian  Oracle,  i.  67. 
•  1  Coll.  Slass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  179. 

t  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.  20.  Dr.  Increase  Matlier  was  the  author  of  a  great  many 
works,  chiefly  sermons,  many  of  which  have  become  curious  for  their  singularity,  and  some 
others  valuable  for  the  facts  they  contain.  His  sermons,  like  many  others  of  that  day,  had 
very  little  meaning  in  them,  anJ  consequently  are  now  forgotten.  He  was  son  of  Ricltard 
Mather,  preached  m  ISostoii  above  60  years,  died  in  1723,  aged  84  years.  See  his  life,  by  his 
son,  Dr.  Cotton  Mather,  who  was  born  12  Feb,  1G62— d,  died  13  Feb.  1727—8,  aged  65.  See 
his  life  by  Santiirl  Mather. 

I  Vol.  v.  of  Jones's  Al)ridgement,  part  ii.  164. 

^  \Vc  cannot  say  what  they  were  in  those  days,  but  s'houid  expect  to  be  laughed  at  if  w« 
jsbotjld  call  them  hidetms  at  the  present  time. 


100 


WEHANOWNOWIT.— ROBINHOOD. 


[Book  HI. 


whom,  though  snchems,  but  for  such  circumstances  of  trade,  would  never 
liuvo  come  to  our  kiiowledire.  There  are  some,  however,  of  whom  we  shall 
in  this  chapter  take  notice,  as  such  notices  assist  in  enabling  us  to  judge  how 
the  natives  regarded  theii"  lands,  and  the  territories  of  their  neighboring 
countrymen. 

WEHiVNOWNOWIT  was  a  New  Hampshire  sachem,  whose  name  has 
been  considerably  handled  within  a  few  years,  from  its  being  found  to  the 
much-talked-of  (lo.ed  conveyijig  lands  in  New  Hampshire  to  the  Reverend 
John  Wlieelwri^lit,  and  others,  3  April,  1G38.  If  ff'ehanownoimt  were  sachem  of 
the  tract  said  to  have  been  by  him  conveyed,  his  "  kingdom "  was  larger 
than  some  can  boast  of  at  this  day  who  call  themselves  kings.  It  was  to 
contain  '30  miles  siiuare,  and  its  boundaries  were  thus  de8cri!)cd :  "  lying  and 
situate  within  three  miles  on  the  northerne  side  of  y"  River  Meremoke, 
extending  thirty  miles  along  by  the  river  from  the  sea  side,  and  from  the 
sayd  river  side  to  Pisscutacpia  Patents,  30  miles  up  into  the  countrey  north- 
west, and  so  Irom  the  fiills  of  Piscataqua  to  Oy^^ter  River,  30  miles  square 
every  way."  The  original  is  in  possession  of  Mr.  John  Farmer,  of  Concord, 
N-  II.  *  TuMMADOCKYOjv  was  a  son  of  Wehanoumotrnt,  and  his  name  is  also 
to  till!  deed  above  mentioned ;  and  another  Indian,  belonging  to  that  tract  of 
country,  named  fVatchenowd :  these  both  relinquished  their  title  to,  or  con- 
curred in  the  sale  of  said  tract. 

lloBi.NHooD  t  was  the  liitiier  of  a  more  noted  chief,  whose  Indian  name 
was  Wohawa,  but  connnonly  known  among  the  English  as  Hopehood.  His 
territories,  as  will  appear,  were  upon  the  Kennebeck  River  in  the  first  settle- 
ment of  N.  England. 

Our  first  notice  of  Robinhood  vans  as  follows:  "Be  it  known" — "that  I, 
itaj«f£ft/i,  I  soe  called  by  my  Indian  name,  or  Robinhood,  soe  called  by 
English  name,  sagamore  of  Negusset,  [or  Neguasseag,]  doe  freely  sell  vnto 
James  Smitli,"  —  "part  of  my  land,  beginning  att  Merry-meeting  Cove,  and 
soe  dowjiward  the  maine  riuer  vnto  a  rocke,  called  H'inshwe's  Rocke,  in  the 
longe  reach,  and  in  breadtii  eastward  oner  the  little  riuer,  runinge  tlirough 
the  great  niersh,  with  the  priuilidges  [reserved  to  me]  as  hunting,  fbwlinge, 
fishing,  and  other  games."  Smith  was  to  pay  him  or  liis  heirs,  on  the  1  No- 
vember annually,  "one  peek  of  Indian  corn."  This  deed  bears  date  8  May, 
lt>48,  and  is  signed  and  witnessed  as  follows : — § 

Negwinis  his  -j-  rnark.  Robinhood  VJ  his  mark. 

So.vtiRKEHooD /lis   \' nutrk  Mr.TiioMAS  ^  his  mark, 

and  two  English.  Pewazeosakk  Q^his  mark. 

The  mark  ^^  oj  Robin. 

The  next  year,  KMO,  he  sold  the  island  of  Jen>my8<juam,  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Keimeheek,  and  in  l(i.>l  we  find  him  selling  his  place  of  residence, 
vfrhich  was  in  what  is  now  Woolwich,  to  Edward  Bateman  and  John  Brown. 
In  1(>03,  liohiidiood  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  principal  chiefs  among  the 
eastern  Inilians.  || 

In  M\7,  the  inhabitants  upon  Connecticut  River,  about  lladley,  sustained 
some  injmy  fi-om  IndiariH,  iu  their  lands  and  domestic  animals,  and  Niitistac- 
tion  thereti)r  was  ilemanded  of  Robinhood;  at  tlu;  same  tiiue  threatening  him 
witii  the  utmost  severity,  If  the  like  should  be  repeated.  But  whether  his 
people  were  tla;  perpetrators  we  are  not  told  ;  but  from  the  following  fiicts 
it  may  hi;  thtiught  otherwise.  "'l"o  promote  amity  with  them,  license  was  at 
'  Icngtii  given  to  the  trtulers  in  fur  and  in  peltries,  to  sell  unto  Indian  friends 


*  MS.  roinimuiicnliein  of  tbnt  gcnilcmnii. 

i  'I'lii'*  iiiiim^  was  iidiiptod,  I  li.ivc  ii«  doiihl,  as  it  ramc  somolhinif  nrar  iho  snund  of  his 
Indinii  11,11111',  as  wns  llii,'  case  in  scvi'ral  uisliiiici'S  wliicii  we  liiivc  ulroiuly  rcoordod  :  ihc  old 
Kiii^IImIi  riililxT  uf  dial  iiaiiif,  or  f'lihlcs  roiirrrninf;  liiin,  an;  uiiiiiiig  tlio  iirsl  in  tlio  nurspry. 
Uvi'ji  at  litis  dav,  llii-  I'lirimis  adult  will  di!i|)oiiso  with  Mr.  KUsun'n  collucliuiitl  of  legt:uds  con- 
ccniin;;  liiin  willi  |M'('iiliar  rf|;rt't. 

i  'I'lic  same,  I  Mippiisp,  railed  in  S'lllivuii'ii  Hist.  Rof^nmok, 


Jl-'roiM  a  iiiiiniisiripl  copy  of tlio  orii;iiiBl  dct'd. 
Hy  Ji'SfltjH,  who  xii,iiL'il  ''■-  c  """y  »•  this  lime.    Sco  his  V(i 


yyagei. 


[Book  HI. 


Chap.  VIL] 


KENNEBIS.— CHOCORUA. 


101 


TOiild  never 
om  we  shall 
J  judge  how 
neighboring 

e  name  has 
)und  to  the 
e  Reverend 
e  sacliem  of 
'  was  larger 
It  was  to 
"  lying  and 
Meremoke, 
id  from  the 
iitrey  north- 
liles  square 
of  Concord, 
amc  is  also 
hat  tract  of 
to,  or  con- 

idian  name 

lehood.    His 

first  settie- 

"— "thati, 
)  called  by 
ly  sell  vnto 
f  Cove,  and 
%cke,  in  the 
ige  tlirough 
g,  fowlinge, 
II  the  1  No- 
date  8  May, 

wrk, 
nark, 
ia  mark. 

BIN. 

ic  east  side 

residonce, 

ohn  Broum, 

among  the 


1(1 


HiiHtainnd 
satJHfac- 

tening  him 
u'ther  his 
wing  facts 
80  was  at 

'an  Jriemls 


guns  aiid  ammunUion."  *  Hence  tliese  friends  could  see  no  reason,  after- 
wards, why  arms  were  prohibited  thein,  us  we  shall  again  have  occasion  to 
notice. 

On  the  breaking  out  of  Philip's  wai-,  Rohinhood  was  in  no  wise  inclined 
to  join  in  it,  and  when  a  piuty  of  English  was  sent  at  that  time  to  learn 
the  feelings  of  his  people  in  that  res])ect,  he  made  a  great  dance,  and  by 
songs  and  shouts  expresHcd  his  satisfaction  tluit  the  English  were  disposed 
to  maintain  peace. 

MoNQDiNE,  "alias  JVatahanada,  the  son  of  old  JValawortnett,  sagamore  of 
Kcnnebeck  River,"  sold  to  IftUiani  Bradford  and  others,  all  the  land  on  both 
sides  of  ^aid  river,  "  I'rom  Cussenocke  upwards  to  We^serunsicke."  This 
sale  bore  date  8  August,  1(>48.  The  signature  is  "Monquine,  alias  Dum- 
Jianadd.^'  Then  follows :  "  We,  Jigodoademago,  the  sonne  of  WaasluenmlU  'i" J 
Tassiocke,  the  brother  of  JVataliunada,  f  do  consent  freely  unto  the  sale  to 
Bnulford,  Paddy,  and  others."  J 

lvE>.NKBis  was  a  sachem  from  whom  it  has  been  supposed  that  the  Ken- 
neheck  River  derived  its  name.  But  whetlier  there  were  a  line  of  eaga- 
niorcis  of  this  name,  li'om  whom  the  river  was  so  called,  or  whether  sachems 
were  so  called  troui  their  living  at  a  certain  place  upon  it,  is  unceitain.  Ix 
is  ccrtiiin,  however,  that  there  was  one  of  this  naine  residing  there,  conteni- 
])oraneously  with  Rohinhood,  who,  besides  several  others,  deeded  and 
ledcoded  the  lands  up  and  down  in  the  country.  He  was  sometimes  asso- 
ciated in  his  sales  with  jlbbigadasset,  and  sometimes  with  others.  In  l(i49, 
he  sold  to  Chriaioplier  Lawson  all  tlie  laud  on  the  Kennebeck  River  up  as 
hijr'i  as  Taconnet  liills,  now  Whislow,  which  was  the  residence  of  the  great 
«;!)i(t'  Essiminasqua,  or  Jlssinmutsqua,  elsewhere  mentioned.  About  the 
BiniH'.  time,  he  sold  tjie  same  tract,  or  a  jjart  of  it,  to  Spencer  and  Clark.  The 
r;'s'dt!uce  of  Kcnnchis  was  \i\mi\  Swan  Isliuid,  "in  a  delightful  situation,  and 
that  of  Ahblgadassd  between  a  river  of  his  name  and  the  Kennebeck,  Jipon 
tlie  northern  borders  of  Merry-meeting  Bay."  §  Swan  Island  was  purchasetl 
ot"  .ibbigadassel  in  1007,  by  Humphry  Dame,  and  al'tervvards  claimed  by  Sir 
John  Davy,  a  serjeant  at  law.  {| 

We  shall  prt)ceed  to  notice  hero  one,  of  anotlier  age,  whose  melancholy 
fate  has  Jong  since  commanded  the  attention  of  writers. 

Some  time  previous  to  the  settlement  of  Bui'ton,  N.  II.,  that  is,  previous  to 
17(>0,  there  resided  in  that  region  a  small  tribe  of  Indians,  among  whom  was 
one  named 

CimcoRUA,  and  he  was  the  last  of  the  primitives  of  tliose  romantic  scenes. 
This  region  was  attracting  to  them  on  account  of  the  beaver  which  were 
fomid  ill  its  pellucid  waters,  and  its  cragged  cliflij  atlbrded  safe  retreats  to  a 
pliMitifiil  game.  It  ie  handed  to  us  by  tradition,  that  Chocoriia  was  the  last 
oi'  tills  region,  and  that  he  was  murdered  by  a  miserable  wiiite  hunter,  who, 
with  others  of  his  complexion,  had  wandered  here  in  (piest  of  game.  This 
solitary  man  hud  retir4>d  to  a  neighboring  mountain,  and  was  there  discovered 
and  siiot.  The  eniiimnce  to  which  it  is  said  this  Indian  had  rctinul,  is  the 
highest  mountain  in  iUirtoii,  and  commands  u  beautiful  view  of  u  great 
extent  of  surrouuiling  country.  One  of  the  most  superb  engravings  that 
has  appeared  in  all  uur  annuals,  is  tliat  representuig  Chocorua  in  Lis  last 
retreat. 

It  is  a  fiict  wi^ll  known  in  all  the  mughboring  parts  of  the  country,  that 
cattle  cannot  long  survive  in  Burton,  idthough  there  appears  abiiiidan(;e  of 
all  that  is  necessary  ibr  their  support.    They  Jose  their  a|)|K  tite,  pine  and 


ioimd  of  his 

<l :  llic  old 

ilio  nursery. 

lejfciuls  coD- 


*    Willhimsoii's  Afttine.  i.  i'ifi,  from  3  ^f(lsf.  Kfr. 

t  It  ii|i|ii;iirH  from  the  "  Anxirrr  In  ttif  Renmrk.<  of  the  Phjmimth  Compami,''  llint  f'ssEMK- 
Nos({i)K  was  also  one  that  roMsoiilcil  to  the  sale,  lie  is  tlio  same  whom  wc  shall  iintico  us 
Ax.-.iiiiiiiiit(iini  ill  our  iiuxt  oliiiiiU'r, 

{  I'l  opli' of  Plimouih. —  U  i//i(iMi  i'(u/(/i/ died  at  Uostnii.  Ilis  grnvcstoiio  wa«  dug  out  of 
till'  riiWiisli  under  llic  old  stale-house  in  iftK). 

ii\    WiHirunfon,  i.  4r>7. 

II   W'illiiiinsoH,  i.  liiil,    Dr.  Holiiui,  in  hit  Animis,  places  ilio  sale  of  Swan  Island  under 

u;i;;!. 

0* 


102 


SQUANDO.— BURNING  O*   SACO. 


[Book  III. 


die.  It  is  said  that  Chocorua  cursed  the  English  before  he  expired,  and  the 
superstitious,  to  this  day,  attribute  the  disease  of  cattle  to  the  curse  of  ChO' 
coma.  But  a  much  more  rational  one,  we  apprehend,  will  be  found  in  the 
affection  of  the  waters  by  minerals. 


be 
fe< 
ho 
ne 

Sq 


CHAPTER  Vm. 

S^CANDO,  sachem  ofSaco — Attacks  the  town  of  Saco — Singular  accovnt  of  him  by  a 
contemporary — The  ill  treatment  of  his  wife  a  causeof  war — His  humanity  in  restor- 
ing a  captive — Madokawando — Causes  of  his  hostility  —  Assiminasqua — His 
speech — Speech  of  Tarumkin — Mb'oo — Is  carried  to  Boston  to  execute  a  treaty — Is 
Madokawando' s  ambassador — Release  of  Thomas  Cobbet — Madok/ncando's  kindness 
to  prisoners — Mows  attacks  Wells  and  is  beaten  off — Attacked  the  next  year  by  the 
Indians  under  Madokawando  and  a.  company  of  Frenchmen — Jlrc  repulsed  with 
great  loss — Incidents  of  the  siege — Mons.  Casteins — Jl  further  account  of  Moxus — 
Wanunconet — AssAcoMDUiT — Further  account  of  Miigg — His  death — Svmon, 
Andrew,  Jeoffrev,  Peter  and  Joseph — Account  of  their  depredations — Lift  of 
Kankamaous — Treated  with  neglect- -Flies  his  country — Becomes  an  enemy — 
Surprijie  of  Dover  and  murder  of  Mtij.  Wuldron  —  Masandowet — Worombo — 
His  fort  captured  by  Church — Kankamagus's  wife  and  children  taken — Hopehood — 
Conspicuous  in  the  massacre  at  Salmon  Falls — His  death — Mattahando — 
Megunneway. 

The  first  chief  which  will  here  be  properly  noticed  is  S(f  .,tdo,  a  Tar- 
ratine,  sachem  of  the  Socnkis,  commonly  called  saframore  of  Snco.  He  is 
mentioned  with  a  good  deal  of  singularity  by  the  writers  of  liis  times.  Anil 
we  will  here,  by  way  of  exordium,  extract  what  Mr,  Mather,  in  his  Brief 
History,  &c.,  says  of  him.  "  Aflcr  this,  [the  burning  of  Cnsco,]  tlioy  [the 
Indians]  s«!t  upon  Saco,  where  they  slew  13  men,  and  at  lest  burnt  the  town. 
A  principal  actor  in  the  destruction  of  Saco  was  a  strange  enlh.mnslical  saga- 
more called  Sqnando,  who,  some  years  before,  pretended  that  God  appeared 
to  him  in  the  form  of  a  tall  man,  in  black  clothes,  declaring  to  him  that  he 
was  God,  and  conunanded  him  to  leave  his  drinking  of  strong  li(]uor8,  and 
to  pray,  and  to  kcej)  sabbaths,  and  to  go  to  hear  the  word  ])r('uclied ;  all 
which  things  the  Indian  did  lor  some  years,  with  great  seeming  devotion 
and  conscience,  observe.  But  the  God  which  appeared  to  him  said  nothing 
to  him  about  Jems  Christ;  and  therefore  it  is  not  to  be  marvelled  at,  tiint  at 
last  he  discovered  himself  to  be  no  otherwise  than  a  child  of  him  that  was 
a  murderer  and  a  liiu"  from  the  beginning."  Mr.  Huhbard  sajs  that  he  was 
"the  chief  actor  or  rather  tiie  begiimer"  of  the  eastern  war  of  ](i7.5 — (i; 
but  ratiier  contradicts  the  statement,  as  we  apprehend,  in  the  same  para- 
jraph,  by  attributing  the  same  cavse  to  the  "rune  and  indiscrete  act  of  some 
'•English  seamen,"  who  either  for  mischief  overset  a  canoe  in  wliich  was 
Squandd's  wife  and  child,  or  to  see  if  young  Indians  could  swim  naturally 
like  animals  of  tin;  brutt^  creation,  as  some  had  rej»orted.  *  Tiie  child  went 
to  the  bottom,  but  was  saved  from  drowning  by  the  mother's  diving  down 
and  bringing  it  up,  yet  "within  a  while  alter  the  said  child  died."  "The 
said  Squando,  fiitlier  of  the  child,  hath  been  so  provoked  th(>reat,  that  he  hath 
ever  sine(»  set  himself  to  di>  all  tlie  mischief  he  can  to  the  Kngiish."  The 
whites  (lid  not  helieve  tiiat  the  death  of  the  child  was  owing  to  its  iiiimer- 
sion;  still  we  mu^t  allow  the  Indians  to  know  as  well  as  tliey.  As  the 
most  memoralile  exploit  in  wliich  Squando  was  engaged  was  tlH>  biu'ning 
of  Saco,  it  will  he  proper  to  enter  hen!  nion;  in  detail  into  it.  The  two  prin- 
cijial  inhabitants  of  the  place  were  Gaptaui  Bonithon  and  Major  Phillips, 
whose  dwellings  were  situated  on  opposite  sides  of  Saco  River;  the  former 
on  the  east  and  the  latter  on  the  west.  On  IH  Se|)temlMT,  1fi7r>,  ('aptain  Hon- 
Uhon^s  house  was  discovered  to  be  on  i^re,  but  himself  and  fiiinily  had  just 


If 


*  "  They  run  swim  nniiiriilly,  •ilrikiiiir  ilx 'r  pnws  under  Ihrir  lliroal  like  a  dog,  and  uol 
iprcadiiig  tliuir  ariiu  Uii  wu  do."    Jonailyn's  Vnyiige  to  N,  E.  Hi. 


Chap.  VIII,] 


BURNING  OF  SACO. 


103 


before  escaped  across  the  river  to  Major  Phillip's,  and  thus  fortunately  de- 
feated a  part  of  the  design  of  their  ene">ies.  For  this  fortunate  escape, 
however,  tliey  were  under  deep  obligation  to  a  friendly  hidian  who  lived 
near  by ;  he  having  been  some  how  made  acquainted  with  the  design  of 
Squanto,  immediutely  imparted  his  information  to  the  English. 

The  fire  of  Bouithon's  house,  says  Mr.  Hubbard, "  was  to  tliem  [at  Phillips's 
gan'ison,]  as  the  firing  of  a  beacon,"  which  gave  them  "time  to  look  to  them- 
selves." A  sentinel  in  the  chanil)er  soon  gave  notice  that  he  saw  an  Indian  near 
at  hand,  and  Major  Phillips  going  into  the  top  of  the  house  to  make  further 
discoveiy,  received  a  shot  in  the  shoulder ;  but  It  proved  to  be  only  a  flesh 
wound.  Knowing  Phillips,  and  supposing  him  to  be  slain,  the  Indians 
raised  a  great  shout,  and  instantly  discovered  themselves  on  all  sides  of  the 
garrison ;  but  the  FiUglish,  being  well  prepared,  tired  upon  them  from  all 
quarters  of  their  works,  killing  some  and  wounding  others.  Among  the 
latter  was  a  chief  who  died  in  his  retreat,  three  or  four  miles  from  the  place. 
He  advised  his  fellows  to  desist  from  the  enterprise,  but  they  refused,  and 
afler  continuing  tiie  siege  for  about  an  hour  longer,  they  began  to  devise 
some  means  to  set  the  garrison  on  fire.  But  in  order  to  draw  out  the  men 
from  it  in  the  first  place,  they  set  a  house  on  fire  near  it,  and  also  a  saw  and 
grist  mill ;  that  not  having  the  desired  eflect,  they  called  to  them  in  an 
exulting  tone,  and  said,  "  i'ou  cowardly  English  dogs,  come  out  and  put  out  the 
JireJ  " 

The  attack  had  begun  about  11  o'clock  in  the  day,  and  though  the  night 
partially  put  an  end  to  it,  yet  the  English  were  alarnn-d  every  half  hour, 
nnril  about  four  or  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  work  of  the  preced- 
ing night  discovered  itself  A  noise  of  axes  and  other  tools  had  been  heard 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  saw-mill,  and  it  was  expected  the  Indians  were 
preparing  some  engine  with  which  to  accomplish  their  object,  and  it  proved 
true.  A  cart  with  four  wheels  had  been  constructed,  and  on  one  end  they 
had  erected  a  breastwork,  while  tins  body  of  the  cart  was  tilled  with  birch, 
straw,  powder,  and  such  like  mat'ers  for  the  ready  coiisiunniation  of  their 
stratagem.  The  approach  of  this  formidable  machine  dismayed  some  of 
the  Englishmen  in  tiie  gairison ;  bu,  being  encouraged  by  their  otlicers,  they 
stood  to  their  quarters,  and  awaited  its  a()proach.  Their  orders  were  not  to 
fire  until  it  came  within  pistol  shot.  When  it  had  got  within  about  that 
distance,  one  of  the  wheels  stuck  fast  in  a  gutter,  which  its  impellers  not 
observing  in  season,  they  forced  the  other  wheels  onward,  and  brought  them- 
selves into  a  position  to  be  eft'ectually  niked  by  the  right  flank  of  the  garri- 
soM.  This  mistake  of  the  enemy  was  improved  to  great  advantage  by  the 
English.  Thev  poured  in  a  sudden  fire  upon  them,  killing  six  and  wound- 
ing 15  more.  'This  sudden  and  unexpected  reverse  decided  the  fate  of  the 
garrison.  The  Indians  immediately  retreated,  and  the  garrison  received  no 
further  molestation. 

As  was  gen(Mally  the  case  in  sieges  of  this  kind,  the  Englisli  learned  what 
damage  they  di<l  tlieir  enemy,  their  numbers,  &-c.,  some  time  afler  tiie  aflhir 
hapjiened.  In  this  ease,  how.iver,  nothing  more  is  related  concerning  the  loss 
of  the  Indians  than  we  have  given,  and  their  iiumberH  Mr.  lluhburd  does  not 
expnssly  state,  but  siiys  tlie  people  in  the  garrison  "espied  40  of  them 
marching  away  the  next  morning  at  sunrisi*,  l)Ut  how  many  more  were  in 
their  «onipany  they  conld  not  tell."*  There  were  .W  jiersons  in  the  garri- 
son, tlioiigh  but  15  of  them  wen;  able  to  act  in  its  (leti<nc<<. 

lint  t()W  days  belore  the  alliiir  at  Saco,  vi/.  on  I'i  f  Septemiier,  the  family  of 
ThoiiKi.i  Wdkrhi  at  I'resumpseot  River  were  niassaered  in  a  r(>volling  manner. 
The  "  old  mini,"  his  son,  and  his  daughter-in-law,  then  fiKfiH/f,  with  throe 
grandihildren,  were  all  murdered,  and  when  discovenMl  by  their  neighbors, 
partly  liurned  in  the  ruins  of  their  habitation,  to  which  the  Indians  ha<l  sot 
fire  on  leaving  the  place.  One  of  the  finnily  was  taken  captive,  a  girl  about 
11  years  old,  wlio,  aller  having  passed  through  all  the  tribes  from  the  Sokokis 
to  the  Narragaiisets,  was  n-stored  to  the  I'.nglish  ut  Dover  by  Sqxuvuh.     But 


•  Mr.  Fohi'in.  \\U\.  Hum  and  Hiddeford,  135,  isyi  Ui«y  were  computed  bI  100. 

t  Williamsuii'*  Hint.  Mtiinc,  i.  b'ifi. 


104 


MADOKAWANDO. 


[Cook  lU. 


-Chai 


it  does  not  appear  v.'lieiher  this  chief  had  any  tiling  further  to  do  in  the 
matter,  although  it  may  be  inferred,  that  he  had  some  control  or  conunand 
over  those  that  held  her  prisoner.  I'roni  the  circumstance  that  this  child 
was  shown  to  the  hostile  tribes  through  the  country,  it  would  seem  that  the 
eastern  Indians  were  in  concert  with  those  to  the  west ;  and  it  is  probable 
that  this  captive  was  thus  exhibited  to  prove  tlmt  they  had  taken  up  the 
hatchet.  Upon  her  being  returned,  Mr.  Hubbard  reiiiarks,  "  She  having  been 
carried  up  and  down  the  country,  some  hundreds  of  miles,  as  tiir  as  Narra- 
ganset  ibrt,  was,  this  last  June,  returned  back  to  Major  WaldrovHa  by  one 
iSqiiando,  the  sagamore  of  Saco ;  a  strange  mixture  of  mercy  and  cruelty !  " 
And  the  historian  of  Maine  observes,  that  his  "  conduct  exliibited  at  ditlerent 
times  such  traits  of  cruelty  and  compassion,  as  rendered  his  character 
dillicult  to  be  portrayed," 

lie  was  a  great  powwow,  and  acted  in  concert  with  Madokaivando.  These 
two  chiefs  "  are  said  to  be,  by  them  that  know  them,  a  strange  kind  of  mor-" 
ulized  savages ;  grave  and  serious  in  their  speech  and  carriage,  and  not 
without  some  show  ol'  u  kind  of  religion,  which  no  doubt  but  they  have 
learned  li-om  the  prince  of  dai'kness."  In  another  place,  Mr.  Hubbard  calls 
him  an  "  enthnsiastical,  or  rather  diabolical  niiscreant."  His  abilities  m  war 
gained  him  this  epitliet. 

Madokawa.ndo,  of  whom  we  have  just  made  mention,  was  chief  of  the 
Penobscot  tribe.  He  was  the  adopted  sou  of  a  chief  by  the  name  of  Jlssi- 
minasqua.  Some  mischief  had  been  done  by  the  Andi'oscoggin  Indians  in 
Philijrs  war,  and  the  English,  following  the  example  of  those  whom  they 
so  mucli  re])robated,  retaliated  on  any  Indians  that  iell  in  their  way. 

Madokaivando  was  not  an  enemy,  nor  do  we  learn  that  his  )ieo])le  had 
connuitted  any  dejjrcdations,  until  alter  some  Enghsh  spoiled  his  corn,  and 
otlierwise  did  him  damage. 

Many  of  the  eastern  Indians  had  been  kidnapped  and  sold  for  slaves, 
about  the  time  PhUip^s  war  conniienced.  This,  it  will  not  be  (picstiimed, 
was  enough  to  cause  a  war,  without  PhUip^s  instigation,  or  the  ulJiont  ottered 
to  the  wile  and  child  of  Squando.  The  English  had  prohibitc^l  the  sale  of 
arms  and  ammunitiou  to  them,  as  they  had  before  to  the  western  tribes, 
as  a  means  of  lessening  their  power,  |)rovidcd  they  should  declare  themselves 
hostile ;  thus  properly  regarding  their  own  salcty,  and  totally  disregord- 
ing  whatever  evils  might  accrue  Irom  the  measure  to  the  Indiui:s.  Knowing 
enough  had  been  done  to  excite  their  resentment,  ogents  were  sent  to  parley 
with  them,  in  the  spring  and  .summer  of  I(j7l),  to  hinder,  if  possible,  their 
tailing  ortcn«'.e  at  these  proceedings. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  hud  comploinod  to  some  friendly  Englii-h  of  the 
outrage  upon  their  friends,  who  ^wre  unac(iuainted  with  the  circumstance, 
niid  hardly  believed  it ;  still,  told  the  Indians,  that  if  it  were  so,  those  kid- 
napped sliouW  be  restored,  and  the  i)erpetrators  punished.  But  knowing 
the  circtunstnnce  to  be  as  tliey  had  re|)resented,  it  is  rather  marvellous,  that 
Indians,  inste.id  of  at  once  retaliating,  should  hearken  to  imsatisfacfoiy  par- 
icyings,  as  will  a|)|iear ;  l<)r  when  the  English  agents  went  to  treat  with  them, 
or  rather  to  excuse  theniselv(!s  lor  what  they  could  not,  or  pretended  they  could 
not, amend,  the  Indians, in  the  coiuse  of  the  interview,  said,  "  ft'e  wercdriven 
from  our  corn  last  year  bij  the  pioplc.  about  Kenncbcck,  and  many  of  us  dird.  IVc 
lutd  no  jjowdir  and  shot  to  kill  venison  and  fowl  u>ith  to  prevvnt  it.  If  you  Entrlish 
war  ourfricnd.%  as  you  pretend  i/oii  are,  you  uvidd  not  suffer  us  to  starve  as  rrc  did." 
"However,"  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  "the  said  agent,  mrtAin^  </ic  beMhe  coiUdofa  bad 
cause,  \\M'([  all  means  to  pan/'y  the  complainants."  The  great " all  means  "  was, 
that  they  should  try  to  gcttlie  Androscoggin  Indians /o  come  aM  hold  a  tnaty ! 
HO  that  if  the  Enuiish  could  etlect  a  treaty  with  them,  then  there  woidd  be  a 
general  |>eace  with  the  eastern  hxliaiiH.  This  talk,  it  was  wu«l,  tlM\v  received 
with  joy.     "  Yet,"  ad<l8  tlie  sauH!  author,  still  by  out)  liital  acculent  or  other, 

i'calousies  still  seemed  to  increase  in  their  mhids,  or  else  the  former  injm'ies 
egiui  to  l)oil  ati'esh  in  their  spirits,  us  not  being  easily  digested,"  &.c. 
A  meeting  had   lieeu   agree<l   upon  at  Totononnock,  or  Tacoiuiot,  and 
hnmediatelv  alh-r  the  nuM'ting  just  mi-ntioned  a  rinmrr  was  sent  down  from 
thence,  with  word  that  Sqiuindo  vvouUl  be  there  with  "  divers  Amoiioscoggan 


flach< 
Engl 
a  sal 


'Chap.  Vin.] 


MADOKAWANDO. 


105 


«achems,"  Mugs;  having  "been  sent  as  a  messenger  to  him.  Accordingly  the 
English  proceeded  to  Taconnet.  On  their  arrival,  they  vv^ere  honore^  v/ith 
a  salute,  and  conducted  into  the  council  house,  where  they  found  Madoka- 
wando,  Assiminasqua,  Tarumkin,  Hopehood,  Mugg,  and  many  attendants. 
Madokawando  was  prime  negotiator,  and  Jlssiminasqua  chief  speaker,  who 
soon  after  proceeded  to  make  a  speech,  and  among  other  things  said, — 

"  It  is  not  our  custom  when  messengers  come  to  treat  of  peace,  to  seize  upon  their 
persons,  as  sometimes  the  Mohawks  do  )  yea,  as  the  English  have  done,  seizing  upon 
fourteen  Indians,  our  men,  who  went  to  treat  imth  you — setting  a  guard  over  them, 
and  taking  away  their  guns.  This  is  not  all,  but  a  second  time  you  required  our 
guns,  ana  demanded  us  to  com£  doion  unto  you,  or  else  you  would  kill  us.  This 
was  the  cause  of  our  leaving  both  our  fort  and  our  com,  to  our  great  loss" 

This  speech  caused  considerulili;  embarrassment  to  the  English,  "yet," 
says  Hubbard,  '*  to  put  the  best  construction  might  be,  on  such  irregular 
actions,  which  could  not  well  bo  justified,  they  told  them,  the  persons  who 
had  so  done  *  were  not  within  tlio  limits  of  their  government,  and  therefore, 
though  they  could  not  call  tliciii  to  an  account  for  so  acting,  yet  they  .did 
utterly  disallow  thereof,"  f  And  to  be  fis  expeditious  as  possible,  the  English 
commissioners  told  these  chiefs  that  tlioy  came  to  treat  with  the  Androscog- 
gins,  and  were  sorry  that  Squando  Avas  not  there.  And  it  appears  that, 
though  the  English  reported  a  peace  with  the  Penobscots,  yet  Madokawando 
and  his  coadjutors  scarcely  untlcrstood  as  much ;  and  it  is  also  evident  that 
the  l)usiness  was  hurried  over  as  fast  as  possible  by  the  English  commis- 
sioners, 

AssiMiNAsquA,  it  will  be  proper  here  to  observe,  was  a  Kanibas  sachem, 
whose  residence  was  at  or  near  the  place  where  the  treaty  was  held. 

What  had  been  said  by  Jlssiminasqua  in  the  morning  was  merely  prelimi- 
nary, and  it  was  his  intention  in  the  afternoon  to  enter  more  particularly  into 
details ;  but  the  English  cut  the  matter  short,  and  proceeded  to  treat  with 
such  of  the  Androscoggins  as  were  present.  Tarumkin  was  their  orator,  and 
he  spoke  to  this  effect : — 

"  /  have  been  to  the  westward,  where  I  have  found  many  Indians  unwilling  to 
makepenrr ;  hid  for  my  own  part,  I  am  willing,"  which  he  confirmed  by  taking 
the  English  by  the  hand,  as  did  seven  or  eight  of  his  men,  among  whom 
were  Mugg  and  Robinhood's  son.  The  English  had  now,  as  they  supposed, 
got  matters  into  a  regular  train  ;  but  Madokawando,  it  appears,  was  not  will- 
ing to  leave  things  in  quite  so  loose  a  manner,  as  it  regarded  his  people. 
He  therefore  interrupted : — 

"  Wluit  are  we  to  do  for  powder  and  shot,  u'hen  our  corn  is  consumed?  what 
shall  we  do  for  a  lointer^s  supply  9  Must  we  perish,  or  must  toe  abandon  our  coun- 
try, and  fly  to  the  French  for  protection'^" 

The  fenglish  replied  that  they  would  do  what  thry  could  with  the  gov- 
ernor ;  " some  might  he  allowed  them  for  necessity"  Madokawando  added : 
"  ff^e  have  waited  a  great  while  already,  and  now  loe  expect  you  will  say  yes  or  no." 
The  English  rojoined :  "  You  say  yourselves  that  many  of  the  western  In- 
dians would  not  have  peace,  and,  therefore,  if  we  sell  you  |)owder,  and  you 
give  it  to  the  western  men,  what  do  we  hut  cut  our  otm  throats  f  It  is  not  in 
oiu'  [»ower,  without  have,  if  you  should  wait  ten  years  more,  to  let  you  have 
powder."  Here,  as  might  reasonably  have  bci-n  expected,  ended  the  nego- 
tiation, and  massacres  and  bloodshed  soon  alter  desolated  that  part  of  the 
countrv. 

At  tlie  dose  of  the  war  of  \(\7fi  and  0,  this  sachem's  peojjle  had  among 
thom  almut  (>0  lOnglish  captives.  When  it  was  known  to  him  that  the  Eng- 
lish desired  to  treat  about  peace,  he  sent  Mugg,  one  of  his  chiefs,  to  I'ascata- 
(|iia,  to  receive  projiosals;  and,  that  he  might  meet  with  good  acceptance, 
sent  along  with  him  a  ca|ttive  to  his  home.  (Seucral  Vcndal,  of  Massachu- 
si'tts,  Ikmiut  there,  fon'cd  Musg  on  Imard  his  vessel,  and  carried  him  to  IJos- 
ton,  for  wliii'h  trejiclieroun  act  an  excuse!  was  pleaded,  that  he  was  not  vestcnl 
with  Kiirticietit  authority  to  treat  witli  hiui.  Mivlokawaiulo's  ambassador, 
being  now  in  the  jiowtjr  of  llu!  Kuglish,  was  obliged  to  agree  to  such  terms 


That  ia,  those  wUu  liiul  kidniippud  ihoir  frivmls. 


t  Hubbard,  part  ii,  38. 


106 


MADOKAWANDO.— DESTRUCTION  OF  YORK. 


[Book  III. 


Chap 


as  the  English  dictated.*  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  if  the  great  chief  soon 
api)ears  again  their  enemy.  Still,  when  Mugg  was  sent  home,  Madokawando 
agreed  to  the  treaty,  more  readily,  perhaps,  as  two  armed  vessels  of  the  Eng- 
lish conveyed  him. 

A  son  olReverend  Thomas  Cohbd  had  been  taken,  and  was  among  the  Indians 
at  Mount  Desert.  It  so  happened  that  his  master  had  at  that  time  sent  him 
down  to  Cewfein's  trading-house,  to  buy  powder  for  him.  Mugg  took  him  by 
the  hand,  and  told  him  he  had  been  at  his  father's  house,  and  liad  promised 
to  send  him  home.  Madokawando  demanded  a  ransom,  probably  to  satisfy 
the  owner  of  the  captive,  "fearing"  he  said  "  to  be  killed  by  him,  if  lie  yielded  him 
up  tvithovi  he  ivere  there  to  consent;  for  he  was  a  desperate  man,  if  crossed,  and 
had  cramhdf  two  or  three  in  that  way."  Ueing  on  board  one  of  the  vessels, 
and  treated  to  some  liquor,  "  he  walked  awhile,"  says  Cobbet, "  to  and  again  on 
the  deck,  and  on  a  sudden  made  a  staild,  and  said  to  Cajrtam  Moore, '  Well 
captain,  since  it  is  so,  take  this  man :  I  freely  give  hi^n  up  to  you ;  cariy  him 
home  to  his  friends.' "  +  A  red  coat  was  given  to  Madokawando,  which  gave 
him  great  satisfaction. 

The  historians  of  the  war  have  all  observed  that  the  prisoners  under  Ma- 
dokawando were  remarkably  well  treated. 

In  February,  1(577,  Major  Waldron,  and  Cajjtain  Frost,  with  a  body  of  men, 
were  sent  into  the  eastern  coast  to  observe  the  motions  of  the  Indians,  who 
still  remained  hostile.  At  Pemmaquid,  they  were  invited  on  shore  to  liold  a 
treaty,  but  the  English  finding  some  weapons  concealed  among  them,  thought 
it  a  sulhcieut  umbrage  to  treat  them  as  enemies,  and  a  consideiablc  fight 
ensued,  in  which  many  of  the  Indians  were  killed,  njid  several  taken  jjrison- 
ers ;  among  whom  was  a  sister  of  Madokawaiuio.  lie  had  no  knowledge  of 
the  afitiir,  having  been  gone  for  several  mouths  at  a  gieat  distance  into  the 
country,  on  a  hunting  voyage. 

We  hear  no  more  of  Madokawando  until  1G91.  It  will  be  found  mentioned 
in  the  account  of  Egeremet,  that  in  that  year  a  treaty  was  made  with  him  and 
other  eastern  chiefs.  This  was  in  November,  mid  it  was  agreed  by  them, 
that,  on  the  first  of  May  following,  they  would  deliver  all  the  captives  in  their 
possession,  at  Wells.  "But,"  says  Dr.  Mather,^  "as  it  was  not  upon  the  frm 
land,  but  hi  their  canoes  upon  the  icater,  that  they  signed  and  sealed  this  in- 
strument ;  so,  reader,  we  will  be  jealous  that  it  w ill  prove  but  a  fluctuating 
and  unstable  sort  of  business ;  and  that  tlie  Indians  will  do  a  lie  as  they  used 
to  do." 

Meanwhile  Madokawando,  among  other  important  expeditions  which  he 
planned,  attompteil  one  upon  York,  in  which  ho  succeeded  nearly  to  his 
wishes,  if  not  beyond  his  expectations.  Such  was  his  manner  of  attack,  that 
the  English  scarce  knew  their  enemy;  from  whence  they  came,  or  their 
numbers.  But  it  was  afterwards  found  by  the  Indians'  own  confession,  and 
some  captives  they  had  liberated,  that  Madokawandt  Avas  the  leader  in  the 
business.  Whether  ho  had  during  the  winter  been  to  Canada,  and  got  the 
assistance  of  some  Fienclmien,  or  whether  Castiens,  his  son-in-law,  and  sorao 
other  Frenrhmen  who  thou  resided  among  his  jieople  at  Penobscot,  were 
with  him,  we  cannot  take  it  u|»ou  us  to  state;  but  certain  it  is,  some  French 
were  in  his  com|miiy,  but  how  many  is  also  imrcrtuiii,  but  tlic  lumiber  of 
Indians  was  stated  at  about  'i.TO.  It  was  on  Mondiiy,  February  5,  in  the  year 
lOJty,  eiuiy  in  the  morning,  that  York  was  laid  in  ashes,  all  excejit  three  or 
four  garrisoned  houses,  and  about  75  of  its  inhabitants  killed,  and  85  taken 
captive. 

Such  only  escaped  as  reached  the  garrisons,  and  these  were  summoned  to 
surrender,  but  the  besiegers  dared  not  to  continue  long  enough  to  make  any 
effectual  assault  ujiou  them,  and  thus  they  escaped.    The  wretched  captives 

*  A  Ircniy  was  siifiKHl  illli  of  Doc.  Ili7().  Manuscript  A\tv.  of  Rev,  T.  Cobbet,  It  may  b« 
seen  in  Hiilihnrd's  Narrnlivc. 

t  Tilt'  Indian  word  for  kilti'il.     ^VomVs  .V.  Fi.  Prospect. 

X  iMnniiscripl  Narrativi;,  liclore  riled.  l'('rlin|)>i  lliis  was  llic  same  Paplain  Moore  wlin  car- 
ried tlir  iii'vvs  of  I'liilip's  defeat  and  death  lo  I..uMdon  allcrwards,  fcjcc  Old  Indian  Chro»- 
ici.K.  wry 

(  i!IIu.t(naliaj  vii,  7G. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


MADOKAWANDO. 


107 


were  hurried  into  the  wilderness,  and  many  suffered  and  died  hy  the  way. 
The  Reverend  Shubael  Diimmcr,  minister  ol"  the  place,  a  man  in  high  estima- 
tion for  his  virtues,  was  about  the  first  victim ;  he  was  shot  as  he  was  mount- 
ing his  horse  at  his  own  door ;  his  wife  was  among  the  captives,  and  died  in 
captivity.  York  was  at  this  time  one  of  the  most  important  towns  in  the 
country.* 

Circumstances  having  thus  transpired,  the  English  had  very  little  reason  to 
expect  an  obser\'ance  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty  before  alluded  to,  yet  per- 
sons were  sent  to  Wells  to  receive  the  captives,  provided  they  should  be  of- 
fered. They  took  care  to  be  provided  with  on  armed  ibrce,  and  to  have  the 
place  of  meeting  nt  a  strong  place,  which  was  Storer's  garrison-house.  But, 
as  the  author  just  cited  observes,  "  The  Indians  being  poor  musicians  lor  keep- 
ing of  time,  came  not  according  to  their  articles."  The  reason  of  this  we 
cannot  explain,  unless  the  Avarlike  a[)pearauce  of  the  English  deterred  them. 
After  waiting  a  while.  Captain  Converse  surprised  some  of  them,  and  brought 
tlio"!  in  by  lorce,  and  having  reason  to  believe  the  Indians  provoked  by  this 
time,  immediately  added  35  men  to  his  force.  These,  says  Mather,  "were 
not  come  half  an  hour  to  Storer's  house,  on  the  9th  of  June,  1691,  nor  had 
tliey  got  their  Indian  weed  fairly  lighted,  into  their  mouths,  before  fierce 
Moxus,  with  200  Indians,  made  an  attack  upon  the  garrison,"  f  but  were  re- 
I)ulsed  and  soon  drew  off'.  Madokawando  was  not  here  in  person,  but  when 
he  knew  of  the  disaster  of  his  chief  captain,  he  said,  "  My  brother  Moxus  has 
7iiis>ied  it  now,  bid  I  ivill  go  myself  the  tiext  year,  and  have  the  dog  Converse  out 
of  his  hole." 

The  old  chief  wiis  as  good  as  his  word,  and  appeared  before  the  garri- 
son ya  June,  1G!]2.  He  was  joined  ])y  Portneuf  and  Labrocre,  two  French 
officers,  with  a  body  of  their  soldiers,  and  their  united  strength  was  esti- 
m:itcd  at  about  500  men.  They  were  so  confident  of  success,  that  they 
agreed  before  the  attack,  how  the  prisoners  and  property  should  be  divided. 
Converse  iiad  but  15  men,  but  fortunately  there  an'ived  two  sloops  with  about 
a?  iiiiuiy  more,  and  supplies,  the  d;iy  before  the  battle. 

Madokawando\'i  men  had  imwisely  given  notice  of  their  approach,  by  firing 
upon  some  cattle  they  met  in  the  woods,  which  running  m  wounded,  gave 
the  inhabitants  time  to  fly  to  the  garrison.  The  Indians  were  not  only 
socdnded  by  the  two  French  officers  and  a  company  of  their  men,  as  before 
observed,  but  Moxus,  Egeremet  and  Worombo  were  also  among  them. 

Tlioy  began  the  attack  beiiire  d.iy,  with  gi'cat  fierceness,  but  after  continu- 
ing it  tor  some  time  without  success,  they  loll  upon  the  vessels  in  the  river; 
and  here,  nliiiougli  the  river  was  not  c.bove  twenty  or  thirty  feet  broad,  yet 
tliey  met  witli  no  Ijetter  success  than  at  the  gnrrison.  They  tried  many 
strattigems,  and  succeeded  in  settinir  fire  to  tlie  sloops  several  tunes,  by  mrans 
of  fire  arrows,  but  it  was  cxtinfiuisiied  wiihout  great  damage.  Tired  of 
thus  ex|)osing  tlicmselves  and  throwing  away  tlicir  anunimition,  they  return- 
id  again  to  the  garrison,  resolving  to  practice  a  stratagem  upon  that,  and 
thus  ended  tlio  first  day  oi"  the  i.ttiick.  They  tried  to  persuade  tlie  English 
to  sin  render,  bui  finding  they  could  not  prevail,  made  several  desperate 
charges,  in  which  they  lost  many.  Bejiinning  now  to  grow  discouraged, 
they  sont  a  flag  to  tlie  garrison  to  effect  a  capitulation,  but  Converse,  being  a 
man  of  great  resolution,  replied,  "  that  he  waiitcd  nothing  but  men  to  come 
and  fight  him."  To  Mliich  tlie  bearer  of  the  flag  said,  "  Being  you  are.  so 
slant,  why  donH  yon  come  and  fight  in  the  cpcn  feld  like  a  man,  and  vulfght 
in  a  garrisnn  like  a  squaw  ?  "  'fhis  attempt  pn  ving  ineffectual  also,  they  cast 
out  many  threats,  oue  of  which  was,  "  He  will  cut  you  as  snudl  as  tobbaro, 
before  to-monow  morning."  The  captain  ordired  them  "  to  come  on,  for  he 
wanted  work." 

Having  nearly  spent  their  ammunition,  and  General  Labrocre  being  slain, 
they  retired  in  the  night,  after  two  days'  siege,  leaving  several  of  their  dead 
behind;  among  whom  was  tlie  general  just  named,  who  was  shot  through 
the  head.     They  took  one  Englishman,  named  John  Diamond,  who  had  ven- 


*  Mtt/(nalia,  vii.  77.— H'j'Wia»iioH,  Iligl.  Maine  1.  G2Q — 9. 


t  Mngnalia,  vii.  7C. 


108 


MADOKAWANDO. 


[Book  IU. 


tured  out  of  the  garrison  on  some  occasion,  whom  they  tortured  in  a  most 
barbarous  manner.  About  tl»e  time  of  tlieir  retreating,  tliey  fired  upon  the 
sloops,  and  i(illed  tlie  only  man  lost  by  the  vessels  during  the  assault.  In 
the  attack  upon  the  vessels,  among  other  stratagems,  they  prepared  u  breast- 
work upon  wheelsj  which,  iiotwithstanduig  their  previous  experience  in  this 
kind  of  engine,  at  Brookfield  and  Saco,  tliey  again  resolved  to  try,  and  there- 
fore endeavored  to  bring  it  close  to  the  edge  of  the  river.  When  they 
had  got  it  pretty  near,  one  wheel  sunk  iu  the  ground,  and  u  French  soldier,, 
endeavoring  to  lill  it  out  with  liis  shouldir,  was  shot  down  ;  a  second  was 
also  killed  in  the  like  attempt,  and  it  was  abandoned.  They  also  built  a  raft 
in  the  creek  above  the  vessels,  and  placed  on  it  an  immense  pile  of  combus- 
tibles, and,  setting  them  on  fire,  floated  it  down  towards  them.  But  when 
within  a  lew  rods  of  the  sloops,  the  wind  drove  it  on  shore,  and  thus  they 
were  delivered  from  the  most  dangerous  artifice  of  tiie  whole.  For  it  was 
said  that,  had  it  come  down  agauist  tliem,  they  could  not  Iiave  saved  them- 
selves from  the  fury  of  its  flames. 

As  late  as  173U  an  attempt  was  made  to  prove  that  Madokauando  was  not 
chief  sachem  of  the  Penobscots,  which  it  seems  no  one  in  his  lifetime 
thought  of  questionhig.  Nor  had  the  fact  at  this  time  been  ijuestioned  but 
from  mercenai-y  motives.  A  claim  havuig  been  set  up  to  lands  upon  St. 
George's  River,  in  op{)osition  to  that  of  the  heirs  of  Governor  Leverttt,  that 
falsehood  was  resorted  to,  to  maintain  it.  The  foundation  of  Leverett's  claim 
was  in  a  deed  dated  Pemmaquid,  J)  May,  1G1)4,  by  which  Madolaiwando  con- 
veyed to  Sir  Willia7n  Phips  the  tract  of  land  on  both  sides  of  St.  George's 
River,  bounded  east  by  Wessamesskek  River,  west  by  Ilatthclt's  Cove  Island, 
thence  by  a  line  to  the  upper  falls  of  St.  George's  River ;  also  IVlastomquoog 
Island  in  the  mouth  of  said  river,  and  St.  George's  Islands.  A  valuable  con- 
sideration is  said  to  have  been  paid,  but  what  it  was  does  not  ajjiiear  liom  the 
deed.  The  deponents  called  uj)on  afterwards  to  prove  Madolcawando's  power 
to  sell  that  tract,  state  the  consideration  variously,  though  none  of  them  defi- 
nitely ;  some  said  Sir  WUliam  Phips  gave  a  large  amount  in  money,**  and 
one  that  he  gave  a  hatfull.\    To  this  deed  were  the  following  signatures : — 


The  mark  of 
Madokawando,  ^  Sagamore 
of  Penobscot,      ^  and  a  seal. 


Signed,  sealed  and  delivered  in 

presence  of 
The  mark  21  of  Edgar  Emit, 

Sagamore  of  Kennehek. 
The  mark  fl:  o/'Wenemouet, 

cozin  to  Madokawando, 
The  mark  X  o/"Johm  Saugmore, 

of  Sheepsgid  River,  interpreter^ 
Also  6  or  7  whites. 

From  an  examination  of  the  variorus  affidavits  before  mentioned  we  derive 
the  following  interesting  historical  facts  in  the  life  of  Madokawando ;  viz, 
that  he  died  in  llittB,  and  was  succeeded  by  fVenamoitet,  or,  as  his  name  is 
sometimes  spelled,  Wenoggonet.  This  ap[)eiirs  liom  the  deposition  of  Cap- 
tain Cyprian  Sott/AacA:,  who  further  says  "that  he  was  with  Madokawando, 
when  a  })reBcnt  of  10  barrels  of  guif|)oWder,  a  quantity  of  fire-arms,  and 
some  clothes,  were  delivered  him  by  Governor  Wilhhone,v,\\\ch  was  a  present 
sent  him  by  the  King  of  Frraicc."  "And  that  Monsieur  Castain  married 
the  said  Madokawando's  daughter." 

Joseph  Bane  dei)Osed,  "  that,  in  lCi)l,  he  was  with  Theodore  Jltkinson,  late 
of  Newcastle,  in  N.  Hampshire,  Esq.,  said  Jllkinson^s  wife,  and  Mrs.  Elizabeth 
Mcock  of  I*ortsmouth,  widow,  and  many  others  at  the  house  of  Joseph 
Moulton  of  York  in  the  county  of  York,  when  they  were  taken  captive  oy 
a  large  number  of  Indians,"  that  Madokawando  was  then  commander  of 
said  Indians,  and  was  then  reputed  chief  sachem  of  Penobscot.  Bane 
further  relates  that  he  was  sold  to  an  Amaroscoggen  Indian,  with  whom  ho 
lived  till  liMi,  and  that  he  was  present  when  Madokawando  ordered  Theodm-t 


Duposition  otJulin  Phillips,  2  July,  1736. — Waldo's  Defence,  3. 


i  Ibid.  32. 


Chap.  VIIL] 


MADOKAWANDO.— BARON  CASTEINS. 


109 


Atkimon,  who  was  his  captive,  to  wi'ite  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  to 
send  a  vessel  to  Sagadahok  with  goods  to  redeem  the  captives  ;  timt  it  was 
accordingly  sent  there,  and  Atkinson,  his  wile,  and  about  40  others  were 
redeemed. 

John  Longley  was  taken  prisoner  at  Groton  in  July,  1694,  and  was  servant 
to  Madokawamo  two  years  and  a  half. 

The  inhabitants  of  Black  Point  gave,  yearly,  a  peck  of  corn  each  to  Ma- 
dokatvando,  as,  on  acknowledgment  that  he  was  sachem  of  Penobscot. 

Ill  1690  Tobias  Oakman  was  taken  by  the  Indians  at  Black  Point.  At 
which  time  he  says  he  "  personally  knew  Edgar  Emtt  who  was  then  chief 
sachem  of  Kenebeck  and  Squando  who  was  then  chief  sachem  of  Saco,  and 
Morus  who  was  then  chief  sachem  of  Noridgawock,  and  Shepcot  John  Avho 
was  then  chief  sachem  of  Shepscot  and  with  Ooru.nhy,  who  was  then  chief 
sachem  of  Pejeniscot."  Oakman  was  taken  prisoner  by  ;iO  Indians  in  3 
parties  under  3  chiefs  ;  one  from  Penobscot,  one  from  Norridgcwok  and  the 
other  from  Pejcpscot ;  Madokawando,  Moxus  and  Oonimby  being  the  respec- 
tive sachems ;  hence  Madokawrmdo  was  sachem  of  Penobscot  at  that  time. 

In  the  treaty  which  the  eastern  chiefs  made  with  Sir.  William  Phipa  at 
Pemma«}uid,  11  August,  1693,  the  following  hostages  were  delivered  to  the 
English  to  ensure  its  observance.  "  Ahassamhamet,  brother  to  Edger  Emet; 
Wenomouett,  cousin  to  Madokawando ;  Bagatawawongoiv,  and  Sheepscott 
John."  * 

A  daughter  of  Madokawando,  as  we  have  seen,  married  the  Baron  De  Cas- 
teins,  by  whom  he  had  several  children. 

Liallof  our  former  editions  we  gave  Lahontan^s  account  of  Casieins  in  a 
note,  and  in  the  French  language  ;  but  it  having  been  suggested  by  friends, 
that  it  should  not  only  occupy  a  place  in  the  text,  but  be  rendered  in  English, 
I  improve  tlie  opportunity  to  make  the  change. 

The  Baroiv  De  St.  Custdns,  a  gentleman  of  Oleron  in  Beam,  having  for 
about  20  years  resided  among  tlie  Abcnakis,  gained  so  much  of  their  esteem, 
tliat  they  regarded  him  as  their  tutelar  deity.  He  had  been  an  officer  of  the 
C^rignan  regiment  in  Canada ;  but  when  that  regiment  was  disbanded,  he 
cast  hiiuself  among  the  savages,  of  whom  he  learned  their  language.  He 
took  from  thom  a  wife  after  tlieir  manner,  preferring  the  forests  of  Acadie, 
to  the  Pyrenean  mountains,  which  environ  his  native  country.  lie  lived, 
during  the  first  years  of  his  abode  with  the  Indians,  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
gain  a  res|)ect  from  tiiem,  above  what  can  be  imagined.    They  made  him 

frreat  chief;  which  is  the  same  as  sovereign  of  the  nation,  and  by  little  and 
ittle  he  has  worked  up  a  fortune,  which  any  other  man  would  have  turned 
to  good  accomit,  and  withdrawn  from  the  country  with  two  or  three  hundred 
thousand  crowns  of  gold  in  his  coffers.  However,  he  only  uses  it  to  buy 
merchandise,  with  which  to  make  presents  to  his  Indian  brethren,  who, 
when  they  return  from  their  hunting  excursions,  reimbjirse  him  for  his 
presents  with  a  triple  amount  in  beaver.f  Tlie  governors  of  Canada 
direct  him,  and  those  of  New  England  fear  him.  He  has  several  daughters, 
all  of  whom  are  advantageously  married  to  Frenchmen,  with  each  a  rich 
dowry.  He  has  never  changed  his  wife,t  showing  the  Indians  by  his 
cxamj)le  that  God  is  not  pleased  with  inconstant  men.  It  is  said  t^iat  he  has 
endeavored  to  convert  these  poor  people,  but  that  his  words  produce  no 
good  fruit,  and  hence  it  is  of  no  use  for  the  Jesuits  to  preach  the  truths  of 
Christianity  to  them  ;  yet  these  fathers  relax  not  their  lalwrs,  and  consider 
that  to  confer  baptism  ui)on  a  dying  infant  repays  them  ten  fold  for  the  suf- 
ferings and  privations  they  experience  in  living  among  that  people.§ 


*  Wdlilu's  Defoncc,  39. — The  names  of  tliese  hostages  differ  maleiiaHy  from  lliose  in  the 
Mj<rnn'iii,  vii.  !!,'). 

t  Wo  sliould  (liiiik  that  to  n  man  of  a  sordid  mind,  this  was  "  turning  a  fortune  to  good 
account." 

}.  Thai  lliW  anidunls  Id  a  denial,  as  IMr.  Fliillrt  reads  it,  (Xotes  on  the  Ameririm  Tndittns, 
230,)  that  i\ififniis\m(\  but  one  wife,  we  do  not  agree.  His  not  changing  !'is  wife,  (//  n'a 
jamais  rlidn^''  defrmmf,)  miglit  he  true,  if,  as  some  assert,  lie  had  several  at  the  same  lime. 

6  Alemoiivs  de  I'Ameriiiw,  ii.  29,  30. 

10 


MOXUS.— DEATH  Oh'  MUGG. 


[Book  IIF, 


The  town  now  called  Castine,  on  the  Penobscot  River,  Was  the  place  of 
the  icsiiltyice  of  tlie  French  baron,  and  a  son  of  his  snccccded  hiin  in  the 
sachenidom  of  the  Pcnobscots.  He  was  Avith  Iberville  at  the  captnre  of 
Penniiacjuid  in  1G!)(j,  in  wliieli  expedition  lie  led  200  Indians.  Captain  Chubby 
of  M'honi  uc  have  spoken  bclbre,  commanded  the  Ibrt,  which  was  well 
nianned  and  siijiplied,  having  15  j)ieces  of  cannon  and  90  i7ien,  but  surren- 
dered it  in  a  cowardly  manner,  lie  helped  delijnd  Port  Roj-al  in  1700,  in 
defen9e  of  which  he  was  wounded  in  1707.  He  finally  retired  to  his  native 
country,  where  he  ended  his  days.  In  IG'88,  Governor  ^nilros,  with  an  arnia- 
nieut,  took  jjossession  of  Crrsta'n's  village,  ])Iundcrcd  his  house,  and  committed 
other  depredations,  but  himself  escaped.  In  1721,  his  son  was  seized  by 
the  English,  and  carried  to  Boston ;  but  they  not  long  after  set  him  at  liberty. 

Some  have  endeavored  to  ground  an  argument  upon  the  similarity  of  the 
name  of  this  chief  to  that  of  Madock  the  Welshman,  that  the  eastern  In- 
dians were  descended  fVom  a  Welsh  colony,  who,  in  1170,  leit  that  country, 
and  were  never  hciu'd  of  after.  The  story  of  some  white  Indians  speaking 
Welsh,  on  the  Missouri  Kivcr,  has  gained  sujjporters  in  former  and  latter 
periods.  * 

Moxus,  or,  as  he  was  soipetinies  called,  Jlgamagris,  was  also  a  noted  chief. 
We  can  add  little  concerning  him,  to  Avhat  has  already  been  said.  After 
Madokaivaiuto  was  dead,  and  tlie  war  between  the  French  and  English  nations 
had  ceased,  the  eastern  chiefs  were  ready  to  submit  to  terms.  Moxus  seems 
the  successor  of  Madokaivando,  and  when  delegates  were  sent  into  the  east- 
ern country  to  make  ])cace  with  the  Indians,  in  1G99,  his  name  stood  first 
among  the  signers  of  tlie  treaty .f  He  concluded  another  treaty  with  (Jovernor 
Dudley,  in  1702.  The  next  year,  in  comjjany  with  Wanungonei,  Jlssacambuit, 
and  a  number  of  French,  he  invested  Captain  March  in  the  fort  at  Casco. 
After  using  every  endeavor  to  ttUce  it  by  assault,  they  had  recourse  to  the 
following  stratagem.  They  began  at  the  water's  edge  to  undermine  it  by 
digging,  but  were  prevented  by  the  timely  arrival  of  an  armed  vessel  under 
Captain  Southack.  They  had  taken  a  vessel  and  a  gi'cat  quantity  of  j)lundcr. 
About  200  canoes  were  destroyed,  and  the  vessel  retaken.  From  which 
circumstance  it  may  be  inferred  that  their  number  was  great. 

Moxus  was  at  Casco  in  1713,  to  treat  with  the  Englisli,  and  at  Georgetown, 
upon  Arowsikc  Island,  in  1717.  There  were  seven  other  chiefs  who  attended 
also  at  the  time  and  place  last  mentioned. 

MuGG  was  a  ciiief  among  the  Androscoggins,  and  vei-y  conspicuous  in  the 
eastern  wai-  of  l(!7(3-7,  into  which  he  seems  to  have  been  brought  by  the 
same  cause  as  Mado^awando,  already  stated.  He  had  been  very  friendly  to 
the  English,  and  ^lad  lived  some  time  with  them. 

On  tlie  13  October,  1()7(),  he  made  an  assault  U])on  Black  Point,  now  in 
Scarborough,  with  about  100  warriors.  All  the  inhabitants  being  gathered  into 
onelbrtifiod  jjlace  upon  that  j)oint,  a  few  hands  might  have  defended  it  against 
all  the  Indians  on  that  side  of  the  country.^  While  the  ca|)tain  of  the  garri- 
son was  gone  out  to  hold  a  talk  with  Mugg,  the  people  fled  frou)  the  garrison 
and  took  all  their  effects  along  with  them.  A  few  of  his  own  scnants,  how- 
ever, remained,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  chief,  who  treated  them  kindly. 
When  Fi'hucis  Card  was  a  prisoner  among  his  ilien,  he  told  him  ^'thaf  he  Imd 
found  out  the  way  to  htm  Boston"  and  laughed  much  about  the  English ; 
paying  he  would  "liave  all  their  vessels,  fishing  islands,  and  whole  country, 
and  bragged  about  his  great  numbers.  He  was  killed  at  Black  Point,  on  1(5 
May,  the  same  place  w  here,  the  year  befbro,  he  had  had  such  good  success.  He 
had  besieged  tlie  garrison  three  days,  killed  three  men,  and  taken  one  captive. 
The  celebrated  Symon,  who  had  done  so  much  mischief  in  many  jjlaces,  was 
with  him  here.     Lieutenant  Tippin,  who  commanded  the  garrison,  "  made  a 


*  See  Janson's  Slrai)2:i'r  in  ^HicriVd,  270.  ed.  4lo.  I.oiulon,  Ifl07;  I'tiiversal  il/a^asin«,  vol. 
xciii.  21  ;  Dr.  Soiitliev's  Pri'J'ure  In  his  Mntloik  ;  ISouourl'.s  E.rjieil.  (i"(tiiisl  Ohin  tmtians,  fit?. 
cd.  4lo.  liOiidon.  17(ifi ;  Kcr's  Trnivhin  America,  uVl — 172;  Rurk,  Hist.  \'irj^nia,n.  81. 
■"'"■"""'*"'    45,  j    Barton's  Physical  Jour.  i.  pt.  ii.  79 


Beattv,  Joiir.  21;    Moultoifs  New-York, 
Colunih.  Mas:,  for  1787. 
t  Matfiialia.  vii.  <J  1-.    It  is  dated  7  Jan.  1C9S— 9. 


i  Hubbard,  Ind.  Wars,  li.  46. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


6YMON  ATTACKS  BRADFORD. 


Ill 


hi 


successful  shot  upon  an  Indian,  that  was  observed  to  be  vej*y  busy  and  bold 
in  tbe  assault,  who  at  that  tiiiio  was  deemed  to  bo  Symo7i,  the  lu'ch  villain  and 
incendiary  of  all  the  eastward  Indians,  but  proved  to  be  one  almost  as  good 
as  hiraseltj  who  was  called  jUogg"."  * 

SvMON,  just  named,  was  a  troublesome  fellow,  who  continued  to  cieaie 
considerable  alarm  to  the  inhabitants  upon  the  Merrimack  River,  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Newbury  and  Amesburj',  about  wliich  part  seeins  to  have  been  his 
residence,  as  late  as  the  month  of  July,  1G77.  On  the  Dth  of  July,  six  Indians 
were  seen  to  go  into  die  buslies  not  far  froni  tlie  gan-ison  at  Amesbury ;  two 
days  before,  several  men  had  been  killed  in  the  neighborhood,  and  one  woman 
wounded,  whose  name  was  Quimby.  Symon  was  the  alleged  leader  of  the 
)ai"ty  which  committed  tlie  depredation.  Mrs.  Qui'mfr?/  was  sure  that  it  was 
le  who  "  knocked  her  on  the  head,"  and  she  knew  the  names  of  many  of  tlie 
rest  with  him,  and  named  Andrew,  Geoffrey,  and  Joseph.  She  begged  of  Symon 
not  to  kill  her.  He  replied,  "  fVhy,  ^oodwife  Q;uimby,  do  you  think  Vmt  1  will 
kill  you?",  She  said  she  was  afraid  he  would,  because  he  killed  all  the 
English.  Svmon  then  said,  "  I  will  give  quarter  to  never  an  English  dog  of 
3'ou  all,"  ana  then  gave  her  a  blow  on  the  head,  which  did  not  happen  to  hurt 
her  much ;  at  which,  being  a  woman  of  great  courage,  she  threw  a  stone  at 
him ;  he  then  turned  upon  her,  and  "  struck  her  two  more  blows,"  at  wliich 
she  fell,  and  he  left  her  for  dead.  Before  he  gave  htr  the  last  blows,  she 
called  to  the  garrison  for  help.  Ho  told  her  slie  need  not  do  that,  for,  said 
he,  "  I  will  have  that  too,  by  and  by."  Syvion  was  well  known  to  many  of 
the  iididbitants,  and  especially  to  Mrs.  ^uimhy,  as  he  had  forinorly  lived  with 
her  liitlier,  William  Ossood.\  In  April,  l(j77,  Symon  and  his  companions  burnt 
the  house  of  Edward  neymovlh  at  Stiu'geon  Creek,  and  plundered  the  house 
of  one  Crawley,  but  did  not  kill  him,  because  he  had  shown  kindness  to 
SymorCs  grandmother.^ 

Symon  was  one  of  the  Christian  Indians,  as  were  Andrew,  Geoffretj,  Peter, 
and  several  others  of  the  same  company,  a  circunistunce  which,  witli  many, 
much  aggravated  their  offences.  The  irruption  just  mentioned  is  thus  re- 
lated by  Mr.  ifii66arrf ;  §  "  Si/mo)i  and  wJiw/reit',  the  two  brethren  in  iniquity, 
with  a  few  more,  adventured  to  come  over  Pascataqua  River  on  Portsmouth 
side,  whon  they  burnt  one  house  within  four  or  five  iniks  of  the  town,  and 
took  a  maid  and  a  young  woman  captive ;  one  of  them  having  a  young  child 
in  her  arms,  with  which  not  willing  to  be  troubled,  they  gave  leave  to  her 
that  held  it,  to  leave  it  with  an  old  woman,  whom  the  Lidian  Symon  spared 
because  he  said  she  had  been  kind  to  his  grandmother ;  yet  one  of  the  two 
captives  escaped  irom  their  hands  two  days  after,  as  did  the  other,  April  22, 
who  gave  notice  of  the  Indians,  (being  not  so  narrowly  looked  to  as  they 
used  to  do  others.") 

It  was  on  3  May,  167rt,  that  Symon,  Andrew  and  Peter  fell  upon  the  house 
of  Thomas  Kim^al,  of  Bradford,  killed  him,  and  carried  oft"  his  wife  and  five 
children  into  the  wilderness.||  Having  on  the  whole  concluded  to  make 
jjcace  with  the  English  while  they  could,  did,  before  the  end  of  six  weeks, 
restore  the  captives.  Instead  of  iinproving  the  opportunity  of  securing  their 
friendship,  the  English  seized  Symon  and  Andrew,  and  confined  them  in  the 
jail  at  Dover.  This  treatment  tliey  considered,  as  very  naturally  they  should, 
only  a  precursor  of  something  of  a  different  character;  and  therefore  found 
means  to  break  jail,  and  make  good  their  escape.  They  joiijed  their  eastern 
friends,  and  hence  followed  many  other  cruelties,  some  of  wliich  we  have 
already  related.  About  the  first  tlepredation  which  followed  their  fligiit  from 
Pover,  was  committed  at  Greenland.  One  John  Keniston  was  killed,  and  his 
house  biu'iieiL  A  writer  of  that  day,  after  observing  that  the  perpetrators  of 
the  outrage  were  Symon,  Andrew,  and  Peter,  observes  that  they  were  the  "  three 
we  had  in  prison,  and  should  have  killed,"  and  clones  with  this  exclamation. 


t  MS.  Documents. 


i  Belknap's  N.  Itampshive. 


*  Itist.  N.  Emrlrtiid. 
i,  Hist.  N.  Eiiglarul.GS]. 
II  See  the  very  crc<lilabk'.  History  of  Ilavcrbill,  (p.  03.)  by  Mr.  Mijrick,  for  otlicr  interesting 
piwliculais  respecting  tiiis  afltur. 


112 


SYMON.— ESCAPE  OF  CAPTIVES, 


[Book  III. 


"The  good  Lord  pnrdon  iis."  *  Tims  some  considered  they  had  need  of  par- 
don for  not  dealing  with  more  rigor  towards  the  Indians ! 

One  of  the  most  inipoitant  actions  in  wliicli  Symon  was  engaged  remains 
to  be  related.  Mr.  Anilwny  Brackett,  wlio  lived  at  Back  Cove,  upon  a  large 
estate  now  owned  in  part  by  Mr.  IJeering  of  Portland,  had  been  visited  by 
Svmon,  occasionally,  who,  like  Totoson,  in  the  case  of  Clarke  at  Eel  River,  in 
Plimouth,  had  made  himself  well  ac([nainted  with  the  situation  of  his  house 
and  liimily.  On  the  Oth  of  August,  lG7(i,  some  Indians  had  killed  one  of  Brack- 
eWs  cows.  Brackett  iumiediately  complained  to  Symon  of  the  outrage,  who 
promised  to  bring  to  him  tlie  perpetrators.  Meanwhile  a  coni[)laint  was  de- 
spatched to  Major  Waldron  at  Dover,  which  might  have  been  tiie  cause  of  the 
course  Symon  immediately  alter  pursued ;  for,  if,  when  he  had  promised  to 
aid  in  adjusting  the  affiiir,  he  learned  that,  at  the  same  time,  a  force  had  been 
secretly  applied  for,  it  is  a  sufficient  reason,  in  this  ruffled  state  of  things, 
that  he  should  show  himself  an  enemy,  as  he  did,  on  the  morning  of  the 
11th,  two  days  alter  the  injury  was  done.  Friday  was  the  II  August,  and  it 
was  early  in  the  morning  that  Symon  appeared  at  the  head  of  a  party,  at  the 
house  of  Captain  Jljiihony  Brackett.  "  These  are  the  Indians,"  said  he,  "  that 
killed  the  cow."  No  sooner  was  this  said,  than  the  house  was  entered,  and 
the  guns  seized  upon  belonging  to  the  family.  Brackett  then  asked  what  was  the 
meaning  of  tlieir  carriage,  and  Syinon  replied,  "So  it  must  be," and  demanded 
of  him  whether  he  would  go  with  them,  as  a  captive,  or  be  killed ;  to  which 
Le  miswered,  that  if  the  case  were  so,  he  j)referred  to  serve  as  a  cap- 
tive ;  Synwn  then  said  they  must  be  bound,  and,  accordingly,  Mr.  Brackett, 
liis  wife,  (who  was  a  daughter  of  Michael  Mitton,)  and  a  negro,  were  bound. 
Mrs.  BracketCs  brother  JVathaniel,  only  son  of  M.  Mitton,  was  of  the 
family,  and  made  some  resistance  when  they  were  about  to  bind  him,  and 
'was  killed  upon  the  spot.  The  rest,  Brackett,  his  wife  and  five  children  were 
carried  away  prisoners.  They  continued  in  captivity  until  the  November 
following,  when  some  of  them  found  means  to  eftect  an  escape ;  which  was 
singularly  fortunate,  and  worth  relating.  In  their  wanderings,  those  who 
held  tliem  captive,  came  to  the  north  side  of  Casco  Bay.  Here  news  reached 
the  Indians  that  Arowsike  Island  had  been  captured  by  their  brethren,  and 
they  at  once  determined  to  share  in  the  booty ;  so,  in  their  hurry,  their  eager- 
ness for  the  sjjoil  of  Arowsike  outweighed  their  fears  of  losing  their  prison- 
ers. Therefore  they  promised  Captain  Brackett  and  the  rest,  that  if  they  would 
come  after  them,  they  should  have  a  share  in  the  good  things  which  had 
been  taken;  and  accordingly  set  off  and  left  them.  Mrs.  Brackett,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  their  good  feeling,  just  before  they  left,  asked  them  for  some 
meat,  which  was  readily  granted;  she  found  an  old  birchen  canoe,  which  had 
been  probably  abandoned  by  the  Indians,  by  reason  of  its  being  nearly  brok- 
en up,  but  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  attempt  an  escape ;  and  with  the  help  of 
a  needle  which  Mrs.  Brackett  also  found  in  an  old  house  at  that  place,  she 
was  enabled  so  to  mend  the  canoe,  that  it  wafted  herself  and  qhild,  her  hus- 
band and  the  negro  man  to  the  o]>posite  shore  of  the  bay,  a  distance  of  eight 
or  nine  miles,  in  safety.  They  hardly  could  have  expected  but  what,  on 
landing  near  Black  Point,  they  would  have  been  in  the  veiy  presence  of  In- 
dians, yet  it  so  happened  that  although  they  had  but  just  desti'oyed  the  settle- 
ments there,  they  had  all  left  the  place.  And  a  vessel,  which  happened  very 
fortunately  in  that  neighborhood,  took  them  in  safety  to  Portsmouth. 

The  wife  of  Captain  Anthony  Brackett  should  not  be  overlooked  in  enume- 
rating the  heroines  of  our  country.  Her  name  was  Ann.  She  died  after  this 
war,  but  the  time  is  not  ascertained.  Her  husband  married  again,  a  daughter 
o{  Ahralmm  Drake,  Senior,  of  Hampton,  whose  name  was  Susannah,'^  by  whom 
he  had  several  children.  When  Colonel  Church  had  the  memorable  fight 
vvitli  the  Indians  at  Casco,  21  September,  1(jB!),  Captain  Brackett  was  killed. 
Alter  this  his  wife  and  children  went  to  her  father's  at  Hampton,  but  finally 
returned  to  their  possessions. 

AVe  are  now  to  commence  upon  the  recital  of  one  of  the  most  horrid  mas- 
sacres any  wlii-re  recorded — the  sacking  of  Dover  by  the  famous  chiefs  A*a?i- 


IHst.  N.  England,  i.  1 JU. 


t  IJubbanl's  Nar.  and  Wiilis's  Portland,  i.  143 — 155. 


[Book  III, 
'ed  of  par- 


Chap.  VUI.] 


KANKAMAGU3.-.INDIAN  LETTERS. 


113 


kamagua  and  Mcusandowet,  and  the  barbai-oua  murder  of  Major  JValdwn  and 
many  of  liis  people. 

KANKAAIAGUS,  commonly  in  tUe  histories  culled  Hogkim,  TJaulnns,  or 
Hakins,  was  a  Pennakook  sachem,  and  an  artful,  persev<  ring,  faitliiul  n  m,  as 
long  us  lie  conld  depend  upon  the  English  for  protection.  JJnt  wlien  Govi-riior 
Cranjvtld,  of  New  Hampshire,  u^ed  his  endeavors  to  'iring  down  (h«i  Mohawks 
to  destroy  the  eastern  Indians,  in  1684,  who  were  constantly  stirred  up  by  the 
French  to  commit  depredations  upon  the  English,  Kankamne^us,  knowing  tin; 
Mohawks  tnade  no  distinction  where  they  came,  fled  to  tlm  ea.>itward,  and 
joined  the  Androscoggins.  He  had  a  fort  upon  that  river,  where  his  family 
and  that  of  another  sachem,  called  Woromhos,  or  IforombQ,  lived.  But  beibre 
he  fled  his  country,  he  addressed  several  letters  to  the  governor,  which  din- 
cover  his  fidelity  as  well  as  his  fears ;  and  from  >vhich  there  is  no  doUbt  but 
he  would  always  glad'y  have  lived  in  his  own  country,  and  on  the  jiiost  inti- 
mate and  friendly  terms  with  the  English,  to  whom  he  had  become  attached, 
and  had  adopted  much  of  their  manner,  and  could  read  and  Avi-ite,  but  for 
the  reasons  just  stated.  The  following  letters  fully  explain  the  situation  of 
his  mind  and  his  feelings,  at  the  time  he  expected  the  Mohawks  would  ravage 
Ills  country: —  ,        * 

"  May  15th,  1685.  Honor  governor  my  friend.  You  my  friend  I  desire,  your 
tvorship  and  your  power,  because  I  hope  you  can  do  sow,  great  Tnalters  this  one.  J 
am  poor  ana  naked,  and  have  no  men  at  my  place  because  I  afraid,  allways  Mohogs 
he  toill  kill  me  every  day  and  niglU.  If  your  worship  when  please  pray  help  me  you 
no  let  Mohogs  kill  me  at  my  .place  at  Malamaice  River  called  Panukkog  and  Jva- 
tukkog,  I  will  submit  your  worship  and  you,r  power.  And  now  I  want  pouder  and 
such  alminishon,  sluttt  and  guns,  because  I  havfi  forth  at  my  horn,  and  J  plant 
iheare." 

This  all  Indian  hand,  but  pray  you  do  consider  your  humble  servant. 


Simon  Dstogkom,* 

Joseph  X  Trask,  * 

King  ^  Harry, 

■Sam  c^  LiNia, 

Wapequanat  tijj  Sagd^chuwashat, 

Old  X  Robin., 

JMamanosgues  f  Andra. 


JOHN  HOGKINS, 

PETEr  olo  Robin, 

Mr.  Jorge  X  Rodunnonukous, 

Mr.  Hope  X  HoTH,t 

John  Tonep, 

John  X  Canowa, 

John  X  Ova^osimmin, 

Naxobij,!,  i{  Indian. 


The  same  day,  as  appears  by  the  date  of  it,  Hogkins  wrote  the  following 
letter,  which  bears  the  same  signature  as  the  aboye  :—r 

"  Honor  Mr.  Gov€mor,-^-JVow  this  day  f  com  your  hotise,  I  vant  se  you,  and  I 
bring  my  hand  at  before  you  I  want  shake  hand  to  you  if  your  toorship  lohen  please, 
then  receive  my  hand  then  shake  your  hand  aiul  jny  hand.  You  my  friend  because 
I  remeitiber  at  old. time  when  live  my  grant  father  and  grant  mother  then  English- 
men com  this  cauntrif,  then  my  grant  father  and  Er^lishmen  they  make  a  good 
government,  they  friend  alhoayes,  my  grant  father  living  at  place  called  Malamake- 
rever,  other  nanie  chef  JVatumo  and  Panukkog,  that  one  rever  great  many  names 
and  I  bring  you  this  few  skins  at  this  first  time  Iwill^ue  myfnend. 
>    "  This  all  Indian  hand." 

TJie  two  following  are  from  the  same. 

"  Please  your  worship, — /  toill  intreat  you  matther  you  my  friend  now '[  ] 

this  if  my  Indian  he  do  you  long  pray  you  no  put  your  law,  because  som  my  Indiajns 
fool,  som  men  much  love  drutik  then  he  no  know  toliot  he  do,  may  belie  do  mischief 
when  he  drunk  if  so  pray  you  must  let  me  know  lokat  he  done  because  I  will  ponis 

*  The  same  called  Betokem  in  Qookin,  probably. — See  aiUe,  Book  ii.  Chap,  vii. 
■t  Perhaps  Hoptlwod. 


W« 


114 


KANKAMAGUS.-INDIAM  TREATY. 


[Book  IIT. 


Mm  about  what  he  haue  done,  you,  you  my  friend  if  you  desire  my  htsiness,  then 
.  9ent  me  I  xvill  help  you  if  I  can.  John  Hogkins." 


-Pray  I  loant  speak  you  a  few  icords  if  your  worship  when  please 
because  I  coin  parf as  I  u'" 


"Mr.Mason,-  ^ ^ ^ ^ ^  ^  .  , 

will  speake  this  governor  but  he  so  away  so  he  say  at  last 

night,  and  so  far  I  uiulerstand  this  governor  his  poiver  that  your  power  now,  so  he 

speak  his  own  nwuih.    Pray  if  you  take  what  1  icant  pray  com  to  me  because  I 

-         Yo      ^      ^' 


want  go  Iwm  at  this  day.     Your  humble  servant. 


'May  1(J,  KJH5, 


John  Hogkins,  Indian  sagnwr." 


About  tlie  time  these  letters  were  written,  persons  were  sent  among  the 
Indiuiis  to  ascertain  whether,  us  was  reported,  they  were  nssmning  n  warlike 
attitude.  TIiosc  to  whom  the  intpiiry  was  intrusted,  on  their  return  report- 
ed, "that  four  Iiidiiuis  came  from  fort  Albany  to  the  fort  at  Penacook,and  in- 
formed them  [tlio  Indians  then;]  that  nil  the  Mohawks  did  declare  they  would 
kill  all  Intlians  from  Uncus  at  Mount  Hope  to  the  eastward  as  tiir  as  Pejrjpscot. 

"  The  reason  of  JVuiombajnat,  sagamore  of  Saco,  dq)arted  his  place  was,  be- 
cause the  same  news  was  brougiit  there,  as  himself  declared,  upon  reading 
my  orders  at  I'enacook.  JVatombamat  is  gone  to  cuiiy  the  Indians  down  to 
the  same  place,  where  they  were  before  departed  from  us  on  Siniday  morn- 
ing, and  desired  Cajitain  Hooke  to  meet  him  at  Saco  five  days  after.  Both 
sagamores  of  Pcnacook,  viz.  Wonalanset  and  Mcsandoivit,  tlie  latter  of  which 
is  come  do\^  n,  did  then  declare  they  had  no  intention  of  war,  neither  indeed 
are  they  in  any  posture  for  war,  being  about  24  men,  besides  s(iuaws  and 
papooses.  The  reason,  they  said,  why  they  did  not  come  among  the  Knglish 
as  formerly,  was,  tln-ir  fear,  that  if  the  Blohawks  came  and  foujilit  tliem,  and 
they  should  fly  for  succor  to  the  English,  that  then  the  Mohawks  would  kill 
all  the  English  for  harboring  them." 

Notwitlistaiiiling  tiiis  state  of  affairs,  commissioners  met  the  Indians  on 
the  8  Sei)tend)er,  1(185,  ami  a  peace  was  concluded  "between  the  subjects  of 
his  Majesty  King  Jamts  II,  inlud)iting  N.  Hampshire  and  Maine,  and  the  In- 
dians iniiabitiiig  tlie  said  provinces."  The  articles  were  subscribed  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians  by 


The  nmrk  ^  of  Mesanpowit. 
"        X  of  Wahowah, 

alias  HopEHOOD. 
"         ^  of  Tecamorisick, 

alias  JosiAS. 


Tlie  mark  ^  of  John  Nomony, 

alias  I'l'SAWAH. 
"        Q  of  Umbrsmtwith, 
alias  Robin. 


Tlie  following  signers  agree  to  comply  with  tho  terms  of  the  treaty  "  as 
their  neighbors  have  done." 


The  mark  '\S  of  Netambomet. 
"  of  Wahowah,  a/u« 

Hope  noon, 
of  Ned  HiciooN 
of  Newcome 


u 


C 
0 


KANCAMAGUS,  alias 
John  Hawkins,  sagamore, 
signed  this  instrununt,  VMh  7ber, 
lliB.'),  his  □  mark. 

Bac.esson,  ft/i(is  .losEPH  Traske, 
his  ^  mark.    And  agreed  to  all 
within  written. 


W.r't'MT  Ungkins  were  among  the  Peiiakooks  s(Mzed  by  Major  Italdron 
about  ten  years  b('ti)re,  is  not  certain,  or,  if  \w  were,  it  is  not  probable  any 
reseiitiiK'iit  remained  in  his  breast  against  him  on  that  accoinit,  as  tlu*  I'en- 
nakdoks  ^cre  all  pennittcd  to  relin-ii  home;  but  it  is  certain  that  he  was  tho 
director  and  bader  in  the  dreaiilid  calamity  which  fi-ll  upon  H'aldron  not 
long  atb'iward,  and  wliicli  is  as  much  chargeable  upon  the  maltreatment 
tliey  received  fi-oni  the  English,  at  least,  as  u|ton  any  agency  of  tlie  French. 
It  may  be  true  tiiat  manv  belonging  to  llie  eastward,  who  were  seized  with 
tlie  Pennakuoks,  and  sold  or  left  in  foreign  countries,  had  found  their  way 
Imck  among  their  friends  again,  and  were  glad  of  the  first  opiiortunity  of 
revenging  themselves  upon  the  author  of  their  unjiist  twpatriation. 

Major  H'aldrun  lived  at  Dover,  tllien  called  by  its  Indian  name,  ({uochecho, 


Chap.  VIII.]        KANKAM.\GU.S.— DESTRUCTION  OF  DOVER. 


115 


as 


ff  iihlron 
li.'c  itiiy 
I'cil- 

V.IM  tllO 
'•<(«    I  Kit 

'ntmciit 
'Vpiioh. 
(I  with 
ir  way 
iiity  of 

KhechOf 


in  New  Ilainpsliire,  in  a  strong  pnrrison-IiotiPC,  at  wliich  place  vero  also 
ibur  otlicrs.  Kankamagus  had  artfully  contrived  a  stratagem  to  eftcct  the 
surprise  of  the  placo,  and  had  otlicrs  beside  the  Pennakooks  from  different 
places  rf'uily  in  great  numbers,  to  })rosccutc  the  undertakinjr.  The  plan  was 
this.  Two  squaws  were  sent  to  each  gurrison-house  to  get  liberty  to  stay  for 
the  night,  and  when  all  should  he  asleep,  they  were  to  open  the  iiatcs  to  the 
warriors.  Masandowet,  wlio  was  next  to  Kanhtmagtis,  went  to  Major  Wal- 
dron's,  and  informed  him  that  the  Indians  would  come  the  next  day  and  trade 
M'ith  him.  While  at  supper  witli  the  major,  Masmxdowd  said  to  him,  with  an  air 
of  familiarity,  "Brother  /faZrfron,  what  would  you  do  if  the  strange  Indians 
should  come?"  To  wliich  he  vauntingly  replied,  "  that  he  could  assemble 
an  Inuidred  num  by  liiling  up  his  linger."  In  this  security  the  gates  were 
opened  at  midnight,  and  the  work  of  death  raged  in  all  its  iin-y.  One  garri- 
son only  escaped,  who  would  not  admit  the  squaws.  They  rushed  into 
IVttldron^s  house  in  great  nuiuheis,  and  while  some  guarded  the  door,  others 
commenced  the  slaughter  of  ull  wiio  resisted.  ff'aUlron  was  now  80  yeiirs 
of  age,  yet,  seizing  his  sword,  defended  himself  with  great  resolution,  and  at 
rirst  drove  the  Indians  before  him  from  room  to  room,  until  one  gcttin.<<  be- 
hind him,  knocked  him  down  with  his  hatchet.  Ths^y  now  seized  upo»\  and 
dragged  him  into  the  great  room,  and  placed  him  in  an  armed  chair  u  <oa  a 
table.  While  they  were  thus  dealing  with  the  master  of  the  housn.  ihey 
obliged  the  family  to  provide  them  a  siq)j)er,  which  when  they  had  eaten,  tiiev 
took  off  liis  clothes,  and  proceeded  to  torture  him  in  the  most  dreadful  n. sti- 
ller. Some  gashed  his  breast  with  knives,  saying,  "i  cross  out  my  account;" 
others  cut  off  joints  of  his  fingers,  and  said  to  him,  ^^J^ow  will  your  fist  weigh 
a  pound  9" 

Alter  cutting  off  his  nose  and  ears,  and  forcing  them  into  his  mouth,  he 
became  faint  from  loss  of  blood ;  and  some  holding  his  own  sword  on  cud 
upon  the  floor,  let  him  fall  u])on  it,  and  thus  ended  his  misery. 

The  Indians  had  hecn'greatly  abused  and  wronged  in  their  trading  with 
tlie  whites,  and  it  is  a  tradition  to  this  day  all  over  that  part  of  the  country, 
that  Major  Waldron  took  great  advantage  of  them  in  trade,  and  did  not  cross 
out  their  accoimts  when  tiny  had  pai<i  him;  and  that,  in  buying  beaver,  his 
list  was  accounted  to  weigh  a  pound.  Although  he  may  have  taken  no  more 
advantage  of  the  Indians  than  x\w  majority  of  Indian  traders,  yet,  at  this  dis- 
tant day,  extenuation  will  not  be  looked  for  in  impartial  accounts  of  tlio 
transactions  of'  our  ancestors  with  tiie  Indians. 

To  (iuumerate  the  villanies  practised  upon  this  devoted  people,  woidd  ho 
to  expose  to  everlasting  odium  the  majority  of  frontier  traders  fi"om  the 
earliest  to  the  ]iresent  time;  but  true  histoi'y,  novv-a-days,  is  but  littl(!  read, 
and  little  indijed  where  the  facts  militate  against  the  jirich;  of  ancestry.  A 
history  of  wrongs  and  sufferings  preserved  only  to  he  read  by  those  who 
have  coimnilted  them,  nuist  bean  unwelcome  record!  It  was,  and  to  this 
day  is,  in  nianv  places,  a  tmiform  practice  among  speculators  or  land-jobbers, 
to  get  the  Indians  drunk,  and  then  make  their  bargains  with  them!  In  the 
time  of /ViiViy,?  war,  an  Androscoggin  Indian  said  "that  he  had  given  an 
hundred  pound  for  water  drawn  out  of  ftlr.  P.  [Purchas]  his  well,"*  But  to 
return  to  our  narmtive. 

S(>veral  were  kilh-d  nt  each  of  the  garrison-houses  that  fell  into  their  hands. 
They  kejit  liic  place  until  the  next  morning,  when,  after  collecting  all  llio 
])hin(ler  tliey  could  carry,  took  up  their  march,  with  2i>  cajitives,  into  the  wil- 
♦lerness  towards  Canada  ;  where  the  chief  of  them  were  bought  by  the  I'Voiieh, 
and  in  time  got  home  to  their  country  again.  Twenty-three  were  killed  hv- 
fore  they  lift  (he  place.  This  affair  took  place  on  the  night  of  tlie  iiTth  of 
Jmie,  1()H!).  Several  friendly  Indians  inlormi'd  the  Knglish  at  Chelmsford 
of  the  certainty  of  an  attack  upon  Dover,  and  they  caused  n  loiter  to  bo  de- 

*  Huhhard,  ii.  Tl.—TlionKu  Piirrliiis:e'ii  Iioihi>  ill  I'rifyiwcnt  was  niiinn)(  llie  fir?!  tlitit  fell  a 
proy  lo  ihi?  costem  Imliiiiis  in  Philip's  war.  In  llic  licKiiininff  (it'8r|>U'inlnT,  alxxit  iO  nriliem 
wonl  lIuTi',  aiKJ  at  first  offmcd  lo  iradc,  l)nt  Mr.  I'lirrhasr  anil  liis  sun  licinn  frnin  home,  ihey 
loiik  what  Ihry  liked  without  even  asking  the  price  i)f'  it,  killed  u  few  sheep  ajiil  culves,  euiil 
deported,    ibid,  14, 16. 


116 


HOPEHOOD.— ATTACK  ON  NEWICHEWANNOK.         [Book  111. 


\ 


\ 


\ 


spatched  in  season  to  have  notified  tlie  people,  but  on  account  of  sonic  delay 
at  Newbury  ferry,  the  benefit  of  that  information  was  lost. 

Four  years  after.  Colonel  Church  took  Worombd's  fort,  in  which  were  Kan- 
hamagua's  wife  and  children.  This  fort  was  upon  the  Androscoggin,  about 
25  or  30  miles  from  its  mouth.  In  another  place,  we  have  given  a  history 
of  Churches  ex{)edition  to  this  fort.  The  prisoners  taken  liore  informed  Church 
that  there  had  been  lately  a  groat  council  held  tiiere  by  the  Indians,  in  which 
"many  were  for  peace  and  niany  against  it;"  but  they  finally  agreed  to  go 
with  300  warriors  to  Wells  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  to  om-r  the  English 
peace,  which  if  not  acccjited,  they  would  then  fall  upon  them.  "  If  they 
could  not  take  Wells,  tiion  they  resolved  to  attack  Piscatnqua.  The  which, 
says  Church,  when  wo  were  well  informed  of,  we  left  two  old  squaws  that 
were  not  able  to  march,  gaue  them  victuals  enough  for  one  week  of  their  own 
corn,  boiled,  and  a  little  of  our  jiruisions,  and  buried  their  dead,  and  left  them 
clothes  enough  to  keep  them  warme,  and  left  the  wigwams  for  them  to  lye 
in :  gaue  them  orders  to  tell  their  friends  how  kind  we  were  to  them,  biding 
them  doe  the  like  to  ours.  Also  if  they  were  for  peace  to  come  to  goodman 
SmalPs,  att  Barwick,  within  14  days,  who  would  attend  to  discourse  them ; 
then  we  came  away  with  our  own  five  captiues,  [English  tliat  they  had  de- 
livered,] and  nine  of  theirs."* 

In  the  same  letter  we  are  informed  that  among  these  prisoners  were 
Kankainagus's  wife  and  four  children.  His  brother-in-law  was  tidien,  but  he 
"  ran  away  liom  them."  Among  tiic  slain  was  A«7iArtmajafiM'«  own  sister.  A 
girl  was  brought  away  whose  fiithor  and  mother  had  been  slain  before  her 
eyes.  Two  of  the  children  of  If'orombo  were  also  airiong  the  prisoners,  all  of 
whom  were  carried  to  I'limouth.  This  exi)edition  upon  the  Androscoggin 
was  on  Sunday,  14  September,  KilJO. 

A  few  days  after  this.  Church  landed  at  Casco,  where  the  Indians  fell  upon 
him  by  surprise,  and  were 'not  beaten  off  for  some  time,  and  then  only  by 
hard  fighting.  This  was  on  the  21  S(!|)temher.  Church  had  seven  men  kdled 
and  24  wouuded,.two  of  whom  died  in  a  day  or  two  after.  The  Indians  who 
made  this  attack  were  probably  led  by  Kankamagus  and  Woromho. 

HoPEHOoD  was  a  chief  nearly  as  celebrated,  and  as  much  detested  in  his 
time,  as  the  chiefs  of  whom  we  have  just  spoken.  He  was  chief  of  the  tribe 
of  the  Kenuebecks  generally  known  as  the  Nerigwoks.  He  was  the  son  of 
Hobinhood,  a  sachem  of  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a  former  chanter.  Accord- 
ing to  some  writers  Hopehood  was  also  known  by  the  name  Hohawa,^  The 
career  of  his  warlike  ex|)loits  was  long  i^nd  bloody.  Our  first  notice  of  him 
is  in  Philip's  war,  at  the  attack  of  a  house  at  Newichewamiok,  since  Berwick, 
in  Maine.  FilVeen  persons,  all  women  and  children,  were  in  the  house,  and 
Hopehood,  with  one  only  beside  himself,  Andrew  of  Saco,  whom  we  have  be- 
fore mentioned  as  an  accomplice  with  Synwn,  thought  to  surprise  tlieni,  imd 
but  for  the  timely  discovery  of  their  approach  by  a  young  woman  within, 
would  have  eft'ected  their  purpose.  She  fiistem^d  and  held  the  door,  while 
all  th(!  others  escaped  unobserved.  Hopehood  and  his  companio!i  hewed 
<l()wn  the  door,  and  knocked  the  girl  on  the  head,  and,  otherwise  wounding 
iier,  left  her  for  dead.  They  took  two  children,  which  a  fence  had  kept  from 
escaping.  One  they  killed,  the  other  they  ruiried  off  alive.  The  young 
woman  recovered,  and  was  entiivly  well  uf^erwnrds. 

<^)ne  of  the  most  imjmrtant  actions  in  which  Hopehood  was  engaged  was 
that  against  Salmon  Falls  in  New  Hamp'liire,  which  is  miiuitely  detailed  by 
ChnrUvoic,  from  wliost!  history  we  translate  as  follows.  Three  expeditions  luid 
been  set  on  l(>ot  by  (iovernor  /•Vo»/(;w»r,  tlu;  troo|)s  for  which  had  been  raisetl 
lit  three  places,  Montreal,  Three  Kivers,  '  iid  tiuebeck.  Tiiosts  raised  at 
Three  Rivers  were  ordered  against  New  ihiglaiul ;  and  such  was  the  insig- 
nificance of  that  place,  that  but  .Vi  men  could  be  raised,  including  ft  Algon- 
quins  and  20  Sokokis :  these  Indians  had  lately  returned  from  an  eastern 
expedition.     They  had  nt  their  head  one  of  the  officers  of  the  colony,  to 

*  MnmiM-ri|it  Icttor  writlon  nl  llie  liino  liy  Church,  hiuI  tcilt  to  Uovcriior  Hirtckleij  of 
Plimonll). 

t  Hitrrit,  in  lii«  VoyBiTP'.  ii-  •TO'i,  who  «ny«  he  was  a  Huron )  but  ag  he  citei  no  outhoriliet, 
wc  knuw  not  how  lie  cunic  hv  his  infurnuUiun. 


\ 


V 


Chap.  VIII.]    HOPEHOOD.— DESTRUCTION  OF  SALMON  FALLS. 


117 


ill  Ilia 

tribe 

son  of 

Lccortl- 

Tiio 

f  him 

rwick, 

se,  uihI 

be- 

I,  and 

itiiiii, 

wiiilo 

it'Wfd 

iidin^ 

iVoiu 

.yoii'iK 

was 
.•d  l.y 

H  iuui 

•ftiscd 
od  nt 
insij;- 
l>{on- 
antorn 
iiy,  to 


ioritiei, 


whom  could  be  intrusted  tlio  execution  of  an  enterprise  of  such  a  nature, 
with  the  greatest  conlidence  ;  sucli  is  the  testimony  wliicli  Count  Frontenac 
gave  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  at  the  time  to  M.  rfe  Seignelay.  That  officer 
was  the  Sio\ir  Hcrtd,  Li  the  small  company  which  he  commanded,  he  had 
three  of  his  sons  and  two  of  his  nejihews ;  viz.  The  Sieur  Crevier,  Lord 
of  S.  Francois,  and  the  Siem*  Gatineau. 

He  left  Three  Rivers  the  '28  January  1G90,  proceeding  directly  south  into 
the  country,  leaving  Lake  Chaniplain  to  his  left,  then  turning  to  the  east,  and 
after  a  long  and  rugged  march  he  arrived  ou  the  27  *  Marcli,  near  Salmon 
Falls,!  which  he  had  reconnoitred  by  liis  spies.  He  then  divided  his  men 
into  three  companies ;  the  fii-st,  composed  of  15  men,  was  ordered  to  attack 
a  large  fortified  house.  The  second,  consisting  of  11  men,  was  ordered  to 
seize  U|)on  a  fort,  defended  by  four  bastions.  The  third,  which  Hertd  com- 
manded in  person,  marched  to  uttsek  a  still  greater  fort,  which  was  deicndtd 
by  cannon.  All  was  executed  with  a  conduct  and  bravery  which  astonished 
tiie  J'^nglish,  who  made  at  first  stout  resi>tance ;  but  they  could  not  with- 
yt;ind  the  firo  of  the  assailants:  the  brr.vi'st  were  cut  to  pieces, J  and  the 
rest,  to  tiic  number  of  54,  wore  iii:ule  prLsonerH  of  war.  It  cost  the  victors 
but  one  Frencluiiun,  who  had  his  tliij,'ii  broken,  and  who  died  the  next  day : 
27  houses  were  reduced  to  ashes,  and  2000  ■§  domestic  uniinals  perished  in 
tlie  barns,  wliicli  had  been  set  on  fire. 

Salmon  Falls  was  but  six  leagues  from  a  great  town  called  Pascataqua,|! 
from  whence  men  enough  might  be  sent  to  swallow  up  Hertd,  and  cut  ofi 
iii.i  retreat.  In  fact,  upon  the  evening  of  the  saitie  day  two  savages  gave 
no"ti('o  t!iat2001[  Englisli  were  advancing  to  attack  them.  Hertel  expected 
it,  and  had  taken  his  measures  to  frustrate  those  of  his  enemy,  lie  drew 
lip  his  men  in  order  of  battle  upon  the  edge  of  a  river,**  over  which  there 
was  a  very  narrow  bridge,  one  extremity  of  which  he  had  secured,  and  it 
was  impossible  for  the  English  to  come  upon  him  at  any  other  point.  They, 
however,  attemiited  it,  despising  the  small  numbers  of  tlie  French,  whom 
they  engaged  with  great  confidence.  Htrtel  suffered  them  to  advance  with- 
out firing  a  gun,  aud  all  at  once  fell  upon  them,  sword  in  hand ;  8  were 
killed  and  10  wounded  in  the  first  shock,  and  the  rest  fled  with  j)recipita- 
tion.  ft  Ho  lost  in  this  encounter  the  brave  Crevier,  his  nephew,  and  one  of 
the  Sokokis.  La  Presniere,  bis  elder  son,  was  shot  in  the  knee;  the  scar  of 
which  wound  he  bore  for  50  years.  || 

As  Heiid  §§  was  returning  to  Canada,  he  fell  in  with  another  party  of  his 
countrymen,  which  proved  to  be  that  raised  at  (.Juebec,  l)efore  mentioned, 
under  M.  dc  Portneuf,\\\\  and  with  him  agreed  upon  un  expedition  ogainst 

*  lielhinp,  Hist.  N.  II  i.  132,  following  Mather,  Mnfjimlin,  vii.  (18,  tlntcs  lliis  nfluir  18 
iMiirrli ;  iIuto  is  in  ronlily  no  error,  allowing  ("or  tlio  (iifforunco  of  sivie,  (except  one  jlay ;)  liio 
Kn"lisli  not  yot  having  uilopteil  the  (Jregormn  method,  wliicli  the  I'reiicli  luul. — Sec  IJooK  II. 
("vr.  II. 

t  I'res  (I'lmc  bonrtratlo  Angloiso.  appclli^c  ;SVmcn/r/.«. 

X  Alioiil  ;f()  were  killed,  according   to  Itelkmip,  Hist.  N.  \\.  i.  132. 

^S  ('lidrlrniix  has  lieeii  luisconslrued  by  some  authors,  and  made  to  say  2000  head  of  callln 
were  hurned. — Sec  M7//i(im,von,  Hist.  Maine,  i.  (il'.l,  who  prdlmlily  did  not  refer  to  the  text  of 
Chiirlivdi.i-,  or  jierhnps  used  an  exceptionable  translation.  "  Diiix  mille  pUcesde  hetail  peri' 
rent  ilciii.i  Its  rtiihli's,  oil  I'on  avoit  mis  It  feu."     Nouvellf  France,  ii.  61. 

Il  .'"ienieiilels  ii'eloit  qu'i  six  liciiPs  d'uno  assez  grossu  bourgaiie  de  la  Nouvcllc  Anglctcrrc, 
iioniHiee  1'isc(kI<iii''1,     IVuurelle  France,  ii.  61. 

Ii  •'  About  1  U)  men."     Helknap,  ii.  132. 

**  Wonsler's  River,  in  HerwicK.     Ihid. 

\\  The  I^iiglish  atlvanced  with  pjrcal  intrepidity,  and  n  warm  cngaireincnl  ensued,  which 
ladled  till  iii^lit.  uhen  they  retired  with  the  loss  of  tour  or  live  killed.     Ibid. 

t:  The  I'.iiKli'.h,  allliotijili  warned  by  the  fate  of  .Schenecladay,  "  dreamt,"  says  Mather, "  Ihiit 
while  the  deep  snow  of  the  winter  continued,  they  were  safe  eiioiiffli ;  but  this  proved  as  vain 
as  a  iliv(tm  of  a  ilni  .■summer.  On  i\Iarcli  ID,  the  French  and  Iiiiiiaiis,  being  half  one,  half 
t'other,  half  Iniliaiiised  French,  and  half  Frenchilied  Indians,  coinmmided  by  Monsieur  Arid 
nnil  ff('tii<-H'ii>(l.  fell  suddenly  upon  Halmon-falls,"  iVc.     Ma^nalia,  vii.  (i8. 

(i^  The  Knuli^h  called  liiin  Artel,  as  his  name  was  pronounced.     See  Miifptalia,  ibid. 

|1  II  The  French  wrote  I'.iiijlish  names  i|Ueer  enough,  but  really  I  should  bo  sadly  pu//leil  lo 
tell  which  should  laiiirh  at  the  ollu-r  :  however,  moileru  writers  should  not  coiiv  c)ld  errtiMof 
ilfiioraiicc  II  is  easy  to  see  how  we  coiue  by  the  immu  of  Uunirffe  in  out  lliiitotius  ot  AVu» 
EriglatiJ.—iivQ  Iliii.Mtdm,'\.ti2l. 


'1 


US 


HOPEHOOD.— DESTRUCTION  OF  CASCO. 


[Book  III. 


Cf 


('asco.  As  Porhieuf  marclipd  tliroiigb  the  couiiti-y  of  tlic  Abenakis,  many 
vt'  tliem  joined  liini,  and  he  came  into  tiie  neigliborhood  of  Casco,  accord- 
ing to  tlie  French  account,  on  tlie  ^5  ftlny.  On  tlie  ibllowing  night,  lie  i)re- 
j)ared  an  ambusli,  aiid  towards  morning  un  Englisinnan  fell  into  it  and  was 
killed.  The  Indians  then  raised  the  war-whoop,  and  about  noon  50  English 
marched  out  from  the  garrison  to  learn  what  was  the  occasion  of  it ;  they 
made  no  discovery  until  they  were  within  a  few  puces  of  the  ambush,  when 
they  were  fired  upon :  and  before  they  could  resist  were  fallen  upon  by  the 
French  and  Indians  with  their  swords  and  tonudmwks  with  great  slaughter : 
but  four  escaped,  and  these  were  badly  wounded. 

The  English  seeing  now  they  must  stand  a  siege,  abandoned  four  ganl- 
sons,  and  all  retired  into  one,  which  was  provided  with  cannon.  Before  these 
were  abandoned,  an  attack  was  made  upon  one  of  them,  in  which  the 
French  were  repulsed,  with  the  loss  of  one  Indian  killed  and  one  Frencii- 
nian  wounded.  Portneiif  begun  now  to  doubt  of  his  ability  to  take  Casco, 
fearing  the  issue ;  for  his  commission  only  ordered  him  to  lay  waste  the 
English  settlements,  and  not  to  attempt  fortified  places  ;  but  in  this  dileninia 
/feWeZ  and  HoPEHOOD  aiTived.*  It  was  now  determined  to  jness  the  siege. 
Ill  the  deserted  forts  they  found  all  tlie  necessary  tools  for  carrying  on  tlio 
work,  and  tJiey  began  a  mine  within  50  feet  of  the  fort,  imder  a  steep  bank, 
which  entirely  protected  thcni  from  its  guns.  The  English  became  diw- 
couraged,  and  on  the  28  f  May  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  w;,r. 
There  were  70  men,  and  probably  a  much  greater  mnnber  of  women  and 
children.  All  of  whom,  except  Captain  Z>ffi)i.9,  who  connnanded  the  garrison, 
and  three  or  four  others,  were  given  uj>  to  the  Indians,  who  murdered  most 
of  them  in  their  cruel  manner;  and  if  tiie  accounts  be  true,  Hopehood 
■excelled  all  other  savages  in  acts  of  cruelty.  In  the  course  of  tiie  same 
month,  wth  a  small  party  he  fell  upon  F'ox  Point,  in  New  Ilaini)shire,  killed 
about  fourteen  persons,  and' carried  away  six,  alter  burning  several' houses. 
This  was  as  easily  <lone,  says  Cotton  Mather,  J  "  as  to  have  spoiled  an  ordinary 
hen-roost."  Two  companies  of  English  soon  collected  and  |)ursued  them  ; 
came  up  with  them,  killed  some,  mid  recovered  considerable  plunder,  in 
this  action  Hopehood  was  wounded,  and  lost  his  gun.  § 

Many  were  the  horrid  acts  of  barbarity  iuHicued  on  the  prisoners  taken 
at  this  time.  Not  long  after  this,  Hopehood  went  to  the  westward,  "  with  a 
design,  says  Mather,  to  bewitch  another  crew  at  Anuadocta  into  his  assist- 
ance." The  Indians  of  Canada  and  the  Five  Nations  were  then  at  war, 
and  he  Iwing  in  their  country,  was  met  by  some  of  the  Canada  Indians, 
wlio,  taking  him  to  be  of  the  Irocpiois  nation,  slew  him  and  many  of  his 
companions.  He  had  been  once  a  captive  to  the  English,  and  served  a  time 
in  Boston  as  a  slave.  There  appears  to  have  been  another  Nerigwok  chief 
of  tlie  same  name,  who  treated  with  (iovernor  Diulley  at  Casco,  in  ITd-'J.  \ 

We  have,  in  narrating  tiie  events  in  the  life  of  MuMawaudo,  noticed  tlio 
voyage  of  Major  IVnldron  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine,  wiiich  was  at  tiie 
close  of  PhUip\i  war.  I  low  much  treachery  was  manifested  at  that  time  liy 
the  Indians,  which  caut^ed  tlie  I'liglisli  to  massacre  many  of  them,  we  sliall 
not  take  \i\w\\  us  to  <lc<'lare;  yet  this  we  siiould  bear  in  mind,  that  we  have 
only  tiie  account  of  those  wiio  performed  the  tragedy,  and  not  that  of  tiioso 
who  siifli^ed  in  it. 

Captain  Charles  Frost,  of  Kittery,  was  with  Waldron  upon  that  expedition, 
and,  next  to  him,  a  principal  actor  in  it ;  and,  like  him,  was  killed  by  tiie 
Indians  alterwards.  ||  Mr.  Hulthnrd  gives  this  account  of  his  taking  a  noted 
warrior  as  l<illows: — "('apt.  I'rnst  seized  an  Indian  called  Meirunucwnii,  a 
notorious  rogue,  that  had  Ix.-en  in  arms  at  Connecticut  last  June,  at  the  tiills, 

*  Mndoknwnndn  was  nlso  nl  the  Inkiiijj  nf  Ciisro,  ns  woro  ihc  Dnnns  niiil  llie  Higiier.f 
Jlligjfiiis]  (*ii|ilaiii  Jhwis'n  Nar.  in  3  Coll.  Mas.  Hi«t.  Soc  101.,  .'i.—Hopfhoail  lin<l  liorii  lakra 
|irls(iiiiT,  mill  lii'lH  as  n  lios<n!(c,  with  oliuut  n  do/.en  otlicri,  and  wasi  sfl  at  lilicrty  by  Atidros, 
hoiiii"  liini'  bct'iiro.     //hi/. 

t  TIiIh  Hjjfrrc"!  with  llic  FmcIIsIi  arromit.'s,  nlialiiigf  10  iln ys,  ns  nb«icrvc(l  in  n  lioto  on  tlie  last  piiRO. 

t  Mnifiiiilia  Christ.  .\mrriiiMiii.  b.  vii.  7.1. 

f"  .Vii  tie.-iOiiMi  Imlinii  Mixiltl  riitlicr  |<iirt  uilli  his  hcail  lliaii  \\\\\\  his  K'a>'''     Loskiel,  ii,  214. 
At  lii<  lmli^■t•  place,  f  .bily,  l(i!l7.     J/N.  kltur  oj'  Julin  I'linitrr,  £,'.«(/. 


an 
Gi 
ki 
or 

CO 

to 


thi 
till 


in 
II 
wi 


Chap.  IX.] 


BOMAZEEN. 


119 


and  saw  that  brave  and  resolute  Capt.  Turner,  when  he  was  slain  about 
Green  River;  and  helped  to  kill  Thomas  Bracket*  at  Casco,  [11th]  August 
last,  [167(i.]  And  with  the  help  of  Lieut.  J^Tutter,  accordinff  to  the  major's 
order,  cai-ned  him  aboard  "  their  vessel.  "  By  this  time,"  the  same  author 
continues,  "  some  of  the  soldiers  were  got  ashore,  and  instantly,  according 
to  their  major's  command,  pui|'sued  the  enemy  towards  their  canoes.  In  the 
chase,  several  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  whose  bodies  these  [soldiers]  found 
at  their  return,  to  the  number  of  seven ;  amongst  whom  was  Matidlmndo, 
the  sagamore,  wit!i  an  old  powow,  to  whom  the  Devil  had  revealed,  as  some- 
times he  did  to  Said,  that  on  tho  same  day  he  should  be  with  hiiu ;  for  he 
had  a  little  before  told  tiie  Indians,  that  within  two  days  tho  English  would 
come  and  kill  them  ah,  which  was  at  the  very  same  time  verified  upon 
himself."  Here  we  must  acknowledge,  notwithstanding  our  great  respect 
for  tills  author,  tliat  his  commentary  upon  that  passage  was  rather  gratuitous. 
He  migiit  have  considered  that  Sauls  among  the  English  would  not  be  want- 
ing of  whom  parallels  might  be  made.  Indeed,  the  historian  of  Kankamagus 
might  say  the  Devil  was  less  decciti'ul  with  this  powwow  than  he  was  after- 
wards in  the  case  of  Major  Waldron. 

The  English  took  much  plunder  from  the  Indians  at  this  time,  among 
which  were  about  1000  li)s.  of  dried  beef,  and  various  other  commodities. 
Mes^unnewmi,  after  having  fallen  into  their  hands  as  we  have  stated,  was  shot 
without  ceremony. 


CHAPTER  rX. 

BoMAZEKN — Treachery  of  the  tehitrs  towards  him — Is  imprisoned  at  Boston — Saves 
the  life  of  a  female,  captive — Captures  Siico — Is  killed — Arruiiavvikwabemt — 
His  capture  <ivd  death — Egehf.met — Seized  at  Pcmmaquid — Barbarously  mur- 
dered—  Treachery  of  Cliubh — Its  requital — Captain  Tom — Surprises  Hampton — 
DoNV — llisfort  capturnd  hyColonel  Church — Events  of  Church's  expedition — Captain 
SiMMO — Treats  inith  the  English  at  Casen — His  speech — Wattanummo.n — Captain 
SAMi"F,r. — His  figlit  at  Dainnris  Cove — IIegan — One  of  the  name  barbarously  rfc- 
stroijed  by  the  whites — Mono — Westbrook  burns  M'crigtrok — Some  account  of  the 
Jesuit  Basic — Moultons  expedition  to  .N'erigwok — Death  of  Mo  a g — Death  of  Father 
Basle — jXoticc  of  Mmdtan — Charlevoix's  account  of  this  affair — Paugus — Bmintij 
offered  for  Indinn  scidps — Captain  Jidin  Ltiveirell's  first  expedition — His  second 
hunt  for  Indians — Falls  in  with  Pauous — Fights  him,  and  is  slain — Particulars  of 
the  affair — Incidents — Songs  composed  on  the  event. 

We  Avill  coiitinuo  h»u*e  our  ratalngno  of  eminent  chiefs  of  the  cast,  whirh< 
thougli  a  remote  section,  has  no  less  claim  tlian  any  other;  and  tlie  first  of 
thoni  wliich  we  shall  introdiico  was  called,  by  the  wliitcs, 

Uomazek.v,  wlio  was  a  saciieni  of  a  tribe  of  tiie  Canibas,  or  Kennebecks, 
whose  icsidenco  was  at  an  ancient  seat  of  sagamores,  iii)on  a  river  bearing 
their  name,  at  a  jilaco  called  .Vo/ri'i/g-f  loocA-.  f  Whether  Dom,uzcen  were  the 
leader  in  th(^  attack  upon  Ovster  River  in  New  Hampshire,  Grotonin  Massa- 
chusetts, and  many  other  jiiaces,  aliout  tiie  year  l()5i4,  we  cannot  doterniine, 
but  Hidrhinson  says  he  was  "a  i)rincipal  actor  in  the  carnage  upon   the 

*  He  was  lirollier  In  Anthomi,  nnd  was  killed  llm  11  August,  as  wo  liavo  mentioned  in  our 
nrroiiiil  of  Sijmnn.  Tlicse  Indians,  or  some  of  llieir  parly  f  llint  raptursd  Anthony  Brackel] 
WLMil  over  upon  I|k>  neclj,  where  liiey  shot  John  Miiiijoii  uiid  Inaac  Wakety.  Three  men.  who 
were  poin^  to  ronp  at  AtUhimij  Bracket's,  \mv'u\<f  hriiril  from  Munjotj  nnd'H'nWy  of  the  trnns- 
arlion  llicre,  h'l'i  llicni  to  reliirn,  when,  iieiirinfj  llie  pins,  ihey  turned  towards  "tliomns  JirackH's, 
who  lived  iienr  ("lurk's  Point,  where  ihey  hnd  led  their  eaime,  huviuff  prnbuMy  crosned  over 
from  Purpoodiicli,  Hero  they  snw  Tli'oimu  Bracket  shot  down,  nnd  his  wife  and  children 
taken ;  ihey  then  mode  their  eseape  lo  Manjotfs  garrison,  at  Iho  lower  end  of  the  neck,  which 
had  heronie  a  place  of  refuse.  WUIis'.i  Hist'.  Porlland,  i.  Ml.— This  was  un  exiensivo  denre- 
dution.  .'W  persons  hiivin>;  lieen  killeil  nnd  carried  into  caplivitv. 

t  NrrisTxeok  is  helieved  lo  l)e  the  nios'  proper  way  of  spellin"'  the  name  of  tlii«  place,  ns 
agreeing;  best  with  its  orlhot'ny  i  at  least,  with  that  heard  at  and  in  the  vicinity  of  it,  at  Ihii 
day,  as  pronounced  by  tho  oldest  inhabitants.  It  is  n  delightful  place,  nnd  will"  be  found  el«e- 
where  described. 


120 


ARRUIIAWIKWABEMT.— TAKEN  AND  KILLED.  [Book  IIL 


Englisli,"  after  tlie  treaty  which  he  had  made  with  Governor  Phips,  in  IfiPS. 
In  1G94,  he  came  to  the  fort  at  Pommaciuid  with  a  flog  of  truce,  and  was 
treacherously  seized  by  those  who  commanded,  and  sent  prisoner  to  Boston, 
where  he  remained  some  months,  in  a  loatlisome  prison.  In  170(5,  new  bar- 
barities were  committed.  Chehnslbrd,  Siuibury,  Groton,  Exeter,  Dover,  and 
nlany  other  places,  siiftered  more  or  less.*  Many  captives  were  taken  and 
carried  to  Canada,  and  many  killed  on  the  way.  A  poor  woman,  one  Rebecca 
Taylor,  who  had  arrived  at  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  was  about  to  be  hanged 
by  her  master,  an  "overgrown  Indian,"  named  Sampson.  The  limb  of  the 
tree  on  which  he  was  executing  his  jjurpose  gave  way,  and,  while  he  was 
making  a  second  attempt,  Bomazeen  happened  to  be  passing,  and  i*es- 
cued  her. 

We  hear  of  him  just  after  the  death  of  Arnihatcikwahevit,  in  October, 
1710,  when  he  fell  upon  Saco  with  (JO  or  70  men,  and  killed  several  jjcople, 
and  carried  away  some  captives.  He  is  mentioned  as  a  "  notorious  fellow," 
and  yet  but  few  of  his  acts  ai'e  upon  record.  Some  time  after  the  ])eace  of 
1701,  it  seemed  to  be  confirmed  hy  the  appearance  of  Bomazeen,  and  another 
principal  chief,  who  said  the  French  friars  were  urging  them  to  break  their 
union  with  the  English,  "  hut  that  they  had  made  no  impression  on  them,  for 
they  were  nsfirm  as  the  mountains,  and  shoidd  continue  so  as  long  as  the  sun  and 
moon  endured."  On  peace  being  made  known  to  the  Indians,  as  having  taken 
j)lace  between  the  French  and  English  nations,  they  came  into  Casco,  with 
a  flag  of  truce,  and  soon  after  concluded  a  treaty  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H., 
dated  13  Jidy,  17J8.     Bomazecn's  name  and  mark  are  to  this  treaty. 

When  Captain  Moidton  was  sent  up  to  Nerigwok,  in  1724,  they  fell  in  with 
Bonmzeen  about  Taconnet,  where  they  shot  him  as  he  was  escaping  through 
the  river.  Near  the  town  of  Nerigwok,  his  wife  and  daughter  were,  in  a 
barbarous  manner,  fired  upon,  the  daughter  killed,  and  the  mother  taken. 

We  purposely  omit  Dr.  C.  Mather^s  account  of  Bomnzeen^s  conversation 
with  a  minister  of  Boston,  while  a  prisoner  there,  wliich  amounts  to  little 
else  than  his  recounting  sonic  of  the  extravagant  notions  wliich  the  French 
of  Canada  had  made  many  Indiuhs  believe,  to  their  great  detriment,  as  he 
said ;  as  that  Jestis  Christ  was  a  French  man,  and  the  ^'irgin  Mary  :i  French 
woman ;  that  th(;  French  gav(!  them  ])oi.<on  to  drink,  to  inflame  them  against 
the  English,  which  made  them  run  mad.  We  hear  of  otiiers,  who,  to  excite 
them  against  tiie  English,  endeavored  to  make  them  beheve,  among  other 
absurdities,  that  tiiey  i)Ut  Jesus  Chrkt  to  d(>ath  in  London. 

Arruhawikwabkmt,  just  mentioned,  was  a  sachem  of  the  same  tribe,  and 
was  said  to  be  of  Norridgcswock  also.  We  can  find  but  very  few  particulars 
of  him,  hut,  li'om  the  fate  he  met  with,  it  is  jiresumed  lie  had  been  very 
insfruuie^ital  in  continuing  or  bringing  about  the  eastern  war  of  1710.  In 
that  year,  Colonel  IValton  made  an  ex|u>dition  to  the  east(!rn  coast  of  Maine 
with  170  men.  As  they  were  eucamiied  upon  an  island,  the  smoke  of  their 
fires  decoyed  some  of  the  Indians  into  their  hands,  among  whom  was  Jlnii- 
hnwiktvitbimt.  Pcnhallotv  says,  Ik;  was  "an  active,  bold  fidlow,  and  one  of  an 
imdaunted  spirit ;  for  when  tliey  askcMl  him  several  questions,  he  made  them 
110  r(;])ly,  and  when  they  tlireati'iied  him  with  (hmth,  he  laughed  at  it  with  con- 
tempt! At  which  they  delivenul  him  u|)  luito  our  friendly  Indians,  who  soon 
became  his  executioners.  But  when  the  squaw  saw  the  destiny  of  her 
liusband,  she  became  more  flexible,  and  freely  discovered  where  each  party 
oi"  them  encamped."  The  savugc!  perpetrators  of  this  act  called  themselves 
Christian  warriors !  and  it  must  hr  acknowledged  that  civilization  gains 
nothing  in  contrasting  the  conduct  of  the  whites,  under  Walton,  and  that 
of  Bomazeen  towards  j,  cajitive,  just  related. 

EoKKi'.MK.T,  as  we  have  seen,  was  chief  sachem  of  Kennebcck  in  ] GOO, 
and  his  priucijial  residence  apjK  nrs  to  have  been  at  Machias.  This  chief, 
and  HoNtji  ii»,  with  three  or  four  others,  having  been  invited  to  a  conferenci^  at 
PemiMiuiuid,  were  treMcheroiisly  iiiunleri'd  there,  K!  February,  KiJHi.  Their 
eeizure  and  murder  coidd  not  have  been  outdone,  by  the  greatest  barbarians, 


•  /?();/i(i!('<'u  win  ^iipiKisnl  In  linvo  Icil  llic  |iiirlv  lluil  iillnrkc'l  ilir  sniilli|inrl  of  Ovsirr  River, 
now  Durliaiii,  in  «liicli  10  jhtmhis  woro  killiil.     'I'liis  wiis  on  ^1  Ajiril. 


Chap.  IX] 


EGEREMET. 


12J 


for  faithlcHsness ;  and  vm  shall  learn  that  its  author  paid  for  it  in  due  time 
with  his  life.  We  are  not  disposed  to  add  to  transactions  which  are  in 
themselves  sufficiently  horrible,  but  we  will  venture  to  give  the  account  as 
we  find  it  in  Dr.  C,  Mather's  decennium  liictuosum ;— ^  * 

"  Let  us,  before  the  year  bo  quite  gone,  see  some  vengeance  taken  upon 
the  heads  in  the  house  of  the  wicked.  Know  then,  reader,  that  Capt.  March 
petitioning  to  be  dismissed  from  his  command  of  the  fort  at  Femmaquid, 
one  Chub  succeeded  him.  This  Chib  found  an  opportunity,  in  a  pretty 
<:hubbed  manner,  to  kill  the  famous  Edgtremet  and  Jlhenquid,  a  couple  of 
principal  sagamores,  with  one  or  two  other  Indians,  on  a  Lord's  day.  Some 
that  well  enough  liked  the  thing  which  was  now  done,  did  not  altogether 
like  the  manner  of  doing  it,  because  there  was  a  pretence  of  treaty  between 
Chub  and  the  sagamores,  whereof  he  took  his  advantage  to  lay  violent  Imnds 
t)n  them." 

Thus  the  viummr  is  seen  in  which  this  horrid  and  cold-Wooded  act  is 
related  ! !  Few  are  the  instances  that  we  meet  with  in  history,  where  Indian 
treachery,  as  it  is  termed,  can  go  before  this.  The  reverend  author  adds,  "  If 
there  were  any  unfau'  dealing  (which  I  know  not)  in  this  action  of  Chub, 
there  will  be  another  February  not  far  off,  wherein  the  avengers  of  bloodwill 
take  their  satisfaction.^^  By  this  innuendo,  what  befell  Captain  Vhuhb  after- 
wards is  understood,  and  of  which  we  shall  presently  give  an  account 

The  point  of  laud  called  TrotVs  JVeck,  in  Woolwich,  in  the  state  of  Maine, 
was  sold,  in  1685,  by  Egertmet  and  several  other  sachems.  In  1093,  on  the 
11  August,  with  12  other  chiefs,  he  madis  a  treaty  f  with  Sir  fVilliam  Phips,  at 
Pemmaquid,  to  which  their  names  stood  as  follows,  and  without  marks,  in 
the  printed  account. 


EdgISremett. 
Madockawando. 
Wassambomet^  JVoridgwoclL 
Wenobson  of  Teconnet,  in  behalf 

of  Moxus. 
Ketterramocis  of  JVdrridgivocL 
AHANquiD  of  Penobscot. 

BoMASEfiN. 

Nitamemet. 


Webenes. 
awansomeck. 
Robin  Doney. 
Madaumbis. 

Paquaharet,  alias  Nathaniel. 
Jolm  Hornybrook. 
-John  BagataWawongo,  alUa 
Sheo[J8cott  John. 
Phill,  Dunsakis,  Squaw,  in» 
teriM-eters. 


Before  this,  in  1691,  "New  England  being  quite  out  of  breath," says  Dr. 
C  Mather,  a  treaty,  or  truce,  was  entered  into  between  the  eastern  sachems 
and  Messrs.  Hutchinson  and  Townsend,  of  Boston,  and  others  of  the  eastern 
coast,  at  Sagudahock.  Here  ten  captives  were  given  up  by  them,  and  the 
English  gave  up  eight  captive  Indians.  One  was  a  woman  by  the  name  of 
HiUl,  who  had  been  of  great  service  to  them,  having  written  letters  on 
various  occasions,  such  as  their  affairs  required,  and  with  whom  they  re- 
gretted much  to  part.  Another  was  J'^athaniel  JVhile,  who  had  been  bound 
and  tortured  in  a  wretched  manner.  His  ears  were  cut  off,  and,  instead  of 
food,  ho  was  ibrced  to  cat  them,  after  which,  but  for  this  timely  treaty,  the 
sentence  of  burning  would  have  been  etecuted  upon  him.  This  truce 
Biipulated  that  no  hurt  should  be  done  the  English  until  May,  1692,  and  that, 
on  the  first  of  that  mouth,  they  would  deliver,  at  Wells,  all  English  captives 
in  their  liands,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  would  inform  of  any  plots  that  they 
might  know  of  the  French  against  the  English.  Egeremct  being  the  chief 
.acliem,  and  most  forward  in  this  business,  Dr.  jllako' uttore  iiis  contempt 
*cr  him  by  saying,  "To  this  instrument  were  set  the ^a«;s  of  U^ereffiet,  and 
five  more  of  their  sagamores  and  noblemen."  \ 

This  treaty  may  be  seen  at  length  in  the  Collections  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc., 
but  is  dated  one  year  earlier  than  it  is  in  the  Magnalia.  The  tiict  that  it  was 
made  upon  the  water,  as  Dr.  C.  Mather  says,  and  as  we  have  cjuoted  in  the 
life  of  Madokawando,  a])peara  from  the  last  paragraph  of  that  instrument, 


•  Magnalia,  1).  vii.  Gil.  f  Ii  may  bo  seen  in  the  .Va^tic.Hj,  vii.  W. 

I  MugiioJia  Clirisi.  Americana,  bouk  vii.  art.  xxviii.  p.  'J4. 
*  11 


122 


EGEREMET.— KILLTID  AT  TEMAQUID. 


[Book  Iir. 


which  is  in  these  words: — "Signed  nnd  sealed  intcrdiniigenhly,  upon  tlio 
wuter,  in  canoes,  at  Suckutehock,  when  the  loind  blew."  It  wiis  lieuded,  "At  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  tlie  eastward  Indian  enemy  snganiorcs."  Tlie  otiier  five 
sarhenjs,  beside  Eixerenict,  were  Toqvelmiit,  IVatumhomt,  Watornibarmt,  fValumhe, 
[fyoromhos,]  and  Johi  Hawkins,  [or  Katikamagus.]  The  places  for  which  they 
stipulated  are,  according  to  the  treaty, "  Pennecook,VViiniepisseockeege,  Ossepe, 
Pigwocket,  Aruoscongcn,  Pechepscut,  Kcnnebeck  River, and  all  other  ])laces 
adjacent,  within  tiic  territory  and  dominions  of  the  above-named  sagamores." 
The  witnesses  were,  Dcwmido,  [the  same  called  Miwando,  by  Penhalloic, 
probably,]  JVerf  Higon,  John  Jllden,  jr.,  and  JVathaniel  Jildtn. 

The  next  year,  Egeremet  was  with  Madokawanao,  Moxus,  and  a  body  of 
French  under  Lubrocre,  and  made  the  notable  attack  upon  the  garrison  at 
Wells,  which  will  be  found  recorded  in  the  last  cliapter. 

We  will  now  inform  the  reader  of  tiic  wretched  fate  of  Captain  Pasco  Chub. 
It  was  not  long  after  he  committed  the  bloody  deed  of  killing  the  Indian  sag- 
amores, before  he  And  the  fort  were  taken  by  tlie' French  luid  Indians.  He 
was  exchanged,  and  returned  to  Boston,  where  lie  sufiered  much  disgrace 
for  his  trcacTifM-y  with  the  Indians.*  He  lived  at  Audover  in  Massacliusetts, 
where  about  30  Indians  made  an  attack  in  1098,  on  22  Fel)ruary,  in  which 
he,  with  otliera,  was  killed,  and  five  were  captivated.  It  was  not  thought  that 
they  expected  to  find  him  there;  but  when  they  found  they  had  killed  him, 
it  gave  them  as  nuich  joy,  says  HidchinsoUy  "  as  the  destruction  of  a  whole 
town,  because  they  had  taken  their  beloved  vengeance  of  him  for  his  perfidy 
and  barbarity  to  their  countrymen."  They  shot  him  through  several  times 
after  he  was  dead. 

In  his  characteristic  style,  Mr.  Oldinimn  speaks  of  this  event.f  He  says, 
"Nor  must  we  forget  Chub,  tha  false  wretch  who  surrendered  Pemmaquid 
Fort.  Tiie  governor  kept  l<im  under  examination  some  time  at  Boston,  and 
then  dismissed  him.  As  he  was  going  to  his  house,  at  Andover,  the  Indians 
surprised  him  and  his  witb,  and  massacred  thcm  ;  a  just  reward  of  his  trea- 
son." The  author,  we  think,  sliould  have  added,  according  to  the  jurispru- 
dence of  savages. 

The  most  favorable  account  given  of  the  conduct  of  Chub,  and  indeed  the 
only  one,  follows :  "  An  Indian  sagamore's  son  appeared  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
Caj)t.  Chub  went  out  to  them  without  arms,  man  for  man.  An  Indian  asked  for 
rum  and  tobacco:  the  caj)tain  said,  ^JVo;  it  is  Sabbath  dny,^  They  said, 
•  We  u'iil  have  rum,  or  we  irill  have  ru7H  ami  you  too.^  Two  Indians  laid  hold  on 
the  captain.  Then  he  called  to  his  men,  to  fall  on,  for  dod's  sake.  Tlien  ho 
made  signs  to  his  men,  to  come  li-om  thci  Ibrt.  One  of  the  English  had  a 
hatchet  under  his  coat,  took  it  out  and  killed  an  Indian;  and  then  ours 
killed  two  more  Indians,  and  took  another  alive,  aiid  Avoundrd  another,  sup- 
posed mortally.  Then  many  of  the  enemy  came  ndar  to  the  English,  who 
retreated  idl  safc^  to  the  f()rt."  | 

There  was  another  sngamoro  of  the  same  name,  noticed  in  the  following 
wars  with  the  eastern  Indians,  who  was  frieiidly  to  the  whites;  it  was  proba- 
bly he  ivho  sometimes  bore  the  name  of  Moms. 


*  Hnrris'/i  Voyages,  ii.  305,  (ed.  17(11-,)  says  Chidi  was  arrosl«H  l)y  (-'oloiiol  (icdney.  who  was 
sent  cast  with  three  ships  of  war,  on  liearinR;"  of  the  surrcMulcr  ot'lhe  fort,  anil  thai  no  Frenrh  or 
Indians  could  he  (bund  ;  that  after  he  streiiirlhencd  the  ffanisou,  he  retiinieil  home. 

''  Col.  Gediiey  had  been  by  laud  with  SOCi  men,  to  secure  die  eastern  frontiers.  Findinje:  tho 
enemy  gone,  he  strenethcneil  the  garrisons,  whicli  were  not  taken.  He  also  arrested  Pmro 
Cluibi,  for  surrendenng  Pemnquid  Fort,  while  under  his  coinmiind  in  .luly  nud  had  him 
broueht  to  Boston.  Here  (^'aptain  Chubb  was  confined,  till  it  was  dccidni  thai  he  should 
lose  his  commission,  and  not  be  eligible  for  any  other.  This  unfortunate  man,  with  his  wife 
Haiuiah,  and  three  others,  were  killed  by  the  Indians  at  Andover,  Feb.  22,  ItjyO."  Re\\  Mr. 
Felt's  Annals  of  Salem. 

A  naval  force  was  sent  at  the  same  time ;  hence  the  occoimts  arc  not  nitogvlhcr  irrecon> 
cilable.  Three  men-of-war  were  sent  out  in  pursuit  of  the  French,  "  but  meeting  with  con- 
trary winds,  they  could  never  pel  sight  of  them."     Am/,  His.  N.  Eng.  ii.  651. 

t  British  Empire  in  America,  i.  !(,  Tfi. 

X  Manuscript  letter  in  library  Mass.  Hist.  Hoc.  written  in  the  fiillowing  month.  As  it  wag 
written  at  a  irrnal  distance  from  the  niace,  and  from  a  report  of  the  day,  little  reliance  can  be 
olaced  ii|)on  it.    Jt  nia\-  have  been  Chub's  rcj)ort  of  the  case. 


Chap.  IX.] 


CAPTAIN  TOM.— DONEY. 


133 


[ii  tlio  Indian  war  of  1703,  tliere  was  a  great  Indian  captain  who  resided 
somewliero  to  the  cast  of  Pascutaqua  River,  who  made  his  name  dreaded 
among  the  settlements  in  that  region,  by  some  bloody  expeditions  which  he 
conducted.    He  was  called,  by  the  English, 

Captain  Tom.  On  17  August  6f  this  year,  this  daring  war-captain,  with 
about  30  others,  surprised  a  part  of  Hampton,  killed  five  persons,  whereof 
one  was  a  widow  Hussey, "  who  was  a  remarkable  speaking  Quaker,  and  much 
lamented  by  her  sect."  After  sacking  two  houses  near  the  garrison,  they 
drew  off.* 

Many  Indians  bore  the  name  of  Tom.  Indian  Hill,  in  Newbury,  was  owned 
by  Great  Tom.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  last  Indian  proprietor  of 
lands  in  that  town.  In  written  instruments,  he  styles  himself,  "  /  Grtat  Tom 
Indian."  \ 

We  come,  in  the  next  place,  to  an  interesting  portion  of  our  eastern  history. 
It,  has  been  generally  supposed  that  the  name  Dony,  or  Doney,  was  the  name 
of  an  Indian  chief,  but  it  is  now  quite  certain  that  he  was  a  Frenchman,  who 
took  up  his  residence  among  the  Indians,  as  Baron  de  St  Casteins  did.  There 
uppeai-8  in  our  history,  in  1645,  a  "  Monsieur  Dony,"  who  had  some  difficulty 
with  Lord  de  la  Tour,  about  their  eastern  possessions,  and  he  was,  doubtless, 
the  same  of  whom  we  have  an  account  afterwards,  in  the  war  of  1690,  with 
the  eastern  Indians.  At  this  time,  there  were  two  of  the  name  in  Maine, 
father  and  son.  The  son,  perhaps,  like  Casteins  the  younger,  was  half  Indian, 
but  of  this  we  are  not  sure ;  nevertheless,  to  preseiTe  our  narrative  of  the 
events  of  Colonel  ChurcKs  expedition  of  1690,  we  shall  notice  them  among 
others. 

Church  landed  at  Maquait,  12  September,  before  day,  and,  after  a  wet, 
fatiguing  inarch  into  the  woods  of  about  two  days,  on  the  south-west  side  of 
the  Androscoggin,  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  a  fort.  They  came  upon 
an  Indian  afld^  his  wife  who  were  leading  two  captives :  and  immediately  pur- 
suing and,ji|^6^'iipou  them,  killed  the  ludian  woman,  who  proved  to  be  the 
wife  of  Yauv^  Doney.\  We  can  only  hope  it  was  not  their  design  thus  to  have 
killed  an  innocent  woman.  Which  party  it  was  that  fired  upon  them  (for  they 
divided  themselves  into  three)  is  unknown,  and  we  in  charity  must  suppose 
that,  at  considerable  distance,  and  in  much  confusion,  it  was  difficult  to  know 
nn  Indian  i^on  from  a  woman. 

As  Cliurch  expected,  Doney  ran  into  one  gate  of  the  fort,  and  out  at  the 
other,  giving  the  alarm  so  effectually,  that  nearly  all  withhi  it  escaped.  They 
found  and  took  prisoners  "but  two  men  and  a  lad  of  about  18,  with  some 
women  and  children.  Five  ran  into  the  river,  three  or  four  of  which  were 
killed.  The  lad  of  18  made  his  escape  up  the  river."  The  whole  number 
killed  in  this  action  was  "  six  or  seven."  The  English  hatl  but  one  wounded. 
They  took  here,  at  this  tiine,§  a  considerable  quantity  of  corn,gtins,  and  ammu- 
niiion,  and  liberated  Mrs.  Hwkings,  widow  of  Lieutenant  Hohert  HncMngs, 
taken  at  Oyster  River,  Mrs.  Barnard,  wife  of  Benjamin  Barnard,  of  Salmon 
I'^ills,  Jlnne  Heard,  of  Cocheco,  a  young  woman,  daughter  of  one  Willis,  of 
Oyster  Uivci',  unci  a  boy  belonging  to  Exciter.  These  captives,  says  Church, 
"  were  in  a  iiiisijrable  condition."  They  learned  by  them  that  most  of  their 
men  were  gone  to  Winter  Harbor  to  get  provisions  for  the  Bay  of  Fiuuly  In- 
•liauH.  This  information  was  given  by  a  prisoner  taken  hi  the  fort,  who  also  said 
that  the  Bay  of  Fiindy  Indians  were  to  join  them  against  the  English,  in  the 
spring.  "  The  soldiers,  being  very  rude,  would  hardly  spare  the  Indian's  life, 
while  in  exumination  ;  intending,  when  he  had  done,  that  he  should  be  exe- 
cuted. But  Capt.  Hucking's  wife^and  another  woman,  down  on  their  knees 
and  begg(^<l  for  him,  s«iying,  that  he  had  been  a  means  of  saving  their  lives, 
(Uid  a  great  many  more  ;  and  had  hel[)ed  several  to  opjiortunities  to  run  away 
and  make  their  escajie ;  and  that  never,  since  he  came  amongst  them,  had 
loiight  against  the  Englibh,  but  being  relati^d  to  Hakin^s  ||  wife,  kept  at  the 

*  PfnhiilloiP,  Iiiil.  Wnrs,  II;  Farmi'i\<i  Ilelhiap,  i.  IC7. 

t  Mamisoripl  I  list.  Newbury.  I'V  J.  Coffin. 

i  Aiiil  llin  MiMi-  <  ;ill('<l  ill  tlio  !M.ic-iii\lii(  Robin  Doney, 

A  t«ay.s  my  rinwird,  wliirli  is  a  iii;iiiiistTi()l  Ictlcr  froiii  Church,  written  at  that  time.  ■< 

I]  'I'lic  suinc  (Mlliii  Kdiikar.iii'yus. 


124 


DONE Y.— CAPTAIN  SIMMO. 


[Book  lir. 


fort  with  them,  having  been  there  two  years;  but  his  living  was  to  the  west- 
ward oflJostoii.     So  uyon  tiieir  request,  his  life  was  spared." 

Two  old  sfjuaws  were  loft  in  the  fort,  provided  with  provisions,  and  instruct- 
ed to  tell  those  who  returned  who  they  were,  and  what  they  were  determined 
to  do.  They  then  put /our  or  Jive  to  death,  and  decamped.  Those,  we  must 
suppose,  were  chiefly  women  and  children  !  "  Knocked  on  the  head  for  an  ex- 
ample." Wc  know  not  that  any  excuse  can  be  given  for  this  criminal  act ;  and 
it  is  degrading  to  consider  that  the  civilized  must  be  supposed  to  imagine  that 
they  can  prevent  barharities  by  being  wretchedly  barbai'ous  themselves. 

Old  Doney,  as  he  is  called,  was  next  to  be  hunted.  As  they  were  em- 
barking at  Maquait,  Mr.  Anthony  Bracket  *  came  to  the  shore  and  called  to  them 
to  take  him  on  board,  which  they  did.  He  learning  that  an  English  army  was 
thereabout,  made  his  escape  from  the  Indians,,  with  whom  he  had  been  soijie 
time  a  prisoner.  The  fleet  now  proceeded  to  Winter  Harhor,  from  whence 
they  despatched  a  detachment  of  CO  men  to  Saco  Falls.  When  they  came 
near,  they  discovered  Doney^s  company  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  who 
chiefly  made  their  es(  ipe.  A  canoe,  with  three  Indians,  was  observed  coming 
over  the  river ;  they  did  not  see  the  English,  and  were  fired  upon,  and  "  all 
three  perished."  This  gave  the  first  alarm  to  Doney's  company.  They  did 
not,  however,  leave  their  ground  without  returning  the  fire  of  the  English,  by 
which  Lieutenant  Hunnewell  was  shot  through  the  thigh.f  When  the  parties 
fired  upon  each  other,  Old  Doney,  with  an  English  captive,  was  higher  up 
the  river,  wlio,  hearing  the  firing,  came  down  to  see  what  it  meant ;  and  thus 
he  discovered  the  English  time  enough  to  escape.  Doney  fled  from  the 
canoe,,  leaving  Ids  captive,  who  came  to  the  English.  His  name  was  Thomas 
Baicer,  yvho  liad  lived  before  at  Scarborough. 

Thci'e  ^Y'''"e  many  other  movements  of  the  English  after  this,  in  which 
they  got  much  plunder,  and.  which  tended  to  cause  an  uneasiness  among 
iheia,  and  their  final  determination  to  return  home.  Church  urged  a  longer 
continuance,  but  was  outvoted  in  a  council  of  officers,  and  thus  ended  the 
expedition.  Many  in  the  country  reproached  Church  with  cowardire,  and 
almost  eveiy  thing  but  what  we  should  have  looked  for.  If  putting  t<a  leath 
captive?  had  been  the  charge,  many  might  have  accorded  Amen !  But  we  do 
not  find  that  urged  against  him. 

Tvvp  years  after  this,  in  1693,  Robin  Doney  became  reconciled  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  signed  a  treaty  with  them  at  Pemmaquid.  Jut  within  a  year  after, 
he  became  suspected,  whether  with  or  without  reason,  we  know  not,  and 
coming  to  the  tort  at  Saco,  probably  to  settle  the  diflSculty,  was  seized  by  the 
English,  what  his  fate  was  is  rather  uncertain,  but  the  days  of  ^rgivenesa 
and  mercy  were  not  yet.  t 

Among  the  chiefs  which  we  shall  next  proceed  to  notice,  there**vere  seve- 
ral of  nearly  equal  notoriety. 

Captain  Simmo's  name  should,  perhaps,  stand  most  conspicltous.  We 
shall,  thorefore^go  on  to  narrate  the  events  in  his  life,  after  a  few  prtelimintiry 
observations. 

Whenever  war  commenced  between  the  English  and  French  in  ijurope, 
their  colonies  in  America  were  involved  in  its  calamities,  to  an  unknoAVii^and 
leai'ful  exteijt.  This  was  the  aspect  which  aflTairs  wore  in  1703.  With- t^ie 
first  news,  tlierefore,  of  its  flame,  the  New  Englanders' thoughts  were  turne% 
towards  tlie  Indians.  Governor  Dudley  immediately  despatched  messengers  to 
most  of  the  eastern  tribes,  inviting  them  to  meet  him  in  council  upon  the  pen- 
insula in  Fahnouth,  on  the  20  June.  His  object  was  so  to  attach  them  to  the 
English,  that,  in  the  event  of  hostilities  between  the  rival  powers  on  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  they  would  not  take  arms  against  them.  Agreeably  to  the 
wishes  of  the  English,  a  vast  multitude  assembled  at  the  time  appointed : 
tlie  chiefs  Miwando  and  Hegnn  for  the  Pennakooks,  Wattanummon  for  the 
Pequakets,  Mesambomett  and  fVcxar  for  the  Androscoggins,  Moxus  and  Hope- 
hood  (perhfips  son  of  him  killed  !>y  the  Mohawks)  for  the  Nerigwoks,  Boma- 
zeen  and  Captain  Samml  for  liie  Kennebecks,  and  Warrungunt  and  JVanadu- 


•  Bon  ol  A)Uhomi,  who  was  killed  by  tlie  Indians,  as  we  have  related,  ante. 
t  Omciiil  letter  in  MS.  from  the  expedition. 


Chap.  IX] 


CAPTAIN  SAMUEL. 


125 


gunhmmt  for  the  Penobscots.  After  a  short  speech  to  them,  in  whicli  the 
governor  expressed  brotherly  affection,  and  a  desire  to  settle  every  difficulty 
"which  had  happened  since  the  last  treaty,"  Captain  Simmo  replied  as 
follows: — 

"  fVe  thank  you,  good  brother,  for  coming  so  far  to  talk  vnth  us.  It  is  a  great 
favor.  The  clouds  fly  and  darken — hut  we  still  sing  unth  love  the  songs  of  peace. 
Believe  my  words. — So  far  as  the   sun  is  above   the   earth  are   our 

THOUGHTS  FROM  WAR,  OR  THE  LEAST  RUPTURE  BETWEEN  US,"  * 

The  governor  was  then  presented  with  a  belt  of  wampum,  was  to  confirm 
the  truth  of  what  had  been  said.  At  a  previous  treaty,  two  heaps  of  small 
stones  had  been  thrown  together,  near  by  the  treaty  ground,  and  called  the 
Tioo-hrothers,  to  signify  that  the  Indians  and  English  were  brothers,  and  were 
considered  by  the  parties  in  the  light  of  seals  to  their  treaties.  They  now 
repaired  to  these  heaps  of  stones,  and  each  increased  their  magnitude,  by  the 
addition  of  other  stones.  Thus  was  happily  terminated  this  famous  treaty. 
Some  parade  and  rejoicing  now  commenced,  and  a  circumstance  transpired 
which  threw  tlie  English  into  great  fear,  and,  perhaps,  greater  suspicion.  A 
grand  salute  was  to  be  fired  upon  each  side,'' at  parting,  and  the  English,  ad- 
visedly, and  very  warily,  it  mtist  be  confessed,  but  in  appeai-ance  compliment- 
ary, expressed  their  desire  that  the  Indians  would  fire  first  The  Indians 
received  the  compliment,  and  discharged  their  guns ;  to  their  great  surprise, 
tlie  English  found  they  had  been  loaded  with  btdlets.  They  had  before 
doubted  of  their  sincerity,  but,  owing  to  this  discovery,  considered  their 
treachery  certain,  and  marvelled  at  their  escape.  However,  it  can  only  be 
presumed,  that,  according  to  the  maxim  of  the  whites,  the  Indians  had  come 
prepared  to  treat  or  fight,  as  the  case  might  require ;  for  no  doubt  their  guns 
were  charged  when  they  came  to  the  treaty,  othei-wise  why  did  they  not  fire 
upon  the  English  when  they  saluted  them  ? 

What  became  of  Captain  Simmo  we  have  as  yet  no  account.  Several  of 
the  other  chiefs  who  attended  tliis  comicil  were,  perhaps,  equally  con- 
spicuous. 

Wattanummon  being  absent  when  the  council  first  met  on  the  20  Jime, 
no  business  was  entered  upon  for  several  days.  However,  the  English 
afterwards  said  it  was  confii'med  that  it  was  not  on  that  account  that  they 
delayed  the  conference,  but  that  tliey  expected  daily  a  reinforcement  of  200 
French  and  Indians,  and  then  they  were  to  seize  upon  the  English,  and 
ravage  the  country.  Whether  this  were  merely  a  rumor,  or  the  real  state 
of  the  case,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  WaManummx)n  was  supposed 
to  have  been  once  a  Pennakook,  as  an  eminence  still  bears  his  name  alraut  a 
mile  from  the  state-house  iu  New  Hampshire,f 

Captain  Samuel  was  an  Indian  of  great  bravery,  and  one  of  the  most  for- 
wai'd  in  endeavoring  to  lull  the  fears  of  the  Englisii  at  the  great  council  just 
mentioned.  What  gave  his  pretensions  the  air  of  sincerity  was  his  coming 
with  Bomazeen,  and  giving  some  information  about  the  designs  of  the  French. 
They  said, 

"  Although  several  missionaries  liave  come  among  us,  sent  by  the  Frenchfriars 
to  break  the  peace  between  the  English  and  us,  yet  their  words  have  made  no  impres- 
aionupon  us.    We  are  as  firm  as  the  mountains,  and  will  so  cojvtinue, 

AS  long  as  THE  SUN  AND  MOON  ENDURES." 

Notwithstanding  these  Strong  expressions  of  friendsliip,  "within  six  weeks 
after,"  says  Penhollow,  "  the  whole  eastern  country  was  in  a  conflagration, 
no  house  standing  nor  garrison  unattacked."  The  Indians  were  no  doubt 
induced  to  commit  this  depredation  from  the  influence  of  the  French,  many 
of  whom  assisted  them  in  the  work.  And  it  is  not  probable  that  those 
Indians  who  had  just  entered  into  the  treaty  were  idle  spectators  of  the 
scene ;  but  who  of  them,  or  whether  all  were  engaged  in  the  affair,  we  know 
not.  A  hundred  and  thirty  people  were  said  to  have  been  killed  and  taken, 
within  that  time. 

Captain  Samuel  was  either  alive  20  years  after  these  transactions,  or  tuiotlier 

*  This  is  Mr.  Williamsons  version  of  tlic  speech,  Hist.  Maine,  ii,  3G. 
t  MS.  communication  o(J.  Farmer,  Esq. 
11* 


126 


HEGAN.— SIOGG. 


[Book  III. 


of  the  name  made  himself  conspicuous.  In  June,  1722,  this  warrior  ciiief,  at 
the  head  of  five  others,  boarded  Lieutenant  TV/ton,  as  he  lay  at  anchor  a  fishing, 
near  Damaris  Cove.  They  pinioned  him  and  his  brother,  and  beat  them 
very  sorely ;  but,  at  last,  one  got  clear  and  released  the  other,  who  then  fell 
with  great  fury  ujion  the  Indians,  threw  one  overboard,  and  mortally  wound- 
ed two  more.*  Whether  Captain  Samud  were  among  those  killed  is  not 
mentioned. 

There  was  a  Captain  Sam  in  the  wars  of  1745.  In  the  vicinity  of  St. 
George's,  Lieutenant  Proctor,  at  the  head  of  19  militia,  had  a  skirmish  with  the 
Indians,  5  Sept.,  in  which  two  of  their  leaders  were  killed,  viz.  Colonel  Morris 
and  Captain  Sam,  and  one  Colonel  Joh  was  taken  captive ;  the  latter  being  sent 
to  Boston,  he  died  in  prison.  To  quiet  the  resentment  of  his  ,relative8,  the 
government  made  his  widow  a  valuable  present  after  the  peace,  f 

We  should  not,  perhaps,  omit  to  speak  separately  of  another  chief,  who 
was  present  at  the  famous  treaty  mentioned  above  ;  we  refer  to 

Hegan.  His  name  is  also  spelt  Hegon  and  Heigon.  There  were  several 
of  the  name.  One,  called  Moggheigon,  son  of  Walter,  was  a  sachem  at 
Saco,  in  1G(>4.  This  chief,  in  that  year,  sold  to  fVm.  Phillips,  ^^  &  tract  of 
land,  bemg  bounded  with  Saco  River  on  the  N.  E.  side,  and  Kennebunk 
River  on  the  S.  W.  side."  To  extend  from  the  sea  up  Saco  River  to  Salmon 
Falls,  and  up  the  Kennebunk  to  a  point  opposite  the  former.  No  amount  is 
mentioned  for  which  the  land  was  sold,  but  merely  "a  certain  sum  in 
goods."  I  One  Sampson  Hegon  attended  the  treaty  of  Pemmaquid,  in  1698 ; 
John,  that  at  Casco,  in  1727 ;  JVed  was  a  Pennakook ;  Walter,  brother  of 
Mogg ;  §  The  fate  of  one  of  the  name  of  Hegon  is  remembered  among  the 
inhabitants  of  some  parts  of  Maine  to  this  day.  He  was  tied  upon  a  horse 
with  spurs  on  his  heels,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  spurs  continually  goaded 
the  animal.  When  the  horsa  was  set  at  liberty,  he  ran  furiously  through  an 
orchard,  and  the  craggy  limos  of  the  trees  tore  him  to  pieces.  Mather,  in 
his  Decennium  Luctuosum,  ||  seems  to  confirm  something  of  the  kind, 
which  took  place  at  Casco,  in  1694,  where  tlie  Indians,  having  taken  some 
horses,  made  a  bridle  of  the  mane  and  tail  of  one,  oil  which  "  a  son  of  the 
famous  Hegon  was  ambitious  to  mount."  "But  being  a  pitiful  horseman,  he 
ordered  them,  for  fear  of  his  falling,  to  tie  his  legs  fast  under  the  horse's 
belly.  No  sooner  was  this  beggar  set  o?i  horseback,  and  the  spark,  in  his  own 
opinion,  thoroughly  equipped,  but  the  nettlesome  horse  furiously  and  presently 
ran  with,  him  out  of  sight.  Neither  horse  nor  mail  was  ever  seen  any  more. 
The  astonished  tawnies  howled  after  one  of  their  nobility,  disappearing  by 
such  an  unexpected  accident.  A  few  days  after,  they  found  one  of  his  legs, 
(and  that  was  all,)  which  they  buried  in  Capt.  Bracid  s  cellar,  with  abundance 
of  lamentation." 

Here  we  cannot  but  too  plainly  discover  the  same  spirit  in  the  narrator, 
which  must  have  actuated  the  authors  of  the  deed.  He  who  laughs  at  crime 
is  a  participator  in  it. — From  these,  we  pass  to  aflTairs  of  far  greater  notoriety 
in  our  eastern  history ;  and  shall  close  this  chapter  with  two  of  the  most 
memorable  events  in  its  Indian  warfare. 

MocG,  the  chief  sachem  of  Norridgewok  in  1724,  may  very  appropri- 
ately stand  at  the  head  of  the  history  of  the  first  event  How  long  he  had 
been  sachem  at  that  period,  we  have  not  discovered,  but  he  is  mentioned 
by  the  English  historians,  as  the  old  chief  of  Norridgewok  at  that  time. 
Notwithstanding  Mogg  was  the  chief  Indian  of  the  village  of  Nerigwok,  or, 
as  Father  Cliarlevoix  writes  it,  Narantsoak,  tliere  was  a  French  priest  settled 
here,  to  whom  the  Indians  were  all  devotedness ;  and  it  is  believed  that 
they  undertook  no  enterprise  without  his  knowledge  and  consent.  The 
name  of  this  man,  according  to  our  English  authors,  was  Rdli,  but  accord- 
ing to  his  own  historian,  Charlevoix,  it  was  Rasle.^  The  depredations  of 
the  Abenaquis,  as  these  Indians  were  called  by  those  who  lived  among  them, 


*  PenliaUmo's  Ind.  Wars,  86. 

t  AfS.  among  the  files  ia  our  State-house. 

IMagnalia,  vii.  87. 
Hist.  Gen.  de  la  Nouv.  Fr.  ii.  380,  et  suiv. 


t   Williamon's  Hist.  Me.  ii.  241. 
$  MS.  letter  of  John  Farmer,  Esq. 


Chap.  IX.] 


MOGG.— DESTRUCTION  OP  NERIDGWOK. 


K7 


were,  therefore,  directly  charged  by  the  English  upon  Father  Baste;  lience 
their  first  step  was  to  offer  a  reward  for  his  heud.*  The  object  of  the  expe- 
dition of  Colonel  Wesihrook,  in  17"22,  was  ostensibly  to  seize  upen  him,  but  he 
found  the  village  deserted,  and  nothing  was  effected  by  the  expedition  but 
the  burning  of  the  place.  Fn  ler  Rash  was  the  last  that  left  it,  which  he 
did  at  the  same  time  it  was  pnt(!red  by  the  enemy;  having  first  secured  the 
sacred  vases  of  his  temple  and  the  ornaments  of  its  altar.  The  English 
made  search  for  the  fugitives,  but  without  success,  although,  at  one  time, 
they  were  within  about  eight  feet  of  the  very  tree  that  screened  tlie  object 
for  which  they  sought.  Tlius  the  French  considered  that  it  was  by  a  remark- 
able interposition  of  Providence,  or,  as  Charlevoix  expresses  it,  par  unt  vmin 
invxphle,  that  Father  Rnsk  did  not  full  into  their  handst 

Determined  on  destroying  this  assemblage  of  Indians,  which  was  the 
head-quarters  of  the  whole  eastern  counti-y,  at  this  time,  the  English,  two 
years  after,  1724,  sent  out  a  force,  consisting  of  208  men  and  three  Mohawk 
Indians,  under  Captains  Movlton,  Harman,  ajid  Bourne,  to  humble  them. 
They  came  upon  the  village,  the  23  August,  when  there  was  not  a  man  in 
ai-ms  to  oppose  them.  They  had  left;  40  of  their  men  at  Teconet  P^allsj 
which  is  now  within  the  town  of  Winslow,  upon  tlie  Kennebeck,  and  about 
two  miles  below  Waterville  college,  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  river. 
The  English  had  divided  themselves  into  three  squadrons :  80,  under  Har- 
man, proceeded  by  a  circuitous  route,  thinking  to  surprise  some  in  their 
corn-fields,  while  Moulton,  with  80  more,  proceeded  directly  for  the  village, 
which,  being  surrounded  by  trees,  could  not  be  seen  until  they  were  close 
upon  it.  All  were  in  their  wigwams,  and  the  English  advanced  slowly  and 
in  perfect  silence.  When  pretty  near,  an  Indian  came  out  of  his  wigwam, 
and,  accidently  discovering  the  English,  ran  in  and  seized  his  gun,  and 
giving  the  war-whoop,  in  a  few  minutes  the  warriors  were  all  in  arms,  and 
advancing  to  meet  them.  Moulton  ordered  his  men  not  to  fire  until  the 
Indians  had  made  the  first  discliarge.  This  order  was  obeyed,  and,  as  ho 
expected,  they  overshot  the  English,  who  then  fired  upon  them,  in  their 
turn,  nud  did  great  execution.  When  the  Indians  had  given  another  volley, 
they  fled  with  great  precijjitation  to  the  river,  whither  the  chief  of  their 
women  and  children  had  also  fled  durmg  the  fight  Some  of  the  English 
pursued  and  killed  many  of  them  in  the  river,  and  others  fell  to  pillaging 
and  burning  the  village.  Mogg  disdained  to  fly  with  the  rest,  but  kept  i)os- 
scssion  of  a  wigwam,  from  which  he  fired  upon  the  pillagers.  In  one  of 
his  discharges  he  killed  a  Mohawk,  whose  brother  observing  it,  rushed  upon 
and  killed  him ;  and  thus  ended  the  strife.  There  were  about  GO  warriors 
in  the  place,  about  one  half  of  whom  were  killed. 

The  famous  Rasle  shut  himself  up  in  his  house,  from  which  he  fu-ed  upon 
the  English ;  and,  liaving  wounded  one,  Lieutenant  Jaquea,]  of  Newbury,  J  burst 
open  the  door,  and  shot  him  through  the  head ;  although  Moulton  had  given 
orders  that  none  should  kill  him.  He  had  an  English  boy  with  him,  about 
14  years  old,,  who  had  been  taken  some  time  before  from  the  frontiers,  and 
>yhom  the  English  rejrorted  Rasle  was  about  to  kill.  Great  brutality  and 
ferocity  are  chargeable  to  the  English  in  this  aftliir,  according  to  their  own 
account ;  such  us  killing  women  and  children,  and  scalping  and  mangling 
the  body  of  Father  Rasle. 

There  was  here  a  handsome  church,  with  a  bell,  on  which  the  English 
committed  a  double  sacrilege,  firet  robbing  it,  then  setting  it  on  fire ;  herein 
surpassing  the  act  of  the  first  English  circumnavigator,  in  his  depredations 
upon  the  Spaniards  in  South  Afnerica ;  for  he  only  took  away  the  gold  and 

*  "  Apres  ptusieitrs  tentatires,  d'abord  pottr  engager  ces  sauvages  p-ir  les  offres  et  les 
proniesses  les  plus  st^duisaTites  a  le  livrer  atix  Anglois,  ou  du  moins  a  It  renvoyer  h  Quebec,  et 
a  prendre  en  sa  place  un  de  leurs  ministres ;  ensuite  pour  le  surpendre  et  pour  I'entever,  les 
Anglois  resolui  dr.  s'en  defaire,  quoiqu'il  leur  en  dM  cofUer,  mirent  sa  i(te  it  prix,  et  promirent 
miUe  livres  sterling  h  celui,qui  la.  leur  porteroU."     Cliarlevoix,  ut  supra. 

t  VVlio,  I  conclude,  was  a  volunteer,  as  I  do  not  find  his  name  upon  the  return  made  by 
Moulton,  which  is  upon  file  in  the  g^arrel,  west  wing  of  our  state-house. 

t  Manuscript  History  of  Newbury,  by  Joshua  Coffin,  S.  H.  S..  which,  should  the  world 
ever  be  so  fortunate  as  to  see  in  print,  we  will  insure  them  not  only  great  gratification,  but 
a  fund  of  amusement. 


128 


PAUGUS.— LOVE^\•ELL'S  FIGHT. 


[Book  III. 


silver  vessels  of  a  church,  and  its  crucifix,  because  it  w.ns  of  massy  gold,  set 
about  with  diamonds,  and  that,  too,  upon  tlic  advice  of  his  chaplain.  "This 
might  pass,"  says  a  reverend  author,  "  for  sea  divinity,  but  justice  is  quite 
another  thing."  Perhaps  it  will  be  as  well  not  to  inquire  here  what  kind  of 
divinitif  would  authorize  the  acts  recorded  in  tliese  wiu's,  or  indeed  any  wars. 
Upon  this  memorable  event  in  our  early  annals.  Father  Charlevoix  should 
be  heard.  There  were  not,  says  he,  at  the  time  the  attack  was  made,  above 
50  warriors  at  Neridgewok ;  these  seized  their  arms,  and  run  in  disorder,  not 
to  defend  tlie  place  against  an  enemy,  who  ^vas  already  in  it,  but  to  Itivor  the 
flight  of  the  women,  the  old  men  and  tlie  children,  and  to  give  them  time  to 

fam  the  side  of  the  river,  whicli  was  not  yet  in  possession  of  the  English, 
'atlier  Rasle,  warned  by  the  clamors  and  tumult,  and  the  danger  in  which 
he  found  his  proselytes,  ran  to  present  himself  to  the  assailants,  hoping  to 
draw  all  their  fury  upon  him,  that  thereby  he  might  prove  the  salvation  of 
his  flock.  His  hope  was  vain ;  for  hai'dly  had  he  discovered  himself  wher 
the  English  raised  a  great  shout,  which  was  followed  by  a  shower  of  shot, 
by  which  he  fell  dead  near  to  the  cro.ss  which  he  had  erected  in  the  centre 
of  the  village :  seven  Indians  who  attended  him,  and  who  endeavored  to 
shield  him  with  their  own  bodies,  (ell  dead  at.  liis  side.  Thus  died  this 
charitable  pastor,  giving  his  life  lor  his  sheep,  alter  37  years  of  painful  labors. 

Although  the  English  shot  near  2000  muskets,  they  killed  but  30  and 
wounded  40.  They  spared  not  the  church,  which,  after  they  had  indignimtly 
prolimed  its  sacred  vases,  and  the  adorable  body  of  Jesus  Christ,  they  set  on 
fii'e.  They  then  retired  with  |)rucipitation,*  having  been  seized  with  a  sud- 
den panic.  The  Indians  returned  iimnediatcly  into  the  village ;  and  their 
lu'st  care,  while  the  women  sought  jilants  and  herbs  proper  to  heal  the 
wounded,  was  to  shed  tears  upon  the  body  of  their  holy  missionary.  They 
found  him  pierced  with  a  thousand  shot,  his  seal))  biken  ofi|  his  skull  frac- 
tured with  hatchets,  his  lAouth  and  eyes  lilled  with  dirt,  the  hones  of  his 
legs  broken,  and  jdl  his  niem!)t:rs  mutilated  in  a  hundred  difteriuit  ways,  f 

Such  is  the  account  of  the  lidl  of  7iWc,  by  a  brother  of  the  faith ;  a  deplo- 
rable picture,  by  whomsoever  related!  Ufth<!  truth  of  its  main  particulars 
tliere  can  be  no  doubt,  as  will  bi;  seen  by  a  comparison  of  the  above  transla- 
tion with  the  account  preceding  it.  There  were,  besides  Moga;,  other  chief 
Indians,  who  fell  that  day;  "Uomazkk.v,  Mooo,  Wisskmkmpt,  Job,  Cara- 
BESKiT,  and  lloMAZEE.>'s  sou-iu-hiw,  all  fuuious  warriors."  The  inhinnauity 
of  the  English  on  this  occasion,  espeeiallv  to  the  women  and  cliildren, 
cannot  be  excused.     It  greatly  eclipses  the  lustre  of  the  victory. 

Harman  was  the  general  in  llus  exjxdition,  \  and,  lor  a  time,  had  the  honor 
of  it ;  but  Moulton,  according  to  (Jovernor  Hutchinson,  achieved  the  victory,  and 
it  was  afterward  acknowledged  by  the  countiy.  He  was  a  prisoner,  when  a 
small  boy,  among  the  eastern  Indians,  being  among  those  takcui  at  the 
destruction  of  York,  in  IGDi  He  died  at  York,  20  July,  17t;5,  aged  77. 
The  township  of  Moultonborough,  in  New  Ilamjishirc,  was  named  from 
him,  and  many  of  hin  j)08teiity  reside  llwiv  at  the  present  day. 

Under  the  head  I'tmirus,  we  shall  proceed  to  narrate  oin*  last  event  in  tlic 
present  chaj'ter,  than  which,  may  be,  ivw,  if  any,  are  oftenvr  mentioned  in 
New  England  story. 

i'Atuis,  slain  in  the  memorable  battle  with  the  English  under  (Captain 
Loviicell,  in  172."),  was  chief  of  the  I'equawkets.  Eiyeburg,  in  Maine,  now 
includes  the  principal  place  of  their  former  residence,  and  the  place  where 
the  liallle  was  (ought.  It  was  near  a  considtjrable  body  of  water,  i'alled 
Stico  J'oiul,  \\  liich  is  the  source  of  the  river  nf  the  sami!  name.  The  cruel 
and  liarbarous  inurders  ahiiot^t  daily  t'onuuitted  by  the  Indians  iq)on  the 
<leltMi<'eless  t'ninlier  ilialiilants,  caused  the  general  coiu't  ot' Massachusetts 
to  otli.r  a  bounty  of  jClOO  tor  every  Indian's  scalp.    Among  the  cvcuiuious 


*  Tliey  ttiiraiii^iud  ilio  fulliiwini;  iiif^lil  in  (lie  Indian  wigwntns,  uiulor  a  gu&.d  of  only  40 
men.     Hiilchiii.si'ii,  ii.  M2. 

t  ilinloiru  OeiiiTulu  dc  Nouvclli'  Franco,  ii.  3J!2 — I. 

i  llu  did  not  arrive  ul  tliv  villngc  (ill  near  niglii,  when  the  action  was  ever.  Ilutchin- 
»ott,  ii.  313. 


Chap.  IX.] 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELLS  FIGHT. 


129 


|>nly  40 
Uchin- 


performed  l)y  Lovewdl,  previous  to  that  in  which  he  was  killed,  the  most 
miportant  was  tiiat  to  the  head  of  Salmon-fall  River,  now  Wakefield,  in 
New  Hampshire.  *  With  40  men,  he  came  upon  a  small  company  of  ten 
Indians,  who  were  asleep  hy  their  fires,  and,  by  stationing  his  men  advan- 
tageously, killed  all  of  them.  This  bloody  deed  was  performed  near  the 
shore  of  a  pond,  which  has  ever  since  borne  the  name  of  LoveweWs  Pond. 
After  taking  off  their  scalps,  these  40  warriors  marched  to  Boston  in  great 
triumph,  with  the  ten  scalps  extended  upon  hoops,  displayed  in  the  Indian 
manner,  and  for  which  they  received  £1000.  This  exploit  was  the  more 
lauded,  as  it  was  supposed  that  these  ten  Indians  were  upon  an  expedition 
against  the  English  upon  the  frontiers;  having  new  guns,  much  ammuni- 
tion, and  spai'e  blankets  and  moccasous,  to  accommodate  captives.  This, 
however,  was  mere  conjecture;  and  whether  they  had  killed  friends  or 
enemies,  was  not  quite  so  certain  us  that  they  had  killed  Indians. 

It  is  said  that  Paugus  Avas  well  known  to  many  of  the  English,  and  per- 
sonally to  njiany  of  LoveweWs  luen.  Tliat  his  name  was  a  terror  to  the 
frontiers,  we  have  no  doubt;  and  tliat  his  appearance  at  Pequawket,  when 
met  by  Lovewell,  was  enough  to  hiiv(!  sti-Li.;k  terror  into  all  that  beheld  him, 
may  not  be  questioned,  we  will  let  the  {joet  f  describe  him. 


1.  'Twas  Paugtis  led  the  Pcqu'k't  tribe  : 
As  mils  the  I'ox,  would  Paiigiis  run  ; 
As  howls  the  wild  wolf,  would  he  howl ; 
A  huge  bear-skin  had  Paugus  on. 


.  But  C/uim&ef/ain,  of  Dunstable, 
One  whom  a  savage  ne'er  shall  slay, 
Met  Paugus  by  the  water-side, 
And  shot  him  dead  upon  that  day. 


The  second  in  command  among  the  Indians  on  that  memorable  day  was 
named  Wahwa,  but  of  him  we  have  no  jtaiticulars.  Captain  Lovetcell 
marched  out  from  Dunstable  witli  46  men,  about  the  IG  April,  1725,  of  which 
event  the  poet  thus  speaks : — 


3.  What  time  the  noble  LoreiceU  came, 
■  Widi  fifty  men  from  Dunstable, 
The  ciucl  Pequ'k'l  tribe  to  lame. 
With  arms  and  bloodshed  terrible. 

X.  With  Lovewell  brave  John  Ilanrond  c^mc ; 
From  wife  and  babes'  twas  hard  to  part  3 
Young  Harwood  look  her  l>y  the  hand, 
And  bound  the  weeper  to  his  heart. 

5.  "  Repress  that  tear,  my  Mary,  dear. 
Said  Harwood  to  his  loving  wife ; 
It  tries  mc  hard  to  leave  thee  here. 
And  seek  in  distant  woods  the  strife. 

fi.  "  When  gone,  mv  Marv,  ihink  of  me, 
And  pray  to  tJod  that  1  may  be 
SupIi  as  one  ought  (hat  lives  forlhce, 
And  come  at  lust  in  victory." 


'  7.  Thus  left  young  Harwood,  babe  and  wife ; 
With  accent  wild  she  bade  adieu : 
it  grieved  those  lovers  much  to  part, 
So  fond  and  fair,  so  kind  and  true. 

8.  Jolin  Har.pood  died  all  bathed  in  blood, 
When  he  had  fought  till  set  of  day ; 
AikI  many  more  we  may  not  name, 
Fell  in  that  bloody  battle  fray. 

9.  When  news  did  come  to  Hartvood's  wife, 
That  he  with  Lovewell  fought  and  died ; 
Far  ip  the  wilds  had  given  his  life 

Nor  more  would  in  this  home  abide ; 

10.  Such  grief  did  seize  upon  her  mind. 
Such  sorrow  filled  her  faithful  breast, 
On  earth  she  ne'er  found  peace  again, 
Dul  followed  Hanvood  lo  his  rest. 


Th(!y  arrived  near  the  j)lace  where  tlie^  cyperted  to  find  Indians,  on  the 
7  May ;  atid,  early  the  next  morning,'  while  at  prayers,  heard  a  gun,  which 
they  rightly  suspected  to  be  fired  by  some  of  Pduiriul'a  men,  and  imme- 
diately iiieparod  for  an  encounter.  Divesting  tiicmselves  of  their  packs, 
they  marched  forward  lo  discover  the  enemy.  Hut  not  knowing  in  wiiat 
thicctiou  to  proceed,  they  marched  in  an  opposite  direction  fVom  the  In- 
dians. This  pave  Paugus  greot  odvaiiUige ;  who,  following  their  tracks, 
soon  fell  ill  with  ilioir  packs,  from  wliirh  he  learned  their  strength,  Iteing 
encouraged  bv  his  nuperior  nuni!)erH,  Pnusc^ia  courted  the  conflict,  and  pur- 
eiied  the  English  with  ardor.    His  number  of  men  was  said  to  have  been 


to 
For 


•  In  December  of  tin-  previous  year,  (1721.)  willi  a  few  followers,  he  made  an  ex^wdition 
the  norili-cnsj  of  Wiiniipisiogee  !,iiko,  in  which  he  killed  one  and  look  another  prisoner.  F 
these  he  rerclved  the  linnuty  olTcred  by  Koverimicnt. 

♦  The  ediiors  or  jniblislitTs  of  the"  N.  II.  collertions  have  inverled  ihe  above  lines,  in 
imitation  of  the  ancient  Chevy  t'Imse;  but  wheiico  lliev  were  oblnined.  or  who  was  their 
author,  till  v  do  mil  iiiforni  us ;'  prrliiips,  like  that  of  which  llicy  are  un  imilaiion,  Iho  aullior. 
remains  linlinown.     \\«  give  it  entire. 


#■ 


mf 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


IIJOOK  III. 


80,  while  that  of  the  English  consisted  of  no  more  than  34,  havinj'  left  ten 
in  u  fort,  which  they  built  at  Ossiijci^ ;  unti  one,  an  Indiun  named  Toby,  had 
before  returned  home,  on  account  of  lameness.  The  fort  at  Ossipee  was  for 
a  retreat  in  case  of  emergency,  and  to  seiTO  as  n  deposit  of  part  of  tJieir 
provisions,  of  which  they  disencumbered  themselves  before  leaving  it. 

After  marching  a  considerable  distance  from  the  place  of  their  encamp- 
ment on  the  morning  of  the  8  *  May,  Ensign  H'yman  discovered  an  Indian, 
who  was  out  hunting,  having  in  one  hand  some  Ibwls  ho  had  just  killed,  and 
in  the  other,  two  guns.  There  cau  be  no  probability  that  ho  thought  of  meeting 
an  enemy,  liut  no  sooner  was  he  discovered  by  the  English,  than  several  guns 
were  fired  at  him,  but  missed  him.  Seeing  that  sure  death  was  his  lot,  this 
valiant  Indian  resolved  to  deiiuid  himsell"to  his  last  breath  ;  and  the  actioji  was 
as  speedy  as  tlie  thought :  his  gun  was  levelled  at  the  English,  and  Lovewell 
was  mortally  wnmded.  Ensign  Hijuuin,  taking  deliberate  aim,  killed  the  poor 
hunter;  which  action  our  jwet  describes  in  glowing  terms  as  follows : 

II.  Seth  Wtjmaii,  wlio  in  Woburn  lived, 
A  marksnian  tio  r.f  courage  true, 
Shot  (he  lirst  Imliaii  wlioni  lliuy  saw ; 
Sheer  througii  his  heart  tliu  bullet  Hew. 

He  was  scalped  by  the  chaplain  and  another,  and  then  they  marched 
again  by  tlie  way  they  came,  to  recover  their  packs.  This  movement  was 
expected  by  the  wilv  Paugus,  and  he  accordingly  prepared  an  ambush  to 
cut  them  off,  or  to  take  them  prisoners,  as  fortune  shotdd  will. 


12.  The  snvnge  had  been  seekinff  {jnine ; 
Two  tfiiiis,  and  eke  a  knilb,  he  boro, 
And  two  black  ducks  were  in  lii.s  hand; 
He  shrieked,  and  lell  to  rijic  no  more. 


13.  Anon,  there  <  Ighly  Indians  rose, 

Who'd  hid  themselves  in  ambush  (bead ; 
Their  knives  they  shook,  their  ^'uns  ihcy 

aimed,  ' 

The  famous  Vaujnis  at  their  head. 


\\.  Jiihn  Lnvfxrell,  captain  of  the  band, 

His  sword  he  waved,  that  ijliltcred  bright, 
I'or  the  last  lime  he  cheered  his  men, 
And  led  them  onward  to  the  tight. 


When  the  Indians  rose  from  tht^ir  coverts,  they  nearly  encircled  the 
English,  but  seemed  loath  tf)  begin  the  fight;  and  were,  no  doubt,  in  hopes 
that  the  English,  seeing  their  ntmibers,  wouhl  yield  witii'  ut  a  battle;  and, 
therefore,  made  towards  them  with  their  guns  nresenttul,  and  threw  away 
their  first  fire.  They  tlmn  held  up  ropes  which  tliey  had  provided  for  secur- 
ing caj)tives,  and  atsked  them  if  tlniy  would  have  (iiiarter.  This  only  encour- 
aged the  English,  who  answered  "only  at  the  muzzles  of  their  guns;"  and 
they  rushed  toward  the  Indian.s,  fired  as  they  pressed  on,  and,  killing  man^y, 
drove  them  severid  rods.  Ihit  they  soon  riUlied  and  fired  vigorously  in 
their  turn,  an<l  obliged  the  English  to  retreat,  leaving  nine  dead  and  three 
wounded,  where  the  btittle  iM^gan.  Lovewell,  tlioiigh  mortally  wounded  be- 
fore, had  led  his  nten  until  this  time,  but  fell  belul'tvthe  retreat. 

Although  we  transpose  the  verses  in  the  song,  to  accommodiite  them  to 

the  circtunstances  of  the  fight,  yet  we  cannot  avoid  entirely  their  irregtdar- 

ity  in  reference  to  it.     hy  the  next  that  fi)llo\v,  it  would  seem,  that  Lovtwdl 

received  a  second  wtiinul  befoie  ho  Icll. 

/" 

15.  "  Fi>{ht  on,  fight  on,"  brave  Lm-iwell  said  ; 

"Fi(;hl  on,  while  Heaven  .shall  give  you 

breath!" 

An  Inilinn  ball  then  pierced  him  through, 

And  iMvtwell  closed  his  eyes  in  death. 

In  this  Kith  verso  the  poet,  perhaps,  had  reference  to  the  morning  prayer, 
which  Mr.  ^Vyr,  the  (;lia|ilain,  ma(ie  iHtfore  miirching,  on  tiie  day  of  the 
btlTtle;  m;  |>er(iaps,  more  luobablv,  to  the  ejncidatioiis  Ik;  miidt^  on  the  field 
after  he  was  mortally  wmmded.  In  the  morning  lu>  |)rayed  thus  patrioticttlly: 
"  We  citmiMiiit  to  meet  tiie  enemy;  we  liavt!  all  along  jirayed  (lOil  we  might 
find  them  ;  we  had  rather  trust  Providence  willi  oiir  livt  .'^;  yea,  die  for  our 
connirv,  tiian  try  to  return  wiilmut  seeing  them,  if  we  might;  mid  be  called 
cowards  (()r  our  pains."  f 


IG.  (iood  heavens  !  is  this  a  time  for  prayer  ? 
Is  this  a  time  to  worship  (iod  ; 
When  iMvrirrU's  iiii'ii  are  dyin;(  fast, 
.Vuil  I'aii"iis'  tribe  hatli  lell" the  rod  ( 


■•  This  was »).  ,*J.  ami  corKsiMiiils  to  .May  II'.  N.  .S. — .'^(•c  rolr  in  lust  cliapler. 

f  .^ddr.'ss  (if  v.  ."'.  /'(■  i.v,  (|i.  I  (,)  ili'llvured  at  I'ryelnii^,  KKJ  \car»  aller  the  figlll. 


Chap.  IX.] 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


131 


17.  The  chapla'm's  name  was  Jonathan  Frye  ; 
In  Aiitlover  his  father  dwell, 

And  oft  v.ilh  Lowweti's  men  he'd  prayed, 
Before  the  mortal  wound  he  fell. 

18.  A  man  was  he  of  comely  form. 
Polished  and  brave,  well  learnt  and  kind ; 
Old  Harvard's  learned  halls  he  left, 

Far  in  the  wilds  a  grave  to  find. 

19.  Ah !  now  his  blood-red  arm  lie  lifts, 
His  closing  lids  he  tries  to  raise ; 
And  spea!  once  more  before  he  dies, 
In  supplication  and  in  praise. 

20.  He  prays  kind  Heaven  to  grant  success, 
Brave  I.orewetl's  men  to  guide  and  bless, 
And  when  they've  shed  their  hearls'-blood 

true, 
'I  o  raise  ihem  all  to  happiness. 


21 .  "  Come  hither,  Farwell,"  said  young  Frye, 
"  You  see  that  I'm  about  to  die ; 

Now  for  the  love  1  bear  to  you. 

When  cold  in  death  my  bones  shall  lie  ; 

22.  "  Go  thou  and  see  my  parents  dear, 
And  tell  them  you  stood  by  me  here ; 
Console  them  when  they  cry,  Alas! 
And  wipe  away  the  falling  tear." 

23.  Lieutenant  Farwdl  took  his  hand, 
His  arm  around  his  neck  he  threw, 

Anil  said,  "Brave  chaplain,  I' could  wish 
That  Heaven  had  made  me  die  for  you." 

24.  The  chaplain  on  kind  FaneeU'a  breast, 
Bloody,  and  lanc^iiishing,  he  fell ; 

Nor  atler  that,  said  more  but  this, 

"  I  love  thee,  soldier ;  fare  thee  well !  " 


"  Tlic  li^iit  continued,"  says  the  Reverend  Mr.  Sijmmes,  "  very  furious  and 
ol)stiiiute  still  towards  nijiiit.  The  Indians  roaring  and  yelling  and  fowling 
like  wolves,  burking  like  dogs,  imd  making  all  sorts  of  hideous  noises:  the 
Englisii  tVe(]uently  shouting  and  huzzaing,  as  they  did  after  tlie  first  round. 
At  one  timt!  Ciiptuin  ffi/mnn  is  confident  they  were  got  to  Powawing,  by 
tiicir  striking  on  tiie  ground,  and  otiier  odd  motions;  hut  at  length  Jf'i/man 
crept  up  towards  tiiein,  and,  firing  uinongst  them,  shot  tho  chief  I'ovvuw,  and 
broke  up  their  meeting."* 

25.  Good  hcivvens  I  they  dance  the  powow  2G.  "  What   means  this   dance,  this   powow 
(laiico,  dance?" 

Wh;il  liorriil  yolls  the  forest  fill !  Stern  Wyimm  said  ;  with  wondrous  art, 

'i'lio  ^riiii  bciir  crouches  in  his  don,  He  crept  fiill  noitr,  his  rifle  aimed, 

Tliu  easjiu  seeks  the  distant  hill.  And  shot  the  leader  through  the  heart. 

The  first  of  tho  following  stanzas  is  very  happily  conceived,  and  although 
not  in  the  order  of  the  poet,  is  as  ai)propriate  here,  as  where  it  originally 
stood. 


1 


27.  Then  ditl  the  crimson  streams,  that  flow'd, 
yccni  like  the  waters  of  llio  brook. 
That  brifihlly  sliinc,  that  loully  dash. 
Far  down  the  clilJs  of  Agiochook.  t 


28.  Ah  !  many  a  wife  shall  rend  her  hair. 
And  many  a  child  cry,  "  Woe  is  me," 
When  messengers  the  news  shall  bear, 
Of  LoveweWs  dear-bought  victory. 


*  Narrative  of  the  fight  at  Piggwncket,  vii. 

t  Tho  Indiiiii  name  of  the  While  ^Mountains,  or,  as  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  would 
say,  M'liile  Mills.  The  natives  believed  the  summits  of  these  mountains  to  be  inhabited  by 
inv'  ibie  beings,  but  whether  good  or  evil  we  arc  not  infiirined.  Nor  is  it  of  much  importance, 
since  they  reverenced  the  one  as  iiiiieh  as  the  other. 

It  is  always  higlily  gralilying  to  the  curious  to  observe  how  people  primitively  viewed 
objects  which  have  bocinne  familiar  to  them.  We  will  here  present  the  reader  with  Mr. 
Junsdyn's  ilescription  of  the  While  Mountains,  not  for  its  arrnrarit,  but  for  its  curious  extrava- 
gance. "  Four  score  miles,  (iiipon  a  direct  line,)  to  the  N.  VV.  of  Scnrborow,  a  ridge  of 
inoiuitains  run  N.  W.  nml  N.  1,.  nn  hundred  leagues,  known  by  llie  name  of  the  White 
Mtiiiiilnins,  u|K)n  which  liclh  snow  all  the  year,  and  is  a  landmark  twenty  miles  offal  sea.  It 
ia  a  rising  ground  from  the  sea  shore  to  these  hills,  and  they  are  inaccessible  but  by  the  gul- 
lies wliicli  tlie  dissolved  snow  hath  made,  hi  these  gullies  crow  savcn  bushes,  which  boinjf 
taken  hold  of,  are  a  good  help  to  the  climbing  discoverer.  Upon  the  top  of  the  highest  ol 
these  mountains,  is  a  large  level,  or  jilain,  of  a  <lay's  iournev  over,  whereon  nolliing  grows 
but  moss.  At  the  liirther  end  of  this  plain  is  nnolhcr  hill  called  the  Hngiir-lna/,  to  outward 
npi«!arancc  a  rude  heap  of  massie  stones  piled  one  upon  another,  and  you  may,  as  you 
ascend,  step  Iroin  one  slone  lo  nnother,  as  if  you  were  going  up  a  pair  of  stairs,  but  winding 
still  about  ine  hill,  till  you  come  to  the  lop,  which  will  re(|uir«  half  a  day's  time,  and  yet  it  is 
not  above  a  mile,  where  there  is  also  a  level  of  about  an  acre  of  gr»un<l,  with  a  pcnid  of 
clear  water  in  the  midst  of  it,  which  you  may  hear  run  down,  but  how  it  ascends  is  a  myslcry. 
From  this  rocky  hill  you  miiv  see  Ihe  whole  country  round  nboiil  ;  it  is  far  above  the  lower 
clouds,  and  from  hence  we  beheld  a  vnixir,  (like  a  great  pillar,)  drawn  up  by  the  siin-bcaius 
,  or  pond,  into  the  iiir.  wliere  it  was   forined  into  n  cloud.     'I'lie   country 


out  of  a  great  lake 

lievond  these  hills,  norlhward.  is  dniinl 


iiig  terrible,  being  full  of  rocky  hills,  as  thic 
1  inlinile  thick  woods."     Xrw  thizl'ml'^  A'" 


k  as  mole- 


hills ill  a  meadow,  and   cloiillicd  with  inlinile  thick  woods."     \rii'  thi^:l'itiil'H  A'/inVic*,  .1,  4. 
Had  rucullociiuns  uro  associated  with  tho  name  of  these  muuntuiiis.    The  destruction  of  lives, 


132 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


[Book  III, 


29.  With  footsteps  slow  shall  travellers  go, 
Where  Lovewell's  pond  shines  clear  and 

bright, 
And  mark  the  place  whej-e  those  are  laid, 
Who  fell  in  Lovewell's  bloody  figlit. 


30.  Old  men  shall  shake  their  heads,  and  say, 
"  Sad  was  the  hour  and  terrible, 
When  Lovewell,  brave,  'gainst  Paugtts 

went. 
With  fifty  men  from  Dunstable." 


If  miracles  had  not  then  ceased  in  the  land,  we  should  be  induced  to  pass 
to  their  credit  the  extraordinary  escape  of  several  of  the  wounded  English- 
men. Solomon  Keyes,  having  received  three  woiuids,  said  he  would  hide  him- 
self, and  tlio  in  a  secret  place,  where  the  Indians  could  not  find  him  to  get 
his  scalp.  As  he  crawled  upon  tlie  shore  of  the  pond,  at  some  distance 
from  the  scene  of  action,  he  found  a  canoe,  into  which  he  rolled  him- 
seltj  and  was  drifted  away  by  the  wind.  To  his  great  astonishment,  he 
was  cast  ashore  at  no  great  distance  from  the  fort  at  Ossipee,  which  he  found 
means  to  recover,  and  there  met  several  of  his  companions;  and,  gaining 
strength,  returned  home  with  them. 

Those  who  escaped  did  not  leave  the  battle-ground  until  near  midnight. 
When  they  arrived  at  the  fort,  they  expected  to  have  found  refreshment,  and 
those  they  liad  left  as  a  reserve ;  but  a  fellow,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned, 
who  deserted  the  rest  when  the  battle  began,  and  fled  there,  so  I'rightened 
them,  that  they  fled  in  great  confusion  and  dismay  to  their  homes. 

The  place  where  this  fight  took  place  was  50  niiles  from  any  white  inhab- 
itants; and  that  any  should  have  survived  the  famine  which  now  stared 
them  in  the  face,  is  almost  as  miiiiciilotis  as  that  tiiey  should  have  escaped 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  courageous  warriors  of  Paugus;  yet  14  lived  to 
return  to  their  friends. 

Fitly  men,  from  New  Hampshire,  afterwards  marched  to  tlie  scene  of 
action,  where  they  found  and  buried  the  dead..  They  ft)imd  but  three  In- 
dians, one  of  whom  was  Paueus.  The  rest  were  supposed  to  have  been 
taken  away  when  they  retrt;ated  from  the  buttle. 

Thus  {jfogressed  and  terminated  the  expedition  against  the  Pequawkets. 
And  althougji  the  whites  could  scarcely  claim  the  victory,  yet,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  Narragansets,  the  Northern  Indians  '•cccived  a  blow  from  which  they 
never  recovered.  With  the  Androscoggiiis,  tlii;  Pequawkets  soon  after  retired 
towards  the  sources  of  the  Connecticut  River.  After  remaining  in  those 
regions  about  two  years,  they  separated,  and  the  Androscoggins  removed  to 
Canada,  where  they  were  afterwards  known  as  the  St.  Francis  tribe.  Thft 
Pequawkets  remained  upon  the  Connecticut,  who,  in  the  time  Of  the  revolu- 
tionary war,  were  under  a  chief  named  Philip.  In  1728,  a  tract  of  countrj', 
since  Pembroke,  N.  II.,  was  granted  to  the  men  that  went  out  with  Lovewdl^ 
and  it  for  some  time  bore  the  name  of  iMveweWs  Toitti. 

We  had  here  nearly  concluded  to  close  our  accotint  of  this  aflTair,  but 
cannot  relieve  ourself  easily  of  tlie  recoUeciion  of  the  following  song,  with- 
out inserting  it,  although  we,  and  others,  have  elsewhere  published  it.  It  is 
said  to  have  been  composed  the  same  year  of  the  fight,  and  for  several 
years  afterwards  was  the  tnost  beloved  song  in  nil  Now  England  t 

1.  Of  Worthy  Captain  Lorewell  I  purpose  now  to  sing,  / 
How  valiaiitly  he  scrvi'd  iiis  roiinlry  and  his  king ; 

He  and  his  valiant  soldiers  did  mwcrc  the  woods  lull  wide, 
And  hardships  they  cnilurud  to  qucU  the  Indian's  pride. 

2.  'T*as  nigh  Onto  Pigwackcl,  on  the  eighth  day  of  May, 
They  spied  a  rebel  Indian  soon  after  break  of  "day ; 

He  on  H  bank  was  walking,  Upon  a  nerk  of  land, 
Which  leads  into  a  pund,  as  we're  made  to  understand, 

0.  Our  incn  resolved  to  have  him,  and  lrBvellp<l  two  miles  round, 
Until  they  met  the  bxllan,  who  boldly  stood  his  ground; 
Then  speaks  up  Captain  Lmewell,  "  Take  you  good  heed,"  lays  he  > 
"  This  rogue  is  to  decoy  us,  1  very  plainly  see. 


occasioned  bv  an  avalaiuhc  nl  the  rclrbraled  Notch,  in  IR'Jf),  will  not  soon  be  forgotten. 
Mr.  Moore,  of  Concord,  has  published  an  interesting  account  of  it  in  the  Cull.  N,  H.  Hist.  Soc. 
f  ol.  ill. 


Chap.  IX.] 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


1B8 


4.  "  The  Indians  lie  in  ambusii,  in  some  place  nigh  at  hand, 
In  order  to  surround  us  upon  this  neck  of  land  ; 
Therefore  we'll  march  in  order,  and  each  man  leave  his  pack. 
That  we  may  briskly  fight  them  when  they  shall  us  attack."  ,    , 

5.  They  came  unto  this  Indian,  who  did  them  thus  defy  ; 
As  soon  as  they  came  aigh  him,  two  giuis  he  did  let  fly, 
Which  wounded  Captaiu  ZiOivwell,  ancl  likewise  one  man  more ; 
But  when  this  rogue  was  running,  they  laid  him  in  his  gore. 

6.  Then  having  scalped  (he  Indian,  they  went  back  to  the  spot. 
Where  they  had  laid  their  packs  down,  but  there  they  found  them  not ; 


For  the  Indians  having  spied  them,  when  they  them  down  did  lay, 
Iheir  plunder,  and  carry  them  away. 


Did  seize  them  for  their 


7.  These  rebels  lay  in  ambush,  this  very  place  hard  by, 
So  that  an  English  soldier  did  one  of  them  espy. 

And  cried  out,  •'  Here's  an  Indian !  "  with  that  they  started  out, 
As  fiercely  as  old  lions,  and  hideously  did  shout. 

8.  With  that  our  valiant  English  all  gave  a  louJ  huzza. 
To  shew  the  rebel  Indians  they  feared  them  not  a  straw ; 
So  now  the  fight  began,  as  fiercely  as  could  be. 

The  Indians  ran  up  to  them,  but  soon  were  forced  to  flee. 

9.  Then  spake  up  Captain  Lovewell,  when  first  the  fight  beg>an, 
"  Fight  on,  my  valiant  heroes  '.  you  see  they  fall  like  rain." 
For,  as  we  are  informed,  the  Indians  were  so  thick, 

A  man  could  scarcely  fire  a  gun  and  not  some  of  them  hit. 

10.  Then  did  the  rebels  try  their  best  our  soldiers  to  surround 
But  they  could  not  accomplish  it,  because  there  was  a  pond. 
To  which  our  men  retreated,  and  covered  all  the  rear; 

The  rogues  were  forced  to  flee  them,  although  they  skulked  for  fear. 

11.  Two  logs  there  were  behind  them  that  close  together  lay, 
Without  being  discovered,  they  could  not  get  away; 
Therefore  our  valiant  English  tlicy  travelled  in  a  row, 
And  at  a  handsome  distance  as  they  were  wont  to  go. 

12.  'Twas  ten  o'olock  in  the  morning  when  first  the  fight  begun, 

And  fiercely  did  continue  till  the  setting  of  the  sun,  ^ 

Exceptini^  that  the  Indians,  some  hours  before,  twas  ni{  ht. 
Drew  ofl'into  the  bushes  and  ceased  awhile  to  fight. 

13.  But  soon  again  returned  in  fierce  and  furious  mood. 
Shouting  as  in  the  morning,  but  yet  not  half  so  loua. 
For,  as  we  are  informed,  so  thick  and  fast  they  fell, 
Scarce  twenty  of  their  number,  at  night  did  get  home  well. 

14.  And  that  our  valiant  Enc^lish,  till  midnight  there  did  stay, 
To  see  whether  the  rebels  would  have  another  fray ; 
But  they  no  more  returning,  they  made  ofl"  towards  their  home, 
And  brought  away  their  wounded  as  far  as  they  could  come. 

15.  Of  all  our  valiant  English,  there  were  but  thirty-four, 
And  of  the  rebel  Indians,  there  were  about  four  score, 
And  sixteen  of  our  English  did  safely  home  return  : 
The  rest  were  killed  and  wounded,  for  which  we  all  must  mourn. 

16.  Our  worthy  Captain  Lovnrcll  among  them  there  did  die  ; 

They  killed  Lieutenant  Robbint,  and  wounded  good  young  Fryt, 
Who  was  our  Englisli  chaplain  ;  he  many  Indians  slew. 
And  some  of  them  he  scalped  when  bullets  round  him  flew. 

17.  Young  Fullam  too  I'll  mention,  because  he  fought  so  well ; 
Endeavoring  to  save  a  man,  a  sacrifice  he  fell, 

And  yet  our  valinni  Englishmen  in  fight  were  ne'er  dismayed, 
But  still  they  kept  their  motion,  nnd  Wyman  captain  made  ; 

18.  Who  shot  the  old  chief  Pauovs,  which  did  the  foe  defeat, 
Then  set  his  men  in  order,  and  brought  ofltihe  retreat; 
And  braving  manv  dangers  and  hardships  in  the  way, 
They  safe  arrivccf  lit  Dunstable,  the  thirteenth  day  of  May. 

12 


it 


134 


ST.  FRANCIS  DESTROYED, 


[Book  III. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Tho  St.  Francis  Indians — Rogers'  expedition  against  them — Philip — Subatis— * 
Arnold's  rrpedition — Natanis — Tlie  modrrn  Penobscols — Aitteon — Neptune — 
Captain  Francis — Susl'p  murders  on  Englishman — Specimen  of  the  Penobscot 
Uinguagc. — Rowi.ES — his  jnophecij — Blind  Wii.i, — Killed  Oy  the  Mohawks — As- 
SACASiBijiT — Visits  Franre  and  is  knighted  by  the  Icing — Attacks  and  burns  Haver- 
hill— His  death. 


Towards  tho  clo.se  of  the  last  chapter,  mention  was  made  of  tlie  St' 
Francis  Indians,  and,  as  they  were,  a  part  of  them,  tlie  remnaut  of  the  once 
resjiectable  Andioscoggins,*  tlicir  liistory  will  here  be  resumed.  We  have 
already  related  some  of  their  hardships  and  sufferings,  both  in  Philip's  war 
and  tlie  French  wars  allerwards,  when  they  had  to  contend  with  the  old 
experienced  chief,  Colonel  Church ;  and  also  their  severe  disaster  in  opposing 
LovrweU. 

Ailer  their  arrival  upon  the  Lake  St.  Francis,  from  which  their  village  took 
its  name,  they  were  mider  the  influence  and  guidance  of  French  ecclesias- 
tics. Their  village,  in  1755,  consisted  of  about  40  wigwams  and  a  church, 
and  a  friar  resided  among  them.  What  time  the  Androscoggins  joined  the 
St.  Francis  tribe  has  not  been  discovered ;  but  whenever  war  existed  between 
France  and  I'^ngland,  tiiey  generally  had  some  participation  in  it,  the  fre- 
quent occurrence  of  whicii  at  length  ended  in  their  almost  total  destruction, 
in  175y. 

Before  the  capture  of  Quebec,  in  tliat  year,  and  while  the  English  army 
under  (Teiierai  ^Imhcrst  lay  at  down  Point,  an  expedition  against  St.  Francia 
was  ordered  by  liini;  behig  so  "exasperated,"  says  Colonel  Rogers,  "at  the 
treatment  Capt.  Kenned}!  '""1  received  liom  those  Indians,  to  whom  ho  had 
been  sent  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  proposals  of  peace,  who  had  l)een  by 
tliCMi  made  prisoner  with  his  party,  that  he  determined  to  bestow  upon  them 
a  signal  chastiselnent,"  This  does  not  appear,  however,  to  bo  all  that  was 
charged  against  tljeni,  for  Major  Rogers  continues,  "They  had,  within  my  own 
knowledge,  «!uring  the  six  years  past,  killed  and  carried  away  more  than 
(iOO  persons."  Accordingly  JMajor  Rogers  was  despatched  upon  this  enter- 
prise with  14'i  efl'ective  men,  including  officers,  and  a  few  Indians  of  the 
Pe(|uawket  trilie,  uniler  Philip^  their  chief.  It  was  a  most  perilous  undertak- 
ing ;  near  300  nillea  of  Wild  country  to  be  passed,  lato  in  October,  175'J. 
When  they  came  in  sight  of  the  town,  towards  evening,  on  the  5  October, 
tlie  inhabitants  were  dancing  about  in  great  glee,  celebrating  a  wedding. 
Half  an  houi'  bcfon?  siuu'ise  the  next  morning,  the  English  fell  suddenly 
upon  thein,  in  three  dis'isions,  and  completely  surprised  them,  killing  UOO 
Indians,  and  (;.iptin-ing  a  1(!W  women  and  children.f  With  such  secrecy  and 
jnomptifiide  did  the  EngHsli  act  on  this  occasion,  »iys  our  author,  "that  the 
••neniy  hud  no  time  to  recover  themselves,  or  take  arms  in  their  own  ilefcnce, 
until  they  'vere  mostly  destroyed."  Some  few  ran  down  to  the  river  to  es- 
cape by  swimming  or  in  their  canoes,  but  were  pursued  and  destroyed. 
Their  village,  excejtt  thret!  houses,  was  burnt,  and  many  persons  in  it.  Ily 
ncven  o'clock  the  butchery  was  ended,  and  a  retreat  was  immediately  com- 
menced.   Two  Indian  boys  were  brought  away  prisonci's,  one  of  whom  was 


'  "  Al  St.  Friini,'i\ls,  rr4)m  sonip  of  Znuffhe'darankiac,  or  pi'opli'  from  tin'  mouth  of  this  rivrr, 
I  Icnriidl,  iliiil  llioy  f  nil  il,  or  rnlhcr  its  liank"!,  Amilcuii<rautiiiuike,  or  hunks  of  the  river 
al'i'iimliiisiri  drii'il  mint."     I\rnihl'.i  TrasKU,  iii.  113. 

t  I  liitcly  roreivcd  n  lotler  (Voiu.  ii  ff(<tiil(Miiaii  who  siiliscrihcd  himself  "  Joseph  Alex. 
Miistit.i\{\  liuliiiii  of  (lift  8t.  Krnnris  lril)e.'' oompliiiiiiiiE  of  tho  iimccurHtc  acroiMil  jfivrn  hy 
Mnjor  lioirem  of  the  <leslniction  of  that  trilx? ;  hut  iis  the  niilhor  of  tho  letter  does  not  give 
;m  aoroMiit  hiui!<('lf)  nor  direct  tiic  where  ?  can  dlilain  onr,  heller  than  I  have  used,  1  am  roii- 
strniiicil  to  reprint  my  areomit  wilhoiit  iniirh  nineiidalinn.  Tho  only  farts  whioh  lean  gather 
from  his  leller.  are,  that,  "  liefore  this  event  [UoR-ers's  KxpeditionJ  took  plaee,  the  St.  EVancis 
trilie  nnmliered  I'roai  IMOO  to  '^IXN)  inhahilantn  ;  l>iit  since,  this  number  has  made  rapid  dcrlinn, 
and  at  prtfseiil  on  ihe  jioiiil  of  total  di^bolution."     Letter,  dated  Vincennet,  \'t.  V>  April,  1836. 


CiTAP.  X.]       PHILIP  OF  PIGWOKET.— AIINOLD'S  EXPEDITION. 


135 


«y 


nanied  Sebatis.  The  English  commaiuler  says,  "  We  found  GOO  scalps  hang- 
ing upon  poles  over  the  doors  of  tlieir  wigwams." 

Although  tlie  English  had  made  such  havoc  among  the  Indians,  yet  a 
wretched  calamity  awaited  them  ui  their  homeward  inarch.  They  had  but 
one  of  their  number  killed,  who  was  an  Indian,  and  six  wounded,  during  the 
massacre,  but  on  their  return  many  were  lost  ui  the  wilderness,  starved  and 
frozen  to  death.  The  scenes  of  individual  suffering,  could  they  be  known, 
would  probably  exceed  those  which  followed  LoveweWs  fight.  Having  mis- 
taken the  Upper  for  the  Lower  Coos,  some  set  off  by  j)oint  of  compass,  and 
were  never  heard  of  afler,  and  the  enemy  followed  and  cut  off  others.  But 
Philip,  at  the  head  of  his  company,  made  good  his  retret^  without  losing  u 
man  m  the  way. 

Besides  this  expedition,  hi  whwh  Philip  was  one  of  "  Rogers'  rangers,"  he 
was  at  the  capture  of  Louisburgh,  under  General  Amherst,  and  was  the 
first  man  that  took  |X)ssession  of  the  fortress.* 

In  the  winter  of  1757,  when  the  English  and  French  armies  had  gone  into 
winter  quarters,  Colonel  Rof^ert  was  leil  in  -command  of  Fort  Edward, 
and  had  several  severe  battles  with  the  French  and  Indians  in  scouting 
expeditions.  In  one  of  these,  he  fell  in  with  a  superior  force  to  his  own, 
near  Ticonderoga,  and  lost  many  of  his  men,  in  killed  and  prisoners.  This 
was  tHi  21  January.  The  chief,  Philip,  was  in  that  affair,  and  acted  as  ser- 
geant. Concerning  this  ciiief,  it  is  further  said  that  he  was  but  "  half  Indian," 
and  that  in  the  revolution,  he  joined  the  Americans,  string  "  he  was  a  whig 
Indian." 

Mention  has  been  made  of  an  Lidian  of  the  name  of  Sebatis  or  Sabatis. 
Tlierc  were  several  of  tlic  name,  and  doubtless  it  was  peculiar  to  the  Ahena- 
quies ;  and  hence  that  Sabatis,  captured  at  St.  Francis,  was  descended 
from  an  Abenaquis  family,  wlio  had  settled  there.  It  is  possible  also,  that 
lie  may  bo  the  same  who  afterwards  resided,  near  the  head  waters  of  the 
Kennebeck,  with  a  brother  named  JVatamis,  who  is  brought  to  our  notice 
in  the  accounts  f  of  General  JlmoWa  expedition  through  that  region  in  the 
fall  of  1775 ;  but  this  is  conjecture.  However,  what  is  known  ol'  these  two 
brothers  follows. 

General  Arnold  having,  on  his  arrival  in  the  Kennebeck  River,  ordered  a 
email  baud  to  proceed  m  advance  of  the  army,  to  discover  and  mark  out  a 
route  for  it,  gave  strict  orders  that  JVatanis  should  l>e  captured  or  killed.  This 
order  had  lieen  given,  because  the  general  had  been  intbrnied  that  he  liad 
been  fixed  there  by  the  English  of  Canada,  as  a  spy,  to  give  information 
if  an  enemy  should  approach  in  that  direction.  But  <\m,  as  it  proved,  was 
falsi!  information,  and  JVatania  was  the  friend  of  the  ^\mericans,  as  also  wap 
his  brother  Sabalis,  who  lived  about  seven  miles  higher  up  the  river,  above 
him. 

Tiie  residence  of  .Yatanis  was  a  lonesome  place,  upon  the  bank  of  the 
liver ;  his  cabin,  situated  in  the  centre  of  a  green,  the  border  of  which  was 
bevoud  unisket  shot  from  it,  was  a  discovery  which  added  to  the  suspicions 
of  the  party,  wlio,  having  arrived  in  the  neighborhood,  4  October,  surrounded 
it  nt  every  point,  and  run  in  upon  it  with  great  eagerness;  expecting,  without 
doubt,  to  have  taken  hii.i  prisoner.  In  this  they  were  disappointed,  for  it  ap- 
peared tliiit  the  ]»hu'c  had  Ix^cn  deserted  a  week.  Near  by,  at  the  shore 
of  the  river,  a  map  drawn  upon  birch  bark,  was  found  in  the  top 
of  a  Ktako,  vei7  ucciu'ately  delineating  tlie  courses  of,  the  rivers  towards 
Caiuul;),  and  lines  «U'noting  ])lace8  of  crossing  from  one  to  another.  This 
p-catly  Hurpiihcd  them,  hut  they  i»rofited  juuch  by  it.  Nothing  was  seen  of 
any  Iiidiaiis  during  the  excursion  of  the  exploring  party,  who,  afler  about  2*2 
(lavH,  ill  w  hirh  they  siiO'enMl  every  thing  but  death,  rejonuMl  the  army. 

Wlicii  the  army  liiul  arrived  within  the  hounds  of  Cuimda,  which  was  on 
the  1  Novejnber,  "we  for  lh(!  firet  time,"  says  Mr.  Henrif,  "luul  tins  jileasiire 
of  seeing  liie  worthy  and  respectable  Indian,  .Vatanig,  and  his  bixjther,  Saba^ 


! 


•  A'(i;r"i>'  Ilcmiiiiscciiocs,  Apjinulix  lii  iimv  cdilion. 
t  NlP  lli.il  of  '.liiiljTf  .Ic'iii  J.  Ilnrti.  ;C,  lo  Ju   mid  71,  &,c. 
609,  m\  Cul.  Maiuo  Uisi.  Soc.  i.  3'ji. 


Sec  also  tSVia//;/'*  Tables,  ii. 


136 


NATANIS.-SABATIS.— PENOBSCOT  INDIANS. 


[Book  IH. 


tis,  with  some  others  of  thoir  tribe."  J^ntanis  went  to  each  of  the  ecnipanies 
of  spies,  and  shook  them  by  the  hand,  us  though  he  had  been  formerly 
acquainted  with  them.  He  explained  himself  by  telling  tJiem,  that  he  had 
kept  close  to  them  all  the  time  they  were  making  their  discovery  beyond  his 
residence,  and  until  they  returned,  but  did  not  daro  to  make,  himself 
known,  for  fear  they  would  kill  him — a  wise  resolution. 

Natanis  and  Sabatis,  with  17  others  of  their  tribe,  joined  the  army 
on  the  River  Chaudiere,  and  marched  with  it  to  Canada.  When  the  attack 
on  Quebec  was  made,  31  December,  1775,  JVatanis  was  wounded  by  a  shot 
through  the  wrist,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British  general,  Catieton, 
who  immediately  set  hrm  at  liberty.  These  were  the  first  Indians  employed 
in  the  revolutionary  contest  by  the  Americans.* 

We  cannot  pass  over  the  momentous  undertaking  of  Arnold,  wthout  re- 
questing the  reoder  to  notice  how  many  men  of  note  and  eminence  survived 
its  ruins — General  Daniel  Morgan  of  Virginia,  then  a  cai)tiiin — GJeneral  Henry 
Dearborn  of  Massachusetts,  of  like  rank — Timothy  Bigetow  of  Massachusetts, 
a  major — Return  J.  Mei^s,  father  of  the  late  postmaster-general,  of  the  same 
rank — Samuel  Spring,  1).  D.  of  Newburvport,  a  chaplain— v3aron  Burr  of  New 
Jersey,  and  General  Benedict  ^mo/rf  ot'Connecticutf  Numerous  others  de- 
serve equal  notice ;  but  it  is  not  our  province  to  enumerate  them  here.  And 
from  this  digression  we  return  to  notice  another  chief  nearly  similar  in  name 
to  the  last 

At  the  treaty  of  Gfeorgetown,  on  Arrowsik  Island,  held  by  the  eastern 
tribes  with  the  English,  9  August,  1717,  Sabhadis,  as  his  name  was  then  writ- 
ten, appeared  for  the  Androscogghis.  Also  it  the  treaty  of  Casco,  dated 
25  July,  1727,  we  find  omong  the  signers  Sabatists  of  Arresagontacook.}: 
Wl)at  piut  Sabatis  acted  in  the  tragedies  from  1722  to  1725,  does  not-  appear. 
In  the  History  of  Maine'J  we  find  the  following  passage  concerning  iSai- 
baiisl,  as  he  is  there  called.  "  Li  1730,  a  chaplain  was  allowed  at  Fort  George ; 
and  it  wos  in  this  place,  where  Sahbatist,  tlie  Anasagunticook  sagamore,  re- 
quested govermncnt  to  keep  some  supplies:  for,«aid  he,  in  ^cotd  winters  and 
deep  snotcs,  my  Indians,  unable  to  go  to  Fort  Richmo7id,  sometimes  suffer.^  " 

We  now  pass  to  our  own  times  to  notice  some  modern  Indians  in  the 
state  of  Maine.  In  1816,  the  Penobscot  tribe  at  Old  Town,||  having  lost  its 
sachem,  entered  upon  the  election  of  another.  It  was  some  months  before 
they  could  agree  iq)on  a  successor,  although  it  is  their  custom  to  elect  a  near 
relation  of  the  deceased.  At  length  party  spirit  having  run  unreasonably 
high,  th^ir  priest,  who  is  a  Roman  Catholic,  interfered,  and  they  forsook  the 
rival  candidates,  and  elected  John  Jlitteon.  This  man,  it  is  said,  was  a  dc- 
-scendaut  of  Baron  do  Saint  Castiens.  The  induction  -nto  office  took  place 
19  September,  181(J.  At  the  same  time  John  JVeptime  was  constituted  his 
lieutenant,  and  Captain  t^ancis  and  another  were  confirmed  as  chief 
captains. 

A  specimen  of  modem  oratory  among  these  Indiana  is  given  by  Mr.  Wil- 
liamson, who  heard  it,  in  his  History  of  Maine,  It  was  made  in  a  court, 
by  John  JVeptune,  in  extenuation  of  the  murder  of  one  Knight,  by  Peol  Susup. 
The  case  was  nearly  as  follows :  In  the  evoning  of  28  June,  18I(>,  this  Indian 
was  intoxicated,  and  at  the  tavern  of  said  Knight  at  Bangor,  (whether  he  had 
procured  liquor  there  with  which  to  intoxicate  himself,  we  a-o  not  informed,) 
and  being  noisy  and  turbulent,  Knight  endeavored  to  exj)el  him  from  his 
house.  *  Having  thrust  him  out  of  door,  ho  endeavored  to  drive  him  away, 
uud  in  th((  attempt  was  Btubl)ed,  and  immediately  died.  On  his  arrest,  Su^up 
acknowledged  his  guilt,  but  said  he  was  in  liquor,  and  that  Knight  abused 


*  Jmlffc  Ifmni,  15. 

t  Hennj,  our  niillmrilv  before  moiilioncd,  wns  a  privalc,  ngp<l  but  IC,  who  ran  nway  from 
his  I'allier,  iiiiil  juiiiod  iho  army  clandcBtiiicly;  ho  died  in  llllO.Rgod  Ifi.  Morgan  <iicd  in 
lf:0-',  i.'l.  >.b  ;  Jicurbom  in  1029,  ivt.  70;  Meigs  in  lB23i  Spring  in  IHVJ,  «t.  73  j  Arnold  in 
UHH.  nt  I.onilon,  ipl.  (il ;  liitrr  died  in  New  York,  in  1836. 

♦  Coll.  N.  H.  Hisi.  Soc.  ii.  24i!.  i!(iO.  \S  Williamson,  ii.  159. 

I|  In  ll!l  1,  ilils  irilie  consisted  of  but  57  faniilii's,  and  2H  persons.  In  Ifi'io  tlieri  were  277 
soiil<.  Tlieir  increase,  says  Dr.  Mor.<!t,  Appendix  lo  Indian  Report,  G6,  is  owing  to  an 
ol 'ligation  of  the  ciiiofs  imposed  upon  tlicir  yomi;;  men  to  marry  early. 


Vmav.  X.] 


AITTEON.-N  nPTLN  E. 


137 


Jiiiii,  or  Iio  Iiad  itot  done  it.  IJeiiig  broujjlil  to  triul  in  June  tlio  next  year  Jit 
Custino,  by  ml  vice  of  eonnsel,  ho  pleaded  rot  guilty;  and  after  u  day  Bpeiit  in 
liiij  trial,  a  verdict  was  rendered,  according  to  tlie  deience  set  up,  nta7i- 
nlaugldei\  Susup  iiad  u  wile  and  several  children ;  four  of  whom,  with  tlieir 
mother,  wei'c  present,  as  were  many  other  Indians  from  St.  Johns  and  Passa- 
maquoddy,  besides  a  great  crowd  of  whites. 

After  sentence  was  declared,  Susup  was  asked  by  the  court  if  lie  had  any 
thing  to  say  for  himself;  to  which  he  replied,  "John  Neptunk  imU  speak  for 
me."  Neptune  rose  ujt,  and,  having  advanced  towards  tlie  judges,  delib- 
<jrately  said,  in  English,  ^  ,- 

^^  You  know  your  people  do  viy  Indians  great  deal  tvrong.  They  abuse  them 
very  mvch — yes  tliey  murder  them  ;  Iken  they  walk  rigid  off— ^nobody  touches  tlmn. 
This  makes  my  heart  bum.  JVeU,  tlien  my  Indians  say,  we  will  go  kill  your  very 
bad  and  wicked  vuiu  JVo.,  IteWem  never  do  tluU  thing,  loe  are  brothers.  Some 
time  ago  a  very  bad  man  *  about  Bgston,  shot  an  Indian  dead.  Your  people  said, 
surety  lie  should  die,'but  it  teas  not  so.  in  the  great  prison  house  he  eats  and  lives 
to  this  day.  Ceiiainly  he  never  dies  for  killing  Indian.  My  brothers  say  let  that 
bloody  man  go  free — i'eol  isusup  <oo.  So  ive  loisL  Hope  Jills  tlie  hearts  of  us 
all — Veace  w  good.  These,  my  Indians,  love  it  well.  They  smile  under  its  shade. 
Tlie  white  men  a/ful  red  men  must  be  always  friends.  The  Great  Spirit  is  our 
fatlier. — /  speak  what  I  feel." 

"Susup  was  sentenced  to  another  year's  imprisonment,  and  required  to  find 
sureties  for  keeping  the  peace  two  years,  ju  the  penal  sum  of  500  .<lollars ; 
when  John  JVcptune,  Squire  Jo  Merry  JVeptunc,  of  his  own  triJie,  Capt.  Solmond, 
I'rom  I'assaumiiuoddy,  and  Capt.  Jo  Tomer,  from  the  River  St.  Johns,  became 
Ills  sureties  in  the  cogaizaikce."  f 

Captain  Francis,  the  fii'st  captaiii  of  the  tribe,  has  been  mentioned,  and 
who,  according  to  the  histQrian  of  Maine,  is  a  man  of  good  undei-standing.  If 
the  inlbrmution  he  has  given  concerning  Jhc  eastern  Indians  be  correct, — and 
we  see  no  cause  to  doubt  it, — it  is  of  much  value,  and  no  less  intei'est.  He 
assured  Mr.  fVilliamson,  "that  all  the  tribes  between  tlic  Saco  and  the  St. 
Johns,  both  inclusive,  are  brothers;  that  the  eldest  lived  on  the -Saco;  that 
«ach  tribe  is  youniger  as  we  pass  eastwai'd,  like  the  sons  of  the  same  father, 
though  the  one  at  Passamaquoddy  J  is  the  youngest  of  all,  proceeding  from 
those  upon  tlie  River  St.  Johns  and  Penobscot.^  '  Always^-  he  afBrnis, '  /  eoidd 
understand  all  these  brotliers  very  loell  tvhen  tliey  speak ;  but  when  the  Mickmaks  or 
the  Algonquins,  or  Canada  Indians  talk,  I  cannot  tell  all  what  they  say.^ " 

lieibre  dismissing  tlie  interesting  TaiTatines,  it  may  be  pro[)er  to  present  a 
specimen  of  their  language. 


VOW' 


Metunk^Mcnah,  ouwa^ne,  spum'^keag-aio,  kee^nuck  tle-we-seh,  keah^-dabeV-dock, 
'W-d(i'-sch,  keah^-olcl-luiutta-nwn-a,  numah-zee,  m^se4ah''-niali,  Vhah-lah-wee^- 


keunak,  spuni'-keag-aio,  me-lea'^neb,  neo'^nali^  ne-quem-pe-bem- gees' o''coauc,  nuy'e*- 
mc,  gees^-cool,  arvon,  mus-see-aUos^see,  neo^nah,  commoni^en-esk-sock,  t-ludi-lah- 
wee-keiinah,  num-e-se-comele^ent,  tali-hah-la-we-u-keah-ma-dic-ke^-clieek,  a-que-he\ 
a-que-ah-lah-ke-me-sah'^coque,    n^gaK'ne,    numa-zee\    nea-nah,    neo]je,    saw^-got, 


I 


*  "  He  nlliulcd  lo  one  Liveniwre,  wlio  had  received  sentence  of  death  for  kilHiij^  on  In- 
dian, which  wfis  commuted  to  hurd  Inlior  for  hfe  in  the  state's  prison."     Williamson. 

An  hidian  named  Ciii:vAV,  a  reuobsoot  of  the  tribe  of  St.  Francis,  to  avoid  being  dis- 
tressed bv  the  war  on  the  frontiers  of  Canada,  wiili  his  wife  wandered  down  into  Bliissachu- 
setts,  and  erected  a  wigwam  on  the  shore  of  Spot  Pond,  in  the  town  of  Sloneham,  where  they 
lived.  At  length  some  aboniinahie  while  rutVians,  on  the  night  of  the  2.3  November,  1813, 
sliot  him  while  he  was  asleep,  and  badly  womided  his  squaw.  Not  being  killed  outright,  this 
Indian  crawled  from  his  wigwum,  and  was  found  the  next  day  almost  Cfeless  and  in  great 
agony,  and  lie  expired  in  a  lew  days  alter.  The  names  of  the  munlerers  1  will  not  give,  for 
1  ablior  to  sully  my  page  with  them.  Four  were  guilty.  One  fled  from  justice,  two  were 
tried  and  conticmned  lo  bo  haiigcd,  December  2jI1i,  following.     Report  of  the  Trial. 

t  Ibid. 

j  The  Indians  said.  Pascndum-oqiion-keag.  Poscodum  meaat  pollock ;  oquon,  cairh  "t'/n 
great  many ;  eag,  land  or  pliue. 

J  Pcnops,  rocks  ;  keag,  a  place  of. 


138 


ROWLS.-BLIND-WILL. 


[Book  III. 


woo-saiD^me,  keqh^dabeliT'-ock,  ego-mah^  kedoah\  noa^chce,  done-ahle,  8azoos\ 
neah>lets,  quos'^-qtte.* 

In  speaking  of  the  New  Hampshire  sachems,  it  was  not  intended  that  so 
conspicuous  a  diief  as  Roivls  should  have  heen  silently  passed  over,  and 
therefore  wo  will  give  him  a  j)lace  here.  This  chief  has  of  latfc  years  l)ecoine 
noted,  from  the  eircumstinice  of  his  name's  being  found  to  the  celebrated 
Whedtoright  dceA  of  IGQD.  That  deed,  it  maybe  proper  to  remark,  purported 
to  have  been  given  by  Passaconaway,  Runaaimtt,  fVehanownotmt,  and  Rowls. 
The  tract  of  country  conveyed  was  included  between  the  Paseataqua  and 
Merrimack  Rivers,  and  bounded  inland  by  a  line  from  ''  Pawtucket"  Falls 
in  the  latter,  and  Newichawannok  in  the  former.  It  is  pretty  certain,  now, 
tliat  these  sachems  gave  no  such  deed  at  the  time  specified. 
■  Rowls  was  sachem  of  the  Ncwichawannoks,  and  his  dwelling-place  was 
upon  the  north  sile  of  the  Paseataqua,  not  far  from  Quampeagan  Falls,  in 
Berwick,  then  Kittory.  "  In  1G43,  he  conveyed  the  lands  of  his  vicinity  to 
Humphrey  ChadJmurn ;  and  others  afterwards,  to  Spencer ;  the  former  being 
tlie  earliest  Indian  deed  found  upon  our  records.  It  is  certain  that  all  the 
Indians  upon  the  river  to  its  mouth,  were  his  subjects,  though  he  was  under 
Passaconaway ."t  Mr.  Hubbard  J  says,  "  There  was  within  the  compass  of  the 
seven  years  now  current,  [about  1070,]  a  sagamore  about  Kittary,  called 
Rouls  or  Rolles:  who  laying  very  sick,  and  bedrid,  (being  an  old  man,)  he  e.\- 

fjected  some  of  the  Englisii,  that  seized  upon  his  land,  should  have  shown 
lim  that  civility,  as  to  have  given  him  a  visit  in  his  aged  infirmities  and  sick- 
ness. It  matters  not  much  whether  it  was  totally  neglected  or  not ;  to  ba 
sure  at  tlie  lasst,  he  sent  for  the  chkfs  of  the  town  and  desired  a  favor  of  thcni, 
viz.  that  though  he  might,  as  he  said,  challenge  [claim]  all  the  plantation  for 
his  own,  where  they  dwelt,  that  yet  they  would  please  to  sell  or  give  him  a 
small  tract  ot  land,  possiblj^  an  hundred  or  two  of  acres,  and  withall  desired 
it  might  be  recorded  in  the  town  book,  as  a  public  act,  that  so  his  childreii, 
which  he  left  behind,  might  not  be  turned  out,  like  vagabonds,  as  destitute  of 
an  liabitation  amongst,  or  near  the  English,  adding  this  as  a  reason  :  That  lie 
knew  there  would  shortly  fall  out  a  war  between  the  Indians  and  the?  English, 
all  over  the  country,  and  that  the  Indians  at  the  first  should  prevail,  and  do 
much  mischief  to  the  English,  and  kill  many  of  them :  But  after  the  third 
year,  or  after  three  years,  all  the  Indians  whicli  so  did,  should  be  rooted  out, 
and  utterly  destroyed."  Thi*;  account,  the  same  author  says,  "  is  reported  by 
Maj.  Waldron,  aVIr.  Joshua  Moody,  Capt,  Frost,  that  live  upon,  or  near  the 
place." 

A  chief  named  Blind-icill  was  successor  to  Rolls,  and  in  PfttVtp's  war  served 
the  English.  Why  the  wo'-d  blind  was  j)refixed  to  his  name  is  not  mentioned, 
but  probably  he  had  lost  an  eye. 

In  1G77,  the  wretched  expeilient  was  resorted  to  by  the  whites,  of  ernploying 
the  Mohawks  against  the  Tarratines,  and  two  messengers.  Majors  Pinchon 
and  Richards,  were  despatched  to  their  country.  They  were  kindly  received 
by  them,  and  promised  their  assistance.  "Accordingly  some  parties  of 
them  came  down  the  country,  about  he  middle  of  March,  and  the  first 
alarm  was  given  at  Amuskeeg  Falls;  where  the  eon  of  fV-onolnnset  being 
hunting,  discovered  1.5  Indians  on  the  other  side,  who  called  to  him  in  a  lan- 
guage which  he  did  not  understand;  upon  which  he  fled,  and  they  fired 
near  30  guns  at  him  without  elleet.  Presently  after  this  they  were  discovered 
in  the  woods  near  Cochecho.  Major  Waldron  sent  out  eight  of  his  Indians', 
whereof  Blind-toill  was  one,  to  make  further  discovery.  They  were  all 
surprised  togiither  by  a  comj)any  of  the  Mohawks ;  two  or  three  escaped, 
the  others  were  either  killed  or  taken.  H'ill  was  dragged  away  by  his  hair  ; 
and  being  wounded,  perished  in  the  woods,  on  a  neck  of  land,  formed  by  the 
confluence  of  Cochecho  and  Ising-glass  Rivers,  which  still  bears  the  name 
of  Blind-tmWs  Neck."§    Such  were  the  exploits  of  the  allies  of  ihe  English 


*   Williamson's  Maine,  i.  513. 
$  Belknap,  Hist.  N.  H.  i.  125. 


t  Williamson,  i.  460. 


\  Indian  Wart,  ii.  81. 


Chap.  X.] 


ASSACAMBUIT, 


199 


lish 


at  this  time ;  nor  do  we  find  tlmt  any  others  were  performed  of  a  different 
ciiaracter.  Notwitlistanding,  the  same  miserable  policy  was  talked  of  again 
about  nine  years  after ;  but  we  do  not  learn  that  it  was  carried  into  i)riictici'. 

It  was,  i)orhaps,  at  the  time  of  which  we  have  been  si)C!iking,  that  the  Nar- 
raganset  chiel"  Peasncua  was  murdered,  as  has  been  mentioned.* 

We  had  not  thus  long  delayed  our  notice  of  one  of  the  most  renowned 
chiefs,  but  from  the  untoward  circumstance  of  having  mislaid  u  valuable 
communication  concerning  hini.t  'fhe  sachem  of  whom  \ve  are  now  to 
speak  was  known  among  the  French  by  the  name  of  JVCscamlnoiiit,  but 
among  the  English  he  was  called 

AssACAMBUiT,!  and  ^ssacombuit.\  This  chief  was  as  faithful  to  the 
French  as  one  of  their  own  nation  ;  and  our  account  of  him  beghis  in  1696, 
when,  witii  Iberville  and  the  famous  Montigny,  he  rendered  imjjortant  service 
in  the  reduction  of  the  English  Fort  St.  Johns,  30  November,  of  tiiat  year. 
Being  apprized  of  the  approach  of  the  French  and  Indians,  the  English  sent 
out  88  men  to  o{)pose  them,  who,  on  tiio  28,  wore  met  and  attacked  by  a  part 
of /6cryj7/c's  army,  under  Montigny  wad  jYescamhioilit,  and  defeated  .with  the 
loss  of  55  men.  On  the  night  before  St.  Johns  capitulated,  Iberville,  with 
JVescambioilit  as  his  second,  at  the  head  of  30  men,  njade  a  sally  to  burn  one 
part  of  tlie  town,  while  D'Muijs  and  Montigny,  with  60  others,  were  ordered 
to  fire  it  at  another  point.    Both  part:  s  succeeded.  § 

In  1691),  he  is  noticed  for  some  cruelty,  which,  it  was  said,  he  inflicted  upon 
a  child,  named  Thomasin  Rouse.  He  having  ordered  it  to  cany  something  to 
the  water  side,  it  cried ;  he  took  a  stick  and  struck  her  down,  and  she  lay 
for  dead.  He  then  threw  her  into  the  water,  but  she  was  saved  by  another 
Indian.  She  was  an  English  captive,  and  was  soon  alter  reatored.  This 
account  was  handed  Dr.  Mattier,  by  one  who  had  just  returned  from  Casco 
Bay,  where  he  had  been  to  hold  a  treaty  with  the  Indians.  The  account 
closes  in  these  wor  s :  "This  Jssacomluit  hath  killed  and  taken  this  war, 
(they  tell  me,|  150  men,  women  and  children.-    A  bloody  Devil."  || 

It  is  said  tiiat  Mauxis,  JVanungonet,  and  Jlssacombuit,  Avere  "  three  of  the 
most  valiant  and  puissant  sachems"  of  the  east.li  Their  attack  u{)oii  the  fort 
at  Casco,  in  August,  1703,  has  been  mentioned.**  In  1704,  some  of  the  Abe- 
naquis,  having  established  themselves  in  Newfoundland,  were  attacked  by  the 
English,  and  some  of  them  killed.  Whereupon  they  applied  to  Governor 
VaudreuU  for  assistance  to  repel  them,  and  he  sent  Montigny  with  a  few 
Canadians,  who  joined  themselves  with  about  50  Abenaquis  under  JVescambi- 
oiiit,  and  attacked  the  English  with  great  success.  They  pillaged  and  burnt 
one  fort,  and  took  many  prisoners,  ft 

In  1705,  M,  Subercase,  having  succeeded  M.  Brouillon  in  the  government 
of  Newfoundland,  endeavored  to  make  thorough  work  with  the  remaining 
English  there.  Their  success  was  nearly  complete,  and  here  again  J^fescam- 
biouit  is  noticed  as  acting  a  conspicuous  part.  Subcrcase's  army  consisted  of 
400  men,tt  in  all,  and  they  set  out  from  Placentia  15  January,  upon  snow- 
shoes,  Avith  20  days'  provisions.  They  suffered  much  fi-om  the  rigor  of  the 
weather,  and  did  not  llill  upon  the  English  until  the  26,  which  was  at  a  place 
called  Rebou.  They  next  took  Petit  Havre.  At  St.  Johns  they  fouiid  some 
resistance,  where  the  English  now  had  two  forts,  which  were  8upi)lied  with 
cannon  and  mortars,  and,  after  losing  five  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  were 
obliged  to  raise  the  siege,  in  consequence  of  want  of  powder;  having  dam- 
aged much  of  what  they  brought  with  them  in  wading  rivei-s.  They  next 
attacked  Forrillon  and  took  it.  f§     This  was  5  March.    Here  was  olso  a  fort, 

*  Sec  n.  n.  p.  .59.  note  11.  f  From  Rev.  Mr.  Felt,  of  Hamilton.        t  PenJiatlow. 

6  CharUroix,  ii.  193.  11  Mogilalia,  vii.  95.  IT  Penhallow,  6. 

**  Page  IM,  lib.  iii.  ,  +t  CAaWei'oir,  ii.  SM. 

tt  This  is  according  to  Charlevoix, hnl  Peiiliallmv  says 600,  and  jl;wpuc/i, (Hist.  Newfound- 
land, 123.)  aAo«<  500.     Charlmoix  is,  doubtless,  nearest  the  truth. 

JiJ  Le  botirgfiU  brIUi',  aprh  qnoi  Montigny,  qui  avint  ameni  ii  cette  expedition  sonJidMe 
NESCAMBiouiTf^t  dHacliA  a"ec  lea  sauiyafces,  et  une  partie  des  Canadiens,  peur  oiler  du  c6ti 
de  Carbonrdere,  et  de  Bonnerinte,  avec  order  de  brtder  et  de  detruire  toute  le  cdt^,  ce  qu'il 
ex^ctUa  sam  jierdre  un  seul  homme,  tant  la  terrcur  itmt  grande  parmi  les  Anglois,  N. 
France,  ii.  .WO. 


) 


140 


ASSACAMBUIT. 


[Book  III. 


into  whicli  the  iuhttl)itaiit8  nt  first  retired,  and  endeavored  to  defend  tlieniselvcs, 
■but.fioon  surrendered  prisoners  of  war.* 

Not  lonjj'uller  tliese  services  jyescambioiiit  sailed  for  France,  and  in  170G 
visited  liis  luujesty,  King  Louis  XIV,  ut  Versailles.  Here,  among  other  emi- 
nent personages,  lie  became  known  to  the  historian  CiiAnLEvoix.f  The 
king  having  presented  hini  tui  elegant  sword,  he  is  reported  to  have  said, 
holding  up  Ins  hand,  "7Vtis  hand  Juxs  slain  one  hundred  amfoiiifofyour  majes- 
tjfs  enemies  in  JVew  Eiu^land ; "  J  and  that  whereupon,  the  king  forthwith 
knighted  him,  and  ordered  that  henceforth  a  pension  of  eight  livres  a  day  bo 
allowed  him  for  life. 

JSTescambioiJnt  returned  to  America  in  1707,  and  the  next  year  accompanied 
Rouville  to  attack  Haverhill  in  Massachusetts.  The  French  had  intended  a 
much  more  formidable  conijuest,  and  had  engaged  bands  of  Indians  from 
four  nations  to  cooperate  with  them,  and  all  were  to  rendezvous  at  Lake 
Nikisipique,  as  they  called  Winnipesauko  or  Winnipisiogee.  Ikit  all  except 
the  AlgonquinsaiulAbenaquis  under  J\'cscainbiouit,  having  failed  and  deserted 
them,  thoy  were  on  the  point  of  abandoning  their  enterprise  altogether. 
Having  made  known  their  situation  to  Governor  Vaudreuil,  and  recpiested 
liis  orders,  he  directed,  that  though  all  the  Indians  deserted  them,  they  should 
not  give  over  the  expedition.  Dcs  Chaillons  having  comnnmicated  this  intel- 
ligence to  the  Indians,  they  entreated  him  to  lead  them  forwai'd,  and  said  they 
would  follow  him  wherever  he  chose  to  go. 

From  Nikisipique  thev  maiched,  at  lust,  with  800  men,  fell  upon  Haver- 
hill,§  and  sacked  it.  I'he  attack  was  made,  sun  about  an  hour  high,  29 
Augu8t,'1708.  The  contest  was  short  as  the  opposition  was  feeble.  The 
English  lost  about  100  persons  by  this  irruption,  40  or  50  of  whom  were 
killed  at  Haverhill.  JS/'eacamhioiiit,  in  this  afiiiir,  fought  by  the  side  of  the 
connnander-in-chief;  and  perlbrmed  prodigies  of  valor  with  the  sword  which 
lie  brought  from  France. 

Having  burned  the  fort  and  many  of  the  buildings  in  the  village,||  they 
began  to  retrace  their  steps,  with  precipitation.  ThO  English,  having  rallied, 
formed  an  ambush  in  the  edge  of  the  woods,  about  a  mile  and  u  ha)*"  from 
the  town,  attacked  them  vigorously,  killing  and  woiniding  many  of  them.  In 
the  ambush  were  GO  or  70  English,  who,  after  hanging  upon  their  flanks  for 
near  au  hour,  retreated.  In  this  last  affair  the  French  suffered  most.  In 
both  encounters,  18  men  were  wounded,  three  Indians  and  five  Freiiehmen 
killed.  In  tlie  ambush  fell  Heiicl  of  Chambly,  and  Vercheres,  both  officers  of 
experience ;  and  the  renowned  ..issacambuit,  us  though,  elsewhere,  like  Achil- 
les, invulnerable,  was  wounded  by  a  shot  in  the  foot.  This  last  attack  had 
■the  happy  effect  of  immediately  restoring  many  of  the  prisoners. 

From  1708  to  1727,  we  hear  nothing  oi\lssac(tmbuit.  In  June  of  the  latter 
year,  his  death  is  recorded,  accompanied  with  a  short  account  of  him,  in  a 
newspaper  of  that  time.  Mention  is  made,  aiiion^  other  tilings,  that,  like 
Herculee,  he  liad  a  "famous  club"  which  lie  always  carried  witli  him,  on 
which  were  98  notches,  denoting  the  number  of  "  English  "  he  had  killed  ; 
that  he  was  knighted  while  in  Friuice,  the  insignia  of  which,  on  his  return 
lioino,  he  wore  upon  his  breast  in  largo  letters.  In  this  newspajier  commu- 
nication he  is  styled  "  Old  Es'camlmit"  " formerly  the  principal  sagamore  of 
(the  now  dispersed)  tribe  of  the  Saco  or  Pigwacket  Indians."  He  probably 
■went  to  reside  among  the  St  Francis  tribe  about  1700.  lie  was  restless  when 
.there  was  no  war,  and  our  account  says,  "  when  there  was  something  of  a 
^irosjiect  of  settled  peace,  about  30  years  ago,  [1700,]  he  moi'ched  off  the 


*  Anspach,  124.  '  t  Hist.  Gen.  ilc  la  Nouv.  France,  ii.  326. 

i  Peiiudlow,  40.  Tiiis  must  be,  we  think,  a  great  misrepresentation  of  iiis  real  sjjcecli, 
as  subsequent  details  will  lead  one  to  suppose.     Perhaps  he  might  have  sa\A  forty. 

^  " Ms  priretit  alors  te  miti  de  marcher  coiUre  un  village  appeUi'  Hxwrkvu.,  compose  <le 
vintcinq  a  trente  maisons  lien  bdtis,  avec  an  fort,  oit  logeoit  le  gouvenieur.  Ce  fort  avoit  une 
garrison  de  trente  soldats,  et  il  y  en  areit  au  mains  dix  dans  chaque  viaison." 

II  Charlevoix  says,  "  Toutea  les  maisons  se  defendirent  aitssi  tres-bien,  et  eureut  U  mime 
■sort,  ll'y  eiU  environ  cent  Anglois  de  tues  dans  ces  diJferetUes  atta'ques ;  plusieurs  autres,  ifui 
attcndirent  trap  tard  a  sortir  du  fort  etdes  tmisons,'y  furetii  briles."  None  of  the  English 
accounts  mention  this,  and  it  was  doubtless  suj)posilion,  without  foundation  in  fact. 


Chap.  XI.] 


DE'jrilUCriON  OF  DEERFIELD. 


141 


ground  as  a  clisbnr.deil  officer,  left  his  brethren  and  travelled  towards  the  Mis- 
sissippi, wliere  Me  was  constantly  engaged  in  wars,  aiid  never  heard  of  till 
tlie  last  fiill  he  retnrned  to  tliose  [eastern]  parts."  This  was  .proljably  the 
report  among  the  English  of  New  England ;  but  in  truth  he  was  with  the 
French  in  Canada,  as  we  have  seen.  Had  Penhallow  published  his  Indian 
Wars  one  yeai*  later,  he  would  not,  probably,  have  closed  his  account  as  he 
did  concerning  him.  He  says  tha^  at  his  return  from  France,  he  was  so 
exalted  that  he  treated  his  countrymen  in  the  most  haughty  and  arrogant 
manner,  "  murdering  one  and  stal>bing  another,  which  so  exasperated  those 
of  tlieir  relations,  that  they  sought  revenge,  and  would  have  instantly  exe- 
cuted it,  but  that  he  fled  his  country,  and  never  returned  after." 


CHAPTER  XI.  .        , 

Destruction  of  :Dccrfield,  and  captimttj  of  Reverend  Jafm  Williams  and  family, 

ill  1704. 

Sometimes  in  a  volume,  and  sometimes  in  a  pamphlet,  the  narraiive  of 
this  affair  had.often  been  given  to  the  world  previous  to  1774,  by  one  of  the 
principal  actors  in  it,  whose  name  is  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  and 
which  is  doubtless  familiar  to  evevy  reader  of  Now  England  legends.  The 
edition  of  Mr.  JVilliams's  work,  out  of  which  1  take  this,  was  prepared  by  the 
renowned  New  England  annalist,  the  Reverend  Thamas  Prince,  and  was  the 
.5th,  printed  at  Boston  "  by  John  Boult,  next  door  to  the  Three  Doves  in  Marl- 
borough Street,  1774."    It  was  a  closely  printed  8vo.  pamphlet  of  70  pages. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  relate  some  important  facts  of  historical  value 
before  proceeding  with  the  nai-rative.  As  at  several  other  times,  the  plan 
was  laid  eai'ly  in  1703,  in  Canada,  for  laying  waste  the  whole  English  fron- 
tier, but  like  former  and  later  plans,  laid  in  that  region,  this  but  paitially 
succeeded.  Though  the  eastern  settlements  from  Casco  to  Wells  were 
'destroyed,  and  130  people  killed  and  captivated,  the  summer  before,  yet  the 
towns  on  the  Connecticut  had  neglected  their  precautionary  duty.  And 
although  Governor  Dudley  of  Massachusetts  had  but  little  while  before  beea 
notified  of  the  design  ot  the  French,  yet  it  was  impossible  to  guard  the 
eastern  coast  against  tlie  attack.  Deei-field  had  been  palisaded  and  20 
soldiers  placed  in  it,  but  had  been  quartered  about  in  different  houses,  and, 
entirely  forgetting  their  duty  as  soldiers,  wei'e  surprised  witli  the  rest  of  the 
town.  The  snow  was  deep,  which  gave  the  enemy  an  easy  entrance  over 
the  pickets.  The  French  were  commanded  by  HeHel  de  RouviUe,  but  the 
commanders  of  the  Lidians  remain  unknown. 

Mr.  Williams  thus  begins  his  narrative :  "  On  Tuesday  the  29th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1703-4,  not  long  before  breali  of  day,  the  enemy  came  in  like  a  flood 
upon  us ;  our  watch  being  unfaithful :  an  evil,  whonc  awful  effects,  in  a  sur- 
prizal  of  our  fort,-  should  besjjcak  all  watchmen  to  avoid,  as  they  would  not 
liring  the  charge  of  blood  upon  themselves.  They  came  to  my  house  in  the 
beginning  of  tlio  onset,  and  by  their  violent  endeavors  to  break  open  doors 
and  windows,  with  axes  and  hatchets,  awakened  mo  out  of  sleep ;  on  which 
I  leaped  out  of  bed,  and  rmining  towards  the  dooi",  perceived  the  enemy 
making  their  entrance  inio  the  house.  I  called  to  awaken  two  soldiers  in 
the  chamber ;  and  returning  toward  niy  bedside  for  my  arms,  the  enemy 
immediately  brake  into  my  room,  I  judge  to  the  number  of  20,  with  painted 
faces,  and  hideous  acclamations.  I  reached  up  my  liands  to  the  bed-tester, 
for  my  pistol,  uttering  a  short  petition  to  God,  expecting  a  present  passage 
through  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death."  "TiUiing  down  my  pistol,  I 
(•ocked  it,  and  jjut  it  to  the  breast  of  the  first  Indian  who  came  up ;  but  my 
l)istol  missing  fire,  I  was  seized  by  3  Indians  who  disarmed  me,  and  bound 
me  nuked,  as  I  was,  in  my  shirt,  and  so  I  stood  for  near  the  space  of  an 
hour."  Meanwhile  the  work  of  destruction  and  pillage  was  carried  on  with 
treat   fury.    One  of  the  tlu'oc  who   CHj>tiu-ed  Mr.  Williams  was  u  captain, 


142 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIF-LD, 


[Cook  III. 


against  whom,  says  our  captive,  "the  jiidgment  of  God  did  not  long  slumlwr ; 
for  by  sun-rising  be  received  a  mortal  sliot  from  my  next  neighbor's  house." 
This,  though  not  a  garrison,  aiul  containing  but  seven  men,  withstood  tiie 
efforts  ol"  the  300  French  and  Lidians  wliicli  now  beset  them.  That  house 
remains  to  this  day,  bearing  upon  its  front  door  the  mai'ks  of  the  hatcliet.* 

After  about  two  hours  the  enemy  took  up  their  march  from  the  town, 
having  plundered  and  burnt  it,  and  put  47  jjcrsous  to  death,  including  those 
killed  in  making  defence.  Mrs.  mlliairis  having  lately  lain  in,  was  feeble, 
which,  without  the  scene  now  acting  belbre  her,  rendered  her  case  hopeless ; 
but  to  this  was  added  the  most  shocking  jmurders  in  her  presence — two 
of  her  children  were  taken  to  the  door  ajid  killed,  also  a  black  wouiau  be- 
longing to  the  family. 

"About  sun  an  hour  high,"  continues  tlie  redeemed  captive,  "we  were  nil 
carried  out  of  the  house  for  a  march,  and  saw  many  of  the  houses  of  my 
neighbors  in  flames,  perceiving  tiie  whole  ibit,  one  house  excejjtcd,  to  be 
taken !"  "We  were  carried  over  the  river,  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  about 
a  mile  from  my  house,  where  we  found  a  groat  number  of  our  christian 
neighbors,  men,  women,  and  children,  to  the  number  of  100 ;  nineteen  of 
whom  were  afterward  murdered  by  the  way,  and  two  starved  to  death  near 
Coos,  in  a  time  of  great  scarcity,  or  famine,  the  savages  undenvent  there. 
Wheti  we  came  to  the  foot  of  our  mountain,  they  took  away  our  slioes,  and 
gave  us  Indian  shoes,  to  prepare  us  lor  onr  journey."  The  army  had  kilt 
their  packs  at  this  place,  and  while  they  were  getting  ready  to  decamjt,  iIm'. 
few  Luglish  that  had  escaped  at  the  town,  and  a  lew  from  Hatfield,  wlio  luul 
been  notified  of  the  fate  of  Deei-field  by  one  or  two,  who  liad  escaped  tlicre, 
pursued,  tuid  in  a  meadow  between  the  town  and  the  main  Iwdy,  met  a  party 
of  the  enemy,  and  a  sharp  fight  ensued.  The  small  band  of  EnglisiuMen 
<lid  not  retreat  until  the  main  body  imder  RovvUle  were  about  to  «incircle 
tliem,  and  then  they  left  ninie  of  tlieir  number  shiin,  Sucii  was  the  success 
of  the  English  in  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  that,  fearing  a  <leteat,  Jiouville 
had  ordered  the  captives  to  be  ]iut  to  death;  but,  fortunately,  tho  bearer  of 
the  fatal  message  was  killed  by  the  way. 

Three  hundred  miles  of  a  trackless  wilderness  was  now  to  be  traversed, 
and  that  too  at  a  season  of  all  others  the  most  to  be  dreaded ;  boughs  of 
trees  (brmed  the  beds  of  enceinte  women  and  little  ciiildren  for  40  days, 
which  was  the  time  taken  for  the  journey.  The  first  day's  journey  was  but 
about  four  miles,  and  although  one  cliihl  was  killed,  in  general  tlie  rliildren 
were  treated  well ;  probably,  the  historians  siiy,  that  by  delivering  them  at 
Canada,  the  Indians  would  receive  a  valualile  ransom  for  them.    Mr.  jyillimnii 

i)roceeds:  "Ciod  made  the  heatlien  so  to  jtity  our  children,  that  though  they 
lad  several  woundtKl  jKirsons  of  titeu*  own  tr)  carry  n|»on  tlieir  shoulders, 
for  30  miles  befere  they  canxe  to  tlie  river,  [the  Connecticut  30  miles  abovi; 
Deerfield,]  yet  they  carried  our  children,  uncapablo  of  tnivi  ling,  in  their 
arms,  and  upon  their  shouUliers." 

At  the  lirst  encampment  some  of  the  Inilians  got  dnnik  witli  liciuor  they 
found  at  Deerfield,  and  in  Iheir  riige  killed  Mr.  //VZ/wnnVs  negro  man,  and 
caus4:(l  th(!  I'seape  of  a  Mr.  .'Uexmukr.  In  the  morning  Mr.  ft'illiams  wiis 
onh-red  befin-e  the  conun«nder-in-cliief,  (he  considiringhim  the  princi|ml  of 
the  captives,)  and  ordered  to  inliirm  the  other  caiitivcs,  that  if  any  more  at- 
templed  to  esraiie,  the  rest  should  be  put  to  death.  In  the  second  day's  iiiMnli 
occurred  the  death  of  IMr«.  U'illiams,  the  afleetingaccouiu  of  which  we  will  give 
iii>arly  in  tli(>  language  of  lier  husband.  At  llie  up|i(>r  ]iart  of  l)(M-rliehl 
niendow  it  l»«c»me  necessary  to  cross  (Jrcen  Uivcr.  The  Indian  liiat  ca|i- 
tured  Mr.  ft'illiams  was  unwilling  that  he  slionlil  speak  to  tlie  other  captives; 
))Ut  on  the  morning  of  the  second  day,  that  Indian  ca|><aiii  being  a|i|)(iinted 
to  command  in  the  rear,  he  liad  another  master  put  over  him,  who  not  only 
allowed  him  lo  speak  to  others,  lull  to  walk  with  his  wife,  and  assist  lieralont'. 
This  was  tlieir  last  meeting,  and  she  very  calmly  told  him  that  her  stiengtli 
was  titiiing  iitst,  and  that  he  would  soon  lose  her.     She  spoke  no  discoura- 


•  f<p<<  ('ill.  Itwii's  .Aiii.  Il.'scar.  wliich,  «o  nrc  gl;ii!  Id  iiliscrvc,  it  tlio  liosl  volumu  of  New 
EiJgliUl'l  lii'liiiii  w.irv  lliUl  l..:s  U'l  njilKniei). 


Chap.  XL] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 


143 


ging  words,  or  complained  of  the  liardness  of  her  fortune.  The  company 
soon  came  to  a  lialt,  and  Mr.  Jfilliams^a  oftl  master  resumed  his  former 
station,  and  ordered  liim  into  tlie  van,  and  his  wile  was  obliged  to  travel 
unaided.  They  had  now  arrived  at  Green  River,  as  we  have  related.  Tliis 
they  passed  by  wading,  although  the  cvuTent  was  very  rapid,  (which  was  the 
cause,  no  doubt,  of  its  not  being  frozen  over,)  and  about  two  feet  In  depth. 
Alter  passing  this  river,  tliey  had  ta  ascend  u  steep  mountain.  "  No  sooner," 
says  Mr.  fVillianw,  "had  I  overcome  the  difficulty  of  that  ascent,  but  I  waa 
permitted  to  sit  down,  and  be  unburthened  of  my  pack.  I  sat  pitying  those 
who  were  behind,  and  intreated  my  master  to  let  me  go  down  and  help  my 
will; ;  hut  he  refused.  I  asked  each  of  the  prisoners,  as  they  passed  by  me, 
alter  her,  and  heard,  that  passing  through  the  above  said  river,  she  fell  down 
and  was  plunged  all  over  in  the  water ;  alter  which  she  travelled  not  far, 
for  at  the  foot  of  that  mountain,  the  cruel  and  bloodthirsty  savage  who  took 
her  slew  her  with  his  hatchut  at  one  stroke."  The  historians  have  left  us  no 
record  of  tlie  character  of  this  lady,  but  from  the  account  left  us  by  her 
hiishard,  slio  was  a  most  amiable  companion.  She  was  the  only  daughter  of 
l{(!vercnd.  Eleazer  Mather,  minister  of  Northampton,  by  his  wife  Esther, 
daugliter  of  Reverend  John  Wttrham,  who  came  from  England  in  1()30. 

The  second  night  was  spent  at  an  encampment  in  the  northerly  part  of 
what  is  now  Bcrnardstown,  and  in  the  course  of  the  preceding  day  a  youna 
wonian  and  cliild  were  killed  and  scalped.  At  this  camp  a  council  was  held 
upon  the  propriety  of  putting  Mr.  fVUliama  to  death,  but  his  master  i)revailed 
on  thft  rest  to  save  his  life  ;  lor  the  reason,  no  doubt,  that  he  should  receive 
a  liigh  jirice  for  his  ransom.  The  fourth  day  brought  them  to  Connecticut 
River,  about  80  miles  above  Deerfield.  Here  the  wounded,  children  and  bag- 
''u;,'(!  were  put  into  a  kind  of  sleigh,  and  passed  with  facility  upon  the  river. 
Every  tliiy  ended  the  sutl'ring  and  captivity  of  one  or  more  of  the  prisoners. 
The  cii3(!  ol"  a  yoMn<r  womnn  named  Man/  Brooks,  was  one  to  excite  excess- 
ive jtity,  anil  it  is  biTieved,  that  had  the  Iiidians  been  the  sole  directors  of  the 
<'.'i|>tiv(  »,  hueli  cases  could  hardly  have  occurred.  This  young  woman,  being 
citceinte,  and  wnlkin";  upon  tiic  ice  in  the  river,  often  fell  down  upon  it, 
l)roI)Hlily  witii  a  burthen  upon  her;  which  caused  premature  labor  the  fol- 
lowing ni'dit.  Being  now  unlittcid  for  the  journey,  her  master  deliberately 
told  her  bTic  must  be  put  to  death.  \Vith  great  composure  she  got  liberty  of 
him  to  go  and  take  h-ave  of  her  minister.  She  told  him  she  was  not  afraid  of 
«I(>atli,  and  ader  some  consoling  conversation,  she  returned  and  was  executed ! 
This  was  March  78. 

At  th(!  mouth  of  a  river  since  known  as  Wi7/jflnis'«  River,  upon  a  Sunday,  the 
captives  were  permitted  to  artsend)le  around  their  minister,  and  he  |ireaclieda 
sermon  to  tiiem  from  Lam.  i.  lf<.  At  the  mouth  of  White  River  Rouvtlle  divided 
his  force  itilo  several  parties,  and  they  took  diffirent  routes  to  the  St.  LawrtMico. 

In  a  lew  instanccH  the  captives  were  purchased  of  the  Indians,  by  the 
rreneli,  and  the  others  were  at  the  difT'eront  lodges  of  the  Indians. 

Dining  his ca))tivity,  IMr.  ff'illiams  visited  various  places  on  the  St.  Law- 
rence. At  Montreal  he  was  humtuiely  treated  by  Governor  VaudreuU.  In 
his  iiitervi(!ws  with  the  French  Jesuits  he  uniforndy  found  them  using  every 
endeavor  to  convert  him  and  otherfl  to  their  religion.  However,  most  nf  the 
captives  remained  steady  in  the  Protestant  faith.  And  in  ITlXl,  fifty-seveu 
of  tln'tn  were  by  n  llag-ship  conveyed  to  Boston.  A  considerable  number 
remained  in  Canada,  and  ne>er  returned,  among  whom  was  Eunice  HUliams, 
daughter  of  the  minister.  She  became  n  firm  catholic,  married  an  Indian, 
by  whom  siie  had  several  children,  and  spent  her  days  in  a  wigwam.  She 
visited  Deertield  with  her  Indian  husband,  dressed  in  Indian  style,  and  was 
kindly  received  by  her  friends.  All  attempts  to  regain  her  were  ineffectual. 
Reverend  Elrnzrr  It'iUinmn,  late  a  missionary  to  the  Greenbay  Indians,  is  a 
descendant,     lie  was  edneated  by  the  friends  of  missions  in  New  England. 

In  tln!  History  of  Canada  iiy  f.'Artr/croix,  th(!  incursions  undertaken  bv  tlie 
French  and  Indians  are  generally  minutely  recorded;  but  this  against  l)eer- 
field  he  has  unaeeountably  sununed  up  in  u  dozen  lines  of  his  work.  The 
following  is  the  whole  passage: 

lu  the  end  of  autunm,  1703,  th;*  English,  despairing  of  securing  the  la- 


1^ 


I 


144 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 


[Book  III. 


dians,  made  several  excursions  into  their  country,  and  massacred  all  such  as 
they  could  surprise.  Upon  this,  the  chiefs  demanded  aid  of  M.  de  VaudreuU, 
and  he  sent  them  during  the  winter  250  men  under  the  command  of  the 
Sieur  HerUl  de  iZouvtUe,  a  reformed  lieutenant,  who  took  the  place  of  hia 
already  renowned  father,  whose  age  and  infirmities  prevented  his  under- 
taking such  great  expeditions.  Four  others  of  his  children  accompanied 
Rouvdle,  who  in  their  tour  surprised  the  English,  killed  many  of  them,  and 
made  140  of  them  prisoners.  The  French  lost  but  three  soldiers,  and  some 
savages,  but  RouviUe  was  himself  wounded.  * 

*  HUtoire  Generale  d«  l»Nouv.  France,  ii.  290. 


■vl 


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fND   OF   BOOK   THIRD. 


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1 ;.''   ?:  t"j  rr     •  *' 


3 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OP   THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  IV. 


^ 


jM 


'.     -.i:-   At 


-   I  r     >■ 


3 


U-^i! 


■v^tl  >/.l 


BOOK    IV. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY   OF   THE  SOUTHERN 

INDIANS.  ''* 


f  I 


.*■'.' 


>  I  will  g9  to  my  tent,  and  lie  down  in  deipair ; 
I  will  paint  me  with  black,  and  will  sever  mv  hair ; 
I  will  sit  on  the  shore  whore  the  hurricane  blows, 
And  reve«l  to  the  God  of  the  tempest  my  woes ; 
I  will  weep  for  a  season,  on  bitterness  fed. 
For  my  kindred  are  gone  to  the  mounds  of  the  dead ; 
But  they  died  not  by  hunger,  or  wasting  decay : 
The  steel  of  the  white  man  hath  swept  them  away." 


AnoztTMOCi 


'•(  .-h 


^(J  i:  -Ui- 


CHAPTER  L 


Prdiminary  observations  respecting  the  country  of  the  southern  iTidians — Wiroiha, 
the  first  Virginia  chief  known  to  the  English — Destroys  the  first  colony  settled 

:  there — Mewatonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second  colony  abandons  the  country — 
Tobacco  first  carried  to  England  by  them — Curious  account  of  prejudices  against  it 
< — Qranganeheo — His  kindnesses — His  familyr—His  death — P.owhatan — fioun- 
daries  of  his  country — Surprises  the  Payankatanks — Captain  Smith  fights  his  people 
— Opekaukanough  takes  Smitlt  prisoner — The  particulars  of  that  affair — He  marches 
him  about  the  country — Takes  him,  at  length,  to  Powhatan,  who  condemns  him  to  be 
put  to  death — Smith's  life  saved  at  the  intercession  of  Pocahontas — Insolence  of 
Powhatan  increased  by  JfewporV s  folhj— Smith  brings  him  to  terms — A  crown  sent 

■  over  to  him  from  England — Is  croiened  emperor — Speech — Uses  every  stratagem  to 
kill  Smith — Is  baffled  in  every  attempt — Smith  visits  him — Speuhes — PocMontas 
again  saves  Smith  and    his  comrades  from  being  murdered   by  her  father — 

ToMACOMO.  ^ 

The  difficulty  of  rightly  partitioning  between  the  southern  nntions  and  tlie 
Irot^iiois,  or  Five  Nations,  can  easily  be  seen  by  all  such  as  have  but  very 
nartiaily  taken  a  survey  of  them,  and  considered  their  wandering  habits. 
Therefore,  should  we,  in  this  book,  not  always  assign  a  sachem  to  his  original 
I'uniily  or  nation,  we  can  only  plead  i)i  excuse,  that  wo  have  gone  accordinff 
10  our  best  information.  But  we  have  endeavored  to  draw  a  kind  of  natund 
boundary  between  the  above-mentioned  nations,  distinguishing  those  people 
beyond  the  Chesapeake  and  some  of  its  tributaries,  as  thQ  southern  Indiana, 
and  those  between  that  lioundary  and  the  Hudson,  by  the  name  Iroquois. 
To  their  respeclive  territories  inland,  we  shall  not,  nor  is  it  necessary  to,  fix 
bounds,  ill  our  present  business.  We  are  aware  that  some  writers  suppose 
that  nil  the  Indians,  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  vicinity  of  tlie  Hudson,  and 
i;vcn  to  the  Connecticut,  were  originally  of  the  same  stock.  If  this  were  the 
c.'use,  the  [)oriod  is  so  remote  when  thoy  spread  themselves  over  the  country, 
that  these  great  natural  divisions  had  long  since  caused  (juite  a  difference .  la 
tliii  ii, habitants  which  they  seporuted;  and  hence  the  propriety  of  ijotici^ig 
tivcm  af  cording  to  our  plon.  ,  .     


4 


WINGINA— SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 


[Book  IV. 


I 


It  is  said  that  the  territory  from  the  sea-coast  to  the  River  Alleghany,  and 
from  the  most  southern  waters  of  James  River  up  to  Patuxent,  in  the  state 
of  Maryland,  was  inhabited  by  three  different  nations,  and  that  the  language 
of  each  differed  essentially  from  the  others.  The  English  called  these 
nations  by  the  names  Powhatans,  Manahoacs,  and  Moruicans ;  these  were  the 
Tuscaroras.  The  Powhatans  were  the  most  powerful,  and  consisted  of 
several  tribes,  or  communitfes,  who  possessed  the  country  from  the  aea-coast 
to  the  falls  of  the  rivers.* 

To  give  a  tolerable  catalogue  of  the  names  of  the  various  nations  of 
Virginia,  the  Carolinas,  and  thence  to  the  Mississippi,  would  far  exceed  onr 
plan.  We  shall,  therefore,  pass  to  notice  the  chiefs  of  such  of  those  nations 
as  are  distinguished  in  history,  pointing  out,  by  the  way,  their  localities,  and 
whatever  shall  appear  necessary  in  way  of  elucidation,  as  we  pass,  and  as  we 
have  done  in  the  preceding  books. 

WiNGiNA  was  first  known  to  the  English  voyagers  Amidas  and  Barlow, 
who  landed  in  Virginia  in  the  summer  of  1584,  upon  ap  island  called,  by  the 
Indians,  Wokokcm.  They  saxv  none  of  the  natives  until  the  third  d.iy,  when 
three  were  observed  in  a  canoe.  One  of  tliem  got  on  shore,  and  the  English 
went  to  him.  He  showed  no  signs  of  fern-,  "but  sjwke  much  to  them,"  then 
went  boldly  on  hoaxA  the  vessels.  After  they  had  given  hixn  a  shirt,  hat, 
wine,  and  some  meat,  "he  went  iiiway,  and  in  half  an  hour  he  had  loaded  his 
canoe  with  fish,^'  which  he  immediately  brought,  and  gave  to  the  Englisli. 

Wingina,  at  this  tiine,  was  confined  to  his  cabin  from  wounds  he  had  lately 
received  in  battle,  probably  in  his  war  with  Piamacum,  a  desperate  and  bloody 
■chief. 

Upon  the  death  of  Granganemeo,  in  1585,  Wingina  changed  his  name  to 
Pemissapan.  He  never  had  much  faith  in  the  good  hitentions  of  the  Epgli^, 
and  to  liim  was  mainly  attributed  the  breaking  up  of  the  first  colony  which 
settled  in  Virginia.  ' 

It  was  upon  the  return  to  England  of  the  Captains  Amidas  and  Barlow, 
from  tlie  country  of  Wingina^  that  Queen  Elizabdli,  from  the  wonderftfl 
accounts  of  that  fi-uitful  and  delightful  place,  nained  it,  out  of  respect  to 
herself  Virginia ;  she  being  called  the  virgin  queen,  fix)m  her  living  unmar- 
ried. But,  with  more  honor  to  her,  some  have  said,  "  Because  it  still  seemed 
to  rett;ui  the  virgin  purity  and  plenty  of  the  first  creation,  and  the  people 
their  primitive  innocency  of  life  and  manners."  f  Waller  referred  to  this 
country  when  he  wrote  this : — 

"  So  sweet  the  air,  so  iqoderate  the  clime,  ,,  ••   >  i 

^         .,  .  None  sickly  lives,  or  dies  before  his  time. 

Hcav'n  sarc  has  kept  tliis  spot  of  earth  uncurst. 
To  show  how  all  thiu^v  were  created  first." 

Sir  Richard  Gremvil,  stimulated  by  tlie  love  of  gain,  next  intruded  himself 
upon  the  shores  of  Wingina.  It  was  he  who  committed  the  first  outrage 
upon  tho  natives,  whicii  occasioned  the  breaking  up  of  the  colony  which  he 
left  behind  him.  He  made  but  one  short  excursion  into  the  countrj',  duniig 
whicii,  by  foolishly  exposing  his  commodities,  some  native  took  from  him  a 
silver  cup,  to  revenge  the  loss  of  which,  a  town  was  burned.  He  left  108 
men,  who  seated  themselves  upon  tho  island  of  Roanoke.  Ralph  Lane,  a 
military  character  of  note,  was  governor,  and  Captain  Philip  Amidas,  lieutenant- 
governor  of  this  polony.  They  made  various  excursions  about  the  country, 
in  hopes  of  discovering  mines  of  precious  metals;  in  which  they  were  a  long 
time  duped  by  the  Indians,  for  their  ill  conduct  towards  them,  in  compelling 
them  to  pilot  them  about.  Wingina  bore,  as  well  as  he  could,  the  provoca- 
tions of  the  intruders,  until  the  death  of  tho  old  chief  Ensenorc,  his  father. 
Under  pretence  of  honoring  his  fiuieral,  he  assembled  IgOO  of  his  people, 
wth  the  intention,  ns  the  English  sav,  of  destroying  them.  They,  therefore, 
upon  the  information  of  Skiko,  s(m  ot'tlie  chief  Menatonon,  |  fell  upon  them, 
and,  after  kiUing  five  or  six,  tho  rest  made  their  escape  into  the  woods.    This 

*  From  a  rniiinuinicnlioii  of  Secretary  Tliompsnn  to  Mr.  Jiffcvsmi,  and  appended  to  tho 
NotM  on  Virginia,  cd.  of  IROl. 
t  Slith,  11.  \  Smith  colls  him  the  "  lema  kinf;  of  Moraioc." 


Chap.  I.] 


WINGINA—DEATH  OF  ENSENORE. 


ft 


then 


;o  tho 

,  » 


was  done  upon  the  island  where  Wingina  lived,  and  the  English  tii-st  seized 
upon  the  boats  of  his  visitants,  to  prevent  their  escape  from  the  island,  with 
the  intention,  no  doubt,  of  murdering  them  all.  Not  long  after,  "  fVingina 
was  enu-apped  by  the  English,  and  slain,  with  eight  of  his  chief  men." 
.  Menatonon  was  king  of  the  Chawonocks,  and  Okisko  of  the  Weopo- 
meokes,  "a  powerful  nation,  possessing  all  that  country  from  Albemarle 
8ound  and  Chowan  River,  quite  to  the  Chesapeakes  and  our  bay,"  *  At  this 
time,  Menatonon  was  lainc,  and  is  mentioned  as,the  most  sensible  and/under- 
standing  Indian  with  whom  the  English  were  at  first  acquaiAted.  It  was  lio 
that  made  Lane  and  his  followers  believe  in  the  existence  of  the  mine  ulroiuly 
mentioned.  "  So  eager  were  they,"  says  Mr.  SlUh,  "and  resolutely  bent  ii])oii 
this  golden  discovery,  that  they  could  not  be  jiersuaded  to  return,  as  long  as 
they  had  one  pint  of  com  a  man  left,  and  two  m^tiff  dogs,  wliicl^  biji)^ 
boiled  with  sassafras  leavesi,  might  afford  them  some, sustenance  in  t\mv  way 
back."    After  great  sufferings,  they  ar;  ived  upon  the  coast  ftgaiu. 

The  reason  why  Menatonon  deceived  the  English,  was  b«cttUf«o  liiey  luiidii 
him  a  prisoner  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  them  in'  mjiking  di.scov<!i-.ies. 
After  ho  was  sot  at  liberty,  he  was  very  kind  to  tliein.  Two  yeaiv  jdtij-, 
when  Governor  ff'fdte  was  in  the  country,  ihey  mention  his  wife  jumI  cJiilxl  is 
belonging  to  Croatan,  but  nothing  of  hiui. 

ffhile  and  his  company  landed  at  Roanoke,  22  July,  1587,  aud  eeiit  20  iiitii 
to  Croatan,  on  Point  Lookout,  with  a  friendly  native  called  Mantko,  to  see 
if  any  intelligence  could  be  had  of  a  former  colony  of  .50  men  left  there  by 
Sir  Richard  Greenvil,  They  learned,  liom  some  natives  whom  they  rjjtt,  that 
the  [>eople  of  DjLssamonjteak,  on  what  is  now  Alligator  River,  lia/1  attacked 
theii),  killed  one,  and  driven  the  others  away,  but  whither  tliey  had  gone 
none  could  tell.  One  of  their  present  company,  a  principal  man  of  their 
government,  had  also  been  killed  by  the  same  Indians.  This  tribe  and 
several  others  had  agreed  to  come  to  Roanoke,  and  submit  themselves  to  the 
English ;  but  not  coming  according  to  appointment,  gave  the  English  an 
opportunity  to  take  revenge  for  former  injuries.  Therefore,  Captain  Stafford 
and  24  men,  with  Manteo  as  a  guide,  set  out  upon  that  business.  Ou  coming 
to  their  village,  "  where  seeing  them  sit  by  the  fire,  we  assaulted  them.  The 
miserable  soules  amazed,  fled  into  the  reeds,  where  one  was  shcit  through, 
and  we  thought  to  have  been  fully  revenged,  hut  we  were  deceived,  ibr  they 
were  our  friends  come  from  Croatan  to  gather  their  corn ! "  "  Being  thus 
disappointed  of  our  pur{>ose,  we  gatliered  the  fruit  we  found  ripe,  left  the 
rest  unspoiled,  and  took  Menatonon^  his  wife  with  her  .child,  and  tiie  rest  ^vith 
us  to  Roonoak."  f    But  to  return  to  Wingina, 

While  the  English  were  upon  the  errand  we  have  been  speakuig  of,  Jf'in- 
pna  pretended  to  be  their  friend,  but  deceived  liiein  on  every  opportunity, 
by  giving  notice  to  his  countrymen  of  their  couKse  and  purpose,  and  urging 
them  to  cut  them  off*.  He  thought,  at  one  time,  that  the  English  were 
destroyed,  and  thereupon  scoffed  and  mocked  at  such  a  God  as  theirs,  who 
would  suffer  it.  This  caused  his  son  Ensenore  to  join  thek  enemies,  but  ou 
their  return  he  was  their  friend  again.  He,  and  many  of  his  people,  now 
belicvejl,  say  the  voyagers,  that  "we  could  do  them  more  hurt  being  dead, 
tliHii  liiung,  atui  that,  being  an  hundred  myles  from  tliem,  nhot,  aiid  struck 
tliem  sick  to  death,  and  that  when  wo  die  it  is  but  for  a  time,  then  we  return 
again."  Many  of  the  chiefs  now  came  and  submitted  themselves  to  the  Eng-. 
lish,  and,  among  others,  Enasnore  persuaded  his  father  to  become  their  friend, 
who,  when  they  were  m  great -etraits  for  provisions,  came  and  planted  their 
fields,  and  made  wears  iji  the  streams  to  catch  fisli,  which  were  of  infinite 
benefit  to  them.  This  was  in  the  epriugof  i58(i,  and,  says  Lane,  "  we  not 
having  one  corn  till  the  next  Itonvest  to  sustain  U9."  What  added  greatly  to 
their  distresses,  was  the  death  of  their  excelletU  friend  Enaenore,  who  died 
20tli  of  April  thllowing.  The  Indians  began  anew  their  conspiracii^e,  and  tho 
cuiouy  availed  themselves  of  tlie  first  opportunity  of  returnmg  to  England, 

*  Stith'M  Virf^iBj  14.    By  "our  bay  "  is, meant  Javut  Biver  Hay. 
t  Smith's  Hist.  Viwinia. 

1*  - 


1/ 


» 


GRANGANEMEO.— HIS  KINDNESS  TO  THE  ENGLISH.    [Book  IV. 


which  was  in  the  flcnt  of  Sir  Fmncu  Drake^  which  touched  there  in  its  way 
from  tin  eKfteciition  ngalnfit  the  Spnniiinls  in  the  West  Indies.* 

The  coiidntn  nt'  Lane  nnd  his  coin]Miny  in  this  truitleHS  attempt  to  establish 
tlieuiselvos  in  Virfrinia,  was,  in  the  highest  degree,  reprehensible.  They  put 
to  death  some  of  the  natives  on  the  most  frivolous  charges,  and  no  wonder 
tiiey  wei-e  driven  out  of  tlio  country,  as  tliejyf  ought  to  have  been,  f  While 
they  wore  there,  they  became  acquainted  with  the  use  of  tobacco,  and,  taking 
it  to  England,  its  introduction  into  general  use  soon  rendered  it  a  great  article 
of  commente.  And  here  it  will  not  Iw  improper  to  notice  how  many  different 
persons  have  had  the  credit,  or,  [jcrhaps,  I  should  say  discredit,  of  intro<lucing 
this  "Indian  weed"  into  England  ;  as,  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Sir  Waller  Ralegh, 
Ralph  Lane,  and  some  others.  Now,  as  some  writer  observes,  the  reader  may 
father  it  upon  whom  ho  pleases,  as  it  is  evident  Sir  Francis  Drake  took  Ralph 
Lane  and  tobacco  both  together  into  England ;  and  no  one  will  dispute  the 
agency  of  the  gallant  knight,  Sir  fVaUer  Ralegh,  lor  he  sent  out  Lane  in  iiis 
employ.  Mr.  John  Josselyn,  in  his  "Two  Voyages  to  N.  England,"  has  this 
passage :  "  Otlu^-s  will  have  tobacco  to  be  tirst  brought  into  England  from 
Peru,  by  Sir  Fimwis  Drake's  mariners." 

There  were  many  who  aftected  a  violent  disgust  towards  the  use  of  tobac- 
co ;  the  mo.-'t  consiiicuous  wim  King  James,  whoso  mind  seems  to  have  lieen 
just  weak  enough  to  fight  windmills.  He  even  wrote  a  book  denouncing  its 
use  in  the  soven-Mt  terms  he  could  command.  It  grew  spontaneously  in  Win- 
gandacon,  (Virginia,)  and  the  natives  called  it  Uppowoc.  It  is  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  called  tobacco  from  the  island  Ihbago,  but  this  derivation  is  much 
questioned.  \ 

Granoanemf.o  was  a  chief  very  favorably  spoken  of.  As  soon  as  the  arrival 
of  the  English  wtus  nia(l«>  known  to  him,  he  visited  them  with  about  40  of  his 
men,  who  were  very  civil,  and  of  a  remarkably  robust  and  line  appearance. 
When  they  had  left  their  Itoat,  and  camo  upon  the  shore  near  the  ship, 
Granganeineo  spread  a  mat  and  sat  down  upon  it.  The  English  went  to  bun 
ai'med,  but  he  tliscovered  no  iear,  and  invited  them  to  sit  down  ;  after  which 
he  pertbrmed  some  tokens  of  friendship;  then  making  a  speech  to  them,  they 
presented  him  with  s<ime  toys.  None  but  (bur  of  his  people  spoke  a  word, 
or  sat  down,  but  maintained  the  most  perfect  silence.  On  being  shown  a 
pewter  dish,  he  was  much  pleased  with  it,  and  purchased  it  with  20  deer- 
skins, which  were  worth,  in  England,  one  hundred  shillings  sterling! !  The 
dish  he  used  as  an  ornament,  making  a  hole  through  it,  and  wearing  it  about 
his  neck.  While  here,  the  English  entertained  liim,  with  his  wife  and 
children,  on  hoard  their  ship.  His  wife  had  in  her  ears  bracelets  of  pearl, 
which  reached  to  her  middle.  Shortly  after,  many  of  the  people  came  out  of 
the  country  to  trade,  "  but  when  Granganetmo  was  prescnit,  none  durst  trade 
but  himself,  and  them  that  wore  red  copper  on  their  heads  as  he  did."  He 
was  remarkably  exact  in  kecj)ing  his  promise,  "  for  ofl  we  trusted  Irim,  and 
he  wwdd  come  within  his  day  to  keep  his  word."  And  these  voyagers  fiuther 
report,  that  "commoidy  he  sent  them  every  day  a  brace  of  bucks,  ooniee, 
hares,  and  fish,  and  sometimes  melons,  walnuts,  cucumbers,  pease,  and  divers 
roots." 

In  their  wanderings,  Captain  Amidas  and  seven  others  visited  the  island  of 
Roanoake,  where  they  found  the  family  of  Granganemeo  living  in  great  com- 
fort and  plenty,  in  a  little  town  of  nine  houses.  The  chief  was  not  at  home, 
"  but  his  wife  entertained  them  with  wonderful  courtesy  and  kindness.  She 
made  some  of  her  people  draw  their  boat  up,  to  prevent  its  being  injured  by 
tiie  beating  of  the  surge ;  some  she  ordered  to  bring  them  ashore  on  their 
backs,  and  others  to  carry  their  oars  to  the  hoflsejfor  fear  of  being  stole. 
When  they  came  into  the  house,  she  took  off  their  cloathes  and  stockings, 
and  washed  them,  as  likewise  their  feet  in  warm  water.  When  their  dinner 
was  ready,  they  were  conducted  into  an  inner  room,  (for  there  were  five  in 

•  Relation  of  Lant,  printed  in  Smith's  VirG^nie. 

t  Herriot's  Observations,  (one  ai  Lant's  company,)  printed  in  Smith. 

X  Stith's  Hisl.  Virginia,  19.— See  Book  ii.  Chap.  ii. 


/ 


Chap.  I.] 


DEATH  OF  MANTEO.— POWHATAN. 


the  house,  divided  by  mats,)  where  they  foimd  hominy,*  boiled  venison,  and 
roaHted  tish;  and,  uti  a  deeeit,  melons,  boiled  roots,  and  ti-uits  of  various  sorts. 
While  they  were  at  meat,  two  or  three  of  her  men  came  in  with  tlieir  [jows 
and  arrows,  which  made  the  English  take  to  their  arms.  But  she,  perceiving 
their  distrust,  ordered  their  bows  and  arrows  to  lie  broken,  end  themselves  to 
be  beaten  out  of  the  gate.  In  the  evening,  the  English  returned  to  their  boat ; 
and,  putting  a  little  off  from  shore,  lay  at  anchor ;  at  which  slio  was  much 
concerned,  and  brought  their  supper,  half  boiled,  pots  and  all  to  the  shore ; 
and,  seeing  their  jealousy,  she  ordered  several  men,  and  30  women,  to  sit  all 
night  upon  the  shore,  as  a  guard ;  and  sent  five  mats  to  cover  them  from  the 
weather."  f  Well  hath  the  poet  demanded,  "  Call  ye  them  savage  ?  "  If  the 
wife  of  Granganemeo  was  savage,  in  the  common  acceptation  of  the  term, 
where  shall  wo  look  for  civilization  ? 

Sir  jR.  GreenvU,  having  arrived  on  the  coast  in  1585,  anchored  off  the  island 
Wokokon,  2U  May,  and,  by  meiuis  of  Manleo,  had  some  intercourse  with  the 
inhabitants.  At  llutteras,  where  they  staid  a  short  time,  soon  after,  Gran- 
ganemeOf  with  Manko,  went  on  board  their  ships.  This  was  the  last  visit  he 
jnade  to  the  English,  for  he  died  very  soon  alter. 

This  must  close  our  account  of  the  excellent  fimiily  of  Granganemeo,  and 
would  diat  the  account  of  the  English  would  balance  as  well, — but  they  exhibit 
tlieir  own, — and  one;  item  more  from  it,  and  we  close  the  comparison.  For  a 
small  kettle  tliey  took  50  skins,  worth  in  England  £12  10s.  sterling.  | 
We  have  now  arrived  at  the  most  interesting  article  in  Virginia  history. 
Powhatan  was,  of  all  the  chiefs  of  his  age,  the  most  famous  in  the  regions 
of  Virginia.  The  English  supposed,  at  firat,  that  his  was  the  name  of  the 
country ;  a  common  error,  as  we  have  seen  in  several  cases  in  the  previous 
books  of  our  biography,  but,  in  this  case,  unlike  the  others,  the  error  pre- 
vailed, and  a  pait  of  his  people,  ever  after  the  settlement  of  the  English,  were 
called  the  Pmehatana.  A  great  river,  since  called  the  James,  and  a  bay  re- 
ceived his  name  also.  §  He  had  three  brothei-s,  OpUchepan,  Opekankanovgh^ 
and  Catatanugh,  and  two  sisters.  Ilis  principal  residence  was  at  a  place 
called  fVerowocomoco,  when  the  English  came  into  the  countiy ;  which  was 
upon  the  north  side  of  what  is  now  York  River,  in  the  county  of  Gloucester, 
nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  Queen's  Creek,  and  about  25  miles  below  the 
fork  of  tlie  river.  ||  He  lived  hero  until  the  English  began  to  intrude  them- 
selves into  his  vicmity,  when  he  took  up  his  residence  at  Orakakes. 

Powlialan  was  not  his  Indian  name,  or  rather  original  name;  that  was 
Wahunsonacock.  He  is  descrilied  as  tall  and  well-jtroportioned — bearing  an 
aspect  of  sadness — exceedingly  vigorous,  and  jioseessing  n  body  capable  of 
sustaining  great  hardships.  He  was,  in  1007,  about  (iO  years  of  age,  and  his 
hair  was  considerably  gray,  which  gave  him  a  majestic  appearance.  At  his 
residence,  he  had  a  kind  of  wooden  form  to  sit  upon,  anil  his  ornamental 
robe  was  of  raccoon  skins,  and  his  head-dress  was  composed  of  many  feath- 
ers wrought  into  a  kind  of  crown.  He  swayed  many  nations  upon  the  great 
rivers  and  bays^  the  chief  of  whom  he  had  concpiered.  He  originally  claimed 
only  the  places  called  Powhatan,  (since  named  Haddihaddocks,)  Arrohattock, 
(now  Appomattox,)  Youghtanund,  Pamunky,  Mattapony,  We.owocomoco, 
and  Kiskiak ;  at  which  time,  his  chief  seat  was  at  Powhatan,  near  the  falls  of 
James  River.  But  when  he  had  extended  his  conquests  a  great  way  north, 
he  removed  to  Werowocomoco,  as  a  more  commodious  situation. 

At  the  termination  of  his  warlike  career,  the  country  upon  James  River, 
Irom  its  mouth  to  the  falls,  and  all  its  branches,  was  the  boundary  of  his 
country,  southerly — and  so  across  the  country,  "  nearly  as  high  as  the  falls  of 
all  the  great  rivers,  over  Potowmack,  even  to  Patuxent,  in  Maryland,"  and 


•  "  A  food  made  of  Indian  corn,  or  maize,  beaten  and  carefully  husked,  something  like 
furmety  in  England ;  and  is  an  excellent  dish  various  ways." 

t  Slith'i  Hist.  Virginia,  10, 11.  X  Smith'*  Hist.  Virginia. 

\  These,  accoi'diiig  to  Heckewelder,  Philos.  Traus.  31,  should  have  been  called  Powliatluin, 
"  which  would  signify  the  river  of  progeny,  fruitfulness,  the  fruitful  river." 

H  About  two  miles  below  where  Richmond  now  stands.  The  farm  of  a  gentleman  of  th« 
name  of  Mayo  included  the  site  of  a  part  of  his  town,  in  ISIS.— CampbtU's  Virginia. 


« 


POWHATAN.— SURPRISES  PAYANKATANK. 


[Book  IV. 


some  of  the  nations  on  tlio  north  shore  of  the  Chesapeake.  His  dominions, 
according  to  his  law  of  succession,  did  not  fall  to  his  children,  but  to  liis 
brothers,  and  then  to  his  sistej-s,  (the  oldest  first,)  thence  to  the  heirs  of  the 
oldest ;  but  never  to  the  heirs  of  the  males. 

He  usually  kept  a  guard  of  40  or  50  of  the  most  resolute  and  well-fonnod 
jneu  about  him,  especially  when  he  slept;  but,  atler  the  English  came  into  lii^ 
counti-y,  he  increased  them  to  about  200.  Ho  had  as  many,  and  such  woni<'n 
«8  he  pleased  ;  and,  when  he  slept,  one  sat  at  his  liead  and  another  at  his  feet. 
When  he  was  tired  of  any  of  his  wives,  he  bestowed  them  upon  3uch  of  his 
men  as  most  pleased  him.  Like  the  New  England  chiefs,  he  had  many  j)lac(;s 
where  lie  passed  certain  seasons  of  the  yeai' ;  at  some  of  which  he  had  very 
spacious  wigwams,  30  or  40  yai-ds  in  extent,  where  he  had  victuals  provided 
against  hi's  coming. 

In  1G08,  he  surprised  the  people  of  Payaiikatank,  who  wei:e  his  neighbors 
and  subjects.  Captain  Smith,  in  the  account,  "  umt  xmih  his  own  hand,^  says, 
"  the  occasion  was  to  vs  vnknowne,  but  the  manner  was  thus."  He  sent  sev- 
eral of  his  men  to  lodge  witli  thcin  the  night  on  which  he  meant  to  fall  upon 
them ;  the*',  secretly  surrounding  them  in  then' wigwams,  commenced  a  Jiorrid 
slaughter.  They  killed  24  men,  took  off  their  scalps,  and,  with  the  woineii 
and  children  prisonere,  returned  to  tlie  sachem's  village.  The  scaljjs  they 
exhibited  upon  a  line  between  two  trees,  as  a  trophy,  and  the  weroioance  (their 
name  of  a  chief)  and  his  wife  Powhatan  made  his  servants. 

Up  to  the  year  1607,  every  attempt  to  settle  a  colony  in  Virginia  had  failed ; 
and,  at  this  time,  would  have  failed  also,  but  for  the  unexampled  pereeverance 
of  one  man.  I  need  but  pronounce  the  name  of  Captain  John  Smith.  The 
colony  with  which  he  came  did  not  arrive  until  tiie  planting  season  was  over; 
and,  in  a  short  time,  tliey  found  themselves  in  a  suffering  condition,  from  want 
of  suitable  provisions.  Smith,  therefore,  undertook  to  gain  a  supply  by  traffick- 
ing with  the  Indians  back  i^  the  country,  who,  being  acquainted  with  his 
situation,  insulted  liim  and  his  men  wherever  they  came  ;  offering  him  but  a 
handful  of  corn,  or  a  piece  of  bread,  for  a  gun  or  a  sword.  "But  seeing  by 
trade  and  courtesie  there  was  nothing  to  be  had,  he  mad*^  bold  to  try  such 
conclusions  as  necessitie  inforced,  though  contiary  to  his  commission."  So 
he  fired  ujwn  then),  and  drove  them  into  the  woods.  He  then  marched 
to  their  village.  There  they  found  corn  hi  abundance,  which,  afler  some 
manoeuvring,  he  succeeded  in  trading  for,  and  returned  with  a  supjily  to 
Jamestown. 

Smith,  soon  after,  proceeded  to  discover  the  source  of  the  Chikahamania. 
When  he  had  passed  up  as  fai'  as  it  was  navigable  for  his  liarge,  he  left  it  in  a 
wide  place,  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  shore,  and  ordered  his  men  not  to  go 
on  shore  on  any  condition.  Taking  two  of  his  own  men  and  two  Indians,  he 
proceeded  to  complete  his  discovery.  As  soon  as  he  was  gone,  his  men  went 
on  shore  ;  one  was  killed,  and  the  rest  hardly  escupcd.  Smith  was  now  20 
miles  into  the  wilderness.  Opckankanough,  with  300  warriors,  having  learned, 
from  the  men  they  had  just  taken,  which  way  he  was  gone,  followed  after  him, 
and  came  upon  the  two  Englishmen  belonging  to  his  company,  and  killed 
them  both  while  asleep,  he  being  absent  to  shoot  some  fowls  for  provisions ; 
they  then  continued  their  pursuit  after  him.  He  was  not  far  from  his  can(»e, 
and  endeavored  to  retreat  to  it,  but,  lieing  hard  pressed,  made  a  shield  of  one 
of  his  Indians,  and,  in  this  manner,  fought  ujion  the  retreat,  until  he  had  killed 
three,  and  wounded  divere  others.  IJeing  obliged  to  give  all  his  attention  to 
his  pureuers,  he  accidentally  fell  into  a  creek,  where  the  mud  was  so  deep  that 
he  could  not  extricate  himself  Even  now,  none  dared  to  lay  hands  upon  him ; 
and  ttiose  whom  their  own  numbers  forced  nearest  to  him,  were  obsei-ved  to 
tremble  with  fear.  The  Indian  he  had  Iraund  to  his  arm  with  his  garters, 
doubtless  saved  him  from  being  killed  by  their  arrows,  from  which,  owing  to 
his  Indian  shield,  he  received  but  very  little  hurt,  except  a  wound  in  his 
thigh,  though  his  clothes  were  shot  full  of  them. 

When  he  could  stand  no  lorjcr  in  the  mire,  without  perishing  with  cold, 
he  threw  away  his  arms,  and  suffered  them  to  come  and  talte  nim.  After 
pulling  him  out  of  the  mire,  they  took  him  to  the  place  where  his  men  had 
just  tieeji  killed,  where  there  was  a  fire.    They  now  showed  him  kindnesii, 


OBAf.  I.] 


POWHATAN.— SMITH'S  CAPTIVITY. 


'« 


rubbing  his  benurhbed  limbs,  and  wanning  bim  by  the  fire.  He  asked  for 
their  chief,  and  Opekankanough  appeared,  to  whom  be  gave  a  small  comjiass. 
This  amused  them  exceedingly.  "  Much  they  marvelled  at  the  playing  of  the 
fly  and  needle,  which  they  could  see  so  plainly,  and  yet  not  touch  it,  because 
of  the  glass  that  covered  them.  But  when  he  demoqstiated,  by  that  globe-like 
iewell,  the  roundnesse  of  the  earth,  and  skies,  the  spheare  ot  the  sunne,  and 
moone,  and  starres,  and  how  the  sunne  did  chase  the  night  round  about  the 
worid,  continually — ^the  greatnesse  of  the  land  and  sea,  the  'diversity  of  the 
nations,  varietie  of  complexioas,  and  how  we  were  to  them  antipodes,  and 
many  other  such  like  matters,  they  all  stood  as  amazed  >'atfa  admiratiou ! " 
Yet,  notwithstanding  he  had  such  success  in  explaining  to  t'.em  his  knowledge 
of  geography  and  astronomy,  (how  much  of  it  they  undorstood  we  will  not 
undertake  to  say,)  within  an  hour  after,  they  tied  him  to  a  tree,  and  a  multitude 
of  diem  seemed  prepared  to  shoot  him.  But  when  their  bows  were  bent, 
Qpekankaiuntgh  held  up  his  compass,  and  they  all  laid  down  tht  r  weapons. 
Tney  now  1^  him  to  Orapakas,  or  Orakakes,  a  temporary  seat  o;  Powkatati, 
on  the  north  side  of  Chikdhominy  swamp,  in  what  is  now  Glouc^ater  ccmty 
on  York  river.*    Here  they  feasted  him,  and  treated  him  well. 

When  they  marched  him,  they  drew  themselves  up  in  a  row,  with  U  y\r 
chief  in  the  midst,  before  whom  the  guns  and  swords  they  had  taken  from  the 
English  were  borne.  SmUh  came  next,  led  by  three  great  men  hol;i  of  each 
arm,  and  on  each  side  six  more,  with  their  arrows  notched,  and  ready,  if  he 
should  attempt  to  escape.  At  the  town,  they  danced  and  sung  about  him,  and 
then  put  him  into  a  large  house,  or  wigwam.  Here  they  kept  him  so  well, 
that  he  thought  they  were  fatting  him  to  kill  and  eat.  They  took  him  to  i 
sick  man  to  cure  him ;  but  he  t(&  them  he  could  not,  unless  they  would  ht 
him  go  to  Jamestown,  and  get  something  with  which  he  could  do  it.  Tils 
they  would  not  ccms^t  to. 

Tfafe  taking  of  Jamestown  was  now  resolved  upon,  and  they  made  gre^it 
preparations  for  it  To  thia  eflicl,  they  endeavored  to  get  Smith's  assistance, 
by  making  large  promises  of  luid  and  women,;  but  he  told  them  it  could  not 
be  done,  and  described  to  them  tlie  great  difficulty  of  the  undertaking  in  such 
a  manner  that  they  were  greatly  temfied.  With  the  idea  of  procuring  some- 
thing curious,  Smith  prevailed  upon  some  of  them  to  go  to  Jamestown ;  whic.i 
journey  they  performed  in  the  most  severe  frosty  and  snowy  weather.  By 
itiis  means,  ne  gave  the  peoplq  there  to  understand  what  his  situation  was,  and 
what  was  intended  against  theni,  by  sending  a  leaf  from  his  pocket-book,  with 
a  few  words  wi-itten  upon  it.  lie  wrote,  also,  for  a  few  articl  !S  to  be  sent, 
which  were  duly  brought  by  the  messengers.  Nothing  had  caused  such 
astonishment  as  their  bringing  the  very  articles  Smith  had  rromised  them. 
That  he  could  talk  to  his  friends,  at  so  great  a  distance,  was  utterly  incompre- 
hensible to  them. 

Being  obliged  to  give  up  the  idea  of  destroying  Jamesto  ':  hey  amused 
themselves  by  taking  their  captive  from  place  to  place,  in  great  pomp  aud 
triumph,  and  showing  him  to  the  different  nations  of  the  dominions  of  Poio- 
hatan.  They  took  him  to  Youghtannund,  since  called  Pumunkey  River,  the 
country  over  which  Opekankanmgh  was  cliief,  whc-u  principal  residence 
was  where  the  town  of  Paniunkey  since  was;  th  •:  vse  to  the  Mattaponies, 
Piaukatanks,  the  Nautaughtacunds,  on  Rappaliautck,  the  Nomuiies,  on  the 
Putowmack  River ;  thence,  in  a  curcuitous  course,  through  several  other 
nations,  back  again  to  the  residence  of  OpefMnkanough.  Here  they  practised 
conjurations  upon  him  for  three  suGc^jssive  days ;  to  ascertain,  as  they  said, 
whetlif  r  ho  intended  them  good  or  evil.  This  proves  they  viewed  him  as  a 
kind  of  god.  A  bag  of  gunpowder  having  fallen  into  their  hands,  they  pre- 
served  it  with  great  care,  thinking  it  to  be  a  grain,  intending,  in  the  spring,  to 
plant  it,  as  they  did  com.  He  was  here  again  feasted,  and  none  could  eat 
until  he  bad  done. 

Being  now  satisfied,  having  gone  through  all  tlic  manceuvres  and  pranks 
with  liiin  they  could  think  of,  they  proteeded  to  Powhatan,  "  Here  more  than 
200  of  those  grim  courtiers  stood  wondering  at  him,  as  he  had  been  a  monster, 

.*  Dmcroffs  Hist.  U.  States,  i.  llfi. 


'.   :<•■ 


i 


^, 


10 


POCAHONTAS  SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  SMITH. 


[Book  IT. 


till  Powhatan  and  liis  trayne  had  put  themselves  in  their  greatest  hraveries." 
He  was  seated  before  a  fire,  upon  a  seat  like  a  bedstead,  having  on  a  robe  of 
raccoon  skins,  *<  and  all  the  tayles  hanging  by."  On  each  side  of  him  eat  a 
young  woman  ;  and  upon  each  side  of  the  house  two  rows  Of  men,  and  with 
as  many  women  behmd  them.  These  last  had  their  heads  and  shoulders 
painted  red^some  of  whose  h^ids  were  adorned  with  white  down ;  and  about 
their  necks  white  beads.  On  SmitVa  being  brought  into  the  presence  of 
Poiehalan,  ull  present  joined  in  a  great  shout  "The  queen  of  Apamatubk  was 
appointed  to  bring  him  water  to  wash  his  hands,  and  another  brought  him  a 
bunch  of  feathers,  instead  of  a  towel,  to  dry  them."  Then,  having  feasted  him 
again,  "ader  their  best  barbarous  manner  they  could,  a  long  conmhatHiii^  was 
held,  but  the  conclusion  was,  two  ^eat  stones  were  brought  before  PMDhakm 
— >tlien  as  many  as  could  lay  hands  on  him,  dragged  him  to  them  and  thereon 
laid  his  head,  and  being  ready,  witli  their  clubs,  to  beat  out  his  brains,  Poca- 
hontaa,  the  king's  dearest  daughter,  when  no  entreaty  could  prevail,  jot  hifl 
head  in  her  armes,  and  laid  her  own  upon  his,  to  save  him  from  death." 

Potohatan  was  unable  to  resist  the  extraordinary*1|olicitation8  and  sympathetic 
entreaties  of  hie  kind-hearted  little  daughter,  and*  thus  was  saved  the  life  of 
Captain  Smtlh ;  a  c'aoracter,  who,  without  this  astonishing  deliverance,  was 
Humciently  renowned  for  escapes  and  adventures. 

The  old  sachem,  having  set  the  sentence  of  death  aside,  made  up  his  mind 
to  employ  Smith  as  an  artisan ;  to  make,  for  himself,  robes,  shoes,  bows,  arrows, 
and  pots ;  and,  for  Pocahardaa,  bells,  beads,  and  copper  trinkets.  PmohatarCs 
eon,  named  J^antatptaua,  was  very  friendly  to  Smiih,  and  rendered  him  many 
important  services,  as  well  after  as  during  his  captivity. 

"  Two  days  after,  Powhatan,  having  disguised  himself  in  the  most  fearfuUest 
manner  he  could,  caused  Captain  Sm%ih  to  be  brought  forth  to  a  great  house  in 
the  woods,  and  there,  upon  a  mat  by  the  fire,  to  be  left  alone.  Not  long  after, 
fi-om  behinde  a  mat  tnat  divided  the  house,  was  made  the  most  doleftillest 
noyse  he  ever  heard ;  then  Powhatan,  more  like  a  Devill  than  a  man,  with 
some  200  more,  as  black  as  himselfe,  came  unto  him,  and  told  him,  now  they 
were  fiiends ;  and  preseudy  he  should  go  to  Jamestowne,  to  send  him  two 
great  gunncs,  and  a  gryndestone,  for  which  he  would  give  him  the  country  of 
C<4>ahowo8ick  [Cap^owsick],  and  forever  esteem  him  his  sonne,  N'oatuqwrnd. 
So  to  Jamestowne,  with  12  guides,  Powhatan  sent  him.  That  night  they 
quartered  in  the  woods,  he  still  ex))ecting,  (as  he  had  done  all  this  long  time  of 
his  imprisonment,)  every  hour  to  be  put  to  one  death  or  another."  Early  the 
next  morning,  they  came  to  the  fort  at  Jamestown.  Here  he  treated  his 
guides  with  the  greatest  attention  and  kindness,  and  ofl^ered  Rawhutd,  in  a 
jesting  manner,  and  for  the  sake  of  a  little  sport,  a  huge  mill-stone,  and  two 
demi-culvcrins,  or  nine  pound  cannons,  to  take  to  Powhatan,  his  master ;  thus 
fuyUling  his  engagement  to  send  him  a  grindstone  and  two  guns.  This 
Rawhunt  was  a  sachem  under  Powhatan,  and  one  of  his  most  faithful  captains, 
and  who,  it  sceiria,  accom|)anied  Smith  in  his  return  out  of  captivity. 

"  They  found  them  somewhat  too  hcavie,  but  when  tliey  did  see  him  dis- 
charge them,  b«nng  loaded  with  stones,  among  the  tK^iighs  of  a  great  tree 
loaded  with  isickles,  the  yce  and  branches  came  so  tumming  down,  that  the 
poore  salvages  ran  away  half  dead  witli  fenr.  But,  at  \tuit,  we  regained  some 
conference  with  them,  and  gave  them  such  toyes,  and  sent  to  Powhatan,  his 
women,  and  children,  sueh  presents,  and  gav"  them  in  generall  full  content."  * 

Poiehatan  was  now  completely  in  the  English  Interest,  and  almost  every 
other  day  rn'ut  his  daughter,  Pocahoniaa,  with  victuals,  to  Jameetown,  of  which 
they  were  greatly  in  need.  SmUh  had  told  Powhatan  that  a  great  chief,  which 
was  Captaui  J\i"e.ipport,  would  arrive  from  England  ulniut  that  time,  which 
coming  to  \wnn  hm  ho  had  itaid,  gnmtly  increased  his  miiriiration  of  the  wisdom 
of  the  KntilJMli,  and  he  was  ready  to  do  as  they  desired  in  every  thing ;  and, 
but  for  tho  vanity  niul  oHtentation  of  JSTcwpori,  nialters  would  have  gone  on 
well,  ui)d  tmde  flonrislied  greatly  to  their  advantage.  But  he  lavisli<Hi  so  many 
presents  upon  Powhatan,  that  ito  wos  in  no  way  inclined  to  trade,  and  soon 

*.  TliiK  is  ('niilHiii  Smilli'i  own  nci'onni,  uliirli  I  iliull  Tullow  minutely ;  addiof  ocCMionally  • 
Doin  iSlilli,  I.-  iiltiHirBic  llio  ){:«of;rB|)liy  o(  ilio  rouutry. 


Frt,r 


[Book  IT. 

t  braveries." 
on  a  robe  of 
>f  him  eat  a 
en,  and  with 
id  shoulders 
I ;  and  about 
presenile  of 
matu^k  was 
•ught  him  a 
feasted  bim 
uhatm^  WHS 

uid  thereon 
rains, />oca. 
vail, jfot  fais 
ath.'*^ 

sympathetic 

the  life  of 

9raDce,  was 

ip  his  mind 
iws,  arrows, 
Powhatan's 
him  many 

t  fearfuUest 
at  house  in 
;  long  after, 
dolefuUest 
man,  with 
I,  now  they 
1  him  two 
country  of 
aniuqwmd. 
light  they 
ug  time  of 
Early  the 
reated  his 
•hunt,  in  a 
B,  and  two 
ster;  thus 
Da     This 
I  captains, 

him  dis- 
?reat  tree 
I,  that  tlie 
led  some 
hatfin,  bis 
ontent."  * 
t)8t  every 
of  which 
ef,  which 
e,  which 

wisdom 
ng;  and, 
gone  on 
HO  many 
md  soon 

lionally- 


Kin,}  Ftiwlutau  c'niiiiiiii  t'.\iiiit/i  i. •  hf  /Ko-ni; his 

(/f'''''///^/ l>ik«lunil«»/v.'.'f ///>///,'•  A/.i  thiilih^iiltnefi 

i£2'       itlt'l  li.'if  lie  tiil'ifitfil .  lyiy'lluil  /;iii,n  fi-iiitf  /  /li/trrv 


Fntnntvtt  fhvii  thf  ivtifinaf  us I'liMuAnf  It/ rjir smiiv  fiit»st/i'. 


5» 


.  > 


-  iFk'*  , 


^ 


r  ..     i\ 


v.- 


«♦ 


tkur.  I.}. 


JPOVJfHAlAN.-*«EWPORT'S  FOLLY. 


11 


»     e 


began  to  show  his  haughtinesr,,  In-  il<)Hianding  five  times  the  value  of  an  article, 


began  to  show  be  haugBtinesr,,  in-  .i><)Hi 
prmfi '^ntempt  for  whiftt  Wis  ifiT jd. 

By  JVewpotft  iniprudence  and  fblly,  What  had  cost  Smith  so  much  toil  and 
yutoB  to  achieve,  vraft  bloWn  'away  by  a  slkigle  bteath  of  vanity,  <  Nevertheless, 
Ilia  great  mind,  continuftllly''exerciBeid  in  (fiffiCult  matters,  brought  the  subtle 
chief  again  to  his  o^  terms.  Himself,  With  JVkiM&rty  and  about  20  others, 
went  to  PmahatarCa  i^idence  to  trade.wkh  him.  "  Wherein  Powhatan  carried 
himself  so  prou(lly,''vet  di&creetly,  (in  hid  salvdge  manher,)  as  made  os  all  tc; 
admire  his  natural  gifts."  He  pretended  that  it 'Was  fir'beneath  ^Ct  dignity  to 
iHtJk  aft  his  tnen  did.  ThuB  tiid  craft  to  6btain  ftom  Ifdufpori  his  goods  for 
whatever  he  pleased  to  give  in  return.  SmiHh  saw  tlirough  Powhatan^s  craft, 
and  told  ^/heport  how  it  would  ttUtt  bat,  but  beltig  determitaed  to  show  him* 
self  aa  dignified  as  the  Indian  chief,  repented  of  his  fblly,  lik6  too  mady  others, 
when  it  was  too  late.  Smiik  was  the  idlerpreter  ifi  the  bdsiness,  and  JVeiopurt 
the  chief.  PowhOtdH  made  a  speech  fo  him,  when  they  wefe  about  to  enter 
upon  tnuling.  He  said, "  Captaai'jVewpoit  it  is  not  agreeable  to  my  greatness, 
in  this  peddlinff  niliAner,  to  trade  fbr  trifles;  ahd  I  esteem  you  also  a  great 
weroWahce.  Therefore,  lay  me  doWn  alt  your  Jbtninoditie^  iogetber ;  what  I 
like  I  will  take,  and  iU  recotApense  give?  you  what  I  think  fitting  their  Value.** 
Accordingly,  Aeuport''|(ave'  him  all  his  goods,  and  received  in  return  only 
about  three  busheu  of  corh ;  whereas  they  expectfed  to  have  obtained  twenty 
hogsh^ids.  This  trtinsaction  created  Isortie  hard  thoughti  betweeb  Smith  and 
JSTeiopdrt: 

If  it  adfl  to  raise  PiaJuOan  hi  our  fldmlititiorB,  it  can  detract  nothing  fh>m 
the  character  of  Sinitk,  to  say,  that  he  was  as  Wily  as  the  great  Indian  chieft 
For,  with  a  feW  blue  beadi^'wh'-*h  he  pretended  that  he  had 'shown  him  obly  by 
accident,  and  which  he  would  hardly  part  with,  as  he  preterided,  because  they 
wej'A  bf  great' price,  and  worn  only  by'^reat  kings,  he  completely  got  his  end, 
at  this  time,  answered.  Tantali^&tiodliad  The  dcsifcd  effect,  and  Powhatan  was 
so  iufdtuated  with  the  Inre,  that  he  Watr  almost  beside  himself,  and  was  ready 
to  give  all  he  had  td  possess  them.  '  "  So  diat,  ere  We  departed,"  says  my 
relation,  "  fbr  a  pound  or  two  of"  blew  beadbs,  he  brought  over  my  king  fbr  3 
or  300  bushells  of  cot^e." 

An  Engiil^  bby  was  left  with  Potohataii,  hy  Captain  JVeibport,  to  leatn  the 
language,  manners,  custunls  and  geography  of  his  country  ;  and,  in  return, 
Pou^Man  gave  him  ^^am(Mtack,  bne  of  hia  servarltS,  of  a  shrewd  and  subtle 
capacity,  whom  he  afterwards  carried  to  England.  Powhatan  became  offended 
With  Captain  Smith,  when  J^wport  left  the  country,  in  1608 ;  at  whose  deptut' 
ure  he  sent  hihi  90  turkeys,  and  demanded,  in  retunt,  20  sWords,  which  Were 
granted.  Shortly  after,  he  sent  the  same  numbrr  to  Snuth,  expecting  the  like 
ret\ini ;  but,  beinr  disSbpoibted.  ordered  his  men  to  seize  the  Engfish  wher* 
ever  thev  could  find  Inem.  This  caused  difficulty— many  of  the  English 
Ixjing,  robbed  of  their  swords,  in  the  Ticinlty  6f  their  forts.  They  continued 
tlielr  depredations  tmtll  Smith  sitrprised  S  nutnber  of  them,  tirotn  whom  he 
learned  that  Powhatan  was  endeavoring  to  get  all  the  afms  in  his  power,  to  be 
able  to  massacre  th«  Entflish.  When  he  found  thst  his  plot  was  discovered, 
ho  sent  PoeaktitiMf,  With  presents,  to  excuse  himself,  and  nretended  that  the 
mischief  Was  done  by  sOtne  of  his  ungovernable  chiefe.  He  directed  her  to 
endeavor  to  effect  the  release  of  his  men  that  Were  prisoners,  which  Sthilh 
consented  to,  Wholly,  as  he  pretended,  on  her  account;  and  thus  peace  was 
restored,  which  had  been  conttnualhr  Intemipted  for  a  considerable  time  befbre. 

On  the  10th  of  September,  1808,  Smith  Was  elected  governor  of  Virginia. 
JWwporf,  going  often  to  England,  had  a  larfe  shnro  in  directhig  the  affairs  of 
the  colony,  flrom  his  interest  with  the  proprietors.  He  arrived  about  this  time, 
and.  among  other  baubles,  brought  over  a  crown  fur  Powhatan,  with  directions 
for  ills  coronation  ;  which  had  the  ill  ctfhct  to  make  him  valae  himself  more 
than  ever.  Mhepoii  was  instructed  to  discover  the  country  of  the  MonnrarM^ 
a  nation  with  whom  Powhatan  was  at  war,  and  whom  they  would  assJHt  likn 
against,  if  hn  would  aid  in  the  business.  Captain  Smith  was  sent  to  him  to 
invho  him  to  Jamestown  to  receive  presents,  and  to  trade  for  corn.  On  srriv- 
ing  at  Werowo<'.omoco,  and  delivering  hia  mmaage  to  the  old  chief,  ho  replied, 
"  ft*  your  king  have  sent  nie  presents,  I  also  am  a  king,  and  this  is  my  land. 


12 


POWHATAN.-^RDERS  THE  DEATH  OF  SSHTH. 


[Boo»  IV. 


Eight  day*  I  will  stay  to  receive  them.  Your  Ather  rmemiing  JVeipporfJ^u  to 
come  to  me,  not  I  to  him,  nor  yet  to  your  fort — neither  will!  bite  at  such  a 
bate.  As  fbr  the  Monacans,  I  can  revenge  my  own  injuriefl;  and  as  for  M' 
qtumachvck,  vdiere  you  say  your  brother  was  slaui,  it  is  a  contrairy  vfsy  from 
those  parts  yon  suppose  it ;  but,  for  any  sah  water  b^ond  the  mountains,  the 
relations  you  have  had  from  my  people  are  fhlse."  Some  of  the  fodbuas  had 
made  the  English  believe  that  the  South  Sea,  now  called  the  Pacifie  Ocean, 
was  but  a  short  distance  back.  To  show  Smith  the  absurdity  of  the  stoj-y,  he 
<\vew  a  map  of  the  country,  upon  the  ground.  Smith  returned  as  yfiae  as  he 
\wnt 

A  house  was  built  for  Powhatan,  about  this  time,  by  some  Germans,  who  came 
over  with  JSTturpori.  These  menf  thinking  tliat  the  English  couid  not  subost 
in  the  country,  wantonly  betrayed  all  the  secrete  of  the  English  to  Powhatan^ 
which  VfSB  again  the  source  of  much  trouble.  They  even  ureed  him  to  put 
all  the  Engli^  1  to  death,  agreeing  to  live  with  him,  and  assist  nim  in  the  exe- 
cution of  the  horrible  project  Pc/iehatan  was  pleased  at  the  proposition,  and 
thought,  Inr  their  assistance,  ito  effect  what  he  had  formerly  noped  to  do  by 
engaging  Smith  in  such  an  enlerprise.  Their  first  object  was  to  kill  Captain 
Smith;  by  which  act,  the  chief  obstacle  to  success  would  be  removed;  ajid, 
accordinghr,  they  took  every  means  in  their  power  to  effect  it 

In  the  first  place,  he  invited  him  to  come  and  trade  for  com,  hoping  an 
opportunity,  in  that  business,  would  ofier.  That  his  design  laight  not  oe  mis- 
trusted, Powhatan  promised  to  load  his  ship  with  com,  if  be  would  biinff  him 
a  grindstone,  50  swords,  sotne  muskets,  a  conk  and  a  hen,  and  a  quantity  of 
copper  and  beads.  Smith  went  accordingly,  but  guarded,  aa  though  sore  of 
meeting  an  enemy. 

In  their  way,  the  English  stopped  at  Warrasqueake,  and  were  iiirormed, 
by  the  sachem  of  that  plac^,  ^f  Potohotan^a  intentions.  That  saehem  kindly 
entertained  them,  and,  when  they  depvted,  furnished  thom  with  guides.  On 
account  of  extreme  Imd  weather,  they  were  obliged  to  spend  near  a  week  at 
Kicquotan.  This  obliged  tliem  to  keep  their  Christmas  among  the  Indians, 
and,  according  to  our  authorities,  a  merry  Christmas  it  was ;  having  been 
"never  more  merry  in  their  lives,  lodged  by  better  fires,  or  fed  with  greater 
plenty  of  good  bread,  oysters,  fieh,  fiesli,  and  wild  fowl." 

Having  arrived  at  Werowocomoco,  afVtr  much  hardship,  they  sent  to  Paw 
Hatan  for  provinions,  being  in  great  want,  not  having  taken  but  three  or  four 
days'  supply  filong  witli  thcin.  The  old  chief  sent  them  immediately  a  supply 
of  bread,  turl  ys,  and  venison,  and  soon-  after  made  a  feast  for  them,  accord-' 
ing  to  custom. 

Meanwhile,  Powhatan  pretended  he  hod  not  sent  for  tlic  English ;  tellins 
them  he  had  no  corn,  "  and  his  people  much  less,"  *  and,  therefore,  intimated 
tiiat  be  wished  they  would  go  on  again.  But  Smith  produced  the  messenger 
that  he  had  sent,  and  so  confronted  him :  Powht^m  then  laughed  heartily, 
and  thus  it  paaaed  for  a  joke.  Re  tlien  asked  for  their  cotninoditieB,  "  but  he 
liked  nothing,  except  guns  and  swords,  and  valued  a  basket  of  corn  higher 
than  a  basket  of  copper ;  saying,  he  could  rate  his  com,  but  not  the  copper.". 
Captain  Smith  then  made  a  speech  to  him,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  work 
upon  his  feelings  and  qenso  of  honor ;  said  he  had  sent  his  men  to  build  him 
a  house  while  his  own  was  neglected  ^  that,  because  of  his  promising  to  sup- 
ply him  with  com,  he  had  negkcted  to  supply  himself  with  proviitionB  when 
he  might  liave  done  it  Finally,  SmiOi  re])roached  bun  of  divers  negligences, 
decepttona,  and  prevarications ;  but  the  main  cause  of  Potohatan'a  refustlig 
to  trade  aeemB  to  have  been  because  the  English  did  not  brmg  the  articles 
he  moat  wanted. 

When  Smith  had  done,  Powhatan  answered  him  as  follows: — "We  hate 
but  little  com,  fa«it  what  we  eon  spurn  shall  be  brought  two  i\aj»  hence.  A» 
to  your  coming  bere,  I  have  some  doubt  about  tlie  reason  of  it>  I  am  told,  by 
n\y  men,  that  you  came,  not  to  ,tr8de,  but  to  Invade  my  people,  and  to  powess 
my  country.    This  make*  me  leu  ready  to  relieve  you,  and  fHghteaa  my 


"»  The  reader  may  wonder  how  Utii  couW  be,  but  it  if  so  in  the  old  hitlory,  by  /SWiA,  96, 


;& 
t 


m 


^- 


n 
p 


m 

3 


a. 


13 


-A 


.w. 


CltJLt.  i.T 


POWHATAN.— HIS  SPEECHES. 


13 


** 


.W 


people  from  bringing  in  their  corn*  And,  tlierefore,  to  relieve  them  of  that 
fear,  leave  your  arms  aboard  your  boats,  since  they  are  needless  here,  where 
we  are  all  friends,  and  forever  Powhatans." 

In  these,  and  other  speeches  of  like  amount,  they  spent  the  first  day.  "  But, 
whilst  they  expected  the  coming  in  of  the  country,  they  wrangled  Powhatan 
out  of  80  bushels  of  corn,  for  a  copper  kettle ;  which  the  president  seeing 
him  much  affect,  [value,}  he  told  him  it  was  of  much  greater  value  ;  yet,  in 
regard  of  his  scarcity,  he  would  accept  that  quantity  at  present ;  provided  he 
should  have  as  much  more  the  next  year,  or  the  Maiiokin  counti-y,"  were  that 
condition  not  complied  with. 

Tins  transaction  will  equal  any  thing  of  the  kind  in  the  history  of  New 
England,  biit  we  will  leave  the  reader  to  riiake  his  own  comment 

At  the  same  time,  Powhatan  made  another  speech,  in  which  w'ere  some 
very  singular  passages,  as  rejjorted  by  Smith.  One  was,  that  he  had  seen  the 
death  of  all  his  people  three  times ;  and  that  none  of  those  three  generations 
was  then  living,  except  himself.  This  was  evidently  only  to  make  the  Eng- 
lish think  him  something  more  than  human.  The  old  chief  then  went  on 
and  said, 

"  I  am  now  grown  old,  and  must  soon  die ;  and  the  succession  must  de- 
scend, in  order,  to  my  brothers,  Opitchapan,  Opekankanough,  and  Catafaitgh,* 
and  then  to  my  two  sisters,  acd  their  two  daugnters.  I  wish  their  experience 
was  equal  to  mine ;  and  tliat  your  love  to  us  might  not  be  less  than  ours  to 
you.  Why^shoTild  you  take  by  force  that  from  us  which  you  can  have  by 
love  ?  Why  should  you  destroy  us,  who  have  provided  you  with  food  ? 
What  can  you  get  by  war .'  We  can  hide .  our  provisions,  and  fly  into  the 
w  oofls ;  and  tlien  you  must  consequently  famish  by  wronging  your  friends. 
Wiiat  is  the  cause  of  y>)ur  jealousy  ?  Yon  see  us  unarmed,  and  willing  to 
KU|)ply  your  wants,  if  you  will  come  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  not  with 
swords  and  guns,  as  to  invade  an  enemy.  I  am  not  so  sim])le,  as  not  to  know 
it  is  better  to  eat  good  meat,  lie  well,  and  sleep  quietly  with  my  women  and 
children ;  to  laugh  and  be  merry  with  the  English  ;  and,  being  their  friend, 
to  hnvo  copper,  'latcliets,  and  whatever  else  I  want,  than  to  fly  from  all,  to  lie 
cold  ill  tiie  woods,  feed  upon  acorns,  roots,  and  such  trash,  and  to  be  so 
hunted,  that  1  cannot  rest,  oat,  or  sleep.  In  such  circumstances,  my  men 
must  watch,  and  if  a  twig  sliould  biu  break,  all  would  cry  out,  '  Here  comes 
Capt.  Smith ;^  and  so,  in  this  miserable  manner,  to  end  my  miserable  life; 
and,  Capt.  Smith,  this  viifcht  be  soon  your  fate  too,  through  yoiu*  rashness  and 
imadvisodness.  J,  therclbre,  exhort  yon  to  po.'iceal)le  councils  ;,  and,  above  all, 
I  insist  that  the  guns  and  swords,  tl^e  cause  of  all  our  jealousy  and  uneasiness, 
be  removed  and  sent  away." 

Smith  inteipretcd  this  speech  to  mean  directly  contrary  to  what  it  expressed, 
and  it  rather  confirmed,  than  lessened,  his  former  svispicions.  He,  however, 
made  a  speech  to  Powhatan,  in  his  turn,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  contince 
him  that  the  English  intended  him  no  hurt ;  urghig,  that,  if  they  Itnd,  how 
easily  they  might  have  effected  it  long  l)elbre ;  and  that,  as  to  their  pcriahing 
with  wanf,  he  wonlil  have  him  to  understand  that  the  EngliBh  had  ways  to 
mn)j)ly  themselves  luikno'kvn  to  the  Indians;  that  n»  to  his  sending  away  the 
arms,  there  was  no  reason  in  that,  since  the  Indians  were  always  allowed  to 
bring  theirs  to  Jamt.^stown,  and  to  keep  them  in  their  hands,  treeing  SmUh'a 
inflexibility,  and  despairing  of  accomplishing  his  intended  massacre,  he  spoke 
again  to  Smith  as  follows  :— 

"Capt.  Smith,  I  never  use  any  werowance  so  kindly  as  yonruclf;  yet  from 
you  I  receive  the  least  kindness  of  any.  Capt.  JVewport  gave  me  swords,  co|»- 
per,  clothes,  or  whatever  else  I  desired,  ever  accepting  what  I  offered  him; 
and  would  send  away  his  guns  when  requested.  No  one  refuses  to  lie  at  my 
feet,  or  do  what  I  demand,  but  yon  only.  Of  you  I  can  have  nothing,  but 
what  you  value  not ;  and  yet,  you  will  have  whatawjver  you  please.  Capt. 
JVhcpnrt  you  call  iiither,^  ami  so  you  call  me ;  but  t  see,  in  spite  of  us  Iroth, 
you  will  do  what  you  will,  and  we  must  both  study  to  humor  and  content  you. 
liut  il'  you  intentl  so  friendly,  as  you  sjiy,  send  away  your  arms ;  for  you  see 


^. 


Cataauugh,  Siith. 


LI 


POWHATAN.— HIS  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  TOMOCOMO.        [Book  IV: 


my  iimlesignirr]?  simplicity  and  friendship  cause  me  thus  nakedly  to  forget 
myself." 

Smith  now  was  out  of  all  patience,  seeing  Powltatan  only  trifled  away  the 
time,  that  he  might,  by  some  means,  accomplish  his  design.  The  boats  of 
the  English  were  kept  nt  a  distance  from  the  shore,  by  reason  of  ice.  Smith, 
therefore,  resorted  to  deception  ;  lie  got  the  Indians  to  break  the  ice,  that  his 
men  might  come  in  and  take  on  board  the  corn  thoy  had  bought,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  gave  ordere  to  thoni  to  seize  Powhatan ;  Smithy  in  the  mean  time, 
was  to  anuise  him  with  false  promises.  But  Smith's  talk  was  too  full  of 
.'attery  not  to  be  seen  through  by  the  sagacious  sachem;  and,  before  it  was 
too  late,  he  conveyed  himself,  his  women,  children,  and  effects,  into  the 
woods;  having  succeeded  in  his  deception  better  than  Smith;  for  two  oi' 
three  squaws  amused  him  while  Powhatan  and  the  rest  cscapcjd.  Unwilling, 
however,  to  renounce  his  purpose,  Potvhatan  sent  Smith,  soon  after,  a  valuable 
bracelet,  as  a  present,  by  an  old  orator  of  his,  who  tried  to  excuse  the  conduct 
of  Ids  sachein ;  he  said  Powhatan  ran  off  because  he  was  afraid  of  the  Eng- 
lish arms,  and  said,  if  they  could  be  laid  aside,  he  would  come  with  his  peo- 
ple, and  bring  corn  in  ai)undancc.  At  length,  finding  all  artifices  vain,  PoW' 
hatan  resolved  to  fall  upon  the  English,  in  their  cabins,  on  the  following  night. 
But  here,  again,  PocaJiontas  saved  the  life  of  Smith  and  his  attendants.  Hhe 
came  alone,  in  a  dismal  night,  through  the  woods,  and  informed  Smith  of  her 
father's  design.  For  this  most  signal  favor,  he  offered  her  such  articles  as  he 
thought  would  pl(;ase  her;  but  she  would  accept  of  nothing,  and,  with  teai-s 
standing  in  her  eyes,  said  if  her  father  should  see  her  with  any  thing,  ho 
would  mistrust  what  she  had  dojie,  and  instant  death  woidd  be  her  reward  ; 
and  she  retired  by  herself  into  the  woods,  as  she  came. 

Pozvhatan  was  so  oxasp(!rated  at  the  fiiilure  of  his  [)lots,  that  he  threatened 
deatli  to  his  men  if  they  did  not  kill  Smith  by  some  means  or  other.  Not 
long  after,  a  circimistance  occuiTcd,  which  gave  him  security  the  rest  of  his 
administration.  One  of  Powhatan's  men,  having,  by  some  means,  got  a 
quantity  of  powder,  pretended  that  ho  could  manage  it  like  the  English, 
Several  came  about  him,  to  witness  his  exploits  with  the  strange  commodity,, 
when,  by  some  means,  it  took  fire,  "and  blew  him,  with  one  or  two  more,  to 
death."  This  struck  such  a  dread  into  the  Indians,  ajid  so  amazed  and 
frightened  Powhatan,  that  his  i)eople  came  from  all  directions,  and  desired 
j)eace;*  many  of  whom  returned  stolen  articles  that  the  English  had  never 
before  missed.  Powhatan  would  now  send  to  .lamestown  such  of  his  men 
as  had  injured  the  English,  that  they  might  be  dealt  with  as  they  deserved. 
The  saiae  year,  1(509,  lie  sent  them  nearly  half  his  croj)  of  corn,  knowing 
tliem  to  be  in  great  want. 

Capmin  Smithy  having,  by  accident,  been  shockingly  burned  by  his  powder- 
bags  takuig  fire,  for  want  of  surgical  aid,  was  obliged  to  leave  the  country 
and  go  to  England,  from  whence  he  never  returned.  He  published  the 
account  of  the  first  voyages  to  Virginia,  and  his  own  adventures,  whir h  is 
almost  the  oidy  authority  for  the  early  history  of  that  country.  He  died  in 
London,  in  l(>31,t  in  the'n2d  year  of  his  age. 

The  Dutchmen  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  and  who  had  been  so  assiduous 
to  bring  niin  upon  the  colony,  came  to  a  miserable  end.  One  of  them  died 
in  wrctchetlness,  and  two  others  had  their  brains  beat  out  by  ordcir  of  Powha- 
tan, for  their  deception. 

After  Smith  had  lefl  Virgiiua,  the  Indians  were  made  to  bdii've  that  he  was 
dead.  Powhatan  doubted  the  report,  and,  some  time  af\er,  ordered  one  of  his 
counsellore,  named  Utiamafomahn,  |  or  Tomoconw,  §  whom  he  sent  to  England, 
to  find  out,  if  possible,  where  he  was.  He  instnicted  him,  also,  to  note  the 
number  of  the  people,  to  learn  the  state  of  die  country,  and,  if  he  found  Smith, 
to  make  him  show  him  the  Go<l  of  the  Englisii,  and  the  king  and  rjueen. 
When  be  arrived  at  I'iimoudi,  he  took  a  long  stick,  and  b<'gan  to  perform  a 
part  of  his  mission  by  rutting  a  notch  for  every  person  he  should  see.    But 


"♦  Did  nol  llio  Fiijjlijli  of  New  Englaiift  owp  their  sRfoty  to  Masstitoit  mid  Mianfttwinmnh's 
fear  o1"  ilic  anme  article  ? 
t  Joiselyn.  N.  Eng.  Rarities,  106.  f  Or  i'ttamaccomnck.  tl^mith.  f  I'urclias. 


Chap.  II.] 


DEATH  OP  POWHATAN.— HIS  SUCCESSORS. 


15 


•  niirht. 


he  soon  gave  up  that  business.  And,  wheu  he  relumed  to  his  own  cxtintr}', 
his  chief  asked  him,  among  otiier  things,  to  give  him  an  account  of  the  num- 
ber of  the  inhabitants  in  England.  His  answer  to  tliat  inquiry,  we  hazard  not 
much  in  saying,  is  nearly  as  extensively  known  aa  the  golden  rule  of  Confu- 
cius. It  was  as  follows:  "  Count  the  stars  in  the  sky,  tlve  leaves  on  the  trees,  and 
the  sand  upon  the  sea-shore,— for  such  is  the  number  of  the  people  of  England." 

ToMOcoMO  had  married  a  sister  of  Pocahontas,  and,  probably,  accompanied 
her  to  England.^  While  there,  the  famous  antiquary,  Samuel  Purchase,  had 
an  interview  with  him,  and  from  whom  he  collected  many  facts  relatuig  to 
the  manners  and  customs  of  his  c>>untrymen;  the  result  of  which  he  after- 
wards published  in  his  Pilgrims  ■( 

The  difficulties  were  almost  perpetual  between  Powhatan  and  the  English ; 
very  little  time  passed,  while  he  lived,  but  what  was  full  of  broils  and  dissatis- 
iaction,  on  the  one  j)ait  or  the  other.  Few  Indian  chiefs  have  fallen  under 
our  notice,  possessing  such  extraordinary  characteristics  as  Potcliaian.  He 
died  at  peace  with  the  English,  in  April,  1618,  and  was  succeeded  by  Opitcha- 
pan,  liis  second  brother,  who  was  known  afterwards  by  the  name  Itopatm, 

Our  readers  will  be  compelled  to  acknowledge  that  Captain  Smith  was 
biu-barous  enough  towards  the  Indians,  but  we  have  not  met  with  any  thing 
quite  so  hoiTibfe,  in  the  course  of  his  proceedings,  as  was  exhibited  by  his 
successor.  Lord  De  La  War.  This  gentleman,  instead  of  taking  a  mean 
course  between  tlie  practices  of  Smith  and  JVewport,  went  into  the  woi>;t 
extreme.  Finding  Powhatan  insolent,  on  his  arrival  in  the  country,  he 
determined,  by  severity,  to  bring  him  to  unconditional  submission.  Having, 
tJierelbre,  got  into  his  bunds  an  Indian  prisoner,  his  lordship  caused  his  right 
hand  to  be  cut  off.  In  this  maimed  and  horrid  condition,  lie  sent  him  to 
Powliatan ;  at  the  same  time  giving  the  sachem  to  understand,  that  all  his 
Bulijects  would  be  served  in  this  manner,  if  he  refused  obedience  any  longer ; 
telling  him,  also,  that  all  the  corn  in  the  country  should  be  immediately 
(let^troyed,  which  was  just  then  ripe.  J  This  wretched  act  mcreased,  as 
reasonably  it  should,  the  indignation  of  Poivhatan,  m\A  his  acts  were  governed 
accordingly.  . ,.  ....  .  ,.     .  ,  ... 


CHAPTER  II. 


-I!        1 


Ilrflectiun  upon  the  character  of  Powhatan — Pocahontas — She  singularly  entertains 
Captain  Smith — Disaster  of  a  hoai's  creie — Smith's  attevipt  to  surprise  Powhatan 
frustrated  in  consetjuence — Pocahontas  saves  the  life  of  Wijffi.n — Betrayed  into  the 
hands  of  the  English — Japazaws — Mr.  Kolfc  marries  Pocahontas — Opachisco — 
Pocahontas  visits  England — Her  interview  toith  Smith — Dies  at  Grnvesend — Her 
son — Opekankawouch — Made  prisoner  by  Smith — Is  set  at  liberty — Nemattanow 

•  — Murders  an  Englishman — Is  murdered  j»i  his  turn — His  singular  conduct  at  his 
itrnth — Conducts  the  massacre  of  l(i22 — Plots  the  extirpation  of  the  English — Con- 
■tlucts  the  horrid  massacre  of  1644 — Is  taken  prisoner — His  conduct  upon  the 
occasion- -liarbarously  wounded  by  the  guard — Dist  speech,  and  magnanimity  in 
death — Reflections — Nickotawancf, — Totopotomoi — Joins  the  English  against 
the  Rechahccrians — Is  defeated  and  slain.  , 


(  y*v    .1*' 


It  is  impossible  to  say  what  would  have  been  tlie  conduct  of  tlie  great 
Powhatan  towards  the  English,  had  he  been  treated  by  them  as  he  ought  to 
have  been.  The  micouuiiotdy  amiable,  virtuous,  and  feeling  disposition  of 
hi.s  diiuglitor,  will  always  be  brought  to  mind  in  reading  his  history  ;  and,  not- 
withstaiKliiig  ho  is  descrilH>d  by  the  historians  an  possessing  a  som*,  morose, 
4Ui(i  suvni^i'  disposition,  full  of  treachery,  deceit  and  cuiming — and  whobe 
W(H'(I  waH  never  to  be  depended  ujMin — yet,  on  the  very  page  that  he  is  thus 

*  Mr.  Olflwiran  {\\r\\.  F.m|)iro,  i.  SfW.)  says,  "  That  wlioii  iJio  princess  Porohontn.1  raum 
for  r.iintiuul,  II  loiRiiroiisu,  or  lorM  of  I'.or  own  uiiliou,  uttcudod  licr;  liis  name  was  Vltamaccu- 

t  \'ol.  V.  b.  viii.  cliep.  VI.  pajje  055.  }  Harris,  Voyages,  ii,  226. 


IG 


POCAHONTAS— SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  A  CAPTIVE.      [Book  IV. 


I 


represented,  we  shall  find  the  same  faults  set  him  as  examples  by  the  English 
themselves. 

The  first  and  most  memorable  events  in  tlie  life  of  Pocahontas  have  neces- 
sarily be(!n  detailed  in  the  ac(;ount  of  her  father ;  therefore  we  shall,  under  her 
own  name,  give  those  which  are  more  disconnected  with  his. 

POCAjilONTAS  was  fjorn  about  the  year  1594  or  5,  and  hence  was  no  more 
than  12  or  13  years  old  when  she  saved  the  life  of  Captain  Smith,  in  1607. 
Every  particular  of  that  most  extraordinary  scene  has  been  exhibited.  The 
name  PocoMntes  or  Pockohdnt^s,  says  Hecke welder,  means  a  run  between  two 
hills.  It  has  been  mentioned,  that,  at  the  suggestion  of  Captain  JVetvport,  Smith 
went  with  a  few  men  to  Werowocomoco,  to  invite  Powhatan  to  Jamestown 
to  reoive  presents,  hoping  thereby  to  influence  hun  to  open  a  trade  in  corn 
with  them. 

When  he  arrived  at  that  place,  Powhatan  was  not  at  home,  but  was  at  the 
distance  of  30  miles  off.  Pocahontas  and  her  women  received  hitn,  and  while 
he  waited  for  her  lather,  they  thus  entertained  him; — "  In  a  fayre  pjaine  field,  (says 
SmWi,)  they  made  a  fire,  before  which,  he  sitting  upon  a  mat,  suddainly  amongst 
the  woods  was  heard  such  a  hydeous  noise  and  shrecking,  that  the  English 
btitooke  themselves  to  their  arms,  and  seized  on  two  or  three  old  men  by 
vhcm,  8iip[)osing  Powhatan,  with  all  his  power,  was  come  to  surprise 
them.  13iit  presently  Pocahontas  came,  willing  him  to  kill  her  if  any  hurt 
were  intended  ;  and  the  beholders,  which  were  men,  women  and  children, 
satisfied  the  captain  there  was  no  such  matter.  Then  presently  they  were 
presented  with  this  anticke  ;  30  young  women  came  naked  out  of  the  woods, 
onely  coven  d  behind  and  before  witli  a  few  greene  leaues,  their  bodies  all 
piinted,  some  of  one  color,  some  of  another,  but  all  differing.  Their  leader 
liad  a  fayre  i)ayre  of  buck's  homes  on  her  head,  and  an  otter-skinne  at  her 
girdle,  and  another  at  her  arme,  a  quiver  of  arrowes  at  her  backe,  a  bow  and 
arrows  in  her  hand.  Tlie  next  had  in  her  hand  a  sword,  and  another  a  club, 
another  a  pot-sticke,  all  horned  alike :  the  rest  every  one  with  their  seuerall 
devises.  These  fiends,  with  most  hellish  shouts  and  cryes,  i-ushing  from 
among  the  trees,  cast  themselves  in  a  ring  about  the  fire,  singing  and  dancing 
with  most  excellent  ill  varietie,  oft  falling  uito  their  infernall  jjassions,  and 
solenuily  again  to  sing  and  daunce.  Having  spent  iieare  an  houre  in  this 
mascarado,  as  they  entred,  in  like  manner  they  departed."  After  a  short  time, 
they  came  and  took  the  English  to  their  wigwams.  Here  they  were  more 
tormented  than  l)efore,  "  with  crowding,  pressing,  hanging  about  them,  most 
tediously  crying,  '  Love  you  not  me  ?  love  you  not  me  ? ' "  When  they  had 
finished  their  caresses,  they  set  before  them  the  best  victuals  their  country 
afforded,  and  then  showed  them  to  their  lodgings. 

While  Cajttain  Smith  was  upon  an  expedition  into  the  country,  with  an 
intention  of  surprising  Powhatan,  there  happened  a  melancholy  accident  at 
home,  to  a  boat's  crew,  which  had  been  sent  out  in  very  severe  weather,  by 
one  who  was  impatient  to  have  the  direction  of  matters.  In  the  boat  were 
Captain  ffaldo,  Master  Scrivener,  the  projector  of  the  expedition,  Mr.  Anthony 
Gosnold,  brother  of  the  well-known  Bartholomew  Gosnold,*  and  eight  others. 
By  the  sinking  of  the  boat,  these  all  perished,  and  none  knew  what  had  become 
of  them,  until  their  bodies  were  found  by  the  Indians.  The  very  men  on 
whom  Smith  depended  to  remain  at  the  fort  for  his  succor,  in  case  he  sent  for 
them,  were  among  the  number.  Therefore,  to  prevent  the  failure  of  this 
expedition,  somebody  must  be  sent  to  apprize  SmUh  of  the  catastrophe.  None 
^•ohmteer(!d  for  tins  hazardous  service,  but  Mr.  Richard  JViiffin,  who  was 
obliged  to  undertake  it  alone.  This  was  a  time  when  Pow)ujtan  was  very 
insolent,  and  lugod  daily  the  killing  of  Smith  upon  his  men.  Nevertheless, 
after  many  difficulties,  he  arrived  at  Werowocomoco.  Here  he  found  himself 
amidst  preparations  for  wiu",  and  in  still  greater  danger  than  he  had  yet  been. 
Rut  Pomhontas  ajjpearcd  as  his  savior.  Knowing  the  intention  of  the  war- 
riors lo  kill  liim,  sIk;  first  secn^ted  him  in  the  woods,  and  then  directed  those 
who  sought  hiiij  iu  an  opposite  direction  from  that  he  had  gone ;  so,  by  this 


*  Who  liad  mi.'ornbly  niTislioil  l)v  disease  and  faniiue  at  Jamcstowii,  22  Aug.,  Ifi07. 
Bancroft,  U.  Stales,  i."  114. 


See 


Chap.  II.]    POCAHONTAS.— BETRAYED  TO  THE  ENGLISH. 


17 


TiiPJins,  Iif  cpi'aped,  and  got  safe  to  Smith  at  Parnunkey,  This  was  in  the 
wintor  of  1()09. 

We  next  hear  of  her  saving  the  Hfe  of  Henry  Spilman,  who  was  one  of  31 
tl\at  went  to  trade,  H|)on  the  confidence  of  Powhatan,  but  whto  were  all,  except 
tSpUman,  killed  by  his  people. 

Such  was  the  wretched  state  to  which  the  colony  of  Virginia  was  now 
reduced,  that  scarce  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  the  world  can  be  founcL  No 
sooner  had  Smith  left  the  country,  but  all  was  in  confusion.  Officers  spent 
their  time  in  rioting^,  wliile  the  men  seetn  to  have  taken  no  means  for  defence 
or  j>reservation  ;  so  that  the  Indians  made  constant  spoil  upon  their  domestic 
animals,  and  whatever  else  had  been  ))rovided  for  their  support.  lusonaucli, 
that  when  Captain  Smith  had  been  gone  six  months,  the  colony  was  reducetl 
from  above  500  to  about  60  persons.  Herbs  and  roots  were  eaten  to  sustain 
life,  in  the  early  part  of  their  (listrcsses ;  but  as  the  famine  increased,  the  skins 
of  horses  were  eagerly  devoured,  and  an  Indian,  who  had  been  some  time 
dead,  was  disinterred  and  eaten  by  these  miserable  creatuies.  In  one  instance, 
a  wretched  man  killed  his  own  wife,  and  preserved  the  body  by  salt,  which 
enormity  was  not  discovered  until  it  had  been  chiefly  devoured.* 

It  was  during  this  season  of  horror  that  Captain  Ratcliff  went  out  with  30 
men,  Avho  were  trepanm  d  as  we  have  related.  This  was  in  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1610.  Spilman  lived  many  years  afterwards  among  the  Patowamack 
Indians,  by  the  care  of  Pocahontas,  f 

From  1609,  the  time  Smith  left,  iIk?  country,  until  1611,  Pocahontas  was  not 
seen  at  Jamestown.  In  the  latter  year,  she  was  treacherously  ttiken  prisener 
i)y  Captain  Argal,  and  kept  by  the  English  to  prevent  Powhatan  from  doing 
them  injurj',  and  to  extort  a  great  ransom  from  him,  and  such  terms  of  jieace 
as  tlioy  should  dictate.  At  the  time  she  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  Caj)- 
tain  .^r^fl?,  she  was  in  the  neighborhoodof  the  chief  of  Potomack,  whose  name 
was  Japazaws,  a  particular  friend  of  the  English,  and  an  old  acquaintance  of 
Captain  Smith.  Whether  she  had  taken  up  her  residence  here,  or  whether  she 
was  here  only  U|)on  a  visit,  we  are  not  informed.  But  some  have  conjectured, 
that  she  retired  here  soon  after  Smithes  departure,  that  she  might  not  witness 
the  frequent  rmirdera  of  the  ill-governed  P^nglish,  at  Jamestown.  Captain 
^rgal  was  in  the  Potomack  River,  for  the  purpose  of  trade,  with  his  ship, 
when  he  learned  that  Pocahontas  was  in  the  neighborhood.  Whether  Japa- 
zaws had  acquired  his  treachery  from  his  intercourse  with  the  English,  or 
whether  it  were  natural  to  his  disposition,  we  will  not  undertake  to  decide 
here ;  but  certain  it  is,  that  he  was  ready  to  (wactise  it,  at  the  instigation  of 
Arpral.  And  for  a  copper  kettle  for  himself,  and  a  few  toys  for  his  squaw,  he 
enticed  the  innocent  girl  on  board  Argai's  sliip,  and  betrayed  her  into  his 
hands.  It  was  efFectecl,  however,  without  compulsion,  by  the  aid  of  his  squaw. 
The  captain  had  previously  promised  that  no  hurt  should  befall  her,  and  that 
she  should  be  treated  with  all  tenderness.  This  circumstance  should  go  lus  fiir  as 
it  may  to  excuse  Japtizaivs.  The  plot  to  get  her  on  board  was  well  contrived. 
Knowing  that  she  had  no  curiosity  to  see  a  ship,  having  before  seen  man) , 
Japazaws''  witi-  pretended  a  great  anxiety  to  see  one,  but  would  not  go  on 
board  unless  Pocahontas  would  accompany  her.  To  this  she  <;onsented,  but 
witli  some  hesitation.  The  attention  with  which  they  were  received  on  board 
soon  (li.>*si|«ited  all  feai-s,  and  Pjcahonlas  soon  strayed  from  her  betrayers  into 
tlie  gun-room.  The  captain,  watching  his  opportunity,  told  her  she  was  a 
prisoner.  When  her  confinement  was  known  to  Japazaws  and  liis  wife,  they 
feigned  itiore  lamentation  than  she  did,  to  keep  her  in  ignorance  of  the  [)lot ; 
uiui,  after  receiving  the  jirice  of  their  perfidy,  were  sent  ashore,  and  Argal, 
with  his  pearl  of  great  price,  sailed  for  Jamestown.  On  being  informed  of  the 
reason  why  she  was  thus  caj)tivated,  her  grief,  by  degrees,  subsided. 

The  first  step  of  the  English  was  to  inform  Powhatan  of  die  captivity  of  his 
daughter,  and  to  demand  of  him  their  men,  guns  and  tools,  which  he  and  his 
peojjle  had,  from  time  to  lime,  taken  and  stolen  from  them.  This  miexpected 
news  threw  the  old,  stern,  calculating  chief  iirto  a  great  dilemma,  and  wiuu 
course  to  take  he  knew  not;  and  it  was  three  months  before  he  returned  any 


*  Keith's  Hiai.  Virginia,  121. 
2* 


t  Stilh,  Hist.  Virginia,  116. 


18 


POCAHONTAS —MARRIES  AN  ENGLISHMAN. 


V 


r.  iV. 


answer.  At  tlie  end  of  this  time,  by  the  advice  of  his  council,  he  sent  back 
seven  Englishmen,  with  eacli  a  gun  wliich  had  been  spoiled,  and  this  answer : 
that  when  they  should  return  his  daughter,  he  would  make  full  satisfaction, 
and  give  them  500  bushels  of  com,  and  be  their  friend  forever ;  that  he  had 
no  more  guns  to  return,  the  rest  being  lost.  They  sent  him  word,  that  they 
would  not  restore  her,  until  he  had  complied  with  their  demand  ;  and  that,  as 
for  the  guns,  they  did  not  believe  they  were  lost  Seeing  the  determination  of 
the  English,  or  his  inability  to  satisfy  them,  was,  we  apprehend,  why  they 
"  heard  no  more  from  him  for  a  long  time  after." 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1613,  Sir  Thomas  Dale  took  Pocahontas,  and  went, 
with  a  ship,  up  Powhatati's  River  to  Werowocomoco,  the  residence  of  her 
father,  in  hopes  to  effect  an .  exchange,  aud  bring  about  a  peace.  Powhatan 
was  not  at  home,  and  they  met  with  nothing  but  bravadoes,  and  a  dis|K>sition 
to  fight  from  all  the  Indians  they  saw.  After  burning  many  of  their  habita- 
tions, and  giving  out  tlireats,  some  of  the  Indians  came  and  made  peace,  as  they 
called  it,  which  opened  the  way  for  two  of  Pocahontas^s  brothers  to  come  on 
board  the  ship.    Their  joy  at  seeing  their  sister  may  be  imagined. 

A  particular  friendship  had  some  time  existed  between  Pocahontas  and  a 
worthy  young  Englishman,  by  the  name  of  John  Rolfe ;  wliich,  at  lengtii, 
growing  into  a  sincere  attachment,  and  being  mutual  between  them,  he  made 
known  his  desire  to  take  her  for  his  companion.  This  being  highly  approved 
of  by  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  and  other  gentlemen  of  high  standing  and  authority,  a 
consummation  was  soon  agreed  upon.  Acquaititing  her  brother  with  her 
determination,  it  soon  came  to  the  knowledge  of  her  father  also;  who,  as 
high'./  approving  of  it  as  the  English,  imniediately  sent  Opachisco,  her  uncle, 
and  two  of  his  sons,  to  witness  the  performance,  and  to  act  as  her  servants 
upon  the  occasion  ;  and,  in  the  beginning  of  April,  1613,  the  marriage  was 
solemnized  according  to  appointment.  Poiohatan  was  now  their  friend  in 
reality  ;  and  a  friendly'  intercourse  commenced,  which  was,  without  mucii 
interruption,  continued  until  his  death. 

Pocahontas  lived  ha[)pily  with  her  husband,  and  became  a  believer  in  the 
English  i-eligion,  and  expressed  no  desire  to  live  again  among  those  of  her 
own  nation.  When  Sir  Thomas  Dale  returned  to  England,  in  1616,  Pocahon- 
tas accompanied  him,  with  her  husband,  and  several  other  young  natives. 
They  arrived  at  Plimouth  on  the  12th  of  June  of  that  year.  She  met  witii 
much  attention  in  that  country,  being  taken  to  court  by  the  Lord  and  Lady 
Delaware,  and  others  of  distinction.  She  was,  at  this  time,  called  the  Lady 
Rebecca.  Her  meeting  with  Captain  Smith  was  afiecting ;  more  especially  as 
she  thought  herself,  and  very  justly,  no  doubt,  too  slightly  noticed  by  him, 
which  caused  her  much  grief.  Owing  to  the  barbarous  nonsense  of  the  times, 
Smith  did  not  wish  her  to  call  him  father,  being  afraid  of  giving  offence  to 
royalty,  by  assjiming  to  be  the  father  of  a  king's  daughter.  Yet  he  did  not 
intend  any  cause  of  offence,  and  did  all  in  his  power  to  make  her  ha|)py.  At 
their  first  interview,  after  remaining  silent  some  time,  she  said  to  him,  "  You 
promised  my  father,  that  what  tvas  yours  should  be  his ;  and  that  you  and  he  tooxdd 
be  all  one.  '  Being  a  stranger  in  our  country,  you  called  Powliatan /a<Aer;  and  I, 
for  the  same  reason,  ivill  now  call  you  so.  You  tvere  not  afraid  to  come  into  my 
father's  Country,  and  strike  fear  into  every  body  but  myself;  and  are  you  here  afraid 
to  let  me  call  you  father  ?  /  tell  you,  then,  I  loUl  call  you  father,  and  you  shall  call 
me  child ;  and  so  I  loill  forever  he  of  your  kindred  and  countrif.  They  always  told 
us  that  yon  were  dead,  aiul  I  knew  iwt  othencise,  till  I  came  to  PlimotUh.  But 
Powhatan  commanded  Tomocomo  to  seek  you  out,  arul  know  the  truth,  because 
your  countripnen  are  much  given  to  lying." 

The  useful  and  worthy  yoimg  Pocahontas,  being  about  to  embark  for  her 
native  country,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1617,  fell  sick  at  Gravesond,  and 
died ;  having  attained  only  the  age  of  22  years.  She  left  one  son,  whose  name 
was  Thomas  Rolfe,  very  young;  and  whom  Sir  Leuns  SteuMy,*  of  Plimouth, 

*  "  As  to  the  iiifamoiis  Sir  Lewis  StiKley,  who  had  Ujlraycd  Ralegh,  he  was  taken  soon 
after  [^Ralegh  was  beheaded]  hi  Whitehall,  clipping  the  ver^  gold  which  was  the  produce  of 
his  iiilamy,  and  tried  and  condemned  for  it ;  and  having  stripped  himself  to  his  shirt  to  raise 
money  to  purchase  liis  pardon,  he  banished  himself  to  the  Island  of  Snndy,  where  he  died, 
>r,  Ml  less  timn  two  years  after  Sir  Walter  Raleigh."— Prince^B  Worthies 


both  mad  and  a  begga 

of  Devon,  677.— Harding's  Naval  Biography,  i 


330. 


:iV. 


Chap.  II,]       OPEKANKANOUGH.— SEIZED  BY  CAPTAIN  SMITH. 


19 


desired  to  be  left  with  him,  that  he  might  direct  his  education.  But,  from  the 
unmaidy  piirt  this  guntlenmu  took  against  the  unlbrtutiute  Ralegh,  he  was 
brougiit  into  sucli  merited  disrepute,  that  he  found  liiniseH"  obhged  to  turn, all 
his  attention  to  liis  own  preservation  ;  and  the  son  of  PocalwiiUes  was  taken  to 
London,  and  there  educated  by  his  uncle,  Mr.  Henry  Rolfe.  He  allerwoi-ds 
came  to  America,  to  the  .native  country  of  his  mother,  where  lie  became  a 
gentleman  of  great  distinction,  and  possessed  an  ample  fortune.  He  left  an  only 
daugliter,  who  married  Colonel  Robed  Boiling,  and  died,  leaving  un  only  son, 
Major  John  Boiling,  who  was  the  father  of  Colonel  John  Boiling,  and  several 
daughters ;  one  of  whom  married  Colonel  Riqkard  Randolph,  lioiii  whom  ore 
descended  the  distinguished  John  Randolfii,  and  those  bearing  that  name  in 
Virginia,  at  this  day.*  .  r,  -^  . 

Barlow  thus  notices  Pocahontaa : —  .  -^f  /i .  /  ■.   *      • 


■w 


ver  in  the 
ose  of  her 
Pocahon- 
natives. 
met  with 
and  Ltidy 
the  Lady 
cially  as 
by  hitn, 
the  times, 
f Fence  to 
did  not 
ppy.  At 
mi,  "  ion 
he  woidd 
KT  ,*  and  I, 
into  my 
lere  afraid 
shall  call 
hoays  told 
dh.  But 
h,  because 

for  lier 
«nd, and 
)se  name 
limouth, 

aken  soon 
roduce  of 
irt  to  raise 
;  he  died, 
Worthies 


"  Ulcst /'oca/it>n<us .'  fear  no  lurking  guile  )  ■   ';    , '^  r'  -.  ■ 

Tliy  hero's  love  shall  well  reward  ihy  smile.  ,  .n  j . 

All,  soothe  the  wanderer  in  his  desperate  plight, 
Hide  him  by  day,  and  calm  his  cares  by  night;        '  '  ■< 

Tho'  savage  nations,  with  thy  vengeful  sire,  "  ' 

Pursue  their  victim  with  unceasing  ire—  ,    i-  ' 

•  And  tho' their  threats  thv  slartletlear  assail,  -    '         , 

Let  virtue's  voice  o'er  tilial  lears  prevail."— CoLUiUBiAt), 

OPEKANKANOUGH  has  already  receive<l  our  notice.  He  was  a  very 
conspicuous  character  in  his  time,  and  was  styled,  by  the  Virginians,  King  of 
Uie  Pamunkies.  The  dreadful  massacre,  of  which  he  was  author,  brings  to 
mind  his  name  oflener  than  almost  any  other  chief  of  his  times. 

There  seems  to  be  some  contradiction,  or  difference  of  opinion,  with  regard 
to  the  origin  of  this  chief.  Some  of  the  Indians  reported  that  he  ctune  from 
the  west,  and  was  not  a  brother  of  Powhatan ;  but  that  story,  we  judge,  is 
merely  a  fable,  uivented  and  told  by  his  enemies,  to  influence  the  English 
^against  him,  that  they  might  desU'oy  him. 

Opekankanoxigh  seems  to  have  borne  the  name  of  Mangopeomen  in  1621,  f  a 
circumstance  unnoticed  by  most  historians,  and,  therefore,  we  conclude  that  it 
prevailed  only  among  his  own  tribe,  and,  perhaps,  even  among  them  fell  into 
disuse  soon  atler.  ■ 

Opitchapan,  called  also  Oetan,  and  lastly  Sasauopeomen,l  was  the  successor 
■  of  Powhatan,  but  he  seems  never  to  havp  been  otherwise  noted.  "  The  defects 
of  the  new  emperor,"  says  Mr.  Burk,  "  were  aggravated  in  the  minds  of  the 
Indians,  by  a  comparison  with  the  accom})li8hed  Opeknnkanough,  who,  in  tlie 
council  and  the  field,  was  the  most  conspicuous  warrior  amongst  the  Powha- 
tans  ;  and  who,  during  the  lifetime  of  the  late  emperor,  had  procured  from  the 
free  tribe  of  the  Chickahominies,  tlie  title  of  tlieir  king."  The  same  author 
calls  Opitchapan  a  "  feble  and  decrepid "  chief,  who  "  was  little  calculated  to 
secure  respect,  or  enforce  obedience."  § 

In  1(J08,  the  Indians  had  become  universally  at  vai'iancc  with  the  English, 
and  insulted  them  whenever  they  appeared  abroad  ;  knowing  their  miserable, 
half-starved  condition.  Insult  followed  insult,  upon  both  sides,  and,  but  for 
the  never-tiring  perseverance  of  Smith,  this  colony,  like  the  first,  would  have 
been  soon  destroyed.  The  Indians  would  jiromise  to  trade  with  them,  but 
when  they  went  to  them  for  that  purpose,  they  only  "  laughed  at  their  calam- 
ities ; "  sometimes  puttuig  jokes  upon  them,  and  at  otliers,  running  away  into 
the  woods. 

In  this  extremity  of  their  circumstances,  though  in  the  depth  of  winter.  Smith 
resohed  to  make  himself  master  of  some  of  the  Indians'  store  of  provisions,  by 
some  means  or  other.    He,  therefore,  proceeded  to  Pamunkey,  the  residence 

*  John  Ra;«dolph,  of  Roanoke,  died  in  Philadelphia,  24  Miiy,  1834'.  He  had  come  there 
in  very  low  licallli,  intenciin^  to  embark  for  Europe  in  a  few  days.  Having  met  with  some 
perplexity  in  procuring  lodgings  on  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  being  taken  from  the  steam-boat 
to  oils  hotel  after  another,  in  a  bad  hack,  in  bad  weather,  he  was  much  irritated,  and,  from  his 
fretjuent  allusions  to  it  in  his  sickness,  it  was  supposed  to  have  hastened  his  end.  He  was 
about  60  years  of  age  at  his  death, 

i  Burk's  Va.  i.  228.  %  Ibid.  {  Hist.  Virginia,  i.  233. 


30 


OPEKAXKANOUGIL— NEMATTANOW'S  DEATH.        [Book  IV. 


■1 


fl 


of  OpekanJianouffh^  witli  15  men,  where  lie  tried  to  tifide  wit}i  him  for  corn ; 
but,  not  siicreedinfr,  lie,  in  a  desperuto  iiimiiior,  seized  upon  the  chief  hy  his 
Jiuir,  in  the  midst  of  ids  men,  "with  his  |»ist(ill  nadie  h(!iir  u<;uiiist  his  breast. 
T;  us  he  led  the  trembling  king,  iienre  dead  witii  fear,  amongst  all  his  peo- 
ple."* Smith  told  him  that  he  had  attempted  to  murder  him,  which  was  the 
cause  of  his  treating  iiiiii  thus.  No  one  can  douht,  on  reading  tiie  history  of 
those  affiui-s  .hat  tiie  Indians  all  wished  Smith  dead,  but  whether  they  ail 
ftvanted  to  kill  him,  is  not  quite  so  plain. 

One  great  end  of  Smiih\<>  design  was  now  answered ;  for  Opekankmiovffh\<i 
people  came  in  loaded  with  ]>ies('nts  to  ransom  their  chief,  until  his  boats 
were  completely  tilled.  News  being  brought  of  a  disaster  at  Jamestown,  he 
was  set  at  liberty. 

Nkmatta.now,  a  renowned  warrior,  we  have  to  introduce  here,  as  well  on 
account  of  his  supposed  agency  in  bringing  about  the  great  massacre  ot'l(W2, 
as  for  the  object  of  exhibiting  a  trait  e4'  character  ecpially  to  be  adminHl  and 
laniented.  \Ve  are  not  certain-  that  he  belonged  to  the  people  of  Opekanka- 
nouffh,  but  it  is  storied  that  a  jealousy  existed  between  th(;m,  and  that  tin;  chief 
luuj  informed  rfir  (korge  Yeanlley  that  he  wished  JVemaltnnoio^s  throat  were 
'•Sit,  some  time  liel()r(^  the  niassa<'re  took  [dace,  to  which  we  have  alluded. 
However,  (Ipekavkaiwusrh  dvnmi  it  allerw.irds,  and  atiected  great  indignation 
at  his  munler,  and  the  Indians  said  the  massacre  was  begun  by  him,  to  revenge 
jYemallauoiv^s  death.  Jhit  our  present  object  is  to  portray  the  character  of 
JVematttinnu',  who  was  both  ecentric  and  vain,  and  "  who  was  wont,  out  of 
bravery  and  parade,  to  dress  hims('lf  up,  in  a  strange,  antic,  and  barbaric 
liishion,  with  feathers,  which,  therelbre,  obtained  him  the  name  oi'  Jnck-qf-the- 
fealhir."  lie  was  even  more  popular  among  his  coiuitrymen  than  (};^tknnkn- 
??0M^A,  which,  <louhtless,  was  th(!  ground  of  that  chief's  jealousy ;  esjiecially 
;»s  Jie  was  one  of  the  greatest  war-captains  of  his  times.  lie  had  been  in 
fuany  fights  and  encounters  with  the  l'>iiglish,  fdways  exposing  hinis<'lf  to  tlie 
greau'st  danger,  and  yet  was  never  wounded  in  any  of  them.  This  circum- 
stance caused  the  Indians  to  beiie\«(  in  his  invulnerability,  and  heiu'e  he  was 
by  them  considered  sn|)erbnnian.  Only  about  14  days  before  the  massacre, 
Jark-qf-the- feather  went  to  tlii'  house  of  one  .l/org«;>,  where  he  saw  iniuiysuch 
Jirticles  exliiltited  as  were  calculated  to  excite  acimiration  in  such  jieofde. 
Jarf:'.  perhaps,  had  not  the  means  to  purchase,  but,  H  seems,  he  was  resolved, 
some  liow  or  other,  to  poss<'ss  them,  lie,  therefore,  told  jV/orgrtn,  that  if  Im 
would  take  his  eoniniodities  to  I'aiiiunki'y.  llii-  Indians  would  give  him  a  great 
price  for  them.  Not  in  the  least  mistrusting  the  design  of  .V(>/irt//rt»r>ic.  t lie 
simple  Knglishman  set  out  tiir  l'amuni\(>y,  in  company  with  this  Indian. 
This  was  tlie  last  the  Mnglish  heard  of  Mortrny..  lloW(;ver,  strange  as  it  /nay 
seem,  Jack^s  ill-directing  fiite  sent  him  to  the  same  place  again,  an<l,  what  was 
still  more  stransre,  he  had  the  cap  of  the  murdered  Morixnn  upon  his  head. 
Morsan^K  servants  asked  him  where  their  master  was,  who  very  deiilierately 
ans^t-red,  that  be  was  dead.  This  satislied  them  that  be  had  murdered  him. 
They,  therelitre,  seized  liiin,  in  order  to  take  him  before  a  inagistrate  at 
Herkeley ;  but  lie  made  a  L'ood  deal  of' resistiince,  wliich  caused  one  of  his 
•captors  to  shoot  him  down.  Tl'i  singular  part  of  the  tragedy  is  yet  to  be 
related.  Tii(ni!:li  inoiially  wounded,  .Wmattimow  was  not  killed  outright,  and 
his  eaptoin,  which  were  two  stout  young  men,  got  him  into  a  boat  to  proceed 
to  Mr.  Thwjt's,  the  magistrate.  As  they  were  goiiu;,  tli)>  warrior  becani(>  salin- 
(ii'd  tliut  he  must  die,  nnd,  with  the  most  extraordinary  earnestness,  besought 
that  two  things  might  be  gninted  him.  One  was,  that  it  should  never  be  tohl 
to  his  countrymen  that  h<'  was  killed  by  a  bullet;  and  the  other,  that  he  should 
b(^  buried  among  the  I'lnglish,  so  that  it  should  ne>er  b.'  discovei-ed  that  he 
had  died,  or  was  subject  to  death  like  other  men.  Such  was  tlu^  ))ride  and 
vanity  t>xlubited  by  an  Indiiui  at  his  diath.  The  li>llowing  infi-ri-nce,  tbere- 
fiu'e,  is  naturally  to  lu^  drawn  ;  that  n  desire  to  be  renowned,  and  held  in 
veneration  by  jiosterity,  is  not  confmed  to  the  civilized  nnd  learned  of  any  uge 
or  nation. 

''  l'i'rlinp<i  Ilii3  New  Eiiiilanilcrs  fuljuwcil  Smith's  cxuinpiv,  nftprwiirds,  in  ihc  fr»o  nf  Alex- 
under,  \imfrtt,  uiid  uIIiit'I, 


Chap.  II]         OPEKANKANOUGH.-ji^ICOND  GREAT  MASSACRE. 


21 


•'8)M'i'ially 
1  Imcii  ill 

l"lt'  t(l  tlic 

s  cinMiin- 

(•  lid  WllH 

niiissacri", 

lany  sncli 

li  pcojilf. 

rt-.^iolvcd, 

liat  if  lic! 

Ill)  a  jrrcat, 

\(viow,  tin' 

Indian. 

as  it  may 

ivhat  was 

liiis  licad. 

tliiicrati'ly 

red  liiiii. 

isiratn  at 

Inc  <>r  liit* 

lyi't  to  lit) 

i^lit,  and 

It  |II'(IC('<'(| 

in<>  salif^- 
|l)rsiin<!;lit. 

r  Im'  uM 
|i<>  slxmld 
tiiat  lin 

I'idi'  mid 

C,  tllCIT- 

lii'iil  in 
any  u^t; 


»fAlex- 


Meanwhile,  Opekankarwup;h,  the  hotter  to  increase  the  rage  of  his  warriors, 
aff'e(;ted  great ^rief  at  JVemaltanow^s  death,  wliicii  had  tlie  ertect  he  intended; 
owing,  especially,  to  the  favor  in  which  that  warrior  had  stood  among  the 
Indians.  But  the  English  were  satisfied  that  this  was  only  pretence,  as  we 
have  hefore  observed ;  because  they  were  informed  of  his  trying  to  engage 
some  of  his  nciglibora  against  them,  and  otherwise  acted  suspicio^isly,  some 
time  before  M:maltanow^s  drutli ;  of  the  justice  of  which,  however,  the  Eng- 
lish tried  arguments  at  first,  and  threats  afterwards,  to  convince  vhem.  By 
his  dissimulation,  Ouekankanough  completely  deceived  them,  and,  just  before 
the  massacre,  treated  a  mes.scngcr  that  was  sent  to  him,  with  niucli  kindness 
■  nd  civility ;  and  assured  him  that  the  peace,  which  had  been  some  time 
belbro  concluded,  was  held  so  firm  by  hhn,  that  tiie  sky  should  fall  sooner 
than  it  should  ho  violated  on  his  part.  And  such  was  the  concert  and  secrecy 
among  all  the  Iiu'.'ins,  that,  only  two  days  before  the  Ihtal  ii2  March,  some 
kindly  conductod  the  English  thronjrli  the  woods,  and  sent  one  of  their  youth 
f.o  live  with  the  English,  and  learn  their  language.  Moreover,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  that  v(My  'lay,  they  came  iiiiarined  among  tlicni,  and  traded  its  usual, 
and  (!vcn  sat  down  to  Imsakfast  wiili  their  victims,  in  several  ini^tances.  Never, 
perliu|K>i,  was  a  massacre  so  W(;ll  contrived  and  condiicttnl,  to  ensure  success, 
<is  was  this  of  Optkonkanou^h.  The  lMii;lisli  were  lulled  into  a  fatal  security, 
und  even  uiiknovvingly  assisted  tli(!  Indians  in  their  design;  lending  tluMu 
their  boats  to  communicate  with  distant  trilu^s,  and  fariiishing  them  with 
various  utensils,  which  were  converted  at  once  into  weai»ons  of  dea'li. 

The  ii'i  March,  Ki'^'i,  having  come,  and  the  appointed  hour  of  *'  it  mem- 
orable (lay  arrivjul,  with  a  siniultaneonsness  unpandieled  on  any  former  occa- 
sion, the  Indians  rose  from  their  amhushes,  and,  witii  the  swiftness  of  the 
tig(.'r,  ajipcarcd,  in  a  moment,  amidst  tlit!  English  settlements.  Age,  sex,  nor 
condition,  shielded  no  one;  their  greatest  benefactors  W(!r(!  among  tli<;ir  lii-st 
victims.  Thus,  in  the  space  of  a'lout  one  hour,  fi'll  llim  hnndnd  and  fort >j- 
seven  men,  women,  and  childrei..  By  this  horrid  calamity,  out  of  80  planta- 
tions, six  only  W(;re  lelt  uninjuied.  And  these  were  saved  liy  the  timely 
information  of  a  Christian  Iiidiai.  called  Clianco, 

The  ensiling  summer  was  spent,  by  tla;  surviving  English,  in  strengthening 
themselves  against  tiirther  attac/s,  and  pre|)arations  litr  taking  viingeiuiee  on 
the  Indians;  wholly  neglecting  all  improvements,  works  of  utility,  and  evcsn 
their  planting.  Every  thing  wis  lost  sight  of  in  their  Ixsloviid  project  of 
reveng(^ ;  and  the  I'liglish,  in  tin  ir  turn,  showed  i  niselves  more  treacherous, 
if  not  more  barbarous,  than  their  (Ukmiiv.  For,  under  iireteiice  of  making 
p(!ace  again  with  tliciii,  they  lill  ipon  them  at  unawares,  and  iiiiirdcnMl  many 
without  mercy.  This  ciime  was  vastly  aggravated,  in  that,  to  induce  the 
Indians  to  come  fiirward  and  make  |)eace,  tin;  Knglish  liad  iioi  only  solemnly 
assured  them  Hirgiveiiess,  but  likewise  security  and  safety  in  their  persons. 

i;  was,  liir  some  lime,  suppiis(\l  that  (f/ickiinkiiiiouii^h  wm'*  among  llit!  slain, 
lull,  if  Ml',  lifvrrlj)  was  not  misiiiliirmed,  tin;  same  sachem,  li'i  yeai.<  atter- 
wards,  eveciiied  a  still  greater  massacre  upon  the  English,  as,  in  the  next 
place,  we  shall  relate. 

How  long  Ojiekniikanouf;/!  had  been  ^■eeretly  plotting  to  cut  oH'tlii'  intruderrt 
of  his  soil  cannot  be  known;  but,  in  Kill,  all  the  Indians, '>ver  a  space  of 
country  ol'dOO  miles  in  extent,  were  leai^ned  in  the  enierprise.  The  old  chief 
at  this  lime,  was  su|ipo.-'ed  to  be  near  IdO  years  nf  age,  and,  though  miahle  to 
walk,  would  be  ))reseiit  in  the  i>vecution  ot'  his  beloved  project.  It  was  upon 
the  IH  April,  when  l)pthtnkuHoufilu  borne  in  a  litter,  led  his  warriors  for- 
ward, and  coiiimenci'd  t!ie  bloody  work.  They  began  at  the  ti'oiiiiers,  wiili  ii 
(letermiiiation  to  slay  nil  befere  them,  to  the  sea.  Alier  continuing  the  mas- 
nacre  two  days,  ill  uliieli  time  about  .")(KI  *  persons  were  murdered.  Sir  H'illiain 
Jlirkelti/,  at  tlie  head  ol  an  armeil  force,  checked  their  progress.  TIk;  destii'iv 
tion  of  the  inliabitants  was  the  greatest  upon  York  and  ramunkey  lliveis, 
where  Oj)ikiti>kiiiwiii!;h  comniaiided  in  person.  The  Indians  now,  in  their 
turn,  wen-  dri^ ni  to  great  extremily,  and  their  old  chiet"  wiis  taken  prisoner, 


'  Tlii»  \h  ilii'  nil 
Mr.  Hancn-n.  Hi 


'iiticr  ifoiicnilly  noI  tliuvn  in  the  hlHiorio*,  litii  iliii  |)rol.,.l>ly  just  scrutiny  of 
i|.  U.  t'.  i,  '.iH,  cauiiCHi  liiiii  to  ii.\  iijitm  ilio  iiuiubLT  JOO. 


( 


2a 


DEATH  OF  OPEKANKANOUGH  — TOTOPOTOMOI.        [Book  IV. 


w 


nnd  carried  in  triumph  to  Jamestown.  How  long  after  the  mnssarre  tiiis 
hncpened,  we  are  not  informed  ;  hut  it  is  said  tliat  the  iiitigues  he  liad  pre- 
viously undergone  iiad  wasted  away  his  flesli,  aiul  destroyed  the  elasticity  of 
his  muscles  to  t}iat  degree,  that  he  was  no  longer  able  to  raise  the  eyelids 
from  his  eyes  ;  and  it  was  in  this  forlorn  condition,  that  he  fell  into  the  hands 
of  his  enemies.  A  soldier,  who  had  heen  ajjpointed  to  guard  him,  harharously 
fired  ujjon  him,  and  inflict«;d  a  mortal  wound.  He  was  supposed  to  have 
been  prompted  to  the  bloody  deed,  from  a  recollection  of  the  old  chief's 
agency  in  the  massacre.  Just  before  he  expired,  hearing  a  great  hustle  nnd 
crowcl  about  him,  hi;  ordered  an  attendant  to  )ift  up  his  eyelids;  when  he 
discovered  a  midtitude  |)rcssing  aroimd,  to  gratify  the  untimely  curiosity  of 
beholding  a  dying  sachem.  Undaunted  in  death,  and  roused,  as  it  were,  fron; 
sleep,  at  the  conduct  of  the  confused  nndtitude,  ho  deigned  not  to  observe 
them ;  hut,  raising  himself  from  the  ground,  with  the  expiring  breath  of 
authority,  commanded  that  the  governor  should  be  called  to  liini.  When  the 
governor  came,  Opeknnknnoiigh  said,  with  indignation,  "  H(td  it  been  my  for- 
tune to  have  taken  Sir  Wm.  IJerkf.i.ky  prisoner,  I  would  not  ineanli/  have 
exposed  him  ns  a  ^now  to  my  people  ;"*  and  soon  after  expired. 

It  is  said,  and  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  fiict,  that  it  was  owing  to  the 
encroachments  upon  his  lands,  that  caused  Opckankxmouich  to  d(!termine  upon 
a  iiKissaere  of  the  whites.  These  intrusions  were,  nevertheless,  contiirniabie 
to  the  giants  of  the  proprietors,  lie  could  hardly  have  ex])ected  eiuire  cou- 
<[iu'st,  as  his  |)eoi»le  had  alnnidy  begun  to  wasti;  away,  nnd  Knglish  villages 
were  springing  u|)  over  an  extent  of  country  "f  more  than  .500  miles,  with  a 
popidousness  beyond  any  I>re('ediiig  exauijih! ;  still,  he  was  determined  upon 
the  vast  inidertuking,  and  sacritict.'d  himself  with  as  much  Iwnor,  it  will,  i)er- 
haps,  be  acknowledged,  as  did  Leonidits  at  Theruioi)yliu. 

Sir  lyilliam  Berkeley  intended  to  have  sent  him,  as  a  present,  to  the  king 
<if  Fngland  ;  but  assitssiuation  dei)rived  him  of  the  wretched  satisfaction,  and 
saved  the  chief  from  the  mortificati(ui.t 

Noiu)  of  the  Virginia  historians  seem  to  hnve  heen  informed  of  the  true 
datt!  of  this  last  war  of  Opekankanowrh :  the  ancient  records  of  \irginia,  says 
Mr.  Burk^  are  silent  even  upon  the  events  of  it,  (an  extiaordiiiary  omission.) 
Mr.  Beverly  thinks  it  began  in  Hi:}!),  and,  althougli  Mr.  Burk  is  satisfied  that  it 
took  place  after  l(>41,  yet  lu!  relates  it  under  the  date  J(i4().  And  we  arc  not 
certain  that  the  real  date  would  ever  hav(!  been  fixed,  but  for  the  inestimabh- 
treasury  of  New  England  history,  //7;i</ir«//,*  Journal,  j 

That  it  took  place  subseipient  to  I'i-l I,  jMi'.  /<»r/i"  tL'^sures  us,  upon  the  evi- 
dence of  the  MS.  records;  f()r  they  relate  that,  in  l(!IO,  one  ^0/111  Burton  had 
been  convicti.'d  of  the  nuu'der  of  nn  Indian,  nud  that  his  |iMnishment  was 
remitted,  "at  the  intercession  of  Opekankanouich,  and  his  gri'at  men.''  And 
that,  in  the  end  of  the  year  U'Al,  riwma.i  Uiill'e,  the  son  of  l'orahotila,<>,  peti- 
tioned the  governor  liir  permission  to  visit  his  kinsiiian,  <)pii<itiikitnou<j:h,  and 
Cliupatrc,  tlie  sister  of  his  motluu*.  '['hat,  thi-refore,  lhe.'~e  events  hnpneni'd 
previous  to  the  war,  and  death  of  Opekankanouich.  ij 

i\i<  KorAWA.NCK  succeeded  Oprktinkiinnni^h,  nn  a  trilmtary  to  the  iliiglish. 
In  ItilH,  he  came  to  ■lameslowii,  with  live  other  ehii'ls,  anil  brought  '20  beaver 
ikiiis  to  be  sent  to  King  L'harks.  lie  made  a  long  oratiim,  which  he  eon- 
cluili'd  with  the  protestation,  'that  the  sun  and  moon  should  first  loose  their 
gloriiius  lights,  and  shining,  beliiri;  he,  or  hid  people,  should  ever  more  here- 
utliT  wrong  the  Knglish." 

Toroi'iiToMoi  proiiably  succeeded  \lrkotawanir,  as  he  was  king  of  I'a- 
inunkey  in  WM.  In  that  year,  a  liu'ge  body  ot'  strange  Indians,  called 
Itechaherri^ins,  cume  down  from  iho  iidund  mountainous  conntrv,  und  tiireibly 


*  Kir,rlii.  Hist.  Viri;.  .'d.  f  ."^ri-  Urilisli  I'.nipire  in  AiniTirn,  i.  JM).  I. 

}  W'lioUiiT  it  III'  |iri'-,civi'il  in  lliiiinsfM  Suitiilcs,  1  liuve  not  Icariicil,  bul  pri'suiiit'd  it,  I'roiii 
liie  iiili'rcni'i?  ol'  liitiii  roft. 

^  Like  must  dl"  llic  rnrly  wriltTi,  (jii;  nnllior  of  A  \>'ii'  Pi'srriplinn  el'  VIrfinid.  (J  Cull. 
Mii«s.  Hisi.  .Soi".  ix.  III.)  «|»<'iik'4  111' llic  liiiliiiiis  in  liTiii'*  (lirlalnl  liy  iMcliiriiiuiini.  "  Tlirir 
UriMl  kiiisf,"  III'  says,  "  <  tjii<lii>iikriiiw\  llwit  lilnoilv  ninii^lir  imiiii  11  liiiiiilml  vi-nis  nlil,  win 
tiiki'ii  l>y  !^ir  H'i7/'iii«»  Uerkitii,"  'I'liis  iriicl  vvin  |iiiMislii'i|  m  U'tb'J,  ImiI  no  "iitte  u  pivcii  u> 
till'  niiiNsiirru. 


Chap.  III.]       THE  CREEK  NATION.— ORIGIN  OF  THE  NAME. 


23 


possesced  tliemselvea  of  the  country  al)oiit  the  falls  of  James  River.  The 
legislature  of  Virginia  was  in  session,  when  the  news  of  their  coming  was 
received.  What  cause  the  English  had  to  send  out  an  army  against  them, 
our  scanty  records  do  not  satisfactorily  show;*  but,  at  all  events,  they 
determined  at  once  to  dispossefe.=<  them.  To  that  end,  an  army  of  about  100 
men  was  I'uised,  and  put  under  the  direction  of  Colonel  Edward  Hill,  wi)0 
was  joincid  l)y  Totopolomoi,  with  100  of  his  warriors.  They  did  not  find  the 
R;cha]iecri;ins  unjircpared,  but  of  the  particulars  of  the  meeting  of  the  ad- 
verse parties  we  are  not  informed.  'Iho  event,  however,  was,  to  the  allies, 
mo^it  disiisirous.  Totopotomni,  with  the  most  of  his  men,  was  slain,  and  the 
l^.nglish  .sull'ered  a  total  defeat,  owing,  it  is  said,  to  the  criminal  management 
(li*  Colonel  Ilill.  This  officer  lost  his  coniniission,  and  his  property  was 
taken  to  defray  the  losses  sustained  by  the  country.  A  peace  seems  to  have 
been  coiicldilcd  with  the  Indians  soon  after. 


9eife 


CHAPTER  III. 


I'.nglish. 
1(1  heavi'r 

he  coii- 
Idsc  their 
|)rc  hcri'- 

L^  of  Pa- 
is, railed 
forcibly 

IW.  1. 

['(I  It,  Irdiii 

jr.  (2  ("oil. 
■Tli.'ir 

lllll,  WiK 


Oflhr  Cm-h  Inilinns — J^fiisl.n^rcs — Prohiliit  the  v.ic  of  ardent  spirits — Tficir  rise  and 
iin/inrfinirr — T/irir  arlir'n — Cnlaidias — Cliiliiisiiiis — (.'lirrnlicis — A  mode  (rfjhittenins^ 
their  hrails — Ciiiii/ih.iinn  lighter  Ihiiii  other  Indians — Semhwles — Ruins  at  Oak- 
wiifiree  Fields — Expedition  of  iiotu — Kills  '^liOd  Indians — Laiidonniire — fionri^es' 
c.rpe.dition — (irijalni — Movtov  made  emperor  of  the.  Chcrokees — Sir  Jlle.xander 
Cumniinir — Ills  trnrels  iinionir  the  Cheroheis — Sn-en  chiefs  aceovipnny  him  to  Kng- 
liiid. — .  Itlidnllaknlla — Skuaoistah — His  speieh  to  the  king — His  death. 

In  tiic  I'reci-diuir  chaptci-s  of  this  book,  much  has  been  iiarn\f(?d  of  the 
Fnutlieni  nalions  iu  gc  .eral ;  and,  in  |)articnlar,  of  many  i)roiuinont  indi- 
viduals and  events.  It  is  designed,  in  the  present  chapter,  to  .^^pe'ak  more 
l)artieularly  upon  the  (;vents  of  tins  great  nation  of  (^roek  Indian.s. 

It  ^\  ill  111"  piojier,  in  the  first  place,  to  gi\  (^  some  general  account  of  tlic 
nation,  v,lii).-M>  men  of  eMiitieiic(^  ha\e  been,  and  are  to  lie,  noticed ;  for  there 
luc  some  fiii-ts  that  Mill  not  necessarily  IJdl  in  otherwise;  but,  in  such  di- 
'gression,  if  so  it  should  be  termed,  oiu'  chief  ;i.\ioui  is  not  overturned,  which 
is,  that  to  Viiite  tiie  history  of  the  meu  of  a  country,  is  to  write  llm  history 
of  such  country.  The  reader,  however,  should  be  remitided,  that  a  general 
history  of  a  people  at  one  period,  will  not  exactly  apply  to  them  at  unother. 
'J*his  observation  is  not  only  true  with  regard  ti.  their  political  imd  civil  his- 
tory, but  alii)  ill  reg.ird  to  the  inanneis  and  customs  of  tlii'  same  nations; 
these  liicN  are  triu",  both  as  tiiey  reffard  people  called  civili/cd,  as  Well  as 


tl 


lose  called  savagi 


Men 


at  inie  time,  dilliT  li'om  il 


'criptions  of  tribes  or  nations  by  one  observer, 
if  another  at  a  difll-renf  period  ;  and  yet  both 
may  be  true  in  the  main  |  articiilars.  Students,  therefiire,  not  .aware  of  this 
fiu't,  may  be  disponed  to  discredit  writers  fiir  such  disagreements,  which,  in 
fief,  are  altegeiher  imaginary.  Hut  it  is  lime  to  coimnence  upon  tin;  imme- 
diate bu«iiie!»s  of  the  present  ch.'lpter. 

The  Creek  Iiidiafi-:  l.ike  their  iitune  fmm  that  of  the  country  in  whicli  they 
live;  that  i>,  tiie  I'liglish  gave  them  the  name  of  (^nn-ks,  because  their 
countrv  i^  fiill  of  creeks. 


»>• 


llie  liHuwliuv  |irp.iinl>lf!  imcl  ri'snlve  of  llie  Ic^ishilurc,  nil  \v(>  possess,  tuiirliiiiir  lliis 


mnllcr.  is  le  1  e  ..',:iiImt"iI  ; — "  W'l 


iiil.'liiil   biiliiilis  lire  iIr;i\Mi   Ci 


iiliiriiKilioii  liiilli  Ik-cii  ri'ccivril,  lli:U  miiiiv  wcslern  or 


iiin  lllr  Inoiiiil. 


lillL'h    St' 


t  (l<i 


iir  tlii>  liills  of  .ImiiiiI!* 


River.  Ill  till'  iiiiiiilicr  of  li  or  71)0,  whorcliy,  iipoii  n..iiiy  srxcrnl  ooiisiilrrnfioiis  hcini;  hiu\.  it  ii 
roiirciveil  uri-nl  (limiirr  mifflil  cnsin-  lu  ihU  rtiloiiv. 


TIm 


iHMTiililv.  tlirrcrirc,  do  lliiiik  fil 


iiiiil  rrsolvo.  Ilmt  IIm"<-  new  come   bi<liaii<  lie  in  no  sort  xiilVeri'il  lo  setil  tlieniieivet  there,  or 
niiy  pliiee  msir  lis,  il  luiviiii;  cost  so  niiii'li  lilood  lo  evpel  niid  cvtirpule  lliosi<  pcrliilioiis  iiml 

ireiirli^roiis  liiilimis,  wliirli  were  lln-re  loriiierly.'     Il  lieinjf  no  n^l  a  pli lo  iiivude  us,  Bml 

wittiiii  ilie  liinils,  wliiili,  in  n  jiisl  wnr.  were  I'ornierlv  eonijiirred  liy  im.  ami  l>y  im  rescrv>'d,  »t 


till'  ei)iirliisioii  111 


I'iMii',  Willi  ilie  bidiuiis 


Hiirk,  lllsi.  s  ir;;iiiiu 


llO. 


Il 


ni 


iji 


24 


CREEK  LANGUAGE.— CIIEUOKEE  INVENTION.         [Cook  IV. 


Tho  nation  of  most  irnpoitaneo  ainon^r  tlie  Crocks  was,  in  1775,  the 
Mnskogecs.  Tlint  community,  or  nation,  like  tlic,  Iroquois,  was  more  politic 
than  their  neighbors,  and  va.stly  increased  their  strength  and  importance  by 
encouraging  sn  all  declining  tribes  to  incorporate  tlKMiiselves  with  tliem.  At 
one.  time,  anotiier  most  wise  resolution  was  adopted  among  tiicm,  which,  above 
all  others,  should  be  mentioned ;  that  was  a  prohibition  of  the  hnportation  of  all 
kinds  of  ardent  spirits  into  tiieir  country.  How  long  this  resolution  rtas  main- 
tained, or  at  what  period,  cannot,  at  this  time,  be  staled.  It  was  very  probably 
at  th(!  j)eriod  of  their  greatest  ])r()siierity,  which  was  just  before  the  breaking 
out  of  the  revolutionarj'  war.  'i'he  Mnskogces  had  another  excellent  regulation, 
namely,  the  men  assisted  their  women  in  their  planting  before  setting  out  on 
their  warlike  and  other  expeditions.  This  was  called  the  Creek  nation, 
which,  in  what  was  calhul  its  best  days,  about  178(),  contained  17,000  souls ;  * 
but  they  were  reckoned,  in  ii^'ii),  at  20,000. 

Sonic  have,  latterly,  given  the  name  of  Creeks  only  to  a  part  of  the  nations 
of  which  we  have  bi'gun  to  treat;  but  it  is  h'jn-  inteiided  to  include  under  that 
head,  all  the  tribes  belween  the  ir^avannah  on  tlu;  I'ast,  the  Rlississip|)i  on  th(^ 
west,  and  the  country  bordering  on  the  Ohio  on  the  north. 

The  fi)Ilowing  is  a  specimen  of  their  language,  which  will  answer  tolerably 
well  as  a  specimen  of  all  tin!  southern  languages,  from  Carolina  to  the 
Mississippi : — 

L«ti  tsuklivlhpi  laksakat  Tshihofv  inhomitsi  tomis;  momais  fvtsv  opunalio- 
yan  im  afVlski  tomis.  f  In  r^iiglisli,  Li/inii;  lips  are  an  abomination  to  the  Lord ; 
hut  they  that  deal  truly  nrr  his  delight. 

The  following  is  Choktau  reckoniMg:  Achvlii,  1,  Tuklo,  2,  Tuchina,  H, 
Ushta,  4,  Tahlapi,  r>,  llanaii,  (>,  I'ntuklo,  7,  Untuchina,  8,Chakali,  !>,  I'okoli,  10, 
lly  i>refi.\ing  nuh  to  the  names  of  the  digits,  iliey  arrive  at  20;  thi'ii,  by  pre- 
fi.xing  Pokoli  (10)  to  the  series  of  (lij.'its,  they  arrive  at  150,  and  so  ou.f 

The  Clierokees  have  now  a  v\ritteu  language,  and,  before  the  late  troubles 
with  Ceorgia,  were  making  good  adxancemciil  iu  all  the  ii.seful  arts.  One 
of  the  most  remarkable  discoveries  of  modern  times  has  been  made  by  a 
Cherokee  Indian,  named  («K0iuiK  Cukss.  I  lis  inveuliun  was  that  of  a  syllabic 
alphabet  of  the  language  t)f  his  nation,  which  he  applied  tit  writing  with 
un|un'alleled  success.  Yoimg  (Jherokcrs  learned  by  it  to  write  letters  to  their 
fi'iends  in  three  days'  liu'e;  and  although  tlu!  inventor  us(>d  a  part  of  tiie 
English  alphabet  in  making  uj)  his  own,  yet  he  was  ac(|uaint(Ml  with  no  other 
language  bin  the  Cheroki c.  This  inxenlion  was  brought  to  maturity  in  If^'Jtl. 
Two  years  after,  a  news|iaper,  called  the  Chkrokkk  IMkk.nix,  was  established 
in  the  ('herokee  nation,  printed  chielly  in  <Jherokee,  with  an  I'iiiglisli  transla- 
tion. §  Iteing  considered  an  indejiendent  nation,  they  instituted  a  form  of 
gov<'rnment  similar  to  that  of  the  I'liiU'd  Slates. 

Il  wiLs  some  time  alVertlie  .Natche/.  mas.-acred  tho  French,  tiiat  the  principal 
nation  <if  (Greeks,  lh('  iMiisk ogees,  began  to  ri.se  into  importance.  For  a  lime 
aUer  that  mem(»rahlt!  event,  the  I'ountry  of  the  IS'atehe/,  was  desolate;  but 
when  Bt)iiie  yeans  had  elupstMl,  a  tribe  seated  themselves  tlufre,  and  it  becamo 
the  seat  of  a  powerful  nation;  and  this  was  the  IMuskogees.  That  nation, 
like  ili(<  ancient  Konian-',  had,  in  about  IK)  years,  extended  their  dominion.s 
over  a  fertile  country  neiu-  200  miles  sipiare  ;  had  H.IOO  bow-men,  ai.ii  .lO  con- 
siderable towns.  They  had  dominion  also  over  one  town  of  liie  Shawanese. 
Their  chief  places  wj-i-e  upon  th<'  branches  of  the  Alabama  an<l  the  .Apalachi- 
eola  rivei-s;  the  people  upon  the  latter  beintr  called  liie /owr  Creeks.  This,. 
jw  well  as  the  oilier  nations  whom  we  call  < 'reeks,  are  generally  sup|)o^ed  to 
have  originally  come  from  the  south  or  south-west;  but  th:>  Indiaim  them- 
wlves  believe,  or  jireteiid  to  believe,  that  they  came  from  the  east,  or  place  of 
the  siinV  rising:  cuiicerning  which  ooinioii  we  may  observe  once  iitr  all,  that 
it  most  pmluibly  had  ili*  same  origin  among  all  ignorant  people,  which  nrosu 
tWtiii  no  nlh«>r  tlian  n  denire  that  othert*  nhonld  think  them  descended  from  the 


*  Il  id  pnminoM  Id  rt^kon  ii  lliiril  wnrrior^. 

♦  'I'lii*  spci  iiiii'ii  I  inki-   IriMii  n  'illlo  voliimp,  rii'Ipfl  tlirt  "  Miiskn|;re   (Creek)  Assistant," 
piihli-.lii"!  ill  K(i*.liin.  18,15,  hy  Idc  Am.  nourd  of  Com.  lor  Forcijfii  iMissioin, 

J  Clioldmi  A'''tlimctii'.  |>rilllril  »•<  lilmvo. 

(i  Hi'f  AUxjf'ti    li,  Xtl.—'Alitsiimt'ii/  lltrald. 


C»AP.   Ill  ] 


COUNTRY  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  INDIANS. 


25 


to  tlii'ir 

of  the 

no  other 

in  lr^"J(>. 

<tal)lisli('<l 

tiaiislu- 

Ibriii  of 

])riii('i)ml 

>r  a  tiiiin 

ate;    lint 

liccaniu 

nation, 

minions 

50  con- 

IWIUICHP. 

L|i!ila<'iii- 
Tiiis,. 

|)0?l('li  to 

m  llicin- 
>lac(!  of 
ail,  llmt 
1)  nroHt) 

Iroin  the 

.tsiiiant," 


HUii;  that  being  tlie  most  gloi-ions  and  nol)h'  origin  of  wliicli  tlicy  roiild  con- 
ceive. Indeed,  sucii  is  not  altogether  nnnatnral ;  for  tiiat  iinninary  (luickens 
nnd  enlivens  every  thing  that  has  life,  whether  aninia!  or  vcgctalile. 

Beside  tlio  Mnskogoos,  the  Katanhahs,  or  Catawhus,  Clierokcies,  ChoktaHS, 
and  ('hikasjius,  wen;  other  numerous  tribes  s|';'ead  over  Jhe  great  country 
of  whi('h  \v(!  havt!  spoken. 

The  Kataubahs  and  the  Chikasaus  were  very  warlike ;  but  their  vicinity  to 
Eiiro])eans  was  as  detrimental  to  them,  and  even  inori!  so,  than  timir  own 
exterminating  wars ;  for,  as  in  other  (uises.  us  soon  as  an  intercourse  com- 
menced, degradation  and  ruin  followed. 

The  Cherokees  have  withstood  the  deliitfcry  effects  of  civili/.ation  much 
beyond  what  can  bo  said  of  any  other  tribe  of  Indians.  Tlniir  country  is 
chiefly  in  Alabama,  Mississijipi,  and  TcMUiessec ;  but  they  occupy  also  the 
western  jiart  of  the  state  of  G(!orgia.  IJetbn'  the  war  of  181'2,  their  coimtry 
covered  '24,000  siiuare  niilei^.*  Numbers  of  this  tribe  have;  emigrated  to 
Arka<isaw. 

The  ChoktrtUH  ])ossesscd  a  >^"^untr_V  hot  so  filled  with  creeks  and  riv(-rs  as 
the  iMuskogees.  This  circumst;uic(!,  it  is  said,  was  a  great  hiuderanci!  to  their 
|)rosprrity ;  tiir  in  their  wars  with  their  neighhors,  they  sidi'end  gn>;itly  li'oni 
their  ignorance  ol'swiimning.  There  were  IJppi'r  and  Lower  (Jhoktan  towns; 
the  tiirnier  were  situated  about  100  miles  fi'om  thi-  ( 'liikasaiis,  and  tln^  latter 
.•ibout  '2()()abovti  \ew  Orleans.  TIk?  ))eopir  of  this  nation  ilattciicd  their  hiuida 
by  vveai-iug  bags  of  sand  on  them,t  and,  accortling  to  I'aibcr  Heuncit!n,l  the 
heads  t)f  ail  the  Indians  upon  the  Mississippi  are  flatter  than  those  orCanada, 
It  is  said  also  thai  they  are  of  .-I  !ighl<'r  coMi|ilexion :  hut  this  has  reiiu'ence 
only  to  the  .Miiskogees,  according  to  some;  writers.  The  (.'lioktans  princi- 
jtaliy  inhabit  .Mississippi.  They  were,  in  1820,  set  down  at  xi.";,()00  souls,  and 
are  rather  increasing. 

Till' Chikasaus  are  supj'osed  to  have  come  from  tlie  west  of  the  Mississippi, 
nnd  as  it  whs  a  custom  among  the  Creeks  liir  their  unoccupiiMl  lands  to  !;,• 
taken  by  any  tliat  cnne  among  them,  as  emigrants,  the  Chikasaus  found  no 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  establi-iliing  themselves  on  tliis  sidi;  lli'  iMississipjii. 
Where  they  tir>it  estaiilished  themselves  is  nnktiowu,  but  in  1770  they  were  ii 
l)o\\i'rfiil  and  wurjikc  niition,  and  were  seated  upon  tiie  west'rn  liranches  of 
the  Moiiile.  Tli.'  tribe  of  Vazoos  belonged  to  this  nation.  The  ('hikasaus 
reside  in  .Mississip|ii,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee,  fhey  do  not  excivd  4!'00 
in  inmibi'r. 

'I'he  Seminoles  were  a  nation  made  up  siimi.'.r  li-  ninny  oiliers,  and  chiefly 
.if  Miiskogees.  The  (.'reeks  called  them  Seminoles,  which  signified  U'il '., 
iiccaiise  they  had  estranged  themselves  from  their  former  country,  '^iiix 
imtion  wtis  priii'iiilly  seated,  40  M'ars  ago,  upon  slie  rivers  Xp.dach'.-ol  i  and 
I'Tint,  and  had  large  town  on  Calos  Hay,  on  the  \vesf  side  of  lla -l  Florida. 
'I'liey  now  re.-ide  in  rim-idii,  a  scattered  rnnnaut  of  aliont  !'2()l). 

The  iij.mes  iilone  of  the  difVerent  clans  or  tribes  ot'  tin  -;•  nations  would  till 
H  'veral  pages,  and  it  is  not  iici-essiuT  here  to  enumerate  them  ;  ue  shell  there- 
fore, at! 'r  some  general  ohserviitions.  puss  to  the  consideration  of  those  chiefs 
who  have  been  conspicuoiis. 


Th 


ere  in 


V  niiiin  the  east  Irml    ■<!'  Mie  Dakmnlire,  near  its  conlluenee  with 


the  Ocoiie,  beantit'ul  fields,  e.vt.iisively  known  as  the  ( «akiiiulgi!  Iields  ;  they 
are  upon  tiie  rich  low  lands  of  the  river,  and  upon  the  elevati'd  |)arl  of  tliein 
are  yet  \isible  r.  mains  of' ii  town.  These  fields  extend  'iO  miles  iilongthc  river. 
The  (^ivek  Indians  give  this  a  •.•omil  of  tlcin,  namely,  th>t  here  was  the  place 
wlii-re  they  lirst  set  down  idb"'  crossinur  the  Missis-;ippi ;  that  their  journey 
from  the  \  'est  had  been  otiendi'd  with  incredible  sullering,  and  that  ihey  wero 
opposed  nt  every  step  by  vurio  is  hostile  biuids  of  Indians,  and  that  on  rcnch- 

*  Dr.  Morse'. 1  Hi'iiorl. 

t  Ailiiir. — '•  .\'^  -omn  n<i  the  rhilil  ii  horn,  tlip  luir"  poviifp*  n  rrfulle  or  wnu'li^ii  rn^p,  hoi- 
liiwi'd  iiliil  rii>li'iiiiril.  Ill  riM'ciVi'  th;'  iiir.iii',  JMii.;  iin>-'i  I'e  nil  IN  luirk,  lli.il  |i;irl  nl' llic  rn'^e 
wliort*  llii>  liiMil  rr)i(i^<'.<.  lii'iiiK  I'lixliioiii-il  like  a  l>i  'v-iiioiil<l.  bi  this  porliilile  iiiarliiiie  lira 
litllc  liov  i^  Ii   ill.  :i  111.;  ursiiini  hem:;  Itiiil  on  liis  ('<i:.lii'a<l."— //le-'ci/K,  il.). 

\  New  Di'-ciiMT)  ,  l"((i. 

3 


20 


SOTO'S  r,\i'i'.r)n'((>.\. 


[Hook  IV 


♦f 


!;iji 


'.p' 


iiiy:  lliiH  pliirc  tli(\\  lijrtiticd  lliciiisi'ivcs,  am!  ciiuld  proccctl  no  (iirllier,  am!  lit 
l('iiu:ili  u.'iiiii'd  <rn)iiiiil  aiiil  Ix^caiiii!  ciiiKiiicrxi'.s  in  their  liirii. 

'i'lirrc  arc  Irw  iri'catcr  curiosities  in  the  f<oiitli,  than  the  irrcat  hifrhwavs  or 
roads,  which,  50  years  ai;o,  struck  the  lra\t'llcr  with  surprise.  Jn  West  l-'lorida 
•  liey  are  sitili  easil/  traced  Cor  near  HO  miles  in  a  slrai:^iif  line  Mpon  the  Oklo- 
Loney  l!i\er.  All  jiistors  is  silent  al.oiit  them;  and  it  is  a  sini;nlur  liict  tiial 
the  Indians  uill  make  no  use  of  tliein,  Imt  stiidioiisly  make  their  jiatlis  in  any 
oiiii  r  direction.  ' 

The  cdimlry  ofthe  sontliern  Indians  has  siiircred  in  some  i'i!S|iects  as  much 
;,  i  some  pin'ts  ol'Sontli  America;  it  liavin^'  hceii  traversed  and  overrun  I'roin 
lime  to  tinn'  l»y  hands  of  mercenary  \vhit(;s.  In  iIk;  year  I."i;iH,  FcnUnand  dc 
Soli),  ^V\th  a  (■  iinniission  Crom  the  I'linperor  (.'lifirlcs  \  .,  sailed  witli  a  consid- 
erahlc  lleet  for  America,  lie  was  a  I'ortnjJinese  >;-eiitleinan,  and  liad  Ix^en 
\>  illi  PIzitrri)  ]t\  'lie  coiiniiest  (as  il  is  called)  of  I'ern.  His  commission  eou- 
i-titnfed  him  uuverniir  of  Cnlia  and  general  uC  l''lorida.t  AItlion;ih  he  sailed 
Ihim  St.  Lncar  in  l.'WiS,  he  did  not  land  in  I'Morida  f  until  May,  l.Vi:'.  Willi 
a'mi  I  1{)(!I)  mi-n,  VJI.'!  ol'  wliom  were  prosided  with  horses,  he  undertook  llie 
cni.Hoest  of  I'lorida  and  countries  adjacent.  After  cntliii';  theic  way  in  vari- 
uiis  directions  lhri)ji;h  numerous  irihis  of  Indians,  ira\(v-^in;:-  nearly  i(1()0 
miles  of  coiin'ry,  losinir  a  f.'rcat  |>art  of  tlnir  army,  thei-  •;eiiera!  dieil  upon 
tlie  hanks  of  iot-  i\lississip|ii,  and  the  survivors  were  ohliireil  to  hnild  vess(  !s 
iti  whicji  to  descend  '111' ri\cr  ;  whicli,  when  they  h;ul  done,  they  sailed  for 
^Icviro.  'I'his  expedition  \\i\t  live  years  in  comiiij;  to  n<^tliiii.:i',  and  liriniiinvf 
nil!  npon  its  |)erfor'riers.  A  populous  li;di;io  towii  at  this  time  stood  at  or 
i.'iir  the  nioutli  i.j'the  ."Mohilcjorw  hicli  .S'o/o'.v  army  had  possessed  themsetves. 
■j'j.,  ii-  ii.'-i-ci.m-se  with  'h.;  Indians  vas  .'it  'ir-^t  friendly,  lini  at  len,;:lh  a  idiicf 
»^•a.s  i'.sidii  il.  \\hicli  liro^mhf on  JKHtilities.  A  battle  was  fought,  in  which,  it. 
is  si.id,  "JilOO  Indians  \M.'re  killed,  and  K'{  i-ipaniards. 

We  .sliall  not  attempf  here  to  •;()  mere  into  det.iil  cdncerniiig  the  liand  ol" 
maraiidiii':!'  Spaniards  under  Solo,  as  it  wijl  answer  th<'  present  pnrp<>se  to 
oliseiM',  that  what  has  just  hi-en  related,  is  hut  one  of  the  many  hutcheries 
eommitled  liy  Ihni  hand",  and,  inoreoNer,  our  accounts  are  rather  indistinct 
ii|>on  the  whole  all'iir,  and  -■a\or  nnich  of  e.\a«;i;(i'atio'i. 

The  l''rcnch.  mnier  Iti'ur  ilr  Liiinldinui ir,  >i'l\\\'A  in  I'liuida  in  lodl,  near 
•where  l'en;<acola  was  since  liui!'.  'I'lie  Spaniards  claiiiied  the  country,  iuid 
iieiice  the  bloody  wwrt-'  wliicli  iidhnved.  This  lirst  ^■l•ltleml•nt  ol'  the  I'^rrnch, 
projected  liy  Admiral  ('('/(y.'n',  w.i-  soon  lir -ken  n|i  by  the  Spaniards  •  lliey, 
in  tilt'  ba.si'st  aiui  most  savajie  manner,  idnrdered  the  whole  colony.  A 
relijiioiis  war  at  tliis  period  distnicti'd  the  !'"reneh  nation,  and  tliis  ontraui^ 
would  lia\e  remaiii  <!  unrc\e  i<;ed,  hut  for  the  indiiination  ot' an  iiidi\idual 
in  I'liu,  Ihiniliv'jii  (if  (lovnsis  sailed  to  l''iorida,  took  tlii-ee  liirls  from  the 
Spaniards,  put  !iie  men  to  the  swuid,  and  lian;;ed  a'!  the  other  settlers  he 
enidd  tiiid.vS  v  l''re.Me!i  jrarri -on  was  a;;alii  established,  but,  beiiin'  le|^  without 
protection,  '.itis  soon  reltikeii  by  the  Spaniar{ls,  who  remiuiieil  masters  of  the 
(ouiiiry  f."  more  than  a  hiiiub'ed  yi'ais.  || 

I'roiii  'iii'se  lr;iiisactions  of  antinnity,  we  mnsl  descend  ♦(>  times  nearer  our 
own.  '  o  the  year  I7;ll),  Sir. ''  nimlii  Ciinunliiii'  travelled  anionic  the  sontliern 
Indians,  and  I'rom  whose  aceM,i;,i  we  a -e  able  to  uive  fii'vcral  interestiiifr  par- 
lienlnrs.  \l  this  period,  he  I'ei'ites  that  ihe  ( ^i-erokee  natiiin  was  ^overmd 
li\  s.\en  Molliir  Towi  s,  eac'ii  <.f  which  eliosi' a  Uiujr  lo  preside  over  tliem 
•liid  their  deiiendaiifs.      lie  wm*  >  lecied  out  ofcertiaii  liimili' s,  !Uid  the  descent 


•  II7/rtiw.«'.v\V.  noii>lii,;t;. 

t  Chniiilcu  (!,■  Ihliiiiiliiii,  Neiivi'itil  Pirl.  Iti<lori(|ii(>.  art.  ScTo. 

■  Sii  i-!i|lr<l,  I  rciiusi'  il  hiis  lir.'*l  <li-.riurr<'il  l)v  ilio  ■S|.,iniiiriU  en   I'.M 


.•^lilliluv, 


;  •' fici  r;i|lr<l,  li'Ciiusi'  il  hiis  lir.'*l  <li-.riurr<Ml  l)y  Iho  .NiijiiiiiiriN  en  l';iline-."'lilliluy,  or,  ns 
till'  iiio-l  lalcrprel,  Ivislcr-ilay.  wliicli  llicv  imII  I'^is/jf:  i  /■Voc/i/i,  ami  net,  as  'l'li"ii''l  wriicili. 
Inr  the  tlniinsliiiar  Mriliirc  tlicnnr  '  I'lirrlifi.i.  "(iil.  Modern  wrilers  of  disrovrrii's  uoiild  do 
tidier  were  lllev  lo  look  iiiorc  lo  ll'e  sources  ol'  iiii'oillialioii. 

<i  Sci)  iiii  iuiiiuiii'  d  iH'roiiiil  of  liioc  lilnvlv  iilViiirs  in  .WiHsiufx  Life  of  (iciieriil  Oraw, 
i.  llAl,  &r. 

]|  l>iii>riil/,  i.  1 — .1.  ./(/im  ('•' /7r"7('/'M  (iisiMveri'd  llic  ro'iuli  v  upon  llii- (iiilf  of  Moxico  in 
lai'i,  (//''rrcru,  ii.  I".'!*,)  and  sonic  report  llnil  lie  c.irriril  olf  intlinn^  as  skivvs.  (See  M'lV- 
//iiHtA.v  rioriilii.  !'n. )  Hill  we  lee  not  awnre  lli.il  lli««  liii'l  is  rlscwlirrr  rpoordpd.  Herrn'ti. 
llionijli  vory  inn.ulc.  dins  not  iiamc  ii,    i'linihi--  ['li)  ii^rccs  wiili  linn. 


Chap.  Ill  ] 


MOYTOY  MADE  KING  OF  THE  CREEKS. 


27 


l.")(!l,  iii'.'ir 
iiiitry,  ;iii(I 
I'^i'f'iii'li, 
;•   lliry, 
(iiiy.     A 

s  olitlVlUO 

"rolii  llic 
til.Ts  Ik: 
>  Miiliitiit 
■••i  of  tin- 

.■iri'f  our 
Miiiilicrii 
liii;;-  ii.'ir- 
;i>\  fiiird 
ri'  liii'lii 
(ll',«lCt'III 


uiv,  or.  .-iv 
■■'  wriiftli. 
"oiild  tlo 


Mrxiro  in 

.s,-,-  Mil. 

Hi'riffd. 


Wit"  rci^arcltul  only  on  tin;  jnotlior's  side.  Thoso  violher  Unvvs  won!,  according 
To  ti'w  jlk'Xitnder,  Tanimwsi<:,  Kcttoouli,  UKtcnary,  Ti'lli(|no,  l^stootovvii;,  Ki^yo- 
wci!,  and  Nocycocc.  Four  ol"  iIkwi-  town.s  won;  without,  kingH  at  this  time, 
llicy  havinf^  (liod.  Sonit;  towns  liad  j)rinc(!s,  as  our  autiior  called  them ; 
namely,  Touiasso,  otui ;  Setteclio,  on(! ;  Tassetti-hec,  one ;  Iwussee,  one  ;  Tel- 
TkIUo,  two;  Tannassie,  two ;  CannoKtee,  one  ;  ('owee,  one;. 

The  <;hi<!t'  Aloj/lojf  wius  calletl  emperor,  and  presided  over  the  seven  towns, 
in  17;J0.  His  resideiuie  was  at  'l'elli(|n<).  On  tliti  'i  April,  this  year,  (leputi(!S 
lioni  all  parts  of  the  nation  met  at  Netiuassie,  and  in  presence  of  iSir 
Jllcmmkr  Vtimmin^  and  r<J  otlu;r  Englishmen,  declared  jVfo_i/<o_i/ emperor;  he 
Iiaving  hecn  nominated  Ity  vSir  Jlkxandar.*  The  nation  con.sentcd  to  recciv(! 
A'ojjloif  as  their  king,  providcul  he  was  IikIJ  atxountuble  to  iSir  Me.vaniUr.  At 
the  cenMnony  of  declaring  Moijtoy  king  or  emperor,  by  whose;  ord<!r  Sir 
.'ll'j-andcr  was  jdaced  in  a  chair,  himself  and  the  conjiuvrs  standing  ahout 
him,  an<l  a  throng  of  warriors  "strokcil  him  with  1.'$  eagles' tails,  and  their 
,--iiig;'rs  sung  from  morning  till  iiigiit."  Afh',r  this  'vas  done  witli,  he  made  a 
s|»i'cch  to  the  great  concourse  of  Indians;  in  which,  among  a  good  deal  hcsides, 
he  displayed  th«;  powcn'  and  goodness  of  the  king  heyoiid  tht;  great  water ; 
and  "rc(|nire(l  JV/oy«,i/ and  all  tht;  la.'ad  warriors  to  acknowledge  tlicnjselves 
dutilid  subjects  and  sons  to  King  Gcori^v"  "all  which  tla'y  did  on  their  knees, 
(•ailing  npon  (!V(!ry  thing  that  was  terrihlt;  to  them  to  destroy  them,  and  that 
they  might  liecomc!  no  p('0|)le,  il'they  violatetl  tiieir  promise  and  olicdicnce." 

'I'll.'  next  day,  4  April,  "the  cnnvn  was  brought  from  great  Tannassie, 
^vllicll,  wilh  (iv<!  eagle.s'  tails  and  four  scalps  ot"  ihcir  cnciiiiis,  Jloi/toij  |a'e- 
sruti'd  lo  Sir  .ll(.v(iii(l<r,  impowering  him  to  lay  the  sauH' at  his  majesty's  feet," 
'J  be  conjiUHis  were  well  plea.si;d  with  the  English  baron,  and  told  him  tluiy 
would  follow  all  his  directions.  "That  when  he  left  iheni  they  wouhl  still 
consider  him  as  present  in  tht;  person  of  Moi/loji  of  T('lli(|iio,  wlio  \vould 
pnactualiy  do  what  be  had  bid."  .Sir  .7/('.iY»(r/tr  was  now  at  Tannassie,  400 
miles  from  Charleston,  according  to  his  reckoning,  and  bad  but  J5  days  to 
;ui'i\e  there  iu,  to  go  lor  EiiL'land  in  lb"  l''o',  mau-of  war,  which  was  then  to 
sail.  lie.  tiierefore  asked  Moi/toi/  if  flieindians  could  travi'l  there  in  so  short 
a  time  on  liiot.  The  chief  said  it  might  be  done,  tmd  that  hi;  woidd  havi; 
accompanied  him,  but  fi)r  the  daugei-ons  ilbu;ss  of  his  wili',  aial  rc(|uesled  him 
(o  choose  such  as  hi;  desired  from  among  his  pi.'ople,  to  go  with  liim.f 

Accordingly,  Sir  .'Uvrandcr  chose,  as  evidences  of  what  had  happened, 
Slt'ijdii'iixlii,]  the  head  warrior  ol'  Tassctchie,  ''a  man  ol'  sii'eat  power  and 
iutfi'oi,  wbo  had  a  right  to  Ik;  a  king,"  ^llUiknlldkidla,  and  OtuK.iik;  or  Outa- 
<■//(,  a  third  warrior,  ('(dlamudi^  a  liiurtb  ;  "and  tiom  Tannassie,  the  remotest 
town  ol'ilie  country,  he  took  Vloffoittah  and  OulanKukidt,^  warriors."  About 
':S\  miles  I'rom  Charleston  they  met  with  the  warrior  OiiiKtlnninowtne,  a 
('riciid  of  these  chiefs,  "who  had  just  comi;  li'oin  the  Kaliarbe  nation,  nud 
desired  to  go  along  with  his  countrymen,  lo  \\ liicli  Sir  ,}l{.timd(r  conscutcil." 

'I'hey  went  on  board  the  I'ox,  a  man-ol-vvar,  and  sailed  li-oni  Charleston 
l*>a\  {  May,  and  arrived  at  Dover  .'")  June;  thus  performing  a  passagi;  across 
tlic  Ailaiilic  in  a  month  and  a  day,  in  I7M(',  not  much  iiili'iior  to  what  is  done 
iiovv-a-days.     .Vt  Dover  Sir  .Heiaiutir  "  took  post  to  London,  w ith  the  crown 

■  Tlii'.  jiiirt  ipI'  llio  M-iilcnct'  is  upon  the  iuuhorily  "la  good  wrilnr,  {Ifumil,  llisl.  f'aroliiiii. 
ii.  ,">,)  lull  Sir  Al'Xaii'Icr  <I<k>  iiol  siiy  (iiiilc  as  iniifli  in  liis  nccoiint. 

t  .»/<",'<"/ w MS  II  liitlor  I'lii'inv  iillc-rwiirds.  In  176!)  ho  went  willi  his  warriors  lo  a  place 
oallcd  Si,iiii|iio,  anil  killed  several  vNJnlcs,  xvillioiil,  as  was  said,  itHi/ provoculi<in.     IliUtttt, 

ii.  ':io. 

I  Or  Kiliiniisla.  This  rliii'f  was  one  of  lilt  xfien,  as  will  iippear  iinmcilialfly  onward, 
alllioii!;li  Sir  Ahnaudir,  in  his  (■oniiiiiiniration,  docs  not  name  him.  Tifcilhrr  does  he  name 
\ll<il:ii!liikiillii^i-)i  Oiitiissilf.  :  m'I  il  is  ct-rlain  llii'V  wen;  lioth  ni  Eniflund,  and  we  l>ulicvc  nl 
this  limi':  llicv  make  up  ihi;  niimlii'r  .tcrcri,  willi  liiosc;  iiaincd  in  Ins  o«n  n.irralivc.  ')'li;il 
All'i!,iill'ikiiU,t  was,  SOI'  lliiciill.  ii.  iJI.  and  l\'iiii<ii\  ii.  'Jllll,  n,  W'v  can  onl\  acroiinl  I'or  die 
lili.nks  in  llic  iiarralixf,  liy  sop|)o>iii!;  Ilial  Sir  AlrrtinUn's  amnnin'iisis  diil  nol  midiTslnnd 
him,  (lor  In-  did  iim  wrilo  hinci'll.)  ami  die  I'limncralioii  of  the  chii-Cs  wliirli  lie  look  with  him, 

i.s  very  Mniidcriii^.     'riiiis  alter  naniiiif;  one  only,  il  is  siM  down,  '•  and ■ 

a  third  warrior  "  iVc. 

^   {'oihuns  Oi/iVtnoli'l ',  who  Wiis  cdlcil  ihi'  gival  w.irrior  ol'  ilu-  ('in  rokci'  iiulion.     lIeu:aU, 

.i.  jn. 


28 


ruF.EK  rniF.Fs  visit  englanr 


[Book  IV. 


of  tho  Cliorokoo  iiiilioii,  Icnvirifr  tlic  Tiidiaiis  bcliiiid  to  como  up  witli  the  man- 
of-war.  lie  let  till'  secretary  of  state;  imiiit'iliatcly  know  tliat  In;  had  full  power 
from  tliat  nation  to  lay  thrir  crown  at  liis  majesty's  feet,  and  tliat  lie  had  hron^'ht 
over  sc^vcM  Indian  ehicts,  as  an  evidence  of  the  Irntli.  Ills  majesty  was  fira- 
cionsly  plea.sed  to  order  Sir  .///<.n(»(/(T  to  lirinif  in  his  i»(M)|»le  to  ihi!  in.slullation, 
tlie  IHth  of  Jnne,  whcri!  they  W(M-<;  extremely  surprised  at  the  maf^nificcnct;  of 
every  thin<r  ahout  them  :  they  compicred  tla;  king  and  tpieen  to  tlio  snti,  tiie 
princes  to  the  stars,  ami  theniselves  to  nothing.  On  tin;  ii^d  of  Jnne,  Sir 
Jllcxmukr  was  introduced  to  his  inaje.'^ly,  and  upon  Ins  knee,  in  presence  of 
the  court,  declared  the  full  jiower  ln!  iiad  received,  the  Indian  chiefs  all 
kniicling  at  the  same  time,  as  a  testimony  of  their  suhnfission  and  apjirobatlon. 
Sir  .•Ikriuuhr  laid  the  crown  of  the  Cherokee  nation  at  his  majesty's  li'et,  with 
t!i(>  liv(!  eagles' tails,  as  an  enihlemof  his  majesty's  soven^ignty,  luid  four  scalps 
of  Indian  enemies;  all  which  his  majesty  was  graciously  i)leMsed  to  accept  of" 
While  in  I'lngland,  they  made  a  treaty  with  the  king,  every  article  of  which 
was  accompanied,  on  his  part,  with  presents  of  sonu;  sort  or  other:  such  as 
cloth,  trims,  vermilion,  hatchets,  knives,  &c.     This  treaty  was  dated  at  Wliite- 


liall,  7  Sei)tend)er,  IT.'JO,  and  from  it  we  get  the  names  ot'  tlu!  seven  chiefs.     It 


b( 


gins, 


"Whereas  vou,  S(\Y.\(ii;sr.\  Oukau,  chief  of  the  town  of  Tasseta ; 


you,  ScAi.M.osKF.N  IvKTAcu'sTA  ;  you,  Tktiitoui:  ;  you,  (^locioittau  ;  you, 
Coi.\.Ni\Au;  you,  l!\.\At:0N0Y  ;  you,  Oucounacoi,  have  het'u  deputed  by  the 
whole  nation  of  the  Cherokee  Indians,  to  come  to  (Jreat  Hrilain,"*  <!v:c.  Atlcr 
the  treaiy  was  tinished,  ii  certified  co|iy  was  presented  to  the  chiefs  by  Sir 
tilc.randir  ('imiiuinn- ;  u\iin\  which  SkijaguMali,  in  the  iiamo  of  tho  whole, 
made  till!  following  speech  : — 

"  We  are  come  hither  from  ii  mountainous  place,  where  nothing  but  dark- 
ness is  to  he.  iound  ;  but  \\('  are  now  in  ii  place  where  there  is  light.  There 
was  a  iM'ixiii  in  our  country,  he  gave  lis  a  yellow  token  of  warlike  honor, 
which  is  lell  Willi  Miti/tdH  of  Tellii|uo,  and  as  warriors  we  received  it.  He 
eame  to  us  like  a  warrior  from  you.  A  man  he  is ;  his  talk  is  upright,  and  the 
token  h<>  left  preserves  his  memory  among  us.  We  look  U]ion  you  as  if  the 
great  kingVM're  presi  nt ;  we  love  you  as  representing  the  great  king.  We 
shall  di(<  in  the  same  way  of  ihiuking.  The  crown  of  our  nation  is  different 
Irom  that  which  the  great  King  (iKoiKiK  wears,  and  from  that  we  saw  in  the 
tower.  Hut  to  us  il  is  all  one.  The  chain  of  friendshi)*  shall  bo  carried  to 
our  peo|>le.  We  look  upon  the  gi'cat  King  (/rorgc  as  thi!  sun,  and  ns  our 
father,  and  upon  ourselves  iis  his  children.  For  though  W(>  are  red,  and  you 
are  white,  _\ei  our  hands  and  hearts  are  joined  ttigether.  When  we  sludl  have; 
nc(piainled  our  people  \\  iili  what  we  have  seen,  our  children  ti'oni  generation 
to  generation  will  always  rememb(M'  it.  In  war  we  shall  alw.>ys  lie  one  with 
you.  The  enemies  of  the  great  king  shall  be  our  enemies.  Mis  peo|)l(!  and 
ours  shall  he  one,  and  shall  die  togeiher.  We  came  hither  naked  and  poor  as 
the  worms  of  the  carlh,  hut  you  have  every  thing,  and  we  that  have  nothing 
must  lo\(;  y(»u,  and  will  never  break  tlu^  I'liain  of  triendship  w liich  is  between 
tis.  Hen;  stands  the  governor  of  Carolina,  whom  we  know.f  This  small 
rope  J  we  show  yon  is  all  that  wt-  hav<'  to  bind  our  slaves  with,  and  il  may  he 
broken.  Ihu  have  iron  chains  for  yours.  However  if  we  catch  your  slaves, 
we  will  hind  ihem  as  well  as  we  can,  and  deliver  them  to  oiu'  Iriends,  and  take 
no  pay  liir  it.  We  have  looked  round  for  the  person  that  was  i;i  our  country 
— he  is  not  here:  llowe\er,  we  nnist  say  he  talked  uprightly  to  us,  and  we 
shall  never  I'orget  him.  ^'our  white  jieople  niay  very  safely  build  houses  near 
ns.  We  shall  hurl  nothing  that  belongs  to  them,  tor  we  are  children  of  one 
father,  the  great  king,  and  shall  live  and  die  togeiher." 

When  Skijiifriisliih  had  proceeded  thus  far,  he  laid  his  feathi'cs  upon  a  table, 


and 


sed  as  follow? 


*  Kp|)orr  of  tin-  CoinmissioiHTs  (17:!())  on  (lie  AlViilrs  <>t"  ficorijiii,  p.  .W.— It"  .MliikullnhiUa 
wore  iiMidng  those  oiiicls.  lie  wiiil  midor  iinollier  iiiinic,  us  diil  hNo  Oiilacilf.  Sue  ii  tbw  pages 
forwiiiil. 

t  'riuri'  \v;h  ;\t  iliis  time  no  governor,  ihonirli  liohfrt  Joliii.inn  \v;is  iiomiiinlly  sncli.  In  I7'i^9 
l!ie  ijuM  rnnniil  ol  (\irolin;i  «;!•;  ilelivered  lo  tlio  crown  ol' Kn^luml.  Cur  ahoiil  jCn,000.  Jc/in- 
foii  Wiis  reapjioiuH'tl  in  I7.il. 

;  S'.rinj  ol  Wiimpiiin.  pniliaMy. 


Chap.  IV.] 


TOMOCHICHI. 


29 


"  Tli'iH  is  our  way  of  talking,  wliicli  is  tlie  same  tiling  to  us  as  yoin*  lettei-s  in 
the  book  arc  to  you,  and  to  you,  beloved  men,  we  deliver  these  feathers  in 
confirmation  of  all  we  have  said." 

In  October,  the  Indians  embarked  at  Portsmouth  with  Mr.  Johnson,  the 
governor  of  Ciu'olina,  for  their  own  country,  and  in  the  same  ship  in  which 
they  went  over.  , 

Skijaffmtah,  or,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  KUta^ista,  "was  brother  of 
Oucconnostota,  or  the  great  warrior,  and  also  chief  of  Cliote.  He  lived  to  be 
very  old,  and  died  in  May,  17(58. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


,. 


Scttleinr.ntof  Carolina  and  Georgia — Tomochichi  receives  the  English — Goes  to  Eng- 
land icith  General  Oglethorp(! — Makes  a  sjieech  to  the  King — Ww  death — War  with 
the  Siiaai):rds — OuTAtrriE — Mai.acuty — Attakui.i.akiim.a — Indians  murdered 
— Attakhi.i.akiii.i.a  prevents  retaliation  u/jon  whites  in  his  power — Cherokee  War 
liegins — Governor  Littli>t()n'B  expedition — Imprisons  their  JJiiibassadors — They  are, 
massacred — Colonel  Montgomery  sent  against  them — Battle  near  Keowee — Chero- 
l;ces  tal<i'  Fort  London — Silouce — Haves  the  life  of  Colonel  IJyrd — Colonel  Grant 
.•:uMaes  the  Chcrolcees,  and  they  make  peace  xcilh  the  lohites — Chlucco. 

Tick  iiresimiption  is  pretty  strongly  supported,  that  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  visited 
llic  soiiilierii  shores  of  North  America.  When  General  Ogkthorpt  landed  in 
(icorgia,  in  V7\Vi*  O.  S.,  and  communicated  to  the  Indians  the  contents  of  a 
joiniuil  of  Sir  Walter's,  they  seemed  to  have  a  tradition  of  him,  whif  n  they  had 
loudly  clicrished  ;  althougli,  if  the  person  they  met  wen;  JKa/eg'/,  a  hundred 
yeai-s  had  elapsed  since  he  was  there.  They  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Oglelhorpe  a 
place  iKuir  Yamacraw  bluff,  since  Charleston,  on  which  was  a  large  mound, 
in  which  was  buried,  they  said,  a  chief  who  had  talked  with  Sir  Walter  Ralegh 
upon  that  spot.  The  chief  had  recjuested  his  people  to  bury  him  there,  thai 
the  place  might  be  kept  in  veneration. 

TOMOClllClil  was  the  princijml  chief,  or  Mico,  as  chiefs  were  called,  of  a 
small  band  of  Creeks  and  Yainasees,  who,  havhig  in  some  way  offended  their 
conntrymen,  fled  their  country,  and  "  wandercid  about  in  th(!  woods  some  time, 
until  about  J7y2,  when  they  begged  leave  of  this  government  to  sit  down  on 
tli(!  high  land  of  Yamacraw,  on  the  south  side  of  Savannah  river,  at  or  iii-ar 
till!  ])la(!e  wliere  the  ninv  town  of  Savannah,  in  (iJeorgia,  is  now  situated."  t 
They  consisted  of  but  17  or  18  families,  and  their  first  chief  appears  to  have 
been  ciiiled  IJocachkk.  Several  chief  mrii,  of  various  trilx.'s,  caini!  to  welcome 
tlu!  lOiiglisli,  immediately  afk>r  their  arrival.  "They  were  as  follows:  From 
th(^  tribe  of  (^loweeta,  Yahan-lakee,  their  king,  or  mico;  Essahoo,  their  warrior, 
llie  son  of  Old-lmm,  lately  dead,  whom  the  S|)aniards  called  emperor  of  the 
(  reeks,  with  eight  men  and  two  women  attciiulants.  From  the  tribe  of  Cusse- 
(ns,  (Jusscta,  their  mico  ;  Tatchiqualchi,  their  head  warrior,  with  four  attendants. 
I'rom  the  tribe  of  Owseecheys,  Ogeese,  the  mico,  or  war  king ;  J\'eal!Uoulh- 
ko  and  Ougachi,  two  chief  men,  with  three  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of 
Clieecliasvs,  Outhlrtchod,  tlit.'ir  mico,  Thliiulho-thluket,  t^geer,  Sootamilla,  war 
captains,  with  tliitu!  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  lOchetas,  ChiUabeeche  and 
Robin,  two  war  cai)t«ins,  (tin;  latter  was  bred  among  the  English,)  with  four 
attendants.  From  the  trilie  of  IVilachucolas,  Gillaltee,  thtjir  head  warrior,  and 
five  attendants.  I'Vom  the  tribe  of  Oconas,  Oueekachumpa,  called  by  the  Eng- 
lish Long-king,  Koowoo,  a  warrior.  From  the  tribe  of  Eufaule,  Tomaumi,  head 
warrior,  and  three  attendants. 

*  Mniiv  gcnilciiKMi  in  Kjif>laii<1  ooiilrihulcd,  in  various  ways,  lliis  year,  Hir  llic  ailvaiicoinent 
of  tlic  colony  ;  some  in  ratllc,  some  in  iaUor,  some  in  provisions,  iiinl  oiIiits  as  soldiers,  'i'lie 
conlril)ulioii  of  one  frcntluinnn,  for  its  siiijrularity,  shall  l)e  meiaioncd.  "Air.  Ilniiif  i^ave  a 
silver  boat  and  spoon  for  llin  first  child  horn  in  Georgia,  which  hcing  horn  ui  Jlrs.  (.'Ivsf,  w  t  ro 
given  Bccordinffly."— CmHmmiwier.'i'  Report  on  Gfi'v/ria  AJ'airs,  p.  111). 

t  Report  of  the  Oommissioners,  ut  tupra,  11,  IIU,  117, 


30 


TOMOCHICIII  AND  OTHERS  VISIT  ENGLAND.         [Rook  IV. 


K 


t'^ 


"  Thn  iMdiniis  liciiif.'-  all  seated,  Oueckachumpa,  n  vciy  tall  old  man,  stood, 
and  iiiiide  a  .•<|iieeli,  wiiieli  was  interpreled  by  Mr.  Ifif^gnn  and  !\lr.  .UuacroiT,* 
ill  wliicli  lie  said  all  tlie  lands  to  the  suutliward  of  Suvaininli  River  beTonged 
to  the  Creeks.  lit;  said,  the  Indians  Were  poor,  but  the  same  Power  that  gave 
the  r,nglish  brearli,  gavt;  them  breath  also.  That  that  Power  iiad  ,i;'ven  the 
English  the  most  wis(lr)ni.  That,  as  they  had  eonu;  to  instruct  them,  i('.  y  should 
have  all  the  lands  whicdi  they  did  not  use  them.selvcs.  That  this  was  not  only 
his  mind,  but  ihe  minds  of  the  eight  towns  of  Creeks,  who  liad,  aOer  consull- 
ing  tog(  tlitr  -ent  some  of  their  ehief  men  with  skinfi,  which  was  their  wealth. 
At  this  penod  of  Ou('ckaclniinpa''s  speecli,  some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  eight 
towns  brought  each  a  buiulle  of  buck's  skins,  and  laid  them  down  before  Mr. 
Ofrldhorfie,  Tiion  the  ehief  said,  "  These  are  the  best  lhuif!;,i  we  jws.ic.is,  hul  we 
i^ive  them  icith  a  f;ood  heiirl.  I  thank  you  for  your  kindness  to  'J'omociiiclii,  and 
/lis  people.  Ilv  is  my  kinsman,  and,  though  he  tvas  banished  from  his  nation,  he 
is  a  good  man  and  a  great  warrior.  It  was  on  aceount  of  Ids  wisilom  and  justice, 
that  the  banished  men  chose  him  their  king.  1  hear  that  the  Cherokccs  Imve 
killed  some  Englishmen.  If  you  [addressing  IMr.  Oglethorpi"]  will  command  vs, 
we  will  go  against  them  ii'i'th  all  our  force,  kill  their  people,  and  destroy  their 
living." 

When  Oueckachumpa  had  done  si)eakiiig,  Tomochichi  drew  near  with  his 
men,  and,  ath>r  ijiakiug  a  low  boAV,  said, — "/  ivas  a  banished  man,  and  I  came 
here  poor  and  helpless  to  look  for  good  land  near  the  tombs  of  my  ancestors,  and 
when  yon  came  to  this  placi,  I  feared  you  would  drive  us  away  ;  for  we  were  weak 
and  wanted  corn.  Hut  yoh  confirmed  our  land  to  iw,  and  gave  us  food."  The 
other  chiefs  spoke  in  the  sine  manner  as  Oueekachutnpa  had,  and  then  agreed 
upon  and  executed  an  amical.'(^  treaty. 

IJy  the  assi.<tanee  of  his  inter, ireter,  Man/  Musgrove,  General  Oglethorpe  had 
boei.  able  lo  draw  togitl  er,  at  oi  e  time,  .'j6  chiefs  from  the  uj)p<.'r  ami  lower 
(^reek  town.s,  and,  by  h  s  eoncihatory  couduct,  had  secured  their  iriiMulship. 
lie  iie.xt  resolved  to  take  a  t1(>putation  of  iliem  to  England,  hojiing  what  they 
might  witness  and  expcn'-enee  there,  would  result  in  lasting  beiielits  to  both 
th»!ir  nations  aiul  the  Ijiglisl;.  Accordingly,  measures  having  been  taken  for 
the  fiu'lheranci^  of  iliis  iiroject,  thi;  general  and  the  Indian  ehiel's  end)arked 
fc!*  I'^ugland,  in  tlu^  Aldborough  man-of-war,  and  arrived  at  !~t.  1  lellens,  in 
tlio  Isle  of  Vv'ighl,  l(i  June,  I7;{4.  'J'Ik;  names  of  the  Indians  were  Tomo- 
chichi, Sx.NAWKi,  his  consort,  and  Too.nakowi,  the  prince,  his  nep'"w; 
also  liiLLispiLLi,  .'I  war  captain,  and  Ai'akowtski,  Sti.m.^i.f.ciii,  Hi.ntoli  hi, 
HiNGi  rniT,  and  I'mi'mvciii,  five  other  chiefs,  with  their  interpreter. 

Immediately  after  th(>ir  arrivtil,  ordeiM  were  given  for  preparing  iiroper 
liabits  for  them,  in  order  to  their  being  introduced  at  coiut.  This  having 
been  done.  Sir  Clement  Colli nl,  knight,  master  of  the  ceremonies,  was  sent, 
August  J,  with  three  ol"  the  king's  coaches,  drawn  by  si.\  horses  each,  to  the 
(Jeorgia  olfice,  wiicre  the  chiels,  all  except  one,  were  taken  in  and  carried  to 
Kensington,  \>  here  their  introduction  to  his  majesty.  King  George  ]}.,  took 
I'llace.  The  oui'  left  at  the  (ieorgla  olliee  was  sick  with  the  sniall-po.\,  of 
which  III-  (lied  the  next  day.  'f'o.Mocuicui,  alier  ])resenting  the  king  with  sev- 
eral eagle's  (i>atlier,s  which  were  considen  il,  by  his  tuition,  the  most  respectful 
present  they  could  send,  delivered  the  f'oliowing  speech  to  his  majesty; — 

"This  (lay  1  sec  thi;  majesty  ol"  your  l:ice,  the  greatness  of  your  house,  and 
the  number  of  your  peojde.  1  am  conn;  for  the  good  of  the  wlioh;  nation  of 
the  Creeks,  to  renew  the  peace  iliey  had  long  ago  made  willi  the  i'lnglish.  1 
am  come  over  in  my  old  days ;  ami,  though  1  cannot  live  to  s»!c  any  advantage- 
to  myself,  1  am  come  for  the  good  of  the  chihlren  of  all  the  nations  of  tlio 
Upjier  and  Lower  Creeks,  that  they  may  be  instructed  in  the  knowledge  of 
the  English.  These  are  the  feathers  of  the  eagle,  which  is  the  swillest  of 
birds,  and  who  flieth  all  round  our  nations.  These  fi-athei-s  are  a  sign  of 
jieaee  in  our  land,  and  we  have  l)rought  them  over  to  leave  them  with  you, 
great  king,  as  a  sign  of  i;verlasting  j)eace.     O  !  great  king,  whatsoever  words 

*  His  wife  was  (lie  inlerpretcr,  according  lo  APCall,  i.  3."),  who  was  a  half  breed  named 
Mary.  Oglethorpe  first  piirchastHl  licr  friendship  with  presents,  and  afterwards  allowed  her  a 
hundred  pounds  a  year  lor  her  services. — Commissiomrs'  Report  on  (ieorgio  Affairs. 


% 


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Chap,  IV]        TOMOCIIICHI  AND  OTHERS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


31 


t!i< 


Id  named 
Ved  he»  a 


yoii  slmll  K(iy  unto  me,  I  will  tell  tliem  fiiitlifully  to  nil  tlu;  kiiifj.s  of  tlio  Crcok 
ii.itioiis."  'I'Ik!  king's  aiiHwc^r,  tlioiif?li  siiort,  wuh,  in  the  liigliest  (iogn;c,  coii- 
ciiiatoiy,  and  what  was  torincd  graciouH.* 

When  tlio  chii'ls  were  introduced  at  court,  liJH  majesty  ivceivnd  them  upon 
liis  tinone,  in  the  presence  chamber,  attended  by  the  officers  of  state,  iuid  a 
mimcrous  conrt.  Tliey  were  introduced  by  the  Duke  of  Gniflun,  chamberluin 
f)f  ids  inajcsly's  household  ;  and,  nfler  the  ceremonies,  they  returned  to  tiioir 
anartments,  at  the  G(!orgia  office. 

Tiieir  liist  care,  after  returning  from  court,  was  to  inter  tiieir  deceased 
companion,  wiiicii  was  accordingly  done  with  great  ceremony,  in  the  buriul- 
ground  of  St.  John  the  I'lvangelist,  Westminster,  according  to  tiie  custom  of 
til!"  "(Iierokee  Creeks,"  whieii  wa.s  in  the  following  manner : — "The  deceased 
bring  s(!W(;(l  up  in  two  blankets,  witii  one  deal  board  under  and  anothiu'  over 
liiiii,  and  tied  down  with  a  cord,  \^as  placed  upon  a  bier,  and  carried  to  the 
pliicc  of  interm<;nt.  Then;  were  oidy  present  at  the  time  of  ids  being  [)ut  i)it(» 
tlie  gravi',  King  Tomo,  and  some  of  the  chiet5«,  the  npn'i-  church  warden  of 
pai'isli,  and  tlu!  gravi;  digger.     When  the  corpse  lid  in  the  earth,  the 

olhcs  of  th(!  deceased  Were  thrown  into  the  grnvi  .r  this  a  <|uantity  of 

glass  beads  were  cast  in,  and  them  some  pieces  of  silvci  ;  the  custom  of  those 
Indians  being  to  bniy  ."di  the  deceased's  eflijcfs  with  him." 

Alfliough  we  have  the  names  of  all  the  chiefs  given  us  tliat  went  over  witli 
]\lr.  Offldliorjjc,  W(!  have  not  the  means  of  knowing  which  it  was  that  died. 
Indians  ofh'n  died  on  their  visits  to  ICnrope.  One  of  the  five  Iroijuois  chiefs 
died  in  Mngiand,!  in  1710,  and  ol"  his  name  too  we  are  ignorant. 

I\lr.  Osxhtlwrpt's  chiefs,  afler  having  been  showed  the  chief  curiosities  in 
and  .ibiHil  London,  wei-e  tak«;n  to  Spithead,  where  the  English  fleet  lay,  that 
they  niiglit  go  on  board  and  view  the  tremendous  ship  Britannia,  and  sonic 
others  of  great  magnitude.  On  the  liO  October,  1734,  a  little  past  noon,  they 
end)urked  at  Gravesend,  on  board  the  Prince  of  Wales,  for  Georgia. 

Of  Tomochichi,  who  was  the  most  prominent  character  among  them,  we 
have  yet  a  little  to  add.  He  lived  mitil  he  had  attained  his  97th  year,  and  died 
M  OctolK-r,  17'>Y.\  five  yeai-s,  wanting  15  days,  after  he  sailed  from  England.. 
He  resided,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  about  lour  miles  from  Savannah.  He 
Avas  highly  beloved  by  the  English,  having  always  been  their  particudar  friend, 
fought  lor  them  in  war,  and  aided  them  by  Ins  counsel  in  peace.  He  was 
aware  of  the  approach  of  death,  and  expressed  but  little  desire  to  live  longer, 
as  he  should  ho  unable  to  aid  his  allies  any  more  against  the  Spaniards. 
For  General  Oti;lelhorpe  he  express<!d  the  greatest  tenderness,  and  entreated 
the  Indians  to  bear  in  renieinhrance  the  kindnesses  with  which  the  king  of 
England  had  treated  him,  and  hoped  they  would  always  remain  his  subjects. 
Having  expressed  a  wish  that  his  body  might  be  buried  among  the  English  in 
Savannah,  accordingly,  his  corpse  was  there  interred  in  Pei-cival  Sqiiure,  with 
militfuy  parade,  and  General  Ogktiiorpe  ordered  a  pyramid  to  be  erected  over 
it,  with  an  apjiropriate  inscription.! 

'i'lnis  are  traced  the  first  steps  in  the  history  of  Georgia,  and  thus  did  every 
thing  promist;  a  continuance  of  that  friendship  so  well  begun  by  General 
Ogkthorpr.  Nothing  was  left  undone,  while  the  Creek  chiefs  were  in  Eng- 
land, x^^  impress  upon  their  minds  exulted  ideas  of  the  jmwer  and  greatness  of 
the  English  nation.  The  nobility  were  not  only  cm-tons  to  sec  them,  but 
entertained  them  at  their  tables  in  the  most  magnificent  style.  Multitudes 
flocked  around  them,  conferring  gills  and  marks  of  res|)ect  upon  them.  The 
king  allowed  them  £20  sterling  a  week,  during  their  stay,  and  it  was  computed 
that,  at  their  n>turn  to  Americii,  they  brought  presents  to  the  amount  of  £400 
slerling.  Afier  remaining  in  England  ft)m'  months,  tJiey  embarked  at  Grave- 
send  ibr  Georgia.  They  were  conveyed  to  the  i)lace  of  embarkation  in  his 
majesty's  carriages.  § 

In  the  invasion  of  Georgia  by  the  Spaniards,  in  1743,  nuuiy  Indians  were 
drawn  into  the  controversy,  on  both  sides,  Tomnoeowi,  \\  or  Tooanohowi,  a 
nephew  of  Tomochichi,  was  shot  through  the  right  arm,  in  an  encounter  with 


*  Harris,  Voyages. 

t  M'Call,  Hist.  Georgia,  i.  190,  197, 


t  Kalm's  Travels  in  Amciica,  i.  210. 

§  lb.  i.  '13.  II  Harris. 


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OUTACITE.— INTERVIEW  WITH  GOV.  NICHOLSON.      [Book  IV. 


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f 


the  Spaniards,  by  a  Spanish  captain.  Tooanohowi  drew  his  pistol  with  his  left 
hand,  and  siiot  tiie  captaia  tlirough  the  head. 

Thus,  with  the  Spaniards  ujjon  one  hand,  and  the  English  upon  die  other, 
and  the  French  in  the  midst  of  them,  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees  became  sub- 
ject to  every  possible  evil  to  which  the  caprice  of  those  several  nations  gave 
rise.  In  1723,  a  chief,  whose  name  we  find  hi  writers  of  that  day,  Wootasaitaw, 
fVoosatasate,  IVootassitau,  fVroadascUoiP,*  &c.  is  styled  "(irovernor  of  tlie  Lower 
and  Middle  Setdements  of  tlic  Ciiarikees."  He  is  presumed  to  be  tlie  same 
with  OtacUe,  or  OtaasUe,  cue  of  the  prisoners  above  enutnerated,  and  from 
what  we  are  about  to  relate  of  him,  his  eminence  will  be  apparent.  In  1721, 
Francis  jSiuholsDn  went  over  as  governor  of  S.  Carolina,  who  was  said  to  have 
been  very  Buccessihl  in  managing  affairs  with  the  Indians.  Soon  after  his 
arrival,  the  Cherokees  desputclied  messengers  to  Charleston  to  adjust  some 
difficulties  whicli  liad  for  some  time  existed ;  and,  not  long  after,  anotlier  more 
full  and  complete  defintation  anivcd.  Governor  Nicholson  opened  the  council 
by  a  long  speecii  to  "  Wootasaiie,  King,  and  to  the  heads  of  the  Lower  and 
Middle  Settlements  of  the  Cliaiokee  Nations." 

In  the  course  of  his  sjieech,  he  observes,  that,  when  they  delivered  theii* 
acknowledgments  and  paid  their  submission  to  the  government,  "tho  other 
day,"  they  hud  made  mention  of  37  towns  that  had  sent  down  their  chiefs  for 
that  purjioBe,  aiid  wished  to  be  satisfied  that  these  towns  were  represented, 
that  his  words  might  be  carried  to  all  their  inhebitants.  After  laying  much 
stress  on  their  submission  and  res])ect  to  the  king  of  England,  he  spoaks  thus 
sensibly  ufion  tiieir  trading  with  tlie  whites,  which  ut  the  same  time  discovers 
to  us  the  origin  of  former  troubles. 

After  ordering  that  if  either  party  injured  the  other,  restitution  should  be 
made  by  the  aggressor,  he  says,  "  Frequent  complaints  have  been  made  that 
your  people  have  often  broke  open  the  stores  belonging  to  our  traders,  and 
carry  d  away  their  goods  |  and  also  pillaged  several  of  their  packs,  when 
employ'd  and  entrusted  to  carry  them  up ;  and  restitution  has  never  been 
made,  which  are  great  faults :  We  therefore  recommend  to  you,  to  take  all 
possible  precautions  to  prevent  such  ill  practices  for  the  future,"  &c.  "  And  to 
prevent  any  injury  or  misunderstanding,  we  have  pass'd  a  \k\v,  which  appoints 
commissioaeid  tiiat  are  to  go  twice  a  year  to  die  Congaree,  or  Savana  garrison, 
to  hear  and  redress  all  grievances." 

"  ffoosatasate  being  a  man  in  great  esteem  amongst  you,  having  given  fre- 
quent testimonies  of  his  afiection  and  firm  adheren'ce  to  this  government,  and 
being  appointed  king  over  you  by  the  former  governor f  of  this  province;  so 
I,  who  am  sent  immediately  from  his  majesty,  having  the  same  regard  to  so 
deserving  a  man,  and  in  compliance  with  your  own  raquest,  that  I  would 
consthute  proper  commanders  over  you,  do  now  declare  the  said  Hoosataaate, 
your  leader  and  commander  in  chief  over  all  the  lower  settlements  of  the 
Cherrokees,  and  give  him  a  commission  for  that  office,  under  the  broad  seal 
of  this  his  Majesty's  province,"  &c.  "  I  expect  that  you,  Woosaiasaie,  do,  within 
a  nionUi  after  your  return,  call  together  all  the  chief  inen  in  your  district,  and 
that  you  make  them  thoroughly  accjuaintcd  witii  what  I  now  say  to  you,  and 
require  of  you,  and  shall  give  directions,  that  all  tin;  Englishmen  amongst  you 
shall  lie  at  that  meeting.  That  your  ancient  government  may  lie  restored,  I 
recommend  to  you  to  keep  your  young  men  in  that  due  decorum  they  us'd  to 
be,"  &c.  This  treaty  was  held  3  February,  1791,  O.  H.,  or  this  is  the  date  to 
Governor  MxhoUorva  sjieech  ;  but  it  appears  by  our  account  that  it  was  the 
middle  of  March  before  the  Indian  deputies  left  Charleston. 

Although  there  wei-e  events,  in  every  year,  of  importance,  yet,  in  this  place, 
we  shall  tuke  up  the  period  rendered  more  memorable  by  the  distinguished 
chietii 


*  Htwalt   I.  '298, 

t  Jnmft  Moore,  who,  nrroriMnsf  lo  llnrM  (I.  27fi),  wns  put  into  office  in  opposition  to  the 
resnular  eoiirse,  l>y  «  kind  r.f  rcvofiiticinBrv  ipirit.  See  Oldmiron,  who  is  ftir  nwire  pnrticulnr, 
1.  MR.— Moore  wns  picrto.l  in  1701.  The  niuhor  of  "  The  British  Dominions,"  (142,)  says 
the  InHinns  were  criiolly  ircnied  (hiring  bis  administralion.  There  were  wverBl  other  ^vem- 
un  before  Nicholton,  beside  Moort. 


«.      [Book  IV. 

I  with  his  loft 

Jon  the  other, 
became  sub- 
uations  eave 
,  Wootassitaw, 
of  tlie  Lower 
be  tiie  same 
ed,  and  from 
nt.  In  1721, 
B  said  to  have 
oon  after  his 
adjust  some 
another  more 
d  the  council 
e  Lower  and 

slivered  theu' 
t,  "  tho  other 
leir  chiefs  for 
represented, 
luyuig  nmcli 
3  speaks  thus 
me  discovers 

>n  should  be 
n  made  that 
traders,  and 
packs,  when 
I  never  been 
u,  to  take  all 
pc.  "  And  to 
lich  appoints 
Gina  garrison, 

given  fre- 

rnmont,  and 

)rovince;  so 

rcgai-d  to  so 

lat  I  would 

Woosataaate, 

lents  of  the 

broad  seal 

',  do,  within 

district,  and 

to  you,  aiul 

inongst  you 

reston-d,  I 

ley  UH'd  to 

the  date  to 

it  was  tlio 

tiiis  place, 
^tinguished 


osition  In  the 
«  pnrticulor, 

>lh«r  govern- 


y 


OlTTACITE, 

chid  of  llic  CIIRROKEES 


1^' 


Chap.  IV.] 


ATTAKULLAKULLA. 


ATTAKULLAKULLA  and  OCKONOSTOTA.*  The  fame  of  Carolina 
had,  in  1753,  drawn  a  multitude  of  Europeans  to  her  shores.  The  same  year, 
on  the  26  May,  Malachty,  attended  by  the  Wolf-king  and  the  Ottnsee  chief, 
with  about  20  others,  and  above  a  hundred  of  their  people,  came  to  Charleston. 
They  were  met,  on  their  way,  by  a  troop  of  horsemen,  who  conducted  them  to 
the  town,  by  the  governor's  order,  in  great  state.  This  was  to  induce  them 
to  make  peace  and  remain  theii*  allies,  and,  to  this  end,  the  governor,  Gknn, 
made  a  very  pacific  speech,  in  the  Indian  manner.  MalacUy,  who,  at  this 
time,  seems  to  have  been  the  head'ohief  among  the  Creeks,  presented  the 

fovernor  with  a  quantity  of  skins,  and  readily  consented  to  a  peace  with  the 
Inglish ;  but,  in  regui'd  to  a  jioace  with  the  Cherokees,  he  said,  that  was  a 
matter  of  great  moment,  and  he  must  deliberate  with  his  people,  before  he 
could  give  an  answer.  The  Cherokees  were  already  under  the  protection  of 
the  English,  and  some  of  them  had,  not  long  before,  been  killed  by  the  Creeks, 
hi  the  very  neighborhood  of  Churlston.  The  paity  which  committed  this 
outrage  was  led  by  Malachty.  Notwitlistanding,  a  cessation  of  hostilities  seems 
to  have  taken  place,  tor  numbers  of  each  nation  joined  the  English  immediately 
after  the  capture  of  Oswego,  by  the  Frciicli,  in  1756.  The  Cherokees  are 
particularly  named,  as  having  renderod  essential  service  in  the  expedition 
against  Fort  Du(iuesne ;  but  u  circumstance  happened,  while  tliose  warriors 
were  returning  home  from  that  expedition,  which  involved  them  in  an  imme- 
diate war  with  the  English,  in  whose  senice  they  had  been  engaged.  Having 
lost  their  horses,  and  being  worn  out  with  toil  and  fatigue,  on  coming  to  the 
frontiers  of  Virginia,  they  picked  up  several  of  those  animals,  which  belonged 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  jjlaces  through  which  they  travelled.  This,  Dr.  Ram- 
say f  says,  was  the  cause  of  the  massacre  which  they  suffered  at  that  time. 
But  Mr.  JUair,X  who  lived  then  among  the  Indians  in  those  parts,  says, 
— "  Several  companies  of  the  Cheerake,  who  joined  our  forces  imder  Gen. 
Stanwix,  at  the  unfortunate  Ohio,  affirmed  that  their  alienation  from  us  was 
because  they  were  confined  to  our  martial  arrangement,  by  unjust  suspicion  of 
them — were  very  much  contemned, — and  halt  starved  at  the  main  camp : 
their  heaits  told  them,  therefore,  to  return  home,  as  freemen  and  injured  allies, 
though  without  a  supply  of  provisions.  This  they  die'  and  pinching  hunger 
forced  them  to  take  as  much  as  barely  supported  nature,  when  returning  to 
their  own  country.  In  their  journey,  the  Gferman  inhabitants,  without  any 
provocation,  killed,  in  cool  blood,  about  40  of  their  warriors,  in  <lifferent  places 
— though  each  party  was  under  the  command  of  a  British  subject."  It  must 
be  remembered  that,  upon  BraddocK's  defeat,  Virginia  had  offered  a  reward 
for  the  scalps  of  hostile  Indians.  Here,  then,  was  lui  inducement  for  remorse- 
less villaine  to  murder,  and  it  was  impossible,  in  many  cases,  to  know  whether 
a  scalp  were  taken  from  a  friend  or  an  enemy.  Out  of  this,  then,  we  have  no 
hesitation  in  sayiu",  grew  the  excessive  cakmities,  which  soon  after  distressed 
the  southern  ijrovuices.  Forty  innocent  men,  and  friends,  too,  murdered  in 
cold  blood  by  the  backwoodsmen  of  Virginia,  brought  on  a  war,  which  caused 
as  nnich  distress  and  misery  among  the  parties  engaged,  as  any  since  that 
region  of  country  was  plant(;d  by  th(!  whites. 

At  one  place,  n  tnonstcr  entertained  a  party  of  Indians,  and  treated  them 
kindly,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  caused  a  gang  of  his  kindred  ruffians  to  lie 
in  ambush  where  they  were  to  pass,  and,  when  they  arrived,  barbarously  shot 
them  down  to  a  man !  The  news  was  forthwitli  carried  to  the  Cherokee 
nation,  and  the  effect  of  it  upon  the  minds  of  the  warriors,  was  like  that  of 
electricity.  They  seized  their  tomahawks  and  wiu"  clulw,  and,  but  for  the 
wistlom  of  JIttahuUnkulla,  would  have  murdered  several  Englishmen,  then  in 
their  country  upon  some  matters  respecting  a  treaty.  As  ^UakuUakuUa  was  a 
chief  sachem,  he  was  among  the  first  apprized  of  tiio  murders,  and  the  design 

*  OiiroiiiuutDlnh,  Oiiroimoslotn,  Oiicoitnoslnlu,  Wyn/ic-wOccuiioatuta,  Ramtay.—AtteJnil- 
iakidln  was  generally  cnlleil  the  Little  carpenter. 

t  Hisi.  Houlli  Cnrolina,  i.  l(i;». 

t  IIi>l.  Ainer.  Indians,  '2Ui.  'riial  llie  Indiuns'  taking  horne*  wb»  no  nrelMt  for  ih*  murders, 
even  nt  llic  liinc,  HpiMMirH  evideiil.  "Am  (hbvs  Cnplniii  M'Call,  i.  '231.)  the  hoisei  in  llio»e 
pans  r:in  wild  in  lint  woitds.ii  uos  c'ui.i<innrv,'lic>tli  iiinon^  the  Indians  luid  while  people  on  tb« 
iroiiii'Tii,  to  rutcli  tluMii  uiut  ii|>jir(i|iriuto  iliciii  to  tlieir  own  uue," 


#. 


34 


ATTAKULLARULLA.— LITTLETON'S  ILL  CONDUCT.     [Book  IV. 


i 


k 


of  vengeance.  He  therefore  goes  immediately  to  them,  and  informed  them  of 
their  danger,  and  assisted  them  to  secrete  tiieniselves ;  then,  without  loss  of 
time,  he  assembled  his  warriors,  and  made  a  speech  to  tiiem,  in  which  lie 
inveighed,  with  great  bitterness,  igainst  the  murderous  English,  and  urged 
immediate  war  against  them;  ^^c  nil  never  (said  he)  shall  the  hatchet  be  buried, 
until  the  blood  of  our  countr;/men  be  atoned  for.  Let  us  not  (he  continued)  violate 
our  faith,  or  the  laws  of  hospitality,  by  inwruing  our  hands  in  the  blood  of  those 
wha  are  note  in  our  power.  They  came  to  us  in  the  confidence  of  friendship,  with 
belts  of  wampum  to  cement  a  perpetual  qfliance  loith  us.  Let  us  carry  them  back 
t6  their  oton  settlements ;  conduct  them  safely  ivithin  tlieir  confines,  and  then  take 
up  the  hatchet,  and  endeavor  to  exterminate  the  whole  race  of  them."  This  couriKcl 
was  adopted.  Before  conmieucing  hostilities,  however,  the  murderers  were 
demanded,  but  were  blindly  refused  them,  and  we  have  related  the  conse- 
quences. 

The  French,  ii  was  said,  used  their  influence  to  enrage  the  Indians ;  but  if 
that  were  the  case,  we  should  not  deem  it  wortii  naming,  as  it  appears  to  us 
that  nothing  more  could  be  necessary  to  inflame  them  than  the  horrid  out- 
rages of  which  we  have  spoken. 

It  appeju-s  from  another  source,*  that  Governor  Littleton  was  met  at  Charles- 
ton by  a  deputation  of  iJ2  Cherokee  cliiefs,  among  whom  was  Ockonostota, 
who,  on  hearing  of  the  warlike  movements  at  that  place,  had  set  out  to  visit 
the  English,  and  if  possible  to  prevent  a  war  with  them.  For  although  some 
of  their  young  warriors  had  counnitted  several  acts  of  violence,  y<!t  the  great 
body  of  the  nation  were  friendly  towards  the  English,  and  desired  peace. 
But  instead  of  seizing  on  thi.^  opportunity  of  treating  with  the  chiefs,  he 
insultingly  told  them,  "That  he  would  soon  be  in  their  country,  where 
he  would  let  them  know  his  demands."  Ockonostota  began  to  speak  in 
reply,  "  but  the  governoi)  being  determined  that  nothing  should  jjrevent  his 
military  expedition,  declai-ed  he  would  hear  no  talk  he  had  to  make,  neither 
in  vindication  of  his  nation,  nor  any  proposals  with  regard  to  peace."  The 
Lieutenant-Governor  Bull  saw  the  bad  policy  of  this  step,  and  urged  the 
necessity  of  hearing  what  Ockonostota,  the  Great  Warnor,  as  \\k  was  called, 
had  to  say,  and  settling  their  difticulties ;  but  this  good  advice  had  no  effect 
on  Littleton,  and  he  marched  from  Charleston  in  October,  a  few  days  after. 
At  a  place  of  rendezvous,  about  140  miles  from  that  place,  his  force  ainoimted 
to  about  1400  laen.  The  chiefs,  by  order  of  the  governor,  hud  niarched  with 
the  army  to  this  place,  and,  although  burning  with  resentment  at  their  treatment, 
yet  they  discovered  no  signs  Of  discontent.  When  the  army  was  about  to  march 
from  Congarees,  (this  being  their  place  of  rendezvous,)  the  chiols  were  all  made 
prisoners,  and  under  guiird  were  marched  to  F'ort  Prince  George,  f 

Their  resentment  now  showed  itself;  "stinig  to  the  heart  by  such  base 
treatment,"  they  cringed  in  sullen  silence,  and  we  may  supjjose  that  "  they 
spent  their  time  h\  concerting  plots  for  obtaining  their  liberty,  and  suti.sfuction 
for  the  injuries  done  them."  J 

Being  now  at  Fort  Prince  George  with  his  army,  Lilthton  found  himself  in 
about  the  same  repute  with  his  own  men  as  with  the  injured  Indians;  he 
theretlire  concluded  not  to  carry  his  conquests  any  further  at  present,  but  to 
make  a  treaty,  and  retain  captive  Indians  enough  as  hostages  to  insure  its 
observance.  He  therefore  sent  a  messenger  to  JUtnkidlakvUu,  who  was  reck- 
oned the  wisest  man  in  tb(>  nation,  or  the  best  friend  to  the  I'nglish,  request- 
ing him  to  come  to  Fort  George.  He  immediately  came;  aid  to  show  the 
English  he  was  their  friend,  jiroduced  a  French  jirisoiier  whom  he  had  just 
taken  in  an  expedition  against  that  nation,  and  whom  he  jiresented  to  Cfov- 
ernor  Littleton.  A  "congress"  was  now  (about  18  Deeembtsr,  175!))  held 
with  JlttakxdlakuUa^  in  which  a  long  speech,  in  which  all  the  grievances  he 
could  think  of  were  enumtrated  by  the  governor ;  after  which  the  chief 
made  another,  in  whieii  Ik;  piomisiid  to  do  all  he  could  to  ])ersuade  his  coun- 
ti-y men  to  give;  the  governor  the  satisfaction  he  demanded  ;  yet  he  said,  "  it 


*  Hewatt,  Hisl.  rnroliim,  ii.  '21(i. 

t  Tliix  liirl  was  iipoii  llie  JSiivHiiiiuli  River,  iicnr  tlic  Ciicnikce  town  called  Kcowcc. 

J  tfnriitt,  Hisl,  CuroliiiH,  ii,  lU, 


\ 


r.     [Book  IV. 

med  them  of 
thout  loss  of 
in  which  he 
II,  and  ur^ed 
diet  he  buried, 
iniied)  violate 
blood  of  those 
ieiidship,  with 
irry  them  back 
and  then  take 
Tliis  counsel 
arderers  were 
;d  the  couso- 

idians ;  hut  if 
ui)i)cnrs  to  us 
ic  horrid  out- 
let at  Charles- 
i  Ockonostota, 
5et  out  to  visit 
ilthough  some 
,  y(!t  tlie  great 
lesired  peace, 
the  chiefs,  he 
)untry,  where 
1  to  speak  in 
d  jjreveiit  his 
make,  neither 
peace."    The 
md  urged  the 
hf  was  called, 
had  no  effect 
ew  days  after, 
•ce  amo\inted 
marched  with 
leir  treatment, 
bouttomarcli 
W(!re  all  made 

»V  such  hase 

tliat   "they 

I  .satisfaction 

nd  himself  in 
.  Indians;  he 
resent,  hut  to 
to  insure  its 
'ho  was  reck- 
ish,  request- 
to  show  the 
he  had  just 
nted  to  Gov- 
,  175!))  held 
jfrievances  he 
■■h  the  chief 
ide  his  coun- 
he  snid,  "  it 


kcowce. 


Chap.  IV.]    ATTAKULLAKULLA.— IMPRISliNMENT  OF  HOSTAGES. 


35 


neither  would  nor  could  be  complied  with,  as  they  had  no  coercive  authority, 
one  over  another."  He  desired  that  some  of  the  chiefs  tiien  confined  might 
be  liberated  to  aid  him  in  restoruig  ti-anquiliity ;  and  accorduigly  Ockonostota, 
Fyioe,  chief  of  Keowee,  and  the  head  warrior  of  Eetatoe,  were  given  up,  and 
two  Indians  were  taken  in  exchange  and  put  in  irons.  The  other  Cherokees 
present,  observing  what  was  going  forward,  withdi-ew  into  the  woods,  and  At- 
taiuUakuUa,  presuming  the  business  must  end  here,  withdrew  also.  It  had  been 
premised,  or  rather  demanded,  in  the  governor's  speech,  that  24  Indians,  who 
were  known  to  have  killed  white  people,  should  be  given  into  his  hands  to  b«} 
put  to  death,  or  otherwise  disposed  of.  Two  only  hud  been  delivered,  and  22 
yet  remained  of  the  number  of  the  murderere,  in  their  own  native  forests. 

As  soon  as  lAtlleton  knew  o(  MtakullakulMs  de{)arturb,  he  sent  for  him,  and 
he  immediately  returned,  and  the  business  of  a  treaty  was  renewed,  and  on 
the  2G  December,  1759,  it  was  signed  by 

Attakull^kulla,  Otassite,  Oconnoeca,  and 

OUCONNOSTOTA,  KiTAGUSTA,  KiLLCAINNOKEA. 

By  article  III.  of  the  treaty,*  it  was  agreed  that  22  cliief>»,  (those  who  had 
been  treacherously  seized,)  should  remain  us  hostages,  to  ensure  the  delivery 
of  the  like  number  of  murderera  to  the  English.  There  seems,  however,  to 
have  been  but  21  retained,  whose  names  we  are  able  to  give  below,  and  who, 
under  the  name  of  hostages,  were  thrown  into  a  dismal,  close  prison,  scarce 
large  enough  lor  six  men,  where  they  remained  about  two  months,  and  were 
then  ma.saered,  as  in  the  sequel  we  shall  show: — 

Chcnohe,  Ousanatanah,  Tallichama,  Tallitahe,  Q^Mrraaaltahe,  Connasaratah, 
Katadoi,  Otassite  of  Watogo,  Otisanoletah  of  Jore,  Kataeletah  of  Cowetche, 
C'hisqtitttalom;  Skiagusta  of  Sticoe,  Tanaesto,  Wohaiche,  ffyejah,  Oucahchista- 
nnh,  ^Vicolclie,  Tony,  Toatiahoi,  Shallisloske,  and  Chistie.  \ 

Things  having  been  thus  settled,  Mr.  lAttltlon  returned  to  Charleston,  where 
he  was  received  like  a  conqueror,  although  what  he  had  done,  it  will  appear, 
\vns  worse  than  if  he  had  done  nothing. 

Ockonostota,  for  good  reason,  no  doubt,  entertained  a  deep-rooted  hatred 
against  Captain  Cotymore,  an  officer  of  the  garrison,  and  the  army  had  but  just 
left  the  country,  when  it  was  found  tiiat  ho  was  hovering  about  the  garrison 
with  a  lurge  number  of  warriors.  But  it  was  uncertain,  for  some  time,  wheth- 
er they  intended  to  attack  the  I'ort,  or  whether  they  wished  to  continue  near 
their  friends,  who  were  inq)risone(l  iu  it.  However,  it  is  said,  that,  by  some 
means,  a  i)lan  was  concerted  between  the  Indians  without  and  those  confined 
:vlthin  the  fort,  for  surprising  it.  lie  this  as  it  may,  Ockonostota,  on  the  1(3 
February,  17ti0,  practised  the  following  wile  to  effect  the  object.  Having 
placed  a  party  of  his  warriore  in  a  dark  canc-brnko  near  at  hand,  he  sent  u 
s(|uuw  to  the  garrison  to  invite  the  ponunnnder  to  come  out,  for  ho  had  some- 
thing of  importance  to  connniuiicate  to  him.  Captain  Cotipnort  imprudently 
went  out,  ucconi|>anicd  by  two  of  his  officers,  and  Ockonostota  appeured  u|)ou 
the  opposite  bunk  of  the  Savannah,  with  a  bridle  in  hia  hand,  the  better  to 
conceal  his  intentions.  He  told  the  captain  he  was  going  to  Charleston  to 
effect  the  release  of  the  hostages,  and  requested  that  a  white  man  might 
accompany  him ;  and  that,  as  the  (listance  was  great,  he  would  go  and  try  to 
catch  a  hoi-se.  The  captain  promised  him  a  guard,  and  hoped  he  would 
succeed  in  finding  a  horse.  Ockonostota  then  quicklv  turned  himself  about, 
and  swinging  his  bridle  thrice  over  his  head,  which  was  the  signal  to  his 
men,  and  tlu^y  promptly  obeying  it,  about  30  guns  wera  dischargt>a  u|ion  the 
ofRcera  at  the  sjuno  moment.  Captain  Cotymore  ivceivcd  a  shot  in  his  left 
breast,  from  which  he  died  in  two  or  diree  days  after,  and  both  the  others 
were  wounded.  \    On  recovering  the  fort,  an  attempt  was  made  to  put  the 

"  It  is  printed  at  leii^h  in  the  British  Emfirf.,  by  Huddlestem  Wynm,  Esq.  ii.  273-~ 
2T7 ;  an  author  of  no  inconsiderable  inciit  on  our  affairs, 

t  Several  of  these  "It  were  of  the  number  who  had  been  in  Enjfland  in  1730,  and  executed 
•A  treaty  with  the  kipij,  as  hn^  boon  before  slated,  and  as  will  bo  scon  by  rom|nirinK'  the  iiamei* 
above  with  those  nnnind  in  the  troiily. 

t  "Two Indian  women  appeared  at  Keowee,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  Mr.  Dohertij 
weut  out,  and  accostiug  tlicni,  aaked  what  news  f    OckmtotMa  joiu«)U  tltem,  preteudiug  soino 


90 


CHEROKEE  WAR— MONTGOMERY'S  EXPEDITION.      t^obK  IV, 


'I' 


li 


hostages  in  irons.  An  Englishman,  who  laid  hold  on  one  of  tliem  for  that 
purpose,  was  stabbed  and  slain ;  and,  in  the  scuffle,  two  or  three  more  were ' 
wounded,  and  driven  out  of  the  place  of  confinement.  The  tragedy  in  the 
fort  had  now  oidy  commenced  ;  the  miserable  prisonere  had  rei>elled  their 
assassins  for  the  moment,  and,  doubtless,  hoped  for  deliverance  from  their 
fl'iends  Avithout,  who  had  now  closely  besieged  the  place.  But,  ntifortunately 
for  these  poor  wretches,  the  fort  was  too  strong  to  be  carried  by  their  arts  of  war, 
and  the  dastanlly  wJiites  found  time  and  means  to  murder  their  victims,  one  by 
one,  in  a  manner  too  horrible  to  relate.*  There  were  few  pcreons  among 
the  Cherokees  who  did  not  lose  a  friend  or  relation  by  this  massacre ;  and,  as 
one  man,  the  nation  took  up  the  hatchet,  and  desolations  quickly  followed. 

Meanwhile,  singular  as  it  may  appear,  JlUakuUakidla  remained  the  fast 
friend  of  the  whitf.'S,  and  lised  all  his  arts  to  induce  his  countrymen  to  make 
peace.  But  it  was  in  vain  he  urged  them  to  consider  that  they  had  more 
than  revenged  themselves ;  they  were  determined  to  carry  all  before  them. 
Attakvllakulla  was  now  an  old  man,  and  had  become  much  attached  to  the 
English,  from  several  causes.  On  the  other  hand,  Ockonostota  was  a  stern 
AVarrior,  in  the  vigor  of  manhood,  and,  like  the  renowned  Pontiac,  Was  deter- 
mined to  rid  his  country  of  his  barbarous  enemies. 

The  leadere  in  every  town  seized  the  hatchet,  telling  thei^  follower*  that  the 
spirits  of  murderetl  brotJiere  were  flyitig  around  them,  and  calling  out  for  ven- 
geance. All  sung  the  war-song,  and,  buniing  with  im|)atience  to  imbrue  their 
liands  in  the  blood  of  their  enemies,  rushed  dowh  among  innocent  and  de- 
fenceless families  on  the  frontiers  of  Carolina,  where  men,  women,  and- 
children,  v'l'ithont  distinction,  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their  merciless  fury.  Such 
of  the  whites  as  fled  to  the  woodjf,  and  escaped  the  scalping-knifc,  perished 
with  hunger.  Every  day  brought  fresh  accountis  to  the  capital  of  their 
ravages  and  desolations.!  But,  while  the  back  settlera  impatiently  looked  to 
their  governor  for  relief,  the  small-pox  raged  to  such  a  degree  in  town,  that 
few  of  the  militia  could  be  prevailed  on  to  leave  their  distressed  fiimilies  tu 
sei-ve  the  i)ublic.  In  this  extremity,  an  express  was  sent  to  General  Amherst, 
the  commander-in-chief  in  Amei-icn,  for  assistance,  in  terms  too  pressing  to 
be  denied.  Accordingly,  he  ordered  a  battalion  of  Highlanders,  and  four^ 
companies  of  Royal  Scots,t  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Montgomti-y,- 
aflerwaitls  Earl  Eglinton,  to  embark  at  New  York  for  Carolina.  In  the 
mean  time,  Littleton,  having  been  ap])ointed  governor  of  Jamaica,  JFUliairf 
Bull  succeeded  him ;  a  diange  much  to  the  advantjige  of  the  ])rovince. 

Colonel  Montgomery  arrived  in  Carolina  tovvards  the  end  of  April)  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  peopfr,  who  had  talwn  measures  to  coiipei-iite  with  him  to  the 
best  advantage ;  but,  as  the  conquest  of  Canada  was  the  grand  ol)ject  now, 
General  Amherst  had  ortlcrcd  C>  lomd  Montgomery  to  strike  a  sudden  blow  for 
the  relief  of  the  Carolinians,  and  then  to  return  to  head-quartei's  at  Albany, 
without  loss  of  time;  and  we  have  scarce  an  example  in  military  history, 
where  an  officer  fulfilled  his  conmiission  with  greater  promptitude.  lie  soon 
after  rendezvoused  at  the  Congarees ;  and,  benig  joined  liy  many  gentlemen 
of  distinction  as  volunteers,  besides  the  principal  strength  of  the  country,  ho 
marched  for  the  heart  of  the  Cherokee  ipountry.  Afler  reaching  a  jilaco 
called  Twelve  Mile  River,  he  encamped  upon  advantageous  groimd,  and 
marched  with  a  party  to  surprise '  Estatoe,  about  20  miles  from  his  camp.  In 
the  way,  he  took  Little  Keowee,  and  put  evei^  man  to  the  sword.  Estatoe 
he  found  abandoned,  except  by  a  few  that  could  not  escape,  and  it  was 
reduced  to  ashes,  as  was  'Sugar  Town,  and  every  other  settlement  in  the 
lower  nation.    About  GO  Indians  were- killed,  and  40  taken  prisoners;  but  the 

matters  of  business  ;  he  drew  from  llie  fort  sevcrnl  of  the  otiicers  to  converse  with  them." — 
Haywood's  Hist.  Tinilessec,  80. 

*  "  A  bottle  of  poison  was  fonr.il  with  one  of  th'e  dead  lioslaces,  probably  intended  to  be 
dropped  into  the  well ;  and  several  tomahawks  were  fninid  biiricil  in  the  earth."  Haywood, 
Hist.  Temiessee,  30. — \ny  stories  would  gain  credence  among:  the  whites,  which  went  to 
make  the  Indians  as  bad  as  themselves.  Whether  the  bolllc  spoken  of  conlnincil  poison, 
may  be  questioned  ;  and,  if  it  did,  it  may  be  reasonably  doubled  whether  the  hidians  knew 
any  thitif^  about  it, 

t  I  nm  followin;^  Ifeira/I.  liut  the  Annual  Re/rister,  ill.  62,  says,  "  a  regiment  of  Highland- 
ers, a  battalion  of  Koyal  Americans,  a  body  of  grenadiers,"  &c. 


i.      t^obK  IV.' 

tlicm  for  that 
^e  more  were ' 
rngcdy  in  the 
rei>(!lled  theif- 
:e  from  theii" 
mifoituriately 
■ir  arts  of  war,  • 
ictiins,  one  by 
^reons  among 
nacre;  and,  aS 

followed. 
Incd    the  fast 
/men  to  make 
ley  liad  more' 

before  them, 
tached  to  the 
la  was  a  stern 
etc,  was  deter- 

jweft  that  the 

ig  out  for  ven- 

0  imbrue  their 

ocent  and  de- 

,  women,  and* 

s  fury.    Such 

iiife,  jierished 

pital  of  their 

ntly  looked  to 

in  town,  that 

sed  families  to 

■neral  Amherst^ 

)0  pressing  to 

lors,  and  four^ 

Monigomtnj^ 

Una.    "In  the 

iiaica,  Jtllliairf 

fovince. 

April,  to  the 

ith  him  to  the 

id  ol>ject  now, 

Iden  blow  for 

|ers  at  Albany, 

litary  history, 

ide.    He  soon 

ny  gentlemen 

country,  ho 

;hing  a  place 

ground,  and 

is  camp.    In 

rd.    Estatoe 

and  it  was 

iment  in  the 

era;  but  the 

1  with  tliem." — 

inlcnHcd  to  be 
Ih."  tiayxcood, 
1  which  went  to 
|intniiic(l  poi-ioii, 
IiKhniis  i<ncw 

iit  of  Highland- 


Chap.  IV.]     CHEROKEE  WAR.— BATTLE  OF  pTCHOE. 


37 


warriors  had  generally  escaped  to  tliQ  mountains  and  deserts.  Thus  far,  the 
campaign  bad  been  jji'osperous  with  the  whites,  but  three  or  four  men  having 
been  killed  ;  but  it  had  no  other  effect  upon  the  Indians  than  to  increase  their 
rage. 

Meanwhile,  Fort  Prince  George  had  been  closely  invested,  and  Colonel 
jflontgomerif  inarched  to  its  relief.  From  this  place,  two  friendly  cliiei's 
were  desjiatched  to  the  middle  settlements,  to  offer  peace  to  the  [leople  there, 
and  orilei-s  were  sent  to  those  in  command  at  Fort  Loudon,  to  use  means 
to  bring  about  an  accommodation  with  the  Upper  Towns ;  but  the  Indians 
would  not  hear  to  any  terms,  and  Colonel  Montgomery  was  constrained  to 
march  again  to  find  the  enemy.  lie  had  now  the  most  difficult  part  of  his 
service  to  pcri'orm.  The  country  through  which  he  had  to  march  was 
covered  by  dark  thickets,  numerous  deep  ravines,  and  high  river  banks; 
where  a  small  number  of  men  might  distress  and  wear  out  the  best  appointed 
army. 

Having  arrived  within  five  miles  of  Etchoe,  the  nearest  town  of  the  middle 
settlements,  the  army  was  attacked  on  the  27  June,  in  a  most  advantageous 
j)lace  for  the  attacking  jiaVty.  It  was  a  low  valley,  in  which  the  liushes  were 
so  thick,  that  the  soldiers  coidd  see  scarcely  three  yards  before  them ;  and  in 
the  bottom  of  this  valley  flowed  a  muddy  river,  with  steep  clay  banks. 
Through  this  place  the  army  must  march.  Rightly  judging  the  enemy  had 
not  omitted  so  important  a  pass.  Colonel  Montgomen/  ordered  out  a  company 
of  rangers,  uufler  Captain  Morrison,  to  enter  the  ravine  aiitl  make  discovery. 
No  sooner  had  he  entered  it,  but  the  fierce  war-whoop  was  raised,  and  the 
Indians  darted  from  covert  to  covert,  at  the  same  time  firing  upon  the  whites. 
Captain  Morrison  was  immediately  shot  down,  and  his  men  closely  engaged; 
but,  being  without  delay  supported  by  the  infantry  and  gnniadiers,  they  were 
able  to  niaintuin  their  gi'ounil,  and  the  battle  became  obstinate;  nor  could  the 
Indians  be  dislodg(!d,  until  near  an  hour  of  hard  fighting.  In  tiie  mean  time, 
the  Royal  Scots  took  possession  of  a  place  between  the  Indians  and  a  rising 
ground  on  their  right,  while  the  Highlanders  sustained  the  light  infantry  aiul 
grenadiers  on  the  left.  As  the  left  became  too  warm  for  them,  and  not  well 
understanding  the  position  of  the  Royal  Scots,  the  Lidians,  in  their  n-treat, 
fell  in  with  them,  and  were  sharply  encountered;  but  they  soon  effected  their 
retreat  to  a  hill,  and  could  no  more  he  brought  to  action.  In  this  fight,  1)G  of 
the  whites  were  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  20  were  of  the  tbniier  num- 
ber.   Of  the  Cherokees,  40  were  said  to  have  been  killed. 

The  Indians  had  now  been  driven  from  one  ravine,  with  a  small  loss ;  but 
Colonel  Montgomery  was  in  no  condition  to  pui-sue  his  advantage  farther,  and 
he  therefore,  after  destroying  so  much  of  his  provisions  as  would  afford 
horpes  for  the  wounded,  began  his  retreat  out  of  the  Indian  coiuitry,  and,  in 
obedience  to  his  commission,  soon  after  returned  to  New  York ;  not,  how- 
ever, without  leaving  400  men  for  the  security  of  the  province.  But  it  was 
soon  si?en,  that  what  had  yet  been  done  only  increased  the  rage  of  the 
Indians,  and  their  depredation  continued  at  the  very  heels  of  the  nstreating 
army.  They  immediately  cut  oft'  all  communication  with  Fort  Loudon, 
which  was  garrisoned  with  200  men.*  Ockonostota,  with  his  numerous 
warrioi-s,  kejit  strict  watch,  insomuch  that  there  was  no  means  of  escape.  At 
length,  the  garri.son  having  miserably  subsisted,  for  some  time,  upon  poor 
famished  horses,  dogs,  &c.,  many  of  them  became  resolved  to  throw  them- 
selves into  the  power  of  the  Indians,  wishing  rather  to  die  by  their  hands, 
than  miserably  to  perish  within  their  ftirtress.  Captain  Sleunrl,  an  officer 
among  them,  was  well  known  to  the  Indians,  and  possessed  great  address  and 
sagacity.  He  resolved,  at  this  crisis,  to  rejiair  to  Chote,  the  residence  of 
Ockonostota,  and  make  overtures  for  the  smrender  of  the  garrison.  He, 
accordingly,  eflected  his  object,  and  retunied  with  articles  of  ca))ituIation 
agreed  upon.  Besides  the  names  of  Ockonostota  and  Paul  Demere,  the 
commander  of  the  garrison,  the  name  of  another  chief  was  to  the  articles, 
called  Ciinigaralgoae.    The  articles  stipulated,  that  the  garrison  should  march 

*  The  Clirrokces  were  now  supposed  to  number  3000  warriors,  and  it  was  daily  expected 
tiiat  tlie  Chucktnws  were  about  to  join  theifi. 


\M 


i 


Ml 


I  1 


38 


OCKONOSTOTA.— MASSACRE  OF  THE  ENGLISH.         [Book  IV. 


out  with  their  arms  and  drums,  each  soldier  linving  as  mucli  powder  and  ball 
as  liis  officers  should  tiiiiik  necessary,  and  tliat  they  should  march  Ici  Virginia 
unmolested. 

Accordingly,  on  7  August,  1700,  the  English  tpok  up  their  marcii  for  Fort 
Prince  George.  They  had  proceeded  but  about  15  miles,  when  they  encamp- 
ei|,  Cor  the  niirlit,  ui)on  a  small  plain  near  Taliquo.  They  were  accompanied 
thus  far  by  Ockonostoia  in  j)erson,  and  many  others,  in  a  friendly  maimer, 
but  at  night  they  withdrew  without  giving  any  notice.  The  army  was  not 
molested  during  the  night,  but,  at  dawn  of  day,  a  sentinel  came  running  into 
camp  with  the  information  that  a  host  of  Indians  were  creeping  uj)  to  surround 
them.  Captain  Demr.re  had  scarce  time  to  rally,  before  the  Indians  broke  into 
his  camp  with  great  fury.  The  poor  emaciated  soldiei"s  made  but  feeblo 
resistance.  Thirty  of  their  number  fell  in  the  first  onset,  among  whom  was 
their  captain.  Those  that  were  able,  endeavored  to  save  themselves  by  flight, 
and  others  surrendered  themselves  upon  the  place.  This  massacre,  it  will  not 
be  forgotten,  was  in  retaliatioti  for  that  of  the  hostages  already  related.  Among 
the  prison(3rs  Avas  Captain  Steunrt.  Tliey  were  conducted  to  Fort  Loudon, 
which  now  became  Ockonostola^s  head-quarters. 

MnkullakiiUa,  learning  that  his  friend  Ste^utrt  was  among  the  captives,  pro- 
ceeded innnediately  to  Foit  Loudon,  where  he  ransomed  him  at  the  expense 
of  all  the  property  he  could  command,  and  took  care  of  him  with  the  greatest 
tenderness  and  affection. 

The  restless  Ockonostotrt  next  resolved  to  invest  Fort  Prince  George.  He 
was  induced  to  undertake  that  project,  as  fortune  liad  thrown  in  his  way  some 
of  the  means  for  such  an  undertaking,  hitherto  beyond  his  reach.  Before 
abdicating  Fort  Loudon,  the  English  had  hid  in  the  gi-ound  several  bags  of 
powder.  This  his  men  had  found.  Several  cannon  had  also  been  left  behind, 
and  he  designed  to  ibrce  his  English  prisoners  to  get  them  through  the  woods, 
and  manag(!  them  in  the  attack  upon  Fort  Prince  George.  But  AltakvUa- 
kidla  (h.'teateil  these  opc-rations,  by  assisting  Captain  Sleuart  to  escape.  He 
even  accompanieil  him  to  the  English  settlements,  and  returned  loaded  with 
presents. 

The  French  were  said  to  have  had  their  emissaries  busily  employed  in  spir- 
iting on  the  Indians.  One,  named  Lewis  Latinac,  an  officer,  is  particularly 
mentioned.  He  p(;i-suiu!ed  them  that  the  English  had  nothing  less  in  view 
than  their  total  extermination,  and,  furnishing  them  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, urged  them  to  war.  At  a  great  council  of  the  nation,  after  brandishing 
his  hatchet,  he  struck  it  into  a  log  of  wood,  calling  out,  "  fVho  is  the  man  that 
will  take  this  up  for  the  king  of  France  ?  " 

SALOUE  or  Sii.uuee,  a  young  warrior  of  Estatoe,  instantly  laid  hold  of  it, 
and  crifxl  out,  "  /  am  for  ivar.  The  spirits  of  our  brothers  who  have  been  slain, 
still  call  upon  us  to  avenge  their  death,  lie  is  no  better  than  a  woman  that 
refuses  to  follow  me."  Otliera  were  not  wanting  to  follow  his  example,  and 
the  war  contuiucid, 

Siltniee  was  a  Cherokee  chief,  and  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  illus- 
trate the  observation  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  that  the  Indian  "is  affectionate 
to  his  children,  careful  of  them,  and  indulgent  in  the  extreme  ;  that  his  affec- 
tions comjirehend  his  other  connections,  ^veakening,  as  with  us,  from  circle  to 
circle,  as  they  recede  from  the  centre  ;  that  his  friendships  are  strong  and 
faithful  to  till,  uttermost  <'\tremity."  "A  remarkable  instance  of  this  aj)pcared 
in  the  case  of  the  late  Col.  Bijrd,*  who  was  sent  to  the  Cherokee  nation  to 
transact  some  business  with  them.  It  happened  that  some  of  our  disorderly 
people  had  just  killed  one  or  two  of  that  nation.  It  was  therefore  proposed 
in  the  council  of  the  Cherokees,  that  Col.  Ihjrd  should  be  put  to  death,  in 
revenge  for  the  loss  of  their  coiuitrymen.  Among  them  was  a  chief  called 
Silduee,  who,  on  some  former  occasion,  had  contracted  an  acquaintance  and 
friendship  with  Col.  Bi/rd.  He  came  to  him  eveiy  night  in  his  tent,  and  told 
him  not  to  be  afraiil,  they  should  not  kill  him.    Affer  many  days'  deliberation, 

*  Perhaps  llio  same  montioned  by  Ohlmiron,  (i.  283,)  who,  in  sponkiiig  of  the  IiuHan  pow- 
wows, says,  "  one  very  lately  conjured  a  shower  of  rain  for  'Jot.  Jiyrd's  plantation  in  time  of 
drouth,  for  two  bottles  of  mm ; "  and  our  author  says  he  should  not  liave  believed,  had  he  not 
found  it  ill  an  author  who  wiis  ou  the  spot ! 


[Book  IV. 

wder  nnd  ball 
li  Ic;  Virginia 

larch  for  Fort 
tliny  eiicamp- 
iicpoinpauied 
luliy  niaiiiier, 
irijiy  was  not 
running  into 
)  to  sinToimd 
ns  broke  into 
le  but  fceblo 
ig  whom  was 
Ives  by  flight, 
re,  it  will  not 
ted.  Among 
''ort  Loudon, 

captives,  pro- 
the  expense 
1  tlie  greatest 

George.  He 
lis  way  some 
ich.  Before 
vei-al  bags  of 
1  left  behind, 
ii  the  woods, 
ut  Attakvlla- 
escape.  He 
I  loaded  with 

oyed  in  spir- 
particularly 
1p!-s  in  view 

nd  aniniuni- 
brandishing 

ihe.  man  that 

d  hold  of  it, 

been  slain, 

woman  tliat 

xami)ie,  and 

son,  to  illiis- 
affectionate 
ut  his  affec- 
jni  circle  to 
strong  and 
is  apj)eared 
ne  nation  to 
disorderly 
e  ])roposed 
o  death,  in 
;liief  called 
ntance  and 
It,  and  told 
elibcration, 

Indian  pow- 
nn  in  time  of 
d,  had  lie  not 


Chap.  IV.]      SILOUEE.— SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  GOLONEr,  BYRD. 


39 


however,  the  determination  was,  contrary  to  SUouee\<i  expectation,  that  R>/rd 
should  be  ]mt  to  death,  and  some  waniors  were  (icsiiatclii'il  as  e.\eculionfi*s, 
SUimee  attenih^d  them  ;  and  when  liicy  entered  flie  t;'nt,  he  tlu-ew  iiimseif 
between  tliem  and  Bijnl,  and  said  to  the  warriors,  ^  Tins  man  is  uuf  friend : 
before ijou get  at liiin you mv.tt kill  mc!^  On  wiiich  iliey  r('tnrni'(l,and  tlie  coun- 
cil respected  the  jirincipli;  so  much,  as  to  recede  from  their  determination." 

A  more  impolitic  and  barharmis  measure,  pcrhaii.s,  never  entered  the  heart 
of  man,  than  tiiat  of  orteriiij,'  a  reward  for  Inimaii  scali).«.  This  was  done  by 
Virginia,  as  we  have  b<!for(!  relateil.  It  is  tru(!  the  governnicnt  of  Virginia  was 
not  alone  in  this  crimin;d  business,  l)Ut  that  betters  not  her  case.  The  door  of 
enormity  being  thus  opened,  it  w;is  easy  to  have  foreseen,  t'.iat  ninny  men  upon 
the  frontiers,  "of  iiad  lives  and  worse  principle!!,"  says  an  intelligent  writer,* 
Stood  ready  to  step  in.  As  tlie  event  jirovcd,  many  fi'iendiy  Indians  were 
murdered,  and  lh(^  goveniiiu  ut  drj'mwlc:!.  It  Avas  ;;t  the  riiws  of  a  murder  of 
this  description  that  ('olonel  Ihjrd  was  sei;^ed. 

Sucltwas  the  coiidition  of  the  country,  that  a  second  aiijilication  was  made 
to  General  Amherst  for  aid,  and  lie  prom'iitiy  atibrded  it.  Colonel  James  Grant 
arrived  there  early  in  17(Jl,  and  not  long  iifti:r  took  tiic!  field  with  a  ibrce  of 
English  and  Indians,  amounting  to  about  ^000  inen.f  He  traver.sed  the  CIku-- 
okee  country,  and  subdued  tiiat  peojile  in  a  liard-liiught  battle,  near  the  same 
place  where  Colonel  J\Imt<romcrii  was  attacked  the  year  beliire.  It  lasted 
about  three  lioiu's,  in  which  iJiouttiO  whites  were  killed  and  wounded.  The 
loss  ofthe  Indians  was  unknown.  Colonel  Grant  ordered  his  flead  to  bo  sunk 
in  the  river,  tliat  the  Indians  might  not  find  them,  to  jiractise  ujion  them  their 
barbarities.  He  \\n-M  jirDceeded  to  the  destruction  of  their  towns,  15  in  num- 
ber, which  he  ac(romplis]ied  without  molestation.  |  Peace  was  at  last  effected 
by  the  mediation  of  Attakidlakulla,  This  cliief's  residence  was  ujion  the 
Tennessee  or  Cherok;'0  River,  at  what  was  called  th'j  Overhill  Towns.  In  1773, 
when  the  learned  traveller,  Barlram,  travell<;d  into  the  Cherokee  country,  he 
met  the  old  cinef  on  bis  way  to  Charleston  ;  of  v.hicli  circumstance  he  speaks 
thus  in  his  Travels: — "Soon  after  crossing  this  largo  branch  uf  the  Tanase,  1 
observed  descending  the  heights,  at  some  distance,  a  com)jany  of  Indimis,  all 
well  mounted  on  horseback.  They  came  rapidly  forward ;  on  their  nearer 
appi'oach,  I  observed  a  chief  at  the  head  ofthe  caravan,  and  a|)preheiiding  him 
to  be  the  Little-carpenter,  emjieror  or  grand  chief  of  the  Chorokecs,  as  they 
came  up,  I  tiiriK^d  ofi"  from  the  jiatli  to  make  way,  in  token  of  respect,  which 
eompliment  was  accepted,  and  gratefully  and  magnanimousiy  leturned  ;  for 
his  highness,  with  a  gracious  and  cheerful  smile,  ctune  uj)  to  me,  and  clajiiiing 
his  hand  on  his  lireast,  olli-red  it  to  me,  saying,  I  am  .■lla-cnl-cnllit,ti\\d  heartily 
shook  hands  with  me,  and  asked  me  if  I  knew  it ;  I  answered,  th;it  the  good 
S|)irit  who  goes  ic  fare  me  spoke  to  me,  and  said,  that  is  the  gn'at  AUi-cul-cidlrt.'" 
Mi:  Bitrtrani  added,  that  he  was  of  Pennsyhania,  and  thougli  that  w.is  a  great 
way  <)()',  yt  t  t!ii'  iiamo  of  Attukullaku'la  "was  dear  to  hi.-'  white  bretlicrs  of 
Penii.-'ylvania.  The  chief  then  iu-iked  him  if  he  came  directly  from  Charleston, 
and  if  his  friend  "John  Stewart  wer<!  well."  ?dr.  Ilartrain  said  he  saw  him 
lately,  and  that  he  w'as  well.  This  wa.s,  probably,  the  s:\me  person  whom 
AttakuU(d<uUa  had  assisted  to  make  an  escape,  as  we  hav(!  just  related. 

Ill  ciu  ry  iiig  out  thi;  hisioiy  ofthe  two  c\\U;t'fi,AttakvllakutUi  and  Oekonostnta, 
we  have  omitted  to  noiici!  Chlucco,  better  known  by  the  name  of  the  Lonp;- 
ivarriar,  king  or  mico  ofthe  Seminole.s  lie  went  out  with  Colonel  Jlfontgom- 
e)v/,  e.iid  renden.il  him  ess(!ntial  service  in  his  uiisueeosl'ul  e.vpeiliticin,  of  wiiich 
we  iiave  spoken.  A  large  hand  of  Cre(;ks  aecompani'd  him.  and  there  is  but 
little  liotibt,  if  it  had  not  been  fiir  him  and  his  warriors,  f 'W  of  the  English 
\yould  have  returned  to  their  friends.  IJul,  as  usual,  the  English  hader,  in  his 
time,  had  all  the  honor  of  successfully  encountering  many  dilHcnlti.-s,  and 
r(!tiirning  with  his  own  life  and  many  of  his  nun's.  It  was  by  the  aid  of 
Chltu-ro,  thai  the  army  eseaprd  ambii.-fi  Klirr  ambush,  dectroyed  niaiiy  of  the 
Cherokee  villages,  and  lliially  his  warriors  covered  its  retre.\t  (ait  of  one  of  the 


most  uangerous  countrI(  s  tlirou!:li  which  an  army  coiiid  pi.-s.     Long-warrit 
was  what  the  N''w  England  Tmlians  termed  a  great  powuow.    That  he  \vt 


nor 

as 


*  Doctor  L'u 


riia.i'i. 


t   lliniH. 


t  Aniiii'd  /i''-i>t- r,  iv.  j:J;  ll'matt,  ii.  218—51. 


40 


MONCACHTAPE. 


[Book  IV. 


a  mnn  posspssing  n  good  mind,  !nny  fairly  Ik?  infoircfl  from  liia  al)ility  to 
witlistaiid  till!  tciiiptutioM  of  intoxicating  iicpioi-s.  ]Ii3  Imd  been  l<no\vu  to 
nMimin  soijcr,  wli.n  all  iiis  triix-,  and  many  whites  among  tiiem,  liad  all  hceii 
wallowing  in  tlid  min;  of  dnnikcnncHS  togctlicr.  In  the  year  1773,  at  the 
liead  of  about  40  warriors*,  lie  marched  against  tiio  Chocktaws  of  West  Flor- 
ida. What  was  the  issue  of  tiiis  expedition  we  have  not  learned.  We  may 
have  again  occasion  to  notice  Chlucco. 


9ii0e 


CHAPTER  V. 


MoNCACHTAPK,</(c  Yuzoo—Kttrrdtiee  of  Ilis  advcnturcs  to  the  Piicijic  Ocean — Grasd- 
suN,  chief  of  the  A'atchcz — Rcceircs  great  injustice  from  the  French — Concerts  their 
destruction — 700  French  are  rut  off — War  with  them — The  Mttchez  destroyed  i7i  their 
turn — Grka  r-MORTAR — JVI'GiM.ivRAy — His  birth  and  education — Visits  JVcjo  York 
— Troubles  of  his  nation — His  death — Tamk-kino — Mad-uoo. 

MONCACHTAPE  was  a  Yazoo,  whose  name  signified,  in  the  language  of 
that  nation,  killer  of  pain  and  ftitie;ue.  How  well  he  deserved  this  name,  the 
sequel  will  unfold.  He  was  well  known  to  the  historian  Du  Pratz,  about 
17()0,  and  it  was  owing  to  his  singular  good  intelligence,  that  that  traveller 
was  able  to  add  much  valuable  information  to  his  work.  "  This  man  (says 
Du  Pratz*)  was  remarkable  for  his  solid  untlerstaiiding  and  elevation  of 
sentiment ;  and  I  may  justly  compare  him  to  those  firet  Greeks,  who  travelled 
chiefiy  into  the  east,  to  examine  the  manners  and  customs  of  different  nations, 
and  to  comnumicate  to  their  fellow  citizens,  upon  their  return,  the  knowledge 
which  they  Imd  ac()uired."  He  was  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  the 
Inteiyreter,  as  he  could  communicate  with  several  other  nations,  having  gained 
a  knowledge  of  their  languages.  Monsieur  Du  Pratz  used  great  endeavors 
among  the  nations  upon  the  Mississippi,  to  learn  their  origin,  or  from  whence 
they  came;  and  observes  concerning  it,  "All  that  I  could  learn  from  them 
was,  that  they  came  from  between  the  north  and  the  sun-setting ;  and  this 
account  they  uniforndy  adhere  to,  whenever  they  give  any  account  of  their 
origin."  This  was  unsatisfactory  to  him,  and  in  his  exertions  to  find  some  one 
that  could  inform  him  better,  he  met  with  MoncacMape.  The  following  is  the 
residt  of  his  communications  in  his  own  words: — 

"  I  had  lost  my  wife,  and  all  the  children  whom  I  had  by  her,  when  I 
undertook  my  journey  towards  the  sun-rising.  I  set  out  from  my  village 
contrary  to  the  inclination  of  all  my  relations,  and  went  first  to  the  Chicasaws, 
our  friends  and  neighbors,  I  continued  among  them  several  days,  to  inform 
myself  whether  they  knew  whence  we  all  came,  or,  at  least,  whence  they 
themselves  came ;  they,  who  were  our  elders ;  since  from  them  came  the 
language  of  the  country.  As  they  could  not  inform  me,  I  proceeded  on  my 
journey.  I  reached  the  country  of  the  Cliaouanous,  and  afterwards  went  up 
the  Waf)asli,  or  Ohio,  near  to  its  source,  which  is  in  the  country  of  the  Iroquois, 
or  Five  Nations.  I  left  them,  however,  towards  the  north  ;  aiul,  during  the 
winter,  which,  in  that  country,  is  very  severe  and  very  long,  I  lived  in  a  village 
of  the  Albcnatpiis,  where  I  contracted  an  acquaintance  with  a  man  somewhat 
older  than  myself,  who  promised  to  conduct  me,  the  following  spring,  to  the 
great  water.  Accordingly,  when  the  snows  were  melted,  and  the  weather  was 
settled,  we  ])roce('ded  eastwanl,  and,  idler  several  days'  journey,  1  at  length 
saw  th(!  great  water,  which  filled  me  with  such  joy  and  admiration,  that  I 
coulil  not  speak.  Night  drawing  on,  we  took  up  our  lodging  on  a  high  bank 
above  the  water,  which  was  sor(dy  vexed  by  the  wind,  and  made  so  great  a 
noise  that  I  could  not  sleep.  Next  day,  the  ebbing  and  flowing  of  the  water 
filled  me  with  great  apprehension  ;  but  my  companion  quieted  my  fears,  l»y 
assuring  me  that  the  water  observed  certain  bounds,  both  in  advancing  and 

*  Hist,  Louisiana,  ii.  121. 


[Book  IV. 

n  liis  ability  to 
l>i"«"ii  known  to 
in,  liutl  uli  hceii 
ur  1773,  at  the 
I  of  West  Flor- 
•ned.    We  may 


Ocean — Grasd- 
> — Coneerts  their 
ifslroyr.d  in  their 
Visits  Xeio  York 


lie  language  of 
this  name,  the 
u  Pratz,  about 
It  that  traveller 
'liis  man  (says 
J  elevation  of 
,  who  travelled 
fferent  nations, 
the  knowledge 
he  name  of  tlic 
having  gained 
•cut  endeavors 
r  from  whence 
rn  from  them 
thig ;  and  this 
count  of  their 
find  some  one 
)llowing  is  the 


m 


her,  when  I 

my  village 

le  Chicjisaws, 

lys,  to  inform 

whence  they 

m  came  the 

ceded  on  my 

ards  went  up 

the  Iroquois, 

'  <luring  the 

d  in  a  village 

m  somewhat 

spring,  to  the 

weather  was 

1  at  length 

•iition,  that  I 

liigh  bank 

((  so  great  a 

of  the  water 

my  fears,  by 

vancing  and 


Chav.  v.] 


ADVENTURES  OF  MONCACHTAPE. 


41 


rctirinir.  Having  satisfied  our  curiosity  in  viewing  tlin  great  water,  we  returned 
to  th(!  village  of  the  AlM-nu(iuis,  where  I  continued  the  following  winter;  and, 
atler  \.\\v  snows  were  melted,  my  companion  and  I  went  and  viewed  the  great  fall 
of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  at  Niagara,  which  was  distant  from  the  vilhige  several 
days'  journey.  The  view  of  this  great  fall,  at  firat,  made  my  hair  stand  on  end, 
anil  my  heart  almost  leap  out  of  its  place ;  but  afterwards,  bel'ore  I  left  it,  I 
had  the  courage  to  walk  imder  it.  Next  day,  we  took  the  shortest  road  to  the 
Ohio,  and  my  companion  and  I,  cutting  down  a  tree  on  the  banks  of  the  river, 
we  formed  it  into  a  pettiaugre,  which  served  to  conduct  me  down  the  Ohio 
and  the  Mississippi,  afler  which,  with  much  difficulty,  1  went  up  our  small 
river,  and  at  length  arrived  safe  among  fny  relations,  who  were  rejoiced  to  see 
me  in  good  health. — This  journey,  instead  of  satisfying,  only  served  to  excite 
my  curiosity.  Our  old  men,  for  several  years,  had  tokl  me  that  the  ancient 
speech  informed  them  that  the  red  men  of  the  north  came  originally  znuch 
higher  and  much  farther  than  the  source  of  the  River  Missouri ;  and,  as  I  had 
longed  to  see,  with  my  own  eyes,  the  land  from  whence  our  firat  fathers  came, 
I  took  my  precautions  for  my  journey  westwards.  Having  provided  a  small 
quantity  of  corn,  I  proceeded  up  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  River  Mississipfii, 
till  I  came  to  the  Ohio.  I  went  up  along  the  bank  of  this  \mi  river,  about  the 
fourth  part  of  a  day's  journey,  that  I  might  be  able  to  cross  it  without  being 
carried  into  the  Mississippi.  There  I  formed  a  cajeux,  or  raft  of  canes,  by  the 
assistance  of  which  I  passed  over  the  river;  and  next  day  meeting  with  a  herd 
of  buffaloes  in  the  meadows,  I  killed  a  fat  one,  and  took  from  it  the  fillets,  the 
bunch,  and  the  tongue.  Soon  after,  I  arrived  among  the  Tamaroas,  a  village 
of  the  nation  of  the  Illinois,  where  I  rested  several  days,  and  then  proceeded 
northwards  to  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri,  which,  after  it  enters  the  great  river, 
runs  for  a  considerable  time  without  intermixing  its  muddy  waters  with  the 
clear  stream  of  the  other.  Having  crossed  the  Mississippi,  I  went  up  the 
Missouri,  along  its  northern  bank,  and,  after  several  days'  journey,  I  arrived  at 
the  nation  of  the  Missouris,  where  I  staid  a  long  time  to  learn  the  language 
that  is  spoken  beyond  them.  In  going  along  the  Missouri,  I  passed  through 
meadows  a  whole  day's  journey  in  length,  which  were  quite  covered  with 
bufl^aloes. 

"  When  the  cold  was  past,  and  the  snows  were  melted,  I  continued  my  jour- 
ney up  along  the  Missouri,  till  I  came  to  the  nation  of  the  west,  or  the  Canzas. 
Afterwards,  in  consequence  of  directions  from  them,  I  proceeded  in  the  same 
course  near  30  days,  and  at  length  I  met  with  some  of  the  nation  of  the  Otters, 
who  were  hunting  in  that  neighborhood,  and  were  sui*prised  to  see  me  alone. 
1  continued  with  the  hunters  two  or  three  days,  and  then  accompanied  one  of 
them  and  his  wife,  who  was  near  her  time  of  lying  in,  to  their  village,  which 
lay  far  oflT  betwixt  the  north  and  west.  We  continued  our  journey  along  the 
Missouri  for  nine  days,  and  then  we  marched  directly  northwards  for  five 
days  more,  when  we  came  to  the  fine  river,  which  runs  westward  in  a  direc- 
tion contrary  to  that  of  the  Missouri.  We  proceeded  down  this  river  a  whole 
day,  and  then  arrived  at  the  village  of  the  Otters,  who  received  me  with  as 
nnicli  kindness  as  if  I  had  been  of  their  own  nation.  A  few  days  after,  I 
joined  a  party  of  the  Otters,  who  were  going  to  carry  a  calumet  of  peace  to  a 
nation  licyond  them,  and  we  embarked  in  a  pettiaugre,  and  went  down  the 
river  for  18  days,  landing  now  and  then  to  supply  ourselves  with  provisions. 
When  I  arrived  at  the  nation  who  were  at  peace  with  the  Otters,  I  staid  with 
them  till  the  cold  was  passed,  that  I  might  learn  their  language,  which  was 
common  to  most  of  the  nations  that  lived  beyond  them. 

"  The  cold  was  hardly  gone,  when  I  again  embarked  on  the  fine  river,  and 
in  my  course  I  met  with  several  nations,  with  whom  I  generally  staid  but  one 
night,  till  I  arrived  at  the  nation  that  is  but  one  day's  journey  from  the  great 
water  on  the  west.  This  nation  live  in  the  woods  about  the  distance  of  a 
league  from  the  river,  from  their  apprehension  of  bearded  men,  who  come 
upon  their  coasts  in  floating  villages,  and  carry  off  their  cliildren  to  make 
slaves  of  them.  These  men  were  described  to  be  white,  with  long  black 
beards  that  came  down  to  their  breast ;  they  were  thick  and  short,  had  large 
heads,  which  were  covered  with  cloth  ;  they  were  always  dressed,  even  in  tlie 
greatest  heats  ;  their  clothes  fell  down  to  the  middle  of  their  legs,  which,  with 
4  * 


.^t 


} 


I 


42 


GRAND-SUN. 


[Hook  rr. 


tlipir  fret,  wore  covered  with  red  or  yellow  stuff.  Their  nrmi'  tnndi^  i\  p-ont 
fire  uu<l  a  great  noise;  and  when  tiiey  saw  themselves  oiitiintiilicred  liy  red 
men,  tiiey  retired  on  hoard  their  large  pettiaugre,  their  riundier  sometimes 
nmoiniting  to  thirtj',  hut  never  more. 

"Those  strangei-s  eame  from  the  sun-setting,  in  search  of  a  yellow  stinkinjr 
wood,  wliieli  dyes  a  fine  yellow  eoior;  hut  the  i)eople  of  this  nation,  iiiat  tiny 
might  not  ho  tempted  to  visit  them,  had  destroyed  all  those  kind  of  trees. 
Two  other  nations  in  their  neighhorhood,  however,  having  no  oilier  wood, 
could  not  destroy  the  ti.es,  and  were  still  visited  hy  the  strangei-s;  and  heing 
greatly  incominodod  hy  them,  had  invited  their  allies  to  assist  them  in  making 
an  attaek  upon  them,  the  next  time  they  should  return.  The  following  sum- 
mer I  aeeordingly  joined  in  this  expedition,  and,  afier  trav<'lling  five  longdiiys* 
journey,  we  came  to  the  plaee  where  th(!  l)earded  men  usually  landed,  where 
we  waited  seventeen  dajs  for  their  arrival.  The  red  men,  hv  my  advice, 
I)laeed  themselves  iii  amhuscade  to  surprise  the  strangers,  anrl  aeeordingly 
when  they  landed  to  cut  the  wood,  we  were  so  success'ul  as  to  kill  eleven  of 
them,  the  rest  inunediiitely  escaping  on  hoard  two  large  pettiaiigres,  and  (lying 
westward  upon  thi'  great  water. 

"  Upon  examining  those  whom  we  had  killed,  we  found  them  inueli  smaller 
than  om-selves,  and  very  whit(>;  they  had  a  large  head,  and  in  the  middle  of 
the  crown  the  hair  was  very  long ;  their  head  was  wrapt  in  a  great  many  folds 
of  stutf,  and  their  clothes  seemed  to  he  made  neitlu;' of  wool  norsiik;  they 
were  very  sofi,  and  of  difi'erent  colors.  Two  only,  of  the  e'even  who  were 
slain,  had  fire-arms,  with  |)ow(ler  ami  hall.  I  tried  their  pieces,  and  found 
that  they  were  much  heavier  than  yours,  and  did  not  kill  at -so  great  a 
distance. 

"Afier  this  ex[)edition,  I  thought  of  nothing  hut  proceeding  on  my  jonniey, 
and,  with  that  design,  I  let  tli(>  red  men  return  home,  and  joined  myself  to 
those  who  iidiahited  nsore  westward  on  tht'  coast,  with  whom  \  travelled 
along  the  shore  of  tlic:  great  water,  which  hends  directly  hetvvixt  the  north 
and  the  suu-s.  tting.  When  I  arrived  at  the  \illages  of  my  fellow-travellei-s, 
where  I  fduud  the  days  very  long,  and  the  nights  very  shf)i1,  1  was  advised  hy 
the  old  men  to  give  over  all  thoughls  of  continuing  my  journey.  They  told 
me  that  the  land  extended  still  a  long  way  in  a  direction  hetween  tin-  north 
and  sun-setting,  afier  which  it  ran  <lireclly  west,  and  at  length  was  cut  hy  the 
great  water  from  north  to  south.  One  of  tlietii  addi'd,  tliat,  when  Im>  was 
young,  he  knew  a  very  old  man  who  had  seen  that  distant  land  hefore  if  was 
eat  away  hy  the  great  water,  and  that  when  tin*  great  water  was  low,  many 
rocks  still  appeared  in  those  jiarts.  binding  it,  therefore,  inijinu'tieiililn  to 
proceed  much  further,  on  acc()nnt  of  the  severity  of  the  climate,  and  the  want 
of  game,  I  returm'd  hy  the  same  route  hy  which  1  had  set  out;  and,  reducing 
my  wJiole  travels  westward  to  days'  journeys,  I  comi)Ute  that  they  wduhl 
have  employed  me  ;{(!  moons;  hut,  on  aceeunt  of  my  fretiuent  delays,  it  was 
five  years  hel'ore  I  returned  to  my  relations  among  the  ^'azoos." 

Thus  ends  the  narrative*  of  the  fimous  traveller  Mmic<icl\i(ifH\  which  seems 
to  have  satisfied  />»  Prah,  that  the  Indians  came  from  the  ccmfinent  of  Asia, 
hy  way  of //c/iri'/ig-'.s'  ."^traits.  And  he  soon  afier  lefi  him,  and  returned  to  hi;< 
own  eonntrv.  It  WDuld  have  heen  gratifying,  could  we  have  known  more  of 
the  hi'-toiy  of  this  verv  intelligent  man  The  same  author  hrings  also  to  our 
knowledt'e  a  (duel" called 

(JKAND-SI'X,  chief  of  the  Natchez.  Although  Sun  was  a  common  name 
for  all  cliiels  of  that  nation,  this  chief  was  partieidarly  distinguished  in  the  first 
war  with  the  l''reneh,  which  exhihits  the  {-ompass  of  our  information  eoneern- 
ing  him,  and  which  we  purpose  here  to  sket(di.  He  was  hrother  to  the  grent 
warrior,  known  to  the  French  hy  the  name  id'  Sti  no-skupknt,  tmd  like  him 
was  a  friend  to  the  whites,  until  the  haughty,  overhearing  disposition  of  one 
man  hrought  destruction  inid  ruin  on  their  wlioh'  colony.  Tliis  afiiiir  took 
place  in  the  year  17'^!'.  The  residence  ot'the  iirand-.vin  wan  near  the  IVencdi 
post  of  Natidu'Z,  where  he  had  a  hrautiful  village  called  the  If'hitv  .Ipplc.  M. 
df  Vhnpnrt  had  hi-en  reinstated  in  the  conunand  of  the  post,  whence  he  was 
f<)r  a  time  removed  hy  reason  of  misconiluet,  and  his  ahominahle  injustice  to 
the  Indiiuis  hecame  more  connpicuons  allerwards  than  hefore.    To  gratify  his 


[I^lOTJ  rr. 

ado  !i  p'ont 
ird  liy  fi'd 
soiiictinicrt 

)w  Htiiikiiijr 
M,  iii;it:  tiny 
(1  of  trcrs. 
llicr  ivoiid, 
1  iiiid  being 
I  ill  niukiii!^ 
)\viMg  .sniii- 
('  lonji  di\ y>'' 
(led,  wlicro 
my  ndvico, 
icronliiifrly 
I  eleven  of 
!,mid  (lying 

iicli  siiialier 
'  middle  of 

many  ibids 
r  siik ;  they 
I  who  wero 

and  fo'ind 


iiy  jonniey, 

I  myself  to 

I  travelled 

t  the  north 

v-t  rave  Hers, 

advised  liv 

They  tol.'l 

I  the  north 

nit  liy  tlin 

len  he  A\as 

fore  it  was 

low,  many 

ctieiihlo  to 

(I  the  want 

,  rednciiijr 

ley  would 

ays,  if  was 

llieli  seems 
lilt  of  Asia, 
rneil  to  \\h 
III  more  of 
[ilso  to  onr 

lion  name 
liii  the  fii-st 
|i  eoiii'ern- 
llie  n-reat 
like'  him 
lion  of  onn 
llDiir  took 
lie  I'Veiicli 
\l>l>li:  M. 
Te  ho  was 
mistice  to 
rratify  liis 


Chap.  V.]    GRAND-SUN.—MASSACRE  OF  THE  FRENCH  IN  NATCHEZ.     43 

pride  and  avarice,  lie  had  projected  the  buildinji  of  nn  elegant  villaj^e,  and 
iioiio  appeanvl  to  suit  his  [lurpose  po  well  as  the  White  Apple  of  the  Grand' 
aim.  He  sent  for  the  chief  to  his  fort,  and  unhesitatuigly  told  him  that  lii« 
village  must  be  imiuediately  given  up  to  him,  for  he  had  resolviMl  to  ereet  one 
a  league  sqnare  upon  the  same  ground,  and  that  he  must  reniovt;  elKCwhero. 
The  great  chief  stifled  his  surprise,  anil  modestly  replied,  "That  his  ancestors 
liad  lived  in  that  village  for  as  many  years  us  there  were  hairs  in  his  double 
cue,  and,  therefore,  it  was  good  that  they  should  eontiniie  there  still."  When 
this  was  inti!rpr(>t('d  to  the  commandaiit,  he  showed  himself  in  a  rage,  aiul 
threatened  the  chief,  that,  unless  he  moved  from  hi.s  villa;re  speeilily,  ho 
would  have  Liuse  of  repentance.  Gmnil-sun  letl  the  fort,  and  said  he  would 
assemble  his  counsellors,  and  hold  ii  talk  upon  it. 

In  this  council,  which  actually  assembled,  it  was  proposed  to  lay  before  the 
coimiiaiidaut  thi'ir  hard  situation,  if  tliey  should  be  oblifred  to  abandon  their 
corn,  which  then  was  just  beginning  to  sluMt  from  the  ground,  and  many 
other  artiirles  on  which  tliciy  were  to  depend  liir  subsistence.  I5ut,  on  urging 
tliv'se  sintng  reasons,  they  met  only  with  abuse,  and  a  more  jieremptory  order 
to  remove  immediately.  'I'liis  the  Grnii'l-sttn  re|)orted  to  the  council,  and 
they  saw  all  was  lost,  unless,  by  some  stratagem,  they  should  rid  themselveB 
of  the  tyrant  Clwpmi,  which  was  their  tiiial  di'cision.  The  secret  was  con- 
fid  d  lo  none  but  the  old  men.  To  gain  time,  an  otVer  was  to  hi!  made  to  the 
avarieioii.s  commandant,  of  tribute,  in  case  lii^  would  permit  them  to  remain 
on  their  land  until  their  harvest.  The  ofK'r  was  accepted,  and  the  Indiana 
set  about  maturing  their  plan  with  the  greatest  avidity.  Uundles  of  sticks 
were  sent  to  the  suns  of  iIk;  neighboring  tribes,  and  their  import  explained  to 
them  In  the  faithful  messengers.  Eiich  bundle  contained  as  many  .sticks  as 
days  wliicli  were  to  pass  before  the  massacre  of  all  the  French  in  the  Natchez. 
And  that  no  mistake  should  arise  in  regard  to  the  fixed  day,  every  morning  a 
Btick  was  drawn  from  the  bundle  and  l)roken  in  [lieces,  and  the  day  of  the  last 
stick  was  that  of  the  execution. 

The  security  of  the  wicked,  in  the  midst  of  thi.'ir  wickedness,  and  their 
deatiiess  to  repeated  warnings,  though  a  standing  example  bet'ore  them  upon 
tlu!  pages  of  all  history,  yet  we  know  of  but  linv  instaiiees  where  they  have 
prolited  by  it.     I  neeil  cite  no  examples;  our  pages  are  full  of  them. 

The  breast  of  women,  whether  (Civilized  or  imcivili/ed,  cannot  bear  the 
thoughts  of  nivenge  and  death  to  prey  iiimui  them  liir  so  griMt  a  length  of 
time  as  men.  And,  as  in  the  last  case,  I  need  not  produc(!  examples;  on  our 
pages  will  be  Ibnnd  many. 

A  li'iiiale  sun  having,  by  accident,  understood  the  secret  design  of  her  pco- 

f)le,  partly  out  of  resentment  for  their  keeping  it  from  her,  ami  p.artlv  from 
ler  attachment  to  th(^  French,  resolved  to  make  it  known  to  them.  Ilut  so 
fatally  secure  was  the  commandant,  tliat  he  would  not  hearken  to  her  messen- 
gers, and  threatened  others  of  his  own  |>eople  with  ehastiseiiieiit,  if  they  con- 
tinued sneb  intimations.  Hut  tiie  great  council  of  so  many  suns,  and  other 
motions  of  their  wisiMiK-n,  justly  alariiieil  many,  and  their  comjihunts  to  the 
commandant  were  urged,  until  seven  of  his  own  people-  were  put  in  irons,  to 
dispel  their  li-ars.  And  that  he  might  the  more  vaunt  himself  niion  their  fears, 
lie  sent  his  interpreter  to  demand  of  the  Grmvf-sun,  whether  he  was  about  to 
fall  upon  the  French  with  bis  warriors.  To  dissemble,  in  such  a  case,  was 
only  to  be  expected  from  the  chief,  and  the  interpn>ter  reported  to  the  com- 
mandant as  h(^  desiri-d,  which  causiul  him  to  value  himself  upon  his  fiirmer 
contempt  of  his  jieople's  feai*s. 

The  ;U)th  of  November,  17'<J!»,  nt  length  came,  nnd  with  it  the  massacre  of 
near  700  peo|(le,  being  all  the  French  of  Natche/.  Not  a  man  escaped.  It 
l)eing  upon  the  eve  of  St.  ^hvlrew'a  day,  llicilitated  »he  execution  of  the  iiorrid 
design.  In  such  contempt  wa.s  IVl.  Chopad  held,  that  the  suns  would  oilow  no 
warrior  to  kill  him,  but  one  whom  they  considered  a  mean  person,  lie  was 
armed  only  with  a  wooden  tomahawk,  and  with  such  a  contemptible  weapon, 
wielded  by  as  contemjitible  a  pei-son,  was  M.  Vhopnrl  piirsiiud  from  his  hoimo 
into  his  garden,  and  there  met  his  death. 

The  d(  sign  of  the  (iniiul-aun  and  his  allies  was,  to  have  fJdlowcd  up  their 
success  until  all  the  French  wcro  driven  out  of  Louisiunu.     But  some  tribvH 


44        GREAT-MORTAR.— IS  ATTACKED  BY  THE  CIIICKASAUS.    [Book  IV. 

would  not  aid  in  it,  and  the  governor  of  liouisiann,  promptly  seconded  by  the 

Seoplo  ofN(!W  Orleans,  shortly  aller  nearly  annihilated  the  whole  tribe  of  the 
[atchez.  Tlie  Choetaws  otiered  themselves,  to  tlie  number  of  15  or  1600 
men,  and,  in  the  following  February,  advanced  hito  the  country  of  the  Natch- 
ez, and  were  shortly  afler  joined  by  the  French,  and  encam])ed  near  the  old 
fort,  then  in  possi.'ssion  of  the  Grand-sun.  Here  flags  passed  between  them, 
and  terms  of  peace  were  agre(!d  upon,  which  were  very  iionorable  to  the 
Indians ;  but,  in  the  following  night,  they  decamped,  taking  all  their  prisoners 
and  baggage,  leaving  nothing  but  the  cannons  of  the  fort  and  balls  behind  them. 
Some  time  now  passed  before  the  French  could  ascertain  the  retreat  of  the 
Natchez.  At  length,  they  learned  that  tl>cy  had  crossed  the  Mississippi,  and 
settled  upon  the  west  side,  neiu*  180  miles  above  the  mouth  of  Red  River. 
Here  they  built  a  fort,  and  remained  (piietly  until  the  next  year. 

Tlie  weakness  of  the  colony  caused  the  hihabitants  to  resign  themselves  into 
the  hands  of  the  king,  who  soon  si-nt  over  a  sufficient  force,  added  to  those 
Btill  in  the  country,  to  laniible  the  Natchez.  They  were  accordingly  invested 
in  their  fort,  and,  struck  with  consternation  at  the  sudden  apjtroach  of  the 
French,  seem  to  have  lost  their  Ibrmcr  prudence.  They  made  a  desperate 
sally  upon  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  but  were  re|)ulsed  with  great  loss.  They 
then  attejupted  to  gain  tijne  by  negotiation,  as  they  had  the  year  before,  but 
could  not  esca[)e  from  the  vigilance  of  the  French  officer;  yet  the  attempt 
was  made,  and  many  were  killed,  very  few  escaped,  and  the  greater  number 
driven  within  their  tort.  IMortar?  were  used  by  their  enemies  in  this  siege, 
and  the  third  bomb,  falling  in  tlie  centre  of  the  fort,  made  great  havoc, 
but  still  greatisr  consternation.  Drowned  by  the  cries  of  the  women  and 
children,  Grand-sun  caused  the  sign  of  capitulation  to  be  given.  Himself, 
with  the  rest  of  his  company,  were  carried  |)risoners  to  New  Orleans,  and 
thrown  into  prison.  An  increasing  infection  caused  the  women  and  children 
to  be  taken  out  and  employed  as  slaves  on  the  king's  plantations ;  among 
whom  was  the  woman  who  had  used  every  endeavor  to  notify  the  command- 
ant, Choparl,  of  the  intended  massacn,',  and  from  whom  the  |)articulars  of  the 
affair  were  learned.  Her  name  was  Slung-ann.  These  slaves  wer<:  -'lortly 
afler  embarked  for  St.  Domingo,  entirely  to  rid  the  country  of  the  Natouez.* 
The  men,  it  is  probable,  were  all  put  to  death. 

(iRFAT-MORTAK,  or  Yah-i/alt-iustanagf,  was  a  very  celebi'ated  Muskogee 
chief,  who,  before  the  revoliuioniuy  war,  was  in  the  French  interest,  and 
received  bis  supnlie's  from  their  garrison  at  Alabama,  which  was  not  far  dis- 
tant from  bis  placi-  of  abode,  called  Okchai.  There  was  a  time  when  he 
inclined  to  the  English,  and  but  for  the  very  haughty  and  imprudent  conduct 
of  the  superintendent  of  Indian  alliiirs,  anH)ng  them,  might  have  been  re- 
claimed, and  the  disnuil  period  of  massacres  which  ensued  averted.  At  a 
great  council,  appointe<l  by  the  HU|)erintendent,  for  the  object  of  regaining 
their  (livor,  the  pipe  of  peace,  when  passing  around,  was  refused  to  Greal- 
viorlar,  because  In;  had  fiivored  lias  I'rench.  This,  with  nnich  other  ungener- 
ous treatment,  caused  him  <'ver  aller  to  bate  tin;  English  name.  As  the  super- 
intendent was  making  a  s|)eech,  which  douiitless  contained  severe  and  hard 
sayings  against  his  red  heareix,  another  chief,  called  liie  Tohacco-eatir,  sprung 
upon  liis  feet,  and  darting  his  tomahawk  at  him,  it  fortunately  missed  him,  but 
stuck  in  a  plank  just  above  his  head.  Yet  he  would  \\ii\v  been  inunediately 
killed,  but  tor  th*;  interposition  of  a  friendly  warrior.  Had  this  first  blow  been 
ellectuiil,  every  ]'lnglisbman  pn'sent  would  have  be'cn  immediately  put  to  <leatli. 
Hiuai afler,  Great-mortar  caused  bis  people  to  fidl  upon  the  llnglish  traders,  and 
they  inurdenHl  ten.  Foiirtinn  of  tlu;  iidiabitantsof  l.ongeane,  a  settlement  near 
Ninety-six, t  next  were  bis  victims.  He  now  received  •  .(Mumission  from  the 
Fn'nch,  aini  the  better  to  eidist  the  (^herokees  and  otuers  in  his  cause,  removed 
with  his  family  far  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  upon  a  river,  by  which  he 
could  receive  HU|iplies  fronj  the  Vort  at  Alabama.  Neither  the  French  nor 
Grrat-mortar  wen?  deceived  in  the  advantage  of  their  newly-chosen  position; 
for  young  warriors  joined  him  therein  great  numbers,  and  itwttM  fast  Un'oming 


*  Moris.  I)ii  I'riilt,  HiMl.  iIp  Loiiiainnn,  tome  i.  rh.  xii. 

t  8o  cullud  because  it  wiu  %  miles  I'ro:-  :'io  Churokcc.    Adair. 


!.    [Book  IV. 

udctl  by  the 
tribe  of  tlie 
•  15  or  1600 
f  the  Natch- 
near  the  old 
tweeii  them, 
irable  to  tlie 
eir  prisoners 
)eiiiiid  them, 
etreat  of  tlie 
'.sissippi,  and 
"  Red  River. 

niselves  into 
dcd  to  those 
igly  invested 
roach  of  the 
!  a  desperate 

loss.  T'ley 
ir  i)cfore,  but 

the  attempt 
atcr  niuuher 
n  this  siege, 
great  havoc, 

women  and 
n.  Himself, 
Orleans,  and 
and  children 
ions ;  among 
le  connnand- 
cnlars  of  the 
wer.    ^'"ortly 

le  Natonez.* 

d  Muskogee 
interest,  and 
not  fiir  d is- 
le when  he 
nt  conduct 
ive  been  re- 
ted.     At  a 
of  regaining 
(1  to  Great- 
ler  migener- 
s  the  siipcr- 
and  liard 
•ntvr,  sprung 
■icil  liim,  hut 
m)'(hately 
It  blow  bi'en 
tut  to  diatii. 
traders,  and 
lemeiii  near 
on  from  tiie 
<S  removed 
'  which  lie 
'rench  nor 
In  position; 
lit  becoming 


n 


Chap.  V.] 


M'GILLIVRAY. 


46 


a  general  londczvous  for  all  the  Mississippi  Indiana.  Fortunately,  however, 
for  tlie  Eiiglisli,  the  Chickasaws  in  their  interest  plu>.ked  up  this  Bohon  upas 
before  its  branches  were  yet  extended.  They  fell  upon  tliem  by  suri)rise, 
killed  the  brother  of  Great-mortar,  and  completely  destroyed  the  design.  He 
fled,  not  to  his  native  place,  but  to  one  from  whence  he  could  best  annoy  the 
English  settlements,  and  commenced  anew  the  work  of  death.  Augusta,  in 
Georgia,  and  many  scattering  settlements  >vere  destroyed.*  Those  ravages 
were  continued  until  their  united  forces  were  defeated  by  the  Americans  under 
Gfeneral  Grant,  in  1761,  as  we  have  narrated. 

Wc  have  next  to  notice  a  chief,  king,  or  emperor,  as  he  was  at  different 
times  entitled,  whose  omission,  in  a  biographical  work  upon  the  Indians,  would 
incur  as  much  criminality,  on  the  part  of  the  biographer,  as  an  omission  of 
Buokon^dielas,  fVhite-eyes,  Pipe,  or  Ockonostota ;  yea,  even  more.    W(!  mean 

ALEXANDER  M'GILLIN  RAY,  who  was,  perliaps,  one  of  the  most  con- 
sjiicuous,  if  not  one  of  the  greatest,  cliiofs  that  has  ever  borne  that  title  among 
the  Creeks ;  at  least,  since  they  have  been  known  to  the  Europeans.  He 
flourished  during  half  of  the  last  century,  and  such  was  the  exalted  pjiinion 
entertained  of  him  by  his  countrymen,  that  liiey  styled  him  "king  of  kings." 
His  motiicr  was  his  predecessor,  and  tli(!  governess  of  the  nation,  and  he  had 
several  sisters,  who  married  leading  men.  On  the  death  of  his  tnother,  ho 
came  in  chief  sachem  by  the  usages  of  his  ancestors,  but  sucli  was  his  disinter- 
ested |)atriotism,  that  he  left  it  to  the  nation  to  say  whether  he  shoidd  succeed 
to  the  siichemship.  The  people  elected  him  "  emperor."  He  was  at  the  head 
of  the  Creeks  during  the  revolutionaiy  war,  and  was  in  the  British  interest. 
After  the  peace,  he  became  reconciled  to  the  Americans,  and  expressed  a 
desire  to  renounce  his  i)ublic  life,  and  reside  in  the  U.  States,  but  was  hindered 
by  the  earnest  solicitations  of  his  countrymen,  to  remain  among  them,  and 
direct  their  aft'au^. 

His  residence,  accordiiig  to  General  Milfort,^  who  mamed  his  sister,  was 
near  Tallahassee,  about  half  a  league  from  wiat  was  formerly  Fort  Toulouse. 
He  lived  in  a  handsome  house,  aiul  owned  60  negroes,  eacii  of  whom  he  pro- 
vided with  a  separate  habitation,  wliicli  gave  his  estate  the  appeanuice  of  n 
little  town.  { 

JW  Gillmau  was  a  son  of  an  Engiishman  of  that  name  who  married  a  Creok 
woman,  and  hence  was  what  is  called  a  half  breed.  He  was  born  about  17;{!), 
and,  at  the  age  often,  was  sent  by  his  father  to  school  in  Charleston,  wlujre  ho 
was  in  the  care  of  Mr.  t\trquhar  M^GUliirnj/,  who  was  a  relation  of  his  father. 
His  tutor  was  a  Mr.  iS/trrf/.  H(;  learned  the  l/ilin  language  under  the  tuition 
of  Mr.  lyUliam  Henderson,  aflerwanis  somewhat  iMiiinent  among  tli(^  critics  in 
London.  When  yoiuig  AVGilHvraii  was  17,  he  was  |)ut  into  a  counting-house 
in  Savannah,  but  mercantile  alfairs  iiad  not  so  many  charms  as  books,  and  ho 
spent  (dl  tli(!  time  lie  could  gi't,  in  reading  histories  and  otiitr  works  of  nsetid- 
ness.  After  a  short  time,  his  iiither  took  him  home,  wiiere  his  superior  talents 
soon  began  to  develop  tliemselvi's,  and  his  |ir<imotion  followed.  He  was  often 
styled  general,  wiiich  commission,  it  is  said,  lie  actually  held  under  Charleit 
lil.,  king  of  Spain.    This  was,  preliabjv,  before  he  was  elected  emperor. 

To  be  a  litti*!  more  ])articidar  with  tliis  dirlingiiished  man,  1  will  ha/.ard  n 
repetition  of  some  iiicts,  for  the  saki-  of  giving  an  accdnnt  of  him  as  ii'corded 
byone§  who  resided  long  witii  him,  and  c(tns('(iu<iiily  kni'W  iiim  well.  He 
was  the  son  of  a  Creek  woman,  of  the  tiimily  of  the  \\  ind,  whose  father  wns  an 
ollicer  in  the  Fr<;nch  service,  stationed  at  Fort  Toulniisi',  near  the  nation  of  the 
Alalmmas.  This  olhcer,  in  trading  with  the  Indians,  lircam<^  accpiainted  with 
the  mother  of  our  cliief,  whom  he  marri<'(l.  They  jiad  liv(t  children,  two  boys 
and  three  girls.  Only  one  of  the  bovs  lived  to  grow  up.  As  among  other 
tribes,  so  among  the  Creeks,  the  children  belong  to  the  mother;  and  when 
fiVGillivrn}i\i  fathi'r  desired  to  send  him  to  Charleston  to  get  an  education,  ho 
was  obliged  first  to  get  the  motlier's  consent.  'I'his,  it  Hwms,  was  easily 
obtained,  and  young  .W(ii7/ii'ni^  was  put  there,  wiieit)  he  HC(|uired  a  good 

•  Ailiiir'f  Him.  N.  Ainrrirnn  liulinn*,  'i.'Vt,  4r. 

t  .Mi-iiKiirc  ou  cc)iip-(l'u-il  riipido  sur  iiics  dill'iTLMis  vnyof^Ci  rt  moa  •I'jdiir  ilaii!*  In  iiivliiili 


Cr(f  k,  p.  'J7 


X  Ibid 


J  ttcacrul  MH/'jit, 


.,  t 


It 


46 


M'GILLIVRAY.— ins  VISIT  TO  NEW  YORK. 


[Book  IV. 


education,  lie  did  not  return  for  some  time  to  lii-s  nation,  which  was  at  tlie 
conunenccin(Mit  of  the  revohitionarj'  war;  and  he  tiicn  went,  coiuniif-sioncd  by 
the  royalists,  to  invito  liis  countrymon  to  a  treaty  upon  tlie  frontiers,  juid  to 
unite  them  against  tlie  rebels.*  He  generally  spoke  the  English  language, 
whicli  was  not  pleasing  to  his  mother,  who  would  not  speak  it.} 

After  the  war  he  became  attached  to  the  Americans,  and  although  the  bor- 
derers caused  frequent  troubles,  yet  he  made  and  renewed  treaties  with  them. 
In  17SX),  he  came  to  New  York  with  JiO  of  his  chiefs.  Owing  to  some  misun- 
derstanding, he  had  refused  to  treat  at  Rock  Landing  a  sliort  time  before, 
where  conunissionere  fmni  the  U.  Stat(!s  had  attended  ;  and  the  government, 
justly  fearing  a.  rupture,  unless  a  speedy  reconciliation  should  take  j)lacc, 
des|)atclied  Colonel  Marinus  Willtt  into  the  Creek  country,  with  a  |)acific  letter 
to  General  M'GUlivray.  lie  succeeded  in  his  mission,  and  the  chiefs  arrived 
in  New  York  2;i  July,  1790.  t  They  wen;  conducted  to  the  residence  of  the 
secretary  of  war.  General  Knox,  who  conducted  them  to  the  hons(!  of  the 
president  of  tin;  U.  States,  and  introduced  them  to  him.  President  Hhshimx- 
ton  n'ceived  them  "in  a  very  handsome  manner,  congratulated  them  on  their 
8afi>  arrival,  aiul  expressed  a  hope  that  th(!  interview  would  jjrove  beneficial 
both  to  the  U.  States  and  to  the  Creek  nation."  They  next  visited  the  governor 
of  the  state,  from  whom  they  received  a  most  cordial  welcome.  They  then 
proceeded  to  the  City  Tavern,  where  they  dined  in  company  with  General 
KnoT,  and  other  ofHcei-s  of  government.  A  correspondence  l)etwecn  (iiovernt)r 
Telfair,  of  Georgia,  and  '■'■  AkTanikr  M'Gillvani,  Es(|."  jirolmbly  o|)ened  the 
way  for  a  negotiation,  whicli  terminated  in  a  settlement  of  difticidties.  From 
the  following  extract  fiom  J\r Gitlivrmfs  letter,  n  very  just  idea  may  be  formed 
of  the  stat(!  of  the  afliiirs  of  Jiis  nation  previous  to  his  visit  to  New  York.  "In 
answer  to  yours,  I  have  to  observe,  that,  as  a  peace  was  not  concluded  on 
between  us  at  the  Hock-lahding  meeting,  your  demand  for  property  taken  by 
our  warriors  from  olf  the  disputed  lands  cannot  be  admitted.  We,  also,  have 
had  our  losses,  by  captm-es  madt;  by  your  people.  We  are  willing  to  coneiudo 
a  pence  with  you,  but  you  must  not  expect  extraordinary  concessions  from  us. 
In  order  to  spare  the  further  efl'usion  of  human  blood,  and  to  finally  determine 
the  war,  I  am  willing  to  concede,  in  some  measure,  if  you  are  disposed  to  treat 
on  the  ground  of  mutual  concession.  It  will  sav<^  trouble  and  expense,  if  the 
negotiations  an;  managed  in  the  nation.  Any  person  fi'om  you  can'be  assm-ed 
of  personal  saft-ty  and  friendly  treatment  in  thi.s  country."  It  was  dated  at 
Little  Tellassee, ';{()  iMarch,  17!»0,  and  directed  to  "llis  Excellency  Edward 
Telfair,  Es(|."  and  signed  ".'//«!•.  ArGillirraif." 

'J'liis  chief  seems  afterwards  to  hav(^  met  with  the  censure  of  his  peo|)le,  at 
least  some  of  the;n,  in  a  manner  similar  to  that  ot'AV  Intnsh  recently  ;  and  was 
doubtless  ovcM'come  by  the  |)ersnasions  of  designing  whites,  to  treat  for  the 
(iisposjil  of  his  lands,  against  the  general  voice  of  his  nation.  Om;  liowlrs,  a 
white  man,  led  the  councils  in  o|)position  to  his  proceedings,  and,  for  a  time, 
JiVGillivray  absented  himself  fi-om  his  own  tribe.  In  l/il'i,  his  party  look 
liowli's  pri,M)ner,  and  sent  him  out  of  the  country,  and  .solicited  the  geiienil  to 
return,  v^  To  this  lie  consented,  and  they  became  more  attached  to  him  tlian 
ever,  lie  now  endeavored  to  better  their  condition  by  the  introduction  of 
teachers  among  them,  in  an  advertisement  fitr  a  teacher,  in  the  simimer  of 
I7!I'J,  \\v  styles  himself  em|teror  ol'  tlie  Creek  nation.  Iliij  (juiet  wa.s  soon 
disimbed,  and  the  tluiious  Jidm  fi'ath,  the  same  summer,  with  .lOO  warriors, 
Creiks,  and  tive  towns  of  the  Chickiunawagas,  coimnilted  niMiiy  de)>redations. 
The  Spaniards  were  supposed  to  be  the  movers  of  the  hostile  pin-ty.  M^Gil- 
lirrai/  died  at  I'eiisncola,  l''ebniary  17,  17ItM,  ||  luid  is  thus  noticed  in  the 
J'emisyhania  (Ja/ette: — "This  idoli/ed  chief  of  the  Creeks  styled  himself 
king  of  kings.     Hut,  alas,  he  could  neither  restrain  the  meanest  ftdlow  of  his 


*  M^lthrl.  X:l  .'VM.  f  S.'.>  Unlmr,.  Aiiirr.  Amnil*.  ii.  .Wt. 

+  (Nilniicl  Wil/il's  Nnrriilivc,  Hi.  "  TIh'V  wrn-  received  wiili  ureiil  spleiiilor  liy  llle  Tain- 
niiiiiy  Siirlrly,  in  the  dross  ol'lljeir  order."  on  llieir  liiiidiii;;.     Ih. 

V\   III    I7'.l|,  lliii   /('iii(7(v.  widi  live  iliier>i,  wii.s  in  I'.iiyliuid,  iind  «e  (hid  tliin  notice  of  liim  ill 

llie  l"'n(i| n   Mi\;j;i/iiii' III' iIkiI  viMr,  \'<\.  V.K  p. '.'(iil  : — "  Tlie  iiniliiissi'dori  ronsisled  of  two 

Creel.-,  ^iiid  ef  Mr.  //.kcA.v,  (,i  unlive  of  Miirylniid,  who  is  it  ("rock  I'y  ndoplion.  nnd  Ihe  pros- 
PDl  iN'iirriil  iif  ihiil  niilinn,)  nnd  three  ClierokifS.  ||  MilJ'ort,ti\^. 


Chap.  V.] 


MADDOG.— THE  SOUTHERN  BOUNDARY. 


47 


r  liini  ill 
I  (,!'  two 
I  ilic  prcs- 


nation  from  the  commission  of  a  crime,  nor  punish  him  after  he  had  coiiiinit- 
tedit!  He  might  ))cr!  uade  or  advise,  ail  the  good  an  Indian  king  or  cliict* 
can  do."  Tliis  is,  generally  speaking,  a  tolerably  correct  estimate  of  the  extent 
of  the  power  of  chiels;  but  it  should  be  remembered  that  the  chiefs  of 
diff'ensnt  tribes  exercise  very  different  sway  over  their  people,  according  aa 
such  chief  is  endowed  with  tiie  spirit  of  government,  by  nature  or  circuni- 
stauce.  There  is  gnat  absurdity  in  ap|)lying  the  name  or  title  of  king  to 
Indian  chiefs,  as  that  title  is  conmionly  understood.  The  firet  Europeans 
conferred  the  title  upon  tliose  who  appeared  most  prominent,  in  their  fii-st 
discoveries,  for  want  of  another  more  ap|)ropriate ;  or,  perhaps,  they  had 
another  reason,  namely,  that  of  magiiifyiiig  their  own  exploits  on  their  return 
to  their  own  countries,  by  reporting  their  interviews  with,  or  conquests  over, 
"many  kings  of  an  unknown  country." 

Contemporary  with  (xeueral  jWGillivray  was  a  chief  called  the 

TAME-KING,  whose  residence  was  among  the  Upper  Creeks,  in  1791; 
and  he  is  noticed  in  our  public  dociunents  of  that  year,  as  a  conspicuous' chief 
in  matters  coiuiected  with  establishing  the  southern  boundary.  At  this  time, 
one  Bowles,  an  English  trader,  had  great  influence  among  the  Lower  Cre(;ks, 
and  used  great  endeavors,  by  putting  himself  forward  as  their  chief,  to  enlist 
all  the  nations  in  opposition  to  the  Americans.  He  had  made  large  promises  to 
the  Upper  Creeks,  to  induce  them  not  to  hear  to  the  American  connnissioners. 
They  so  far  listened  to  him,  as  to  consent  to  receive  his  talk,  and  accordingly 
the  chiefs  of  the  upper  and  lower  towns  met  at  a  place  called  the  Half-ivm/- 
/ioi«f,  where  tlu!y  cxitL'cted  Bowles  in  person,  or  some  letters  containing  definite 
statements.  When  the  (chiefs  had  assembled,  Taine-khxg  and  Mad-dog,  of  the 
upper  towns,  ask(!(l  the  chiefs  of  the  lower,  "whether  they  had  taken  Boivles^s 
talks,  anil  where  the  letters  were  which  this  great  man  had  sent  tJHMn,  and 
wlirre  tli(!  white  man  wiis,  to  read  them."  An  Indian  in  Bowles\s  em|)loy  said, 
"he  was  to  give  them  the  talk."  They  laughed  at  this,  and  said,  "  lliey  eonicl 
hear  his  mouth  every  day;  that  they  had  come  there  to  see  those  letters  and 
hear  them  nvul."  IMost  of  the  chiefs  of  the  upper  towns  now  lefl  the  coun- 
cil, which  was  al)out  the  ternnnation  of  Bowleses  successes.  He  was  shortly 
afterwards  obliged  tn  abdicate,  as  we  have  already  (hndared  in  the  life  of 
flVGillivrny.  He  returned  again,  however,  after  visiting  Spain  and  England, 
and  spending  some  time  in  prison.* 

i\lr.  Ellicoll  observes,  t  that,  at  the  close  of  a  conference  with  sinulry  tribes, 
held  15  August,  17!K),  in  which  objects  were  discussed  concerning  his  j)assuge 
through  their  country,  that  "the  business  appeared  to  terminate  ils  favorably 
as  could  be  expected,  and  the  Indians  declared  themselves  perfectly  satisfied; 
but  1  nevertJKiless  had  my  doubts  of  their  sincerity,  fi*om  the  diprcidations 
they  w(!re  (constantly  making  upon  our  horses,  which  began  upon  tho 
Coeneuck,  and  had  continued  (!ver  since;  and  a(hled  to  their  insoleiice,  from 
their  stealing  every  article  in  oin-  camp  thi-y  could  lay  their  hands  on."  Mr. 
EUicolt  excepts  the  Upper  Creeks,  genin-ally,  from  participating  in  these  rob- 
beries, all  but  Tnme-k'mg  and  his  [)eople. 

Tlmugh  we  havi;  named  Tame-king  first,  yet  Mad-dog  was  rpiite  as  con- 
spicuous at  this  time.  His  son  fought  f()r  the  Americans  in  the  last  war,  and 
was  mentioned  by  (Jeueral  Jnrkson  as  an  active  and  valuable  chief  in  his 
exiM'diiious.  His  real  name  we  have  not  learned,  and  the  gtiueral  mentions 
him  only  ,as  Mud-dog's  sou. 

In  the  case  of  the  boundary  already  mentioned,  tho  surveyors  met  with  fre- 
quent ditlicullii'S  from  the  various  tiilics  of  Indians,  some  of  whom  wero 
influi.'iiced  by  the  S|»anish  govc-rnor,  Folrii,  of  liouisiana.  Mad-dog  appeared 
their  friend,  and  undt^'eived  them  resjiecting  the  governor's  pretensions. 
A  conference  was  to  be  held  about  the  4  May,  between  the  Indians,  Covernor 
Fokh,  and  the  American  commissioners,  'i'he  plai'e  of  meeting  was  to  Im!  upon 
Coeiu!cuh  River,  near  the  southern  estimry  of  the  Iwy  of  Pensucola.    wlion 

*  Hi' wiw  confiiiod  in  llic  iMciro  riisllt;  In  ttio  lliivnnn,  willi  lliroc  ( 'In-rokfi's  thai  arrom- 
panlcci  liini.  'I'his  \va-<  in  \TM.  It  was  said  that  (liis  invcloralt!  cniMny  of  llio  Unituil  Slulos, 
IJowles.  was  with  llic  Indiunii,  at  St.  Clair's  dclcal. — Carey'i  Museum^  x\.  W  \. 

t  In  ilia  Jouniul,  214. 


A 


."tiJt  f 


( 


jd 


..    - 


48 


WEATHEllFORD. 


[Rook  IV, 


the!  Ainuricaiw  arrived  then;,  Mad-dog  met  tliom,  ami  iiifornie<l  Coloix;! 
Haiokins,  the  liuliaii  nj^t.'iit,  tlmt  two  lutlians  hud  just  gone  to  the  Tallcshees 
with  hud  tnliis  from  tiie  governor.  Tlie  colonel  told  him  it  coidd  not  he  pos- 
sible. Shortly  after,  Mad-dog  asked  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Mr.  Ellicott,  the 
commissioner,  if  they  supposed  that  (Jovernor  Folch  woidd  attend  at  the  treaty  ; 
they  said,  "  ]Most  assuredly."  "JVb,"  n^turned  Mad-dog,  "/le  ivill  not  attend,  he 
kiu)ws  iviuit  I  shall  say  to  him  about  his  crooked  talks.  His  tongue  is  forked, 
and,  as  you  are  here,  he  will  he  ashamed  to  show  it.  If  he  stands  to  wlmt  he  has 
told  us,  you  will  he' offended,  and  if  he  tells  us  that  tlie  line  ought  to  be  marked,  he 
will  contradict  himself:  but  he  will  do  neither  ;  he  will  not  come."  It  turned  out 
ns  Mad-dog  declared.  \Vhen  it  was  found  that  the  governor  would  not  attend, 
the  chief  went  to  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Mr.  Ellicott,  and,  by  way  of  pleasantry, 
said,  ^^  f Fell,  the  govenwr  has  not  come.  I  told  you  so.  Jl  man  urith  two  tongues 
can  only  speak  to  one  at  a  time."  This  observation  has  reference  to  the  gov- 
ernor's duplicity,  in  holding  out  to  the  Indians  his  determination  not  to  suffer 
a  sin'vey  of  the  boundary,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  pretended  to  the  Ameri- 
cans that  he  would  liieilitatt;  it.* 

Mad-dog  was  an  ujjper  town  Creek,  of  the  Tuckaabatchees  tribe. 


9iige 


CHAPTER  VI. 

WEATHERFoan — Itis  character  and  country — The  corner-stone  of  the  Creek  confed- 
eracy—  Furors  the  dcsiirns  of  Tciiimsdi — Ca/iliircs  Fort  Mimms — DrrnJful  mas- 
Sucre — Sulijcclion  of  the  (greeks — Wratherford  surrenders  himself — ///.•*  sjiccrhes — 
M'lxTosii — .tills  the  .'liiicrlriins — Buttle  of  .hUnssie — Great  slaiiglitrr  of  the  Indians 
— Battle  (f  the  llorsr-shoc-lirnd — Lute  triiidilcs  in  the  Creek  nation — M' Intosh  makes 
illegal  sale  of  lands — Kxcruled  for  lirriiltivg  the  laws  of  his  roiinlry — Mknawway 
— TusTKNiinnE — Hawkins — Cnii.Lv  M'Intosh,  son  of  William — Marriage  of  Ids 
sister — Lovktt. 

WEATIIERFORn,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  war  chiefs  of  the  Creek 
nation,  demands  an  early  attention,  in  the  biographical  history  of  the  late  war. 
Mr.  Claiborne,  in  his  Notes  on  tiii:  War  i.v  thk  South,  iidbrms  us  that, 
"among  tin;  first  who  entered  into  the;  views  of  thelJritish  conunissioners  was 
the  since  celebrated  Wcathtrford ;"  that  he  was  born  in  the  Creek  nation,  and 
whose  "  lather  was  an  itinerant  ptuUer,  sordid,  treacherous,  and  revengeftd ; 
his  mother  a  full-blooded  savage,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Seminoles.  lie  partook 
(says  the  same  author)  of  all  the  bud  (pialities  of  both  his  ])arents,f  and 
engrafted,  on  the  stock  he  iidierited  from  others,  many  that  were  pecidiarly 
his  own.  With  avarice,  treachery,  and  a  thust  for  blood,  he  combines  lust, 
gluttony,  and  a  devotion  to  every  s|)ecies  of  criminal  carousal.  (Fortune,  in 
her  freaks,  sonujtimes  gives  to  the  most  i)rof1igate  on  elevation  of  mind, 
which  she  denies  to  men  whose  propensities  are  the  most  vicious.)  Oti' 
Wealherford  she  bestowed  genius,  eloquence,  and  courage.  The  first  of  these 
qualities  enabled  him  to  conceive  great  designs,  the  last  to  <>xecute  them; 
while  eloqmuice,  bold,  impressive;,  and  figurative,  fiirnished  him  with  a  pass- 
port to  the  fiivor  of  his  countrymen  and  followers.  Silent  and  reserved,  unless 
when  excited  by  some  great  occasion,  and  superior  to  the  weakness  of 
rendering  himself  cheap  by  the  frecpieiicy  of  his  addresses,  lu;  delivered  Ida 
opinions  but  seldom  iu  council ;  but  when  he  did  so,  ho  was  listened  to  with 
delight  and  approbation.  His  judjrment  and  elo(|uenee  had  secinrd  the 
resnect  of  the  old;  his  vices  made  hmi  the  idol  of  the  young  and  the  ini|)rin- 
••ipled."  "  In  his  jjerson,  tall,  straight,  and  well  proportioned ;  his  eye  black, 
lively,  and  penetrating,  and  indicative  of  courage  and  enterprise ;  his  nose 
prominent,  thin,  and  elegant  in  its  formation ;  while  all  the  features  of  Ida 

•  i:ilicoU\i  Joiinml,  203,  &c. 

t  Tlic  ri'iidcr  slioiilil  he  early  npprizod  that  this  was  wrillen  at  a  time  when  some  prejudice 
migid  have  iiilevtud  ilio  uiiucl  uf  the  writer. 


[Book  IV. 

u'd  ColoiK.'l 
10  Talli'Shces 

not  li(!  pos- 

Ellicott,  tlie 
it  till!  tronty ; 
not  attend,  he 
lie  is  forked, 

what  he  has 
>e  marked,  he 
It  turned  out 
il  not  attend, 
t'plensantry, 
.  two  tongues 

to  tlio  gov- 
not  to  suffer 
)  the  Anicri- 

e. 


Creek  confed' 
)reiulfid  mas- 
lis  s/iccrhes — 
nf  the  Indians 
Intosli  makes 
-Mknawway 
irriage  of  Ids 

if  the  Creek 
the  late  war. 

ns  us  tliat, 
isioners  was 

nation,  and 
revengeful ; 
He  partook 
irents,f  and 
e  peculiarly 
inhines  lust, 
Fortune,  ii> 
)n  of  mind, 
eiouB.)  Oil ' 
irst  of  these 
(•ut((  them ; 
with  a  puss- 
rved,  unless 
eakness  of 
elivcred  liia 
lied  to  with 
leeured  the 
the  unprin- 
8  eye  hiark, 
)iis  noso 
ures  of  hia 


ome  prejudice 


Chap.  VI]      WEATHERFORD.— MASSACRE  AT  FORT  MIMMS.  49 

face,  harmoniously  arranged,  spcnk  an  active  and  disciplined  mind.  Pas- 
sionately devoted  to  wealth,  he  had  appropriated  to  himself  a  fini!  tract  of 
land,  improved  and  settled  it;  and  from  the  profits  of  his  fatlKu's  jiack,  had 
decorated  and  emhellished  it.  To  it  he  retired  occasionally,  and,  r'daxing 
from  the  cares  of  state,  he  indulged  in  pleasures  which  are  hut  rarely  found  to 
afford  satisfaction  to  the  devotees  of  ambition  and  fame.  Such  wiire  the 
opposite  and  sometimes  disgusting  traits  of  character  in  the  celebrated 
Weatherford,  the  key  and  corner-stone  of  the  Creek  confederacy!" 

It  is  said  that  this  chief  had  entered  fully  into  the  views  of  Tccunvteh,  and 
that,  if  h(!  had  entered  upon  his  (h'signs  without  delay,  he  would  have  hceu 
amply  able  to  have  overrun  th(!  Avhole  Mississi|)pi  territory.  Hut  this  fortu- 
nate moment  was  lost,  and,  in  the  end,  his  plans  came  to  ruin.  Not  long 
before  the  wretchiHl  butchery  at  Fort  Mimms,  General  Cldiborne  visited  that 
j)ost,  and  vei^  jiarticularly  warned  its  possessors  against  a  surprise.  After 
giving  orders  for  the  construction  of  two  additional  block-houses,  he  con- 
cluded the  Older  with  these  words: — "To  respect  an  enemy,  and  |>repare  in 
the  best  possilile  way  to  meet  him,  is  the  certain  means  to  ensure  success." 
It  was  expected  that  Weatherford  would  soon  attack  »m\w  of  the  lorts,  and 
General  Claiborne  marched  to  Fort  I'-arly,  as  that  was  XW  firthest  advanced 
into  the  enemy's  country.  On  iTis  way,  he  wrote  to  Major  Ueanley,  the  coin- 
luander  of  IVlimms,  informing  him  of  the  danger  of  an  attack  :  and,  strange 
ns  it  may  ap|)ear,  the  next  day  after  the  letter  was  received,  (:J0  August, 
161:5,)  IVeatheiford,  at  the  head  of  about  I.'jOO  warriors,  entered  the  fort  lit 
noon-day,  when  a  shocking  carnage  ensued.  The  gate  had  heen  left  ojien 
niid  miguanleil ;  but,  before  many  of  the  warriors  had  (Mitered,  they  were 
met  by  Major  Ika.ile}),  at  the  head  of  his  men,  and  for  some;  tinu!  the  contest 
was  blooily  and  doubtful;  each  striving  for  tins  mastery  of  the  entrance. 
Here,  man  to  man,  the  fight  contituied  for  a  (piarter  of  iui  hour,  with  toma- 
liawks,  knives,  swords  and  bayon(!ts:  a  scene  there  pnjsented  itself  almost 
vvitiioiit  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  Indian  warfare  !  The  garrison  consisted 
of  '275:  of  these  oidy  KiO  W(U'(!  soldiers;  the  rest  were  old  men,  women  and 
children,  who  had  here  takcm  refuge.  It  is  worthy  of  very  emphatical 
roniMrk,  that  every  oHicer  expired  fighting  at  the  gate.  A  lieutenant,  having 
been  badly  wounded,  was  carried  by  two  women  to  a  block-house,  but  when 
lie  was  a  iitth;  revived,  he  insisted  on  being  carried  back  to  the  fiital  scene, 
which  was  done  by  the  same  heroines,  who  jjlaccd  him  by  tiie  side  of  a  deacl 
companiim,  where  he  was  soon  despatched. 

Tlu!  defenders  of  the  garrison  being  now  nearly  all  slain,  the  women  and 
cliildnMi  shut  thems(!lves  up  in  the  block-houses,  and,  seizing  upon  what 
weapons  they  coidd  find,  began,  in  that  perilous  and  hopeless  situation,  to 
defend  themselv(!S.  IJut  the  Indians  soon  succeeded  in  setting  these  houses 
on  fire,  and  all  such  as  refused  to  meet  death  without,  perished  in  the  flames 
within!!  Sevoiiti'cn  oidy  escaped  of  all  the  garrison,  and  many  of  those 
were  desperately  wounded.  It  vras  judged  that,  during  th(^  contest  at  the 
gate,  near  400  of  IVeatherfonVs  wa  -rior'  were  wounded  and  slain. 

The  horrid  calamity  at  Fort  Mimnifi,  in  the  Tensiui  settlement,  ns  it  is 
railed,  was  not  the  commencement  of  the  bloody  war  M'itli  the  Creek  Indians. 
'I'lie  motions  of  \\w  t^hawanee  Prophet  had  bet'ii  scrutinized  by  |)eople  upon 
the  frontiers  of  severid  states,  anil  memorials  from  Indiana  and  Illinois  had 
been  sent  to  the  pn'sident  of  the  United  States  by  some  of  their  princijml 
inhabitants,  in  181 1,  calling  on  him  to  send  out  an  armed  force  (Rir  their 
security. 

In  the  smnmcr  of  1812,  some  fiunilies  were  cut  off  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio,  and  soon  after,  upon  the  border  of  Teimessee,  two  other  fimiilies, 
consisting  of  women  aiKl  chiKlren,  were  butchered  in  a  manner  too  shocking 
for  description !     (Jeorgia  was  also  a  siifftirer  in  the  same  kind. 

In  respect  to  tin-  bloody  affair  at  Foit  Miinms,  a  different  aspect  has  boon 
thrown  arouiul  it  I'roin  that  geiieraJly  given  in  the  histories  of  the  war.  'I'he 
severe,  thotiirli  probably  just  reflections  (>♦"  .ludgt;  Martin  U|)on  the  conduct 
of  the  \inli)nunate  Heasley,  has  passed  without  contradiction.  Not  only  hud 
that  ollicer  been  warn(>il  by  General  Claiborne  of  his  danger,  as  already 
stated,  but  a  Creek  lialian  informed  liiiii  iu  u  friendly  uituiner  that  lie  muttt 
5 


•ii!-f 


P 


.'>0  WE.yrHKRFORD  SURRENDERS.— HIS  SPEECIT.         [ITboTt  TV. 

oxpnct  nn  jittnrk  in  loss  tlmn  two  dnys.  Wlion  lie  Iiad  mado  liis  pomnmnif a- 
tioii,  lie  led  tlio  i)laco,  "and  %va.s  Jiiirdly  out  of  sight,  when  20  or  MO  of  liis 
countrymen  came  in  view,  uird  forcihij"'  entered  the  fort.  In  tlie  attempt  to 
simt  th(!  iiiiW,  Bcn-ilcy  MRS  killed:  the' garrison  revenged  his  death  by  that 
of  all  tli(!  assailants.  This  first  party  was,  however,  soon  followed  by  a  body 
of  about  ^"00.•  the  garrison  ^vas  oviri)owereil,  the  ibrt  taken,  and  every  man, 
woman  and  child  in  it,  slaughtered,  with  the  exception  of  four  jnivateH,  who, 
though  sev(!rely  wounded,  ertlvtfMl  their  eseajje,  and  reached  Fort  Stod- 
ward."*  Benslcy  himself  was  carried  into  the  kitclKUi  of  one  of  the  houses 
"vithin  the  fort,  and  Was  there,  with  many  others,  consumed  in  the  burning 
ruins  !f 

WIk'u  the  news  of  this  aftair  was  circulated  through  the  country,  many 
cried  aloud  fi)r  vengeance,  and  two  jwwerful  armies  were  soon  upon  their 
march  ijito  the  Indian  cotmtrv,  and  the  complete  destruction  of  the  Indian 
power  soon  followed.  The  Indians  seeing  all  resistance  was  at  an  end, 
grc'at  numbers  of  them  came  forward  and  made  their  submission.  Ji'eather- 
./br//,  how.'ver,  .ind  many  who  were  known  to  be  desperate,  still  stood  out; 
perhaps  from  iear.  (Jr.icral  Jackxon  dt'termined  to  test  the  fidelity  of  those 
ehii.'fs  who  had  submitted,  and,  therefore,  ordered  them  to  deliver,  without 
dtday,  H'ealherford,  bound,  into  his  hands,  that  he  might  be  dealt  with  as  he 
deserved.  When  they  had  made  known  to  the  sachem  what  was  required 
of  them,  his  noble  s[»irit  would  not  submit  to  such  degradation  ;  and,  to  hold 
them  harmless,  he  resolved  to  give  himself  up  without  compulsion.  Accord- 
ingly, he  proceeded  to  the  American  camp,  unknown,  until  he  appeared 
beibre  the  commamling  general,  to  whose  fircsenee,  under  some  pretence, 
he  gained  admission,  (jfeueral  Jackson  was  greatly  surprised,  wli(>n  the  chief 
yaid,  "J  am  JVvntherJhrd^tht  clihf  iclio  commanded  at  the  capture  of  Fort  Mimms. 
I  desire  peace  for  my  peopli,  and  have  come  to  ask  j7."  Jackson  had,  doubtless, 
dotermined  upon  his  execution  when  he  should  be  brought  hound,  as  ho 
liad  directed;  but  his  sudden  and  unexpected  ajijiearance,  in  this  manner, 
waved  him.  The  general  said  he  was  astonished  that  he  should  venture  to 
appear  in  his  presence,  as  he  was  not  ignorant  of  his  having  been  at  Fort 
Mimms,  nor  of  his  inhuman  conduct  there,  (or  which  he  so  well  deserved  to 
die.  "1  ordered,"  continued  the  geiiend,  "that  you  should  be  brought  to  mer 
bound;  and,  had  you  lucm  brought  in  that  manner,  I  should  have  known 
how  to  have  triNited  you."  In  answer  to  this,  H'entherford  made  the  follow- 
ing fiimotis  s]ieecli : — 

"  /  am  in  yorir power — do  toUh  mc  as  you  please — /  am  n  soldier,  f  have  done 
the  whites  all  the  harm  I  could.  I  have  foutrht  them,  and  fought  them  bravely. 
If  I  had  an  army,  I  would  yctfis:ht — I  woidd  contend  to  the  last :  but  I  have  none. 
My  people  are  all  ii;oiie.    I  can  only  weep  over  the  misfortunes  of  my  ?m/?o/f." 

General  Jackson  was  pleased  vith  his  boldness,  and  told  hhii  that  though 
he  was  in  his  power, yet  he  wouhl  take  no  advantage;  that  he  might  yet  join 
the  war  party,  and  contend  against  the  Americans,  if  he  chose,  but  to  depend 
upon  no  ([uarter  if  taken  afterward;  and  that  unconditional  submission  was 
his  ami  his  people's  only  s^afi'tj'.  Weatherford  rejoined,  in  a  tone  as  dignified 
as  it  was  indignant, — "  You  can  safely  address  me  in  such  terms  now.  Tin  re 
was  a  time  when  I  could  have  answered  you — there  was  a  time  when  I  had  a  choice 
— I  have  none  now.  f  have  not  even  a  hope.  /  coulil  once  animate  my  warriors 
to  battle — hid  f  cannot  animate  the  dead.  My  warriors  can  no  longer  hear  my 
voice.  Their  bones  are  at  Talladega,  Talhishntches,  Emuck/'aw  and  Tohopeka. 
I  have  not  surrendered  myself  withoid  thought.  IHiile  there  ivas  a  sin/rle  chance 
of  success,  I  nei^er  left  my  post,  nor  supplicated  peace.  Bid  my  people  are  pone^ 
and  I  nmv  ask  it  for  my  nation,  not  for  myself.  I  look  back  with  deep  sorrow, 
ami  wish  to  crveii  still  greater  calamities.  If  I  had  been  left  to  contend  with  the 
Georgia  army,  I  would  have  rained  my  com  on  one  bank  of  the  river,  and  fought 
them  on  the  other.  But  your  people  have  destroyed  my  nation.  You  are  a  lirnve 
man.  I  rely  upon  your  generosity.  You  tvill  exact  no  terms  of  a  rompiered 
people,  but  snch  as  they  should  accede  to.  Whatever  they  may  be,  it  woxdd  now  be 
madness  and  folly  to  oppose  litem.    If  they  are  opposed,  you  sluill  find  me 

*  Martin's  Hist.  Louiiiaiui,  ii.  oIC.  t  Pcikitts'a  Late  War,  198. 


Chap.  VI.]         BATTLE  OT  AUTOSSEE  AND  OF  TOHOPEKA. 


51 


burning 


amongst  tlie  sternest  enforcers  of  obedience.  Tliose  tvho  would  still  hold  out,  can 
be  iiifluenced  onhf  by  a  mean  spirit  of  revenge.  To  this  tlieij  must  not,  and  shall 
not  sacrifice  tlie  last  remnant  of  their  country.  You  have  told  our  nation  where  we 
migld  go  and  lie  safe.  This  is  good  talk,  and  tliej/  ought  to  listen  to  it.  They 
shall  listen  to  U,"  And  hero  we  must  close  our  iireseiit  account  of  Meaiherford, 
and  enter  upon  that  of  a  character  opposed  to  liim  in  the  fiehl,  antl,  if  we  can 
believe  the  writers  of  tlieir  times,  opposite  in  ahnost  all  the  affaii-s  of  Ufe.  This 
was  tiie  celebrated  and  truly  unfortunate 

General  WILLLIAM  M'lNTOSH,  a  Creek  cjiief  of  the  tribe  of  Cowetaw. 
He  was,  like  M'GiUivray,  a  hali-breed,  whom  he  considerably  resembled  in 
several  particulars,  as  by  his  history  will  appear.  He  was  a  prominent  leader 
of  such  of  his  countrymen  as  joined  the  Americans  in  the  war  of  1812, 13,  and 
14,  and  is  iirst  mentioned  by  (jJeneral  Fioyd*  in  his  account  of  the  battle,  im  he 
called  it,  of  Autossec,  whcu-e  he  assisted  in  the  brutal  destruction  of  200  of  his 
nation.  Tliere  was  nothing  like  lighting  on  the  j)art  of  the  people  of  the 
place,  a.s  we  can  learn,  being  surprised  in  their  wigwams,  and  hewn  to  pieces. 
"  The  Coweta ws,"  says  ilie  general,  "  under  JW'/)i/os/t,  and  Tookaubutchians,t 
und(?r  Mud-dog' s-son,  fi^U  in  on  our  flanks,  and  ibught  with  an  intrepidity 
worthy  of  any  troops."  And  alter  relating  the  burning  of  the  place,  he  thus 
})roceeds: — "It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  but  from 
the  informatioji  of  some  of  the  chiefs,  which  it  is  said  can  be  relied  on,  there 
were  assembled  at  Autossee,  warriors  from  eight  towns,  for  it.s  defence ;  it 
being  their  beloved  ground,  on  which  tiiey  proclaimed  no  white  man  «!0uld 
apj)n)jicli  without  inevitable  destruction.  It  is  dilficiilt  to  give  a  j)re(;iso 
account  of  the  loss  of  the  enemy ;  l)ut  from  the  number  which  were  lying 
scatt('2ed  ovHir  the  field,  togetiier  with  those  destroyed  in  the  towns,  and  the 
many  slain  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  which  respectable  officers  aflirm  that 
they  saw  lying  in  heaps  at  the  water's  edge,  where  they  had  been  precipitated 
by  thi.'ii-  surviving  friends,  [! !]  their  loss  in  killed,  independent  of  their  wound- 
rtl,  must  have  been  at  least  200,  (among  whom  wen;  the  Autossee  and  Tallassee 
kings,)  and  from  the  circumstance  of  their  making  no  efforts  to  inole.st  our 
return,  probably  greater.  The  number  of  buildings  burnt,  some  of  a  superior 
onh'r  i'or  the  dwellings  of  savases,  and  filled  with  valuable  articles,  is  supposed 
to  be  400."    This  was  on  tiie  2J)  November,  1813. 

MUnlosli  was  also  very  cons|)icuous  in  the  memorable  battle  of  the  Horse- 
shoe-bend, in  the  Tallapoosie  lliver.  At  this  place  the  disconsolate  tribes  of  tlip 
.soiitli  had  made  a  last  great  stand,  and  had  a  toleralily  regular  fortified  camp. 
It  was  said  that  they  were  1000  strong.  They  had  constructed  their  works 
wiiii  such  ingenuity,  that  little  could  be  effected  against  them  but  by  storm. 
"  Determined  to  exterminate  them,"  says  General /ac/iSOJi,  "  1  detached  General 
Coffee  with  the  mounted,  and  nearly  the  wliole  of  the  Indian  force,  e;  rly  on 
the  morning  of  yesterday,  [March  27,  1814,1  to  cross  the  ri^cr  about  two  miles 
below  their  encampment,  and  to  surround  the  bend,  in  such  a  manner,  as 
that  none  of  them  shoidd  escape  by  attempting  to  cross  the  river."  ^'■Bean's 
company  of  spi<!S,  who  had  accompanied  (ien.  Coffee,  crossed  over  in  canoes 
to  the  extremity  of  the  bend,  and  set  fire  to  a  few  of  the  buildings  which  were 
tlier(^  situated  ;  they  then  advanced  with  great  gallantry  towards  the  breast- 
woik,  and  connneiiced  a  spirited  lire  upon  the  ('iiemy  bi^hind  it."  This  force  ' 
not  being  able  to  efll'ct  their  obje<"t,  many  others  of  the  anny  sliowtsd  gi'eat 
ardor  to  participate  in  the  assault.  "The  spirit  which  animated  them  was  a 
sure  augury  of  tin;  success  which  was  to  follow."  "Tlie  regLilai-s,  led  on  by 
their  intrepid  and  skilful  conuiiander,  Col.  li'tlllttms,  and  by  the  gallant  iMaj. 
Alonlgomcry,  soon  gained  pessession  ot'  the  works  in  the  midst  of  a  most  tre- 
mendiius  lire  IVoni  behind  iIu'mi,  and  the  niilitia  of  th(!  venerable  («eH.  Uoherty''s 
brigade  accompanied  tliein  in  tin'  chargu  with  a  \ivaeity  and  iirmness  which 
woidil  have  diini'  liouor  to  regulars,  The  enemy  was  completely  routed. 
/YiT  hundred  anil  /ijlii  itrrin  I  were  lelt  dead  on  the  peninsula,  and  a  great 
numlier  wen;  killiMJ  by  the  horsemen  in  atu-mptiiig  to  cross  tla^  river.  It  is 
beiievi  (I  tliMt  not  niuri'  ilinn  hmdy  havi'  es<*a|)ed. 

"Tlie  fighting  eontinui'd  with  some  sev<'ritv  about  iiv('  iiours  ;  but  we  coii- 


'  llfiiiiii'iii'.i  oHioiiil  IcMrr*.  t  Ttickiiliiilclic.     Ilnrtram,  '117. 

i  TUvfe  ere  lJ:e  yfiiorol's  iuilics;  at  least,  Urannan  so  priuls  liis  ollicial  Idler. 


i 


(53 


.;*! 


j>  ' 


|i 


1 


52 


M'IN'TOSirS   TREATIES. 


[Book  IV. 


tinned  to  destroy  many  of  tlieni,  wlio  liml  concealed  tlicinselvea  nnder  the 
banks  of  the  river,  until  we  were  prevented  by  tlie  night.  This  morning  we 
killed  1(>  who  hud  been  (loncetiled.  We  to(jk  about  250  prisonei-s,  all  women 
and  eiiiidren,  except  two  or  three.  Oin*  loss  is  lOfi  wonndcMl,  and  2.'»  killed. 
Major  AVInlosh,  the  Cowetaii,  who  joined  my  army  with  a  jmrt  of  his  tribe. 
frreatly  distinguished  himself."*  Truly,  this  was  a  war  of  extermination  ! ! 
The  iViend  of  hmnanity  may  in(|uire  wiiether  all  those  poor  wretches  who  had 
secreted  iheinselves  here  and  there  in  the  "caves  and  reeds,"  had  deserved 
death  ? 

The  most  melancholy  part  of  the  life  of  the  unfortunate  Mcintosh  remains  to 
be  recorded.  The  late  trouitles  of  the  Cnjek  nation  have  drawn  forth  many 
a  sympathetic  tear  from  the  eye  of  the  philantJu'opist.  These  troubles  were 
only  the  coiiseiiueuees  of  those  of  a  higher  date.  Those  of  1825,  we  thought, 
completed  the  climax  of  their  atHiction,  but  1832  must  sully  her  annals  with 
records  of  their  o|)prcssioa  also.  It  is  the  former  period  witli  which  our  article 
I)rings  IIS  in  collision  in  closing  this  account.  In  Uiat  year,  the  government 
of  the  U.  States,  by  its  agents,  sciemed  determiued  on  possessing  a  large  tract 
of  their  eoiintiy,  to  satisfy  the  state  of  Georgia,  JM'Intosh,  and  a  small  part  of 
the  nation,  were  for  conceding  to  their  wishes,  but  a  large  majority  of  bis 
countrymen  would  not  hear  to  the  proposal.  The  connnissioners  employed 
were  satisfied  of  the  fact,  and  communicated  to  the  president  the  result  of  a 
meeting  they  bad  had  for  the  purpose.  He  was  well  satisfied,  also,  that 
.M'lntosk  could  not  convey  the  lands,  as  he  represented  but  a  small  jmrt  of  his 
nation,  but  still  the  negotiation  was  ordered  to  be  renewed.  A  council  was 
called  l)y  the  eommissionei*s,  (who  were  Georgians,)  which  assembled  at  a 
])lace  called  Iiuiian-spriug.  Here  the  chief  of  the  Tuckaiibatcheese  spoke  to 
them  as  follows :  "  \Ve  met  you  at  Broken  Arrow,  and  then  told  you  we  had 
no  land  to  sell.  I  then  lleard  of  no  claims  against  the  nation,  nor  have  I  since. 
AVe  have  met  you  here  at  a  veiy  short  notic(^,  and  do  not  think  that  the  chiefs 
who  are  here  have  any  authority  to  treat.  General  J\rintosh  knows  that  we 
arc  l)ound  by  our  laws,  and  that  what  is  not  done  in  the  public  square,  in  the 
general  council,  is  not  binding  on  the  nation.  I  am,  dierelbre,  under  the 
necessity  of  repeating  the  same  answer  as  given  at  Broken  Arrow,  that  we 
liave  no  land  to  sell.  I  know  that  there  are  but  few  hero  from  the  upper 
towns,  and  many  ar<!  absent  from  the  lower  towns.  Gen.  M'lntosk  knows  that 
no  part  of  the  land  can  be  sold  without  a  full  council,  and  with  the  consent  of 
all  the  nation,  and  if  a  part  of  the  nation  choose  to  leave  the  country,  they 
cannot  sell  the  hmd  they  have,  but  it  belongs  to  the  nation."  "This  is  the 
only  talk  i  have  for  you,  and  I  shall  r<;turn  home  immediately."  He  did  so. 
The  ill-advised  commissioner.^  informed  M'lntosk  and  his  party,  that  the  Creek 
nation  was  sutliciently  r(;presented  by  them,  and  that  the  United  States  would 
bear  them  out  in  a  treaty  of  sale.  The  idea  of  receiving  the  whole  of  the  pay 
for  the  lands  among  themselves,  was  doubtless  the  cause  of  the  concession  of 
M'lntosk  and  his  jmrty.  "Thirteen  only  of  the  signera  of  the  treaty  were 
chiefs.  The  rest  were  such  as  had  been  degraded  from  that  rank,  and  un- 
known persons  ;  30  chiefs  present  refused  to  sign.  The  whole  i)aity  of 
JWInlosk  amounted  to  about  300,  not  the  tenth  part  of  tlie  nation."  Still  the^ 
executed  the  articles,  in  direct  violation  to  the  laws  of  their  nation,  vvhic' 
themselves  bad  helped  to  fiuni.  It  must  be  rememltered  that  th(!  Creeks  bad 
mad(!  no  inconsiderable  advances  in  what  is  termed  civilization.  They  had 
towns,  and  even  j)rinted  laws  by  which  diey  were  to  be  governed,  similar  to 
t.hos(>  of  th(!  United  States. 

The  treaty  of  [mlinn-sprinfc,  dated  8  January,  1821,  gave  universal  uneasi- 
ness ;  and,  from  that  day,  M'lntosk  lost  ijojinlarity.  It  was  generally  believed 
that  he  tuid  been  tampered  with  by  the  whitt's  to  convey  to  them  the  inher- 
itance of  his  nation  !  and  the  fbilowing  leitiM*  })retty  cli.'arly  proves  such 
suspicions  had  been  justly  grounded.     It  is  dated 

"Nkwtow.n,  2\st  October,  1823.  ' 

"  jMv  FaiKM) ;  /  nni  ^oHiir  to  inform  yon  a  few  lines,  ns  a  friend.  I  want  you 
to  give  me  your  opinion  about  Ike  treaty  ;  \  whether  the  ehiifs  will  be  tvilliKg  or  not. 


I 


Bruniiaii,  itl  .supra. 


t  Tliiil  ill  bidimi-spriiig,  8  January,  1821. 


Ch 

(T 

toi 
A. 

sh( 
isfi 
[is 
At 


Chap.  VI.] 


M'INTOSH.— HIS  \1LLANY  DETECTED. 


53 


If' the  chiefs  feel  ditposed  to  let  the  United  Stales  Juive  the  land,  part  of  if,  I  want  you 
to  let  me  know ;'  I  ivill  make  the  U.  States  commissioners  f^ive  you  2000  dollars, 
A.  M'Coy  Vie  same,  and  Charles  Hicks  3000  dollars,  J'or  present,  and  nobody 
shall  /enow  it ;  and  if  you  think  the  land  woulden  [should^nt  f]  sold,  1  will  be  sat- 
isfied.  If  the  land  should  be  sold,  I  will  get  you  the  amount  before  the  treaty  sign 
[is  signed ;]  and  if  you  get  any  friend  ^ou  want  him  to  received,  they  shall  receive. 
.Vothing  more  to  inform  you  at  present. 

*^  I  remain  your  affectionate  friend,  WM.  McINTOSH. 

"John  Ross.* 

"  An  answer  return. 

"  N,  JJ.  The  wliole  amount  is  $12,000,  you  coji  divide  among  your  friends, 
exclusive,  $7,000." 

1  [ence  there  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  guilty  •onsciencn  of  jWlntosh, 
although  some  parts  of  the  above  letter  are  scarcely  intelligible.  He  had 
mistaken  his  friend  i  Ross  was  not  to  be  bought;  lor  three  days  after  die  letter 
was  written,  viz.  24  October,  n  council  was  held,  and  AVhdosh  was  present ; 
the  hitter  wtis  read,  and  he  was  publicly  exposed. 

•  Notwithstanding  what  had  been  done  at  Indian-Spring,  it  appears,  from  the 
above  letter,  that  another  attempt  nt  selling  land  was  made  in  1823,  but  could 
not  be  carried  into  effect,  the  viiiany  of  Mlntosh  was  so  apparent ;  and  it 
appears  that  it  could  not  be  brought  about  until  12  February,  1825,  whicli  is 
the  date  of  the  last  treaty  made  by  J^PIntosh. 

"  JWlntosh  was  aware,  that,  aftor  signing  the  treaty,  his  life  was  forfeited. 
He,  and  others  of  his  coadjutors,  repaired  to  Milledgeville,  stated  tlieir  feare, 
nncl  claimed  the  protection  of  Georgia,  which  was  promised  by  Gov.  Troup." 
It  nuist  be  observed  that  the  greater  part  of  the  purchased  territory  was  within 
the  claimed  limits  of  Georgia;!  and  that  the  Georgians  had  no  small  shai-e  in 
the  whole  transaction.  It  is  not  stranger  that  the  people  of  Georgia  should 
conduct  as  they  have,  than  that  the  United  States'  government^should  jjlace  it 
in  her  {)ower  so  to  act.  To  take,  therefore,  into  account  the  whole  merits  of 
the  case,  it  must  be  remembered,  that,  by  a  compact  betweiin  the  two  ])arties 
in  1802,  the  former,  in  consideration  of  the  latter's  relinquishing  her  claim  to 
the  Mississippi  territory,  agreed  to  e.Ktinguish,  at  the  national  expense,  the 
Indian  title  to  the  lands  occupied  l)y  them,  in  Georgia,  tohenever  U  could  be 
done,  upon  reasonable  terms.  \  Who  was  to  decide  lohen  the  [)racticable  time 
had  arrived,  we  believe  was  not  mentioned.  However,  previous  to  182.5,  the 
United  States  had  succeeded  in  extinguishing  the  aboriginal  title  of  15,000,000 
acres,  and  there  were  yet  about  10,000,000  to  be  bought  off".  ^  The  change  of 
lift!  from  wandering  to  stationary,  which  the  arts  of  civilization  had  effected 
among  the  Indians,  made  them  prize  their  possessions  far  more  highly  thaxi 
heretofore,  and  hence  their  reluctance  and  opposition  to  relinquish  them. 

Thus  nuich  it  seemed  necessary  to  premise,  that  the  true  cause  of  the  fate 
of  JWlntosh  should  be  understood.  It  appears  that  when  the  whole  of  the 
nation  saw  that  the  treaty  which  he  and  his  parly  had  made  could  not  be 
jibrogatcd,  forty-nine  fiftieths  of  them  were  violent  against  them  ;  and  there- 
fore resolved  that  the  sentence  of  the  law  sliould  be  executed  upon  liim. 
The  execution,  and  circumstances  attending  it,  are  thus  related:  ||  "About 
two  houi-s  before  day,  on  Sunday  morning,  1  May,  II  the  house  of  Gen. 
JWlntosh  was  surrountled  by  JUenaw-tvay,  and  about  100  Oakfuskee  warriors. 
JWlntosh  was  within,  as  likewise  were  his  women  and  children,  and  souk; 
whitt!  men.  Menaw-ioay  directed  an  interpreter  to  request  the  Whites,  and 
th(!  women  and  children,  to  come  out,  as  the  warriors  did  not  wish  to  harm 
tluMU ;  that  Gen.  JH^Intosh  had  broken  the  law  that  he  himself  had  long 
since  made,  and  tliey  had  come  to  execute  him  accordingly.  They  came 
out  of  tlie  house,  leaving  JWlntosh  and  Etomi-tustenugge,  one  of  his  adherents, 

*  Tliim  I'resicleiil  of  llie  Nalioiial  Couiicit  of  Uio  Crocks. 

t  Perkins,  Hist.  (I.  Slates,  a  work,  by  the  way,  of  great  value,  ami  wliicli  we  are  surprised 
slioiilil  have  issued  from  the  press  willi  little  or  no  notice. 

i  Amcr.  All.  Regr.  i.  t,  Ibid.  ||  In  the  .\nnnnl  Ucgisirr,  iit  siijint. 

if  ;iO  April  is  nienlioiied>.  in  another  part  of  the  same  work,  us  the  dale  of  Uie  i.'.\ccution, 
and  so  it  is  set  down  by  Mr.  Perkim,  in  liis  Hist.  U.  S. 


i 


i  .,^1 


84 


M'INTOSir  AND  OTHEUH  PITT  TO  DEATH. 


[Book  IV. 


thcrpin.  Tim  ^v!l^riol•s  then  sot  firo  to  tlio  Jiomho;  nnd  najyTInloak  and  lii» 
coniruilr  [Tiislintiij:f^v]  mti-iiiincd  to  conic  out  iit  the  door,  tlicy  Mliot  tlioiu 
both  down.  Tlu!  saiiio  day,  iihoiit  \2  o'clock,  llioy  Imiif,'  Sam  Hawkins,  n  liulf 
hrctid,  in  tlie  llnckhoHHcligu  Square.  On  IVIon(!ny,  the  a  May,  ti  purty  of 
Ilnlihec  Indians  thcd  on  and  wounded  Ben  Hawkins,  another  iialfhreed,  very 
bndly.  The  chie<!>!  stated,  at  \\w  time,  tliat  no  danj,'er  whatever  was  to  ho 
apprehended  hy  i)orKOUs  travelhng  through  tlie  nation  ;  tfiat  tliey  were  frivnds 
to  the  wiiites,  and  wisiied  tlieni  not  to  h(!  alarmed  hy  tiiiH  execution,  which 
was  only  u  couiplianct!  with  the  laws  that  the  great  cliieis  ol"  the  nation  mndo 
at  Pol(!cut  Spring.  ChiUy  AVlniosh  escaped  from  the  houses  witii  the  whites, 
nnd  was  not  tired  at  or  wouinh'd."  He  is  now  chief  among  the  west((rn 
Creeks,  and  some  time  since  incrcasiid  his  notoriety  by  beating  a  member  of 
Congress,  in  Washington. 

The  great  agitation  which  the  execution  of  tlio  head  chiels  of  the  M'Inloah 
party  caused  was  allayed  only  hy  the  interference  of  the  United  States'  gov- 
ernment, (lovernor  Troup  of  (ieorgia  declareil  vengeance  against  the  C'reek 
nation,  donouncing  the  execution  of  the  chiefs  as  an  act  ol' murder ;  however, 
lie,  hy  some  means,  Uiurncd  that  his  judgluent  was  gratuitous,  and,  hy  advice 
of  I'resident  Jldams,  desisted  froni  acts  of  hostility,  the  survey  of  the  disputed 
lauds,  Sec. 

We  liave  not  learned  much  of  the  family  of  Arintosh,  His  ]iriucipal  resi- 
flence  was  on  the  Chattahoochif,  where  he  had  two  wives,  Susannah  nnd 
Pegf^jj,  oiu!  a  Creek,  the  other  a  Cherokee  woman,  nnd  this  is  the  place  where 
ho  was  killed.  About  .50  miles  from  this  place,  on  the  western  branch  of  the 
Tallapoosa,  he  hu<l  a  jilantation ;  here  lived  another  of  his  wives,  named  Eliza. 
She  was  the  <laughtcr  nt'  Stephen  Hawkins,  and  sister  to  Sanmel  and  Benjamin 
Hawkins,*  whose  liite  wp  have  just  related.  On  14  August,  1818,  Jenrnj,  his 
eldest  daughter,  was  married  to  William  S.  Milchcl,  Es(i.,  assistant  Indian 
agent  of  the  Creek  nation.  They  were  married  at  a  place  called  TlieacatckJcali 
near  Fort  Milchcl,  in  that  nation. f 

General  .Wlntosh  partitiipated  in  die  Setniuole  campaigns,  as  did  another 
chief  of  the  name  of  Lovctt,  with  about  2000  of  their  vvarrior.s.  They  joined 
the  American  m-my  at  Fort  Scott  in  the  spring  of  1818.  J 


Hi^'i 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Creek  »ar  continued — View  of  the  Creek  covntry — General  Jackson  ordered  <mt 
against  them — licUeves  Chinnaby — Shelokta — Path-killkii — Capture  of  Lilta- 
f niche — The  Tallusliatrhcs  destroyed  hy  General  Coffee — Buttle  of  Talladena — 
.'Inerdote — Massacre  of  the  JlalUhccs — Further  acrount  of  .'lutossrr.  battle — Ihiltle  of 
Camp  Difiuncc — TiMimocnrE — Baltic  of  Erkanaku,ka — Push  a  mat  a — ll'eolhnford 
— Jim  Fife — Battle  of  Emnkfau — Jl  second  battle — Fife's  intrepidity — Battle  of 
Eiiotochopko — Tohopcka — End  of  the  Creek  icur — Death  of  three  Prophets — 
MoNouoE — M'Ql'Een — Colhert,  alias  Piomingo — His  exploits — Jhiecdotc — Mur- 
der (j^'John  MoTris — Mcshalatubec — Pushamata — Speech  of  Mushalalubec  and 
of  Pushamata  to  Lafayette  at  jyashington — Pusluimata  dies  there — Hili.isuago 
visits  England — Excite;)  the  Seminoles  to  war — j3  modern  Pocahontas — Hoknot- 
LiMEi) — Massacres  a  boat's  crew  in  Apalaeh'tcola  River — Is  captured  icith  Hii.i.is- 
HAGO,amZ  hanged — Neamathla — Removal  of  the  Florida  Indiums — Their  wretched 
condition — M'Queen — Rich  in  lands  and  slaves — Flies  to  Florida,  and  loses  his 
effects. 

At  this  period  the  Creek  Indians  occm)ied  a  country  containing  about  900 
square  miles ;  bounded  on  the  north  hy  Tennessee,  east  by  Georgia,  south  by 
the  Floridas,  and  west  by  the  Mississippi ;  the  soil  and  climate  of  which 
could  not  be  considered  inferior  to  any  in  the  United  States.  These  Indians, 
consisting  of  Creeks,  properly  so  culled,  Chikasaws,  Choktaws,  and  Cliero- 

*  Report  of  the  Solccl  Comniittoe  of  llie  House  of  Reprcscnlntivos,  U.  S.,  578,  See, 

t  Niles's  Register,  1 J-,  107.  f  N.  Y.  Monthly  Mag.  ill.  74. 


Chap.  VII] 


SIIELOKTA.— PATII-KILLER. 


66 


keeH,  had  for  u  loiij?  liiiu!  Imon  on  aiiiinahle  tcririH  vvilli  tliclr  wliito  noij^lihors, 
excliaiiKiii^  tlirir  furs  and  oUivv  artirh^s  with  thcin  for  Kiich  ntlit  )'s  as  tht;ir 
wuiitH  nxiuirt'd.  Tliis  Htatc  of  things,  lait  for  the;  Imiakiiifr  out  of  tlu^  wiur  in 
Canada,  iniglit,  and  wouhl,  in  nuisoii,  have  contiinitul,  uml  lli<-  f^rcat  VmU 
nation  would  iiav;;  incroasoil,  and  at  this  day  liave  f,'ainod  vu!-tl\  m  ((opuhition 
and  ini|)ortunc<!,  instead  of  hciiifr  disniinnhoroil,  its  inhai)itiuiis  s<  iit  into 
banishnitnt,  and  fniaiiy  rninod.  lntorinarria<r(;s  between  Indians  and  wirites 
liad  hceonie  frocnauit,  from  vvhieii  a  race  of  liall-hreeds  were  s|iriMf;ing  u|», 
und  iiiHt(!ad  of  slavery,  tiic!  Indian  women  were  taking  tlieir  ))roi>(!r  phices  in 
Hocieiy,  and  the  men  were  eukivating  the  tiehla.  And  notwitlistanding  the 
Prophet  and  Tcrumsrh  had  used  all  their  eloquence  to  engage  tiiem  in  an 
early  (juarrel,  it  was  not  imtil  ihey  heard  of  the  success  of  the  Uritish  at  Mai- 
den, that  they  decidi'd  on  taking  up  the  hatchet,  generally.  Such  wiw  the 
;iliiciity  among  the  no.theru  liiilians  on  the  (;apture  of  General  UiUl,  on  the 
1(J  August,  liSl'i,  that  runners  arriv(!d  from  among  them  lo  tlie  Creeks  soino 
time  liefore  it  was  known  to  their  white;  neighhors. 

For  the  liorrid  hiiteliery  at  Tensaii,  the  tt)llowers  of  Wmtlierford,  Monohoe, 
liiid  .Wiliiin,  or  .\V(^ueeii,  were  shortly  to  atone,  in  the  most  summary  man- 
ner. There  was  a  great  encampment  of  Creeks  under  H^'eatlietforil,  at  tho 
Tidlidmssi;,  or  'rtdlushattdies  towns,  on  the  Coosa  Kiver,  a  northern  branch  of 
the  Alabama.  The  (!yes  of  the  south  seemed  to  centre  upon  General  Jackson 
to  execute  vengi'ance  on  the  Indians,  and  notwithstanding  he  was  confined  to 
Ills  room,  from  a  wound  in  the  arm,  which  he  had  lately  received  in  a  private 
quarrel,  when  the  news  of  the  massacre  arrived  in  Tennessee,  the  governor  of 
that  stat(;  issued  an  order  to  him  to  raise  20U0  men  with  all  possible  despatch, 
and  rende/vouH  at  Fayetteville.  Colonel  Cuff'i-e  was  already  in  the  field. 
Jackmii's  march  into  the  enemy's  country  was  hastened  by  a  tiilse  alarm,  and 
when  he  had  got  into  the  Indian  coimtry,  he  found  himself  almost  destitute 
of  [)rovision8  lor  his  army,  wliich  caused  considerable  delay.  At  u  place  on 
the  Tennessee  Kiver,  called  Ditto's  Landing,  General  Jackson  met  with  Colonel 
Coffte^s  regiuieut.  Mere  he  riimained  several  days,  but  despatched  Cojfle 
whh  700  men  to  scour  i\w.  Black  Warrior  River.  At  Ten  Islands,  on  the 
Coosa,  was  a  band  of  friiiudly  Creeks,  at  whose  Inmd  was  a  chief  named 
Chinnahy.  This  chief  had  a  kind  of  Ibrt  there,  and  was  now  blockaded  in  it 
by  the  war  parly.  Cliinnal);/,  h»'aring  of  Jncksoii's  j)osition,  sent  his  son,  She- 
lOKTA,  also  a  i)rincipal  chief,  to  the  general's  camp,  for  relief,  who,  without 
loss  of  time;,  uiari-heil  up  the  river,  but  was  obliged  to  encamp  at  the  distance 
of  24  miles  from  Dillons,  from  the  failure  of  liis  sui»i)lies.  While  here.  Path- 
killer,*  a  Cherokee  chief,  sent  two  runners  to  Inin,  confirming  the  former 
news,  and  that  without  immediate  relief,  they  said,  they  should  be  immediate- 
ly cut  ofl",  for  the  hostile  Indians  were  assembling  in  great  force  from  nine 
towns.  Jackson  now  resolved  to  move  on,  and  told  the  messengers  of  Path- 
killer  to  speak  thus  to  their  chief  from  him: — 

"  The  hn.ililc  Creeks  will  not  attack  you  until  they  have  had  a  brush  with  me, 
and  that,  I  think,  will  piU  them  out  of  the  notion  offiglding  for  some  time," 

When  the  army  had  aiTived  within  a  few  miles  of  the  Ten  Islands,  it  was 
met  by  Chinnahy.  This  old  chief  had  succeeded  in  capturing  two  hostile 
Creeks,  which  he  gave  up  to  General  Jackson.  The  army  was  yet  about  16 
miles  from  the  Indian  encampment,  and  in  a  lamentable  condition  for  want  of 
provisions ;  insomuch,  that  almost  any  one  but  Jackson  would  have  despaired, 
and  given  u[)  the  campaign  ;  but  his  resolution  was  not  to  l)e  shaken,  and  he 
happily  diffused  his  spirit  intg  his  men.  He  said,  in  a  letter  to  Governor 
Blount,  that  tohilst  they  could  procure  an  ear  of  com  apiece,  they  would  not  give 
up  the  ex[>edition. 


*  We  would  here  oliaerve  that  Path-killer  was,  in  1822,  a  Christian  chief,  and  governed 
in  the  same  tribe  with  tlie  famous  Mr.  Cliarles  Hicks ;  and  his  residence  was  in  that  year  25 
miles  from  Turi^ejlown.  Tiie  missionary,  Mr.  liiUrick,  notes  in  his  Journal,  that  Palh-killer 
was  "  the  kin^  at  first  beloved  man,  of  the  Chcrokoo  nation,"  and  that  Mr.  I  ticks  was  "the 
second  beloved  man."  Palk-killer  had  had  a  son  murdered  by  some  white  man,  before  thi* 
visit,  and  complained  of  the  outrage,  and  said  he  had  written  twice  to  the  president  of  the 
United  States  about  it.    Both  these  cliiefs  died  in  the  -winter  of  1826. 


66 


PATH-KILLER.— BATTLE  OP  TALLUSHATCHES.       [Book  IV. 


Jti 


\,^ 


On  the  28  October,  Colonel  Di/er  rctimied  from  the  capture  of  a  town 
called  Littufutche,  on  the  head  of  Canoe  Creek,  which  eMi[>ties  into  the  Coosa 
from  the  west.  His  force  consisted  of  200  cavalry,  and  they  brought  in  29 
prisoners,  chiefly  women  and  children. 

The  Indians  were  now  drawn  oft'  ti-om  Ten  Islands,  and  had  taken  post  at 
Tallushatches,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Coosa.  Coffee  was  immediately 
despatched  with  900  men  to  attack  them.  Tliis  lie  did  on  the  3  November, 
sun  about  an  hour  high  in  the  morning.  A  number  of  men  in  advance  of  the 
main  body,  sent  fbrward  for  the  purpose,  drew  out  the  wai'riors  from  their 
cabins,  who  made  a  fierce  attack  upon  them.  The  Americans  gave  way  by  fall- 
ing back  iif)on  the  main  body,  agreeably  to  their  preconcerted  plan,  which  had 
the  good  effect  of  bringing  the  Indians  at  once  into  their  power.  Having  fired 
upon  them,  they  made  a  successful  charge,  and  soon  obliged  them  to  shelter 
themselves  in  their  wigwams.  Colonel  Coffee  says,  "The  enemy  retreated 
firing,  until  they  got  around,  and  in  their  buildings,  where  they  made  all  the 
resistah(!e  that  an  overpowered  soldier  could  do — they  fought  as  long  as  one 
existed,  but  theii-  destruction  was  very  soon  completed.  Our  men  rushed  up 
to  the  dooi-s  of  the  houses,  and  in  a  ievv  minutes  killed  the  last  warrior  of 
them.  The  enemy  fought  with  savag(!  fury,  and  met  death  with  all  its  honoi-s, 
without  shrinking  or  complaining — not  one  lusked  to  bo  spared,  but  fought  as 
long  as  they  could  stand  or  sit.  In  consiMjuence  of  their  flying  to  their  houses, 
and  mixing  with  the  families,  our  men,  in  killing  the  males,  without  intention 
killed  and  wounded  a  few  of  the  squaws  and  children."  In  this  sanguinaiy 
affair,  18(5  Indians  were  killed;  and  the  connnunder  thought,  that  there  were 
enough  otliera  killed  in  the  woods,  which  they  could  not  find,  to  make  up  in 
all  200.  This  calculation,  he  observed,  he  thought  a  reasonable  one.  They 
took  captive  84  women  and  childreh,  and  "not  one  of  the  warriors  escaped 
to  carry  the  news;  a  circumstance  imknown  heretofore!"  The  whites  had 
5  killc<l  and  41  wounded  ;  "  none  mortally,  the  greater  part  slightly,  a  number 
with  arrows :  this  ajipoars  to  fbnii  a  very  principal  part  of  the  enemy's  arms 
for  warfare ;  every  man  having  a  bow  with  a  bundle  of  arrows,  wliicii  is  used 
albir  the  first  fire  with  the  gun,  until  ii  leisure  time  for  loading  offers." 

The  destruction  at  Tallushatches  was  rendered  the  more  complete  by  their 
being  entirely  surrounded  on  every  side  by  the  troops.  Some  have  said  that 
even  the  women  united  with  the  warriors,  and  contended  in  the  battle  with 
fi;arlcss  bravery.  This  nmy  account  for  many  that  were  killed ;  but  General 
Coffee  does  not  mention  it. 

Meanwhile  General  IVIiite  had  been  detached  to  Turkeytown,  for  the  relief 
of  Path-killer,  and  he  was  now  ordered  to  join  the  main  army,  with  as  much 
expedition  as  \w  was  able.  This  rt!(|uest  wa«  transmitted  on  the  4,  and 
renewed  on  the  7  Novemlier,  18i;J ;  and  on  the  (ivening  of  the  same  day,  an 
Indian  brought  news  to  the  general,  that  Talladega  was  besieged  by  a  great 
body  of  the  enemy,  and  would  certainly  be  destroyed,  unless  immediately 
relieved.  Tidladi'ga  was  u  fi)rt  occupied  by  friendly  Creeks,  about  JIO  miles 
below  Ten  Islands. 

Without  loss  of  time,  General  J«rfr.9on  marched  to  relieve  Talladega.  His 
operations  were  conducted  with  such  promptiiude,  that  by  midnight  l()llowing 
the  saifie  day,  ho  was  within  si.t  tniles  of  his  enemy.  Here  he  eiicam|»e(i 
until  alHMit  daylight.  Then  moving  on,  at  sunrise  he  came  within  half  a  mile 
of  the  Indian  ei.  :;'.''ipmeiit,  which  was  only  about  HO  rods  Irom  Fort  Talla- 
dega. The  general,  having  fiirmed  his  liiK!  of  battle  like  the  Spanish  Armada, 
moved  on  to  the  attack.  Tlu;  Indians  were  not  taken  l)y  surprise,  but  rushetl 
upon  their  advt^rsaries  with  such  imiM'tuosity  that  they  made  consideraWo 
imnression  in  one  part  of  th(>  line; ;  insomucli,  that  a  considerable  body  uf 
militia  gave  way.  Their  places  being  innnediately  supplied  by  the  mounted 
men,  the  Indians  fought  but  a  short  time,  before  they  were  obliged  to  fly  for 
the  mnuntaiiiM,  about  llui-e  milts  distant,  hi  their  flight  they  were  hard  pressed 
by  the  right  wing  of  the  Americans,  and  great  luunbers  were  rut  down.  In 
the  wholi!  affair,  29!)  were  killed,  that  were  fiiund,  of  the  Indians ;  and  the 
whites  lost  15  in  killed,  and  K'l  wert^  wounded,  several  of  whom  ullerwarda 
died.  Over  lOHO  Indians  wi^n*  said  to  have  been  engaged,  and  some  of  them 
allerwords  said  their  losa  at  the  battle  of  Talladega  wan  (iOO. 


Chap.  VTI.] 


BATTLE  OF  AUTOSSEE 


9t 


It  was  expected  tliat  a  8iipi)ly  of  provisions  would  arrive  at  Camp  Strotlier, 
at  Tea  Islands,  before  tlio  army  should  return  there  ;  but  on  its  arrival,  a  total 
failure  was  experienced  by  the  hungry  soldiers ;  even  what  had  been  left 
behind  of  the  general's  private  stores  had  been  distributed — it  was  a  inelan- 
clioly  time,  indeed,  and  reminds  us  of  the  sufferings  of  captives  in  the  old 
Indian  wars,  who  were  obliged  to  subsist  upon  berries  and  roots.  It  was 
during  this  campaign  that  a  circumstance  occurred  which  has  been  variously 
related  ;  and,  as  it  is  an  excellent  anecdote,  we  will  lay  it  before  our  readers. 

One  morning,  a  soldier,  with  a  doleful  countenance,  approached  General 
Jackson,  und  told  him  bo  was  almost  famished,  and  knew  not  what  to  do.  The 
general  was  seated  at  the  foot  of  a  tree,  and  was  observed  by  the  poor  half- 
starved  soldier  to  be  eating  something.  This  no  doubt  caused  iiini  to  make 
his  complaint,  thinking  it  a  favorable  time  to  have  his  wants  rclievod.  Tiie 
general  observed,  that  it  was  never  his  custom  to  tinni  away  a  imngry  person, 
when  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  n-liovc  him ;  then,  putting  his  hund  into  his 
pocket,  t6ok  out  a  handful  of  acorns,  and,  oftering  them  to  his  astonished 
guest,  observed,  tlmt  such  was  his  faro,  and  all  he  had,  but  to  that  he  was 
welcome.  The  soldier  went  away  contcnttd,  and  told  his  companions  they 
ought  no  more  to  complain,  si>  long  as  their  general  was  obliged  to  subsist 
upon  nothing  but  acorns.  Out  of  this  grew  the  story,  that  the  general  having 
invited  his  officers  to  dine  with  him,  set  nothing  before  them  but  a  tray  ot 
acorns  and  some  water. 

Meanwhile  nuitiny  after  mutiny  took  i)lace  in  General  Jackson's  army,  and 
the  campaign  came  near  being  abimdoned.  A  circumstance,  too,  occurred 
about  this  tiuie,  ever  to  he  lamented.  General  Cocke,  of  East  Tennessee, 
considering  hiuitulf  possessed  of  a  connnand  independent  of  Jackson,  gave 
liis  orders  to  some  brigadiers,  at  the  same  time  that  General  Jarkson  did. 
General  While,  chose  to  act  under  General  Cockers  orders,  and  this  (Kcasioncd 
some  confusion,  and,  in  the  end,  the  lamentable  aflair  to  which  we  have  just 
alluded,  and  of  which  we  now  proceed  to  give  im  account. 

The  llallibee  Indians,  who  had  been  the  )>rincipul  sufferers  at  Talladega, 
had  despatched  ambassadors  for  General  Jarkson\i  camp,  to  sue  for  peace, 
wiiich  they  would  accept  ou  any  terms  lu;  might  please  to  grant  theui.  At 
the  same  time  these  proposals  were  out,  General  H'hilc  manhful  against  their 
towns,  and  on  the  18  November  completely  surprised  them  ;  killed  GO  war- 
riors, took  25(1  prisoners,  and  made  good  his  retreat  without  tlu!  loss  of  a 
man. 

The  Indians  thought  they  had  been  attacked  by  General  Jackson's  army, 
and  that  therefore  they  were  now  to  expect  nothing  but  extermination  ;  and 
this  was  thought  to  be  tiio  r<!ason  why  they  fought  with  such  desperation 
afterwards.  And  truly  thoy  had  reason  I'or  their  fears:  they  knew  none  but 
Jackson, iMul  supposcMl  now  that  nothing  short  of tlair  total  destruction  would 
satisfy  iiiiu,  as  tiieir  conduct  exemplifi«!d  on  eviiry  occasion.  They  knew 
they  had  asked  peace  on  any  terms,  and  their  irnmedinte  aiiswtsr  was  the 
sword  and  bayonet.     A  comimiiy  of  t'herokec's  aided  not  a  litth;  in  this  ufliiir. 

\V(!  have  given  the  chief  features  of  tins  battle  of  Autossce,  when  drawing 
n  sketch  of  the  lilt'  of  Mcintosh.  Hire  may  be  added  some  other  matu-rs  ot 
history,  for  the  better  understanding  the  events  of  the  memorable  Creek  war. 

AuloBsee  is  situated  «u  the  south  liankof  the  Tallapoosie,  IH  miles  from  the 
Hickory  (Jround,  and  20  above  the  jimctiou  of  that  river  with  the  Coosa. 
With  (Jeniral  FUnfiCs  white  troojis  were  (bur  companies  of  friendly  Indians. 
MIntosli  h(\  the  Cowetaus,  and  Ma<l-(lnirs-son  the  Tookaiibatcbians,  or  Tuku- 
iKitcliies.  The  names  of  the  otlier  leaders  are  not  set  down,  but  Un-re  were 
iloubtless  several  of  them,  as  thei"e  were  aliout  Il'iO  warriors  who  acef)mpanied 
the  expediiiriii.  Tliat  sure  work  was  ititended,  will  not  be  doubted,  when  it 
is  known  that  (he  fitrce,  exclusive  of  Indians,  was  UM  men.  Wli'-n  the  (U*niy 
nrri\ed  ni'ar  liie  i)iac«i  where  it  was  expected  Indians  would  be  f'ouiid,  and 
having  disi'overed  one  small  town  iiefore  it  was  light  in  the  morning,  the 
general  was  siir|iris"d  innnediiilely  ath-r  by  tlie  discoveiy  of  another.  This 
was  filled  with  mm  who  btid  been  apprised  of  his  approach,  imd  were  pre- 
.pared  tor  b,.ttle.  The  older  of  battle  was  immediately  diiinrcd,  iind  llii'  army 
i)rocecded  in  two  divisions  to  attack  both  towns  at  once.     The  bct^ieuerH, 


58 


BATTLE  OF  THE  HOLY  GROUND, 


[Book  IV. 


I.!, 


ar; 


being  provided  with  artillery,  soon  accomplished  their  work,  and  all  tlie 
resistance  the  Indians  seem  to'  have  made,  was  in  endeavoring  to  etTect  u 
retreat  into  caves  and  other  hiding-places.  Nevertheless,  the  Georgians  hud 
11  killed  outright,  and  54  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  General  Floyd 
himself  severely,  and  Adjutmit-General  Mewman  slightly. 

M'Inlosh  and  Mad-do ffs-son^s  loss  was  cousiderahle,  hut  was  not  thought  of 
importance  enough  to  he  communicated  by  their  allies,  wiio  were  greatly 
indebted  to  them,  if,  indeed,  destroying  their  own  countrymen  made  them  so. 
They  did  not,  however,  do  so  much  butchering  as  they  intended,  or,  rather,  as 
they  agreed  to  do  ;  for  the  day  before  tlie  massacre,  they  agreed  to  ))ost  them- 
selves on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  to  kill  all  who  should  attempt  an 
escape.     Had  they  done  tliis,  very  lew  would  have  escaped. 

After  resting  a  few  days.  General  Floijd  niarclied  to  Camp  Defiance,  50 
miles  directly  into  the  Indian  coiuitry,  and  westward  of  Autossee.  Here,  early 
in  die  morning  of  2  January,  the  hostile  Indians  killed  his  sentinels  before  they 
were  discovered,  and  then  widi  great  fury  attacked  his  camp,  and  lor  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  cor.tinued  to  figiit  with  bravery.  Uy  this  time  the  army  had  got 
formed  in  order  of  battle,  and  soon  obliged  the  Indians  to  fty.  One  company 
■of  whites,  under  Captain  Broadnax,  had  its  retreat  cut  off  by  the  assailawts,  and 
■escaped  only  by  cutting  its  way  Uirough  them. 

In  this  fight,  TiMPoocHiE-BARNUEL,  or  Barnard,  a  half-breed,  chief  of  the 
Ucliies,  conunanded  a  comi)any  of  them,  and,  in  the  language  of  the  general, 
■"  gi'eatly  distinguished  himself."  It  was  owing  to  his  promptness,  that  Cap- 
tain Broadnax  was  enabled  to  effect  a  retreat.  The  enemy,  in  that  manoiuvre, 
I  iiad  advanced  wiUiin  50  yards  of  the  artillery.  All  tiie  other  part  ol'die  Indian 
army  took  shelter  within  die  lines,  and  looked  on  dining  the  contest. 

Alter  this  battle,  37  Indians  were  found  dead  on  the  field,  as  the  whites 
reported ;  and  of  their  o\*ii  number  17  were  killed,  and  ];J0  wouiuled.  At  the 
iirst  onset.  General  JVeivman  had  three  balls  sliot  into  him,  which  prevented 
his  further  service  ;  and  several  of  the  jjrineipal  ollicei-s  had  their  horses  sliot 
under  them.  How  thi!  Indians  under  Timpoochie  liired  in  these  puiticulai'S, 
we  have  not  y(!t  learned. 

If'ealherford,  Francis,  Sinqinsturs-son,  with  some  Sliawanese,  had  established 
themselves  on  the  Alabama,  above  the  mouth  of  tin;  ('ahabii,  and  there  built  a 
town,  which  they  called  liCkanakaka.  Its  nam(^  signified  tiiat  it  was  built 
upon  /wlif  s^round ;  and  hence  the  prophets  told  tli(!ir  fbllovvci-s  that  they  had 
liirthing  to  feur,  as  no  polluted  and  murderous  whites  could  ever  enter  there. 
However,  General  Claiborne,  ut  the  head  of  a  small  army,  uccompniiied  by  a 
band  of  Choktuws  under  Pushnmata,  their  ciiief,  resolved  to  make  a  tiial  of  tho 
virtui!  of  the  Indian  jirophets'  pretensions. 

Heal  her  ford  uiul  his  l()llowei>i,  being  apprized  of  the  approach  of  the  army, 
had  put  tlieniselves  into  an  atti|ii(l(^  of  defence.  On  'i.'j  Di'cemher,  IHIIJ,  as 
till!  army  approached,  they  wen;  met  by  the  Indians,  and  a  short  engagement 
lollovved.  As  usual,  tin-  Indians  gave  way,  and  were  lunsued  ;  but  as  their 
town  was  surniundiMl  by  fastnesses,  (tnv  were  killed  in  the  pui-suit.  Thirty 
were  found  dead  of  the  enemy  Itidians,  and  of  llie  army,  two  or  threi?  wera 
killed,  and  as  many  wounded.  This  was  (piite  an  Indian  depot,  the  eaptors 
liaviiig  found  here  "a  large  (|uantify  of  |irovisions,  and  innneiise  property  of 
various  kinds."  It  was  all  destroyed  with  the  town,  which  consisted  of  yOO 
houses:  the  women  and  children  had  only  time  to  escape  across  the  Alaiiaino. 
The  next  day,  another  town  was  destroyed,  eight  miles  above,  consi.sting  of  60 
houses.  We  will  now  proceed  with  General  Jackson,  until  he  ])Uts  on  end  to 
the  Creek  war. 

On  the  17  ■liiiniaiy.  IHII,  (Jeneral  Jackson  marched,  .r  the  head  of JKU)  men, 
from  near  l''ort  Strolher,  for  the  heart  of  the  enein\'.>  conntry.  In  his  route 
lay  Talladega,  the  residence  of  Fife,  a  noted  warrior,  and  friend  of  the  whitoH; 
and  here  he  joined  the  army  with  'i(H)  of  his  men.  The  Indians  were  sup- 
posed to  lie  asseinbled  in  great  niunbers,  at  the  (ireat  Hend  of  the  Tallajioosie, 
ironi  It  or  15  of  tiieir  towns  upon  that  river;  and  it  whs  daily  expected  that 
they  woulil  attack  I'ort  Ariiistnui!.',  in  their  vicinity,  «hieh  was  in  no  stale  to 
iiN«et  iIh'ui,  It  was  the  news  ol'  its  situation,  that  caused  Jackson  to  niiu'cii  to 
its  iiumediate  relieli     When  he  hail  arrived  ut  llidhbee  Crock,  tlie  general, 


Chap.  VIT.] 


BATTLE  OF  EJIUKFAU. 


50 


•opcrly  ot' 


from  the  accounts  of  his  spies,  su])posed  he  must  he  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  the  enemy,  and  he  soon  after  encamped  at  a  small  Hallibee  village,  called 
Enotocho|)ko.  Here  he  discovered  that  he  was  12  niiles  from  the  enemy, 
who  were  upon  an  island  in  the  Tallapoosie,  near  the  mouth  of  a  creek  called 
Emukfau.  The  next  day  the  army  encamped  very  near  Emukfau,  and  had 
eveiy  sign  of  being  hard  by  the  advereo  Lidians.  The  order  of  encampment 
was  that  of  battle,  and  eveiy  i)recaution  was  taken  to  guard  against  surprise. 
About  (i  in  the  moniing  of  the  22d,  the  warriors  from  Emukfau  fell  with  great 
force  ii[)on  Jackson^s  left  flank,  and  the  left  of  his  rear ;  and  although  the 
attack  was  made  in  full  confidence  that  they  should  rout  tiieir  adversaries,  yet 
tliey  were  disappointed,  and  no  ground  was  gained  by  the  onset.  The  assjiil- 
iuits  fought  with  a  determined  braverj'^,  and  it  was  near  half  an  hour  before 
they  could  be  made  to  retire.  The  Americans,  having  encamped  in  a  hollow 
square,  met  the  attack  at  advantage,  but  it  was  only  at  the  point  of  the  Imyonet, 
tliat  the  Indians  were  put  to  flight.  Fife,  at  the  head  of  his  warriors,  joined  in 
the  pursuit,  which  continued  about  two  miles,  witii  considerable  havoc. 

Matters  did  not  end  here  ;  for,  in  a  short  time,  the  Indians  returned  again  to 
the  attack,  and  with  greater  success  than  before.  They  attacked  a  picket  at 
advantage,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  main  body,  and  Genend  Coffee,  in  his 
turn,  attacked  the  left  ilank  of  the  attacking  party.  As  his  number  of  nren  was 
.small,  he  soon  found  himself  in  imminent  danger  of  being  entirely  cut  offV 
(Jeneral  Jackson,  seeing  this,  ordered  Fife  to  advance  to  his  rescue,  which  he 
(lid  with  the  utmost  pronijititude.  This  attack  of  the  enemy  was  upon  the 
right  fljink,  and  was,  as  it  turned  out,  only  a  feint  to  weaken  the  left  by  draw- 
ing the  force  li"om  that  quarter  to  its  sujiporf,  but  the  general  was  not  to  Ihj 
outwitted  by  such  a  niaiiunivre.  lie  kept  the  left  flank  firm,  and  the  alarn» 
i.nm  soon  gave  notice,  that  that  part  was  assailed.  The  general  here  met  the 
enemy  in  person,  seconded  by  Colonel  Carroll,  who  ordered  the  charge,  and 
led  on  tiie  [jiuf  uei>.  The  friendly  Indians  were  succtissful  at  this  time  also, 
slaying  many  of  their  countrymen  as  they  fled. 

Rleanwhilo  General  Coffee  had  got  deeper  into  diflicidty,  and  was  contend- 
ing at  fearful  odds  with  a  brave  hand  of  warriors,  and  was  again  relieved  by 
the  Indians  under  Captain  Fife.  This,  Fife  was  enabled  to  do,  only  by  charg- 
ing them  with  the  bayoiu^t.  The  enemy  seemed  determine<l  to  wrest  their 
cdinitry  from  the  invaders,  and  retired  slowly,  at  lii-st,  as  men  driven  from 
their  country  will  ahv^iys  do.  Fife  and  his  comrades  pursueil  them  about 
three  miles,  killing  4.'v"of  then),  wiiich  they  found  afterwards.  The  reason  of 
Coffee^s  great  peril,  was- this,  /Y/e  having  been  ordertul  to  his  rescue  before  the 
attack  on  the  left  was  made  the  second  time ;  and  now,  hearing  the  firing  in 
that  direction,  supi)08ed  his  aid  was  more  needed  in  that  (piarter;  and  thus 
('offee  v,'ns  left  without  support,  lie  was  severely  wounded,  and  his  aid-de- 
camp. Colonel .//.  Donnldnon,  an^l  ilip  i  othei-s,  were  slain. 

General  Jnrkson,  not  having  provisions  for  a  longer  stay,  ami  being  con- 
siderably crippled,  lM>gaii  a  retreat  to  I''ort  Strotlier.  The  nmst  memorable 
part  of  this  e\|)edition  is  yet  to  be  related.  The  Indians  now  8U|)poscd  the 
Americans  were  beaten,  or  they  would  not  retreat.  They  therefore  n^solved 
to  pursue  and  harass  them.  Jitcknon  exjiected  this,  and  marched,  in  order  of 
battle,  through  one  dangerous  dclile  after  another.  At  length,  on  the  morning 
of  the  y  I,  after  having  nearly  |)assed  one  of  the  most  dangeiiius  plaeiifi,  at 
I'lnotochopko  Creek,  his  rear  was  attacked  in  a  si)irited  manner  ;  and  although 
it  was  not  at  all  unexpected,  yet  the  colmnns  gave  way,  and  a  gtmd  deal  of 
confusion  and  slaughter  ensued.  At  length,  a  six-poimder  was,  with  great 
tlitHculty,  dragged  up  a  small  eminence  which  eonnnanded  th(!  battle-ground, 
and  being  charged  with  grape*hhot,  did  griMit  (execution,  and  was  a  priiicipat 
means  of  putting  tlu^  enemy  to  flight. 

The  g(>ning  tlie  cannon  up  the  hill  was  done  at  the  greatest  |H'ril ;  the  men 
who  undeiiook  it  being  nure  marks  for  the  enemy,  having  nifthing  to  scve(!ii 
them  in  the  least.  Hy  die  time  they  had  diHchnrged  it  once,  l.ieuimant  -h-m- 
.tfroiitTi  Cnpfnin  llnmiUnn,  of  Ka.-st  'iVimcHSiT.  CaptiiioH  linilfinl  m\>\  M'dnrfrl;, 
had  all  fallen,  lirnitford  txelainu-d,  as  he  lay,  ".l/_i/  brave  ftllown,  some  nf  rfou 
may  /'all,  hut  j/ou  must  save  the  eanuon." 

Till?  army  having,  nieantim(>,  recovered  IVoiu  their  panic,  attacked  in  their 


60 


DEATH  or  njoxoiior:  tiif,  rnopiiET. 


[Booit  IV. 


i," 


turn,  nnd  the  Indinns  wcw,  every  wliccc  i)nt  to  llijjlit,  nnd  ])iiif?iio(l  alM)m  two 
inilcH.  Tlie  Indians'  loss  in  this  battle;  was  18!t,  that  were  found.  The  Amer- 
icans had,  in  l)otli  days'  figlits,  'i4  kiihul,  and  71  wonnded.  It  was  evident 
now,  that  the  Indians  were  satisfied  tiiat  they  wen;  not  victoi-s,  for  in  tiieir 
flight  tliey  threw  away  their  packs  and  arms  in  ahundunce,  and  tlie  army  tnet 
witli  no  further  molestation  (hn-ing  their  return  niurrli. 

Wo  have  now  arrived  to  tlie  termination  of  the  Creel<  war.  It  ended  in  the 
battle  of  the  ihviii  Bmid  of  the  Taliapoosie,  iw  we  Jiavc  related  in  the  iifi;  of 
Mcintosh.  Tiiis  heiid.  nsiialiy  called  the  lIousK-SnoE,  hy  the  whites,  was 
called  l)y  the  Indians  l\)ho|)eka,  which,  in  their  language,  it  is  said,  signified  a 
horse-shoe :  therefore  the  battle  of  Tolio|)eka,  the  Grout  Bend,  and  tlm  Home- 
Shoe,  are  one  and  the  same. 

Nothing  eould  he  more  disastrous  to  the  delyded  Creeks  than  this  battle. 
The  loss  of  their  great  propliels  was,  however,  tlu;  least.  Thre(vof  them,  and 
tlie  last  u|)on  the  Taliapoosie,  fell  among  those  whom  they  had  made  believe 
that  no  wounds  could  he  inflicted  upon  them  by  the  whites ;  and  incredible 
as  it  may  seem,  that  although  they  had  witneRs(>d  a  total  fiiihu'e  of  all  (heir 
prophecies  hitlicrlo,  such  was  the  inllueni-e  thosf?  miserable  iuipostors  held 
over  the  minds  of  th(!  warriors,  that  they  still  believed  in  their  soothsayings, 
and  that  their  incantations  would  at  last  save  them,  an<l  that  they  should  finally 
root  out  the  whites  and  jiossess  their  country.  Hueli  are  the  errors  of  delu- 
sions in  all  ages — it  is  visible  in  all  history,  and  will  continue  to  be  so  until  a 
knowledge  of  tin;  nature  of  things  shall  diffuse  itself,  find  the  relation  of  cause 
and  effect  be  more  extensively  known. 

MoNOHoE  ^\as  one,  and  we  believe!  the  son  of  Sinquislnr  was  another,  who 
fell  in  th(^  great  battle  of  Tohopeka.  In  one  of  his  accoimts  of  the  battle, 
(jieneral  Jnrkson  observes):  "Among  the  dead  was  fi)nnd  their  fiunons  prophet, 
Monuhooe,  shot  in  the  mouth  by  a  grape;  shot,  as  if  Heaven  designed  to  chastise 
liis  impostures  by  an  appropriate  punishment."  The  manner  in  which  he  was 
killed,  reejuiretl  but  little;  aiel  from  the  whites  te)  satisfy  the-  Ineliims  that  ho  was 
a  false  pre)])he't,  anel  it  was  seie)n  gene'rally  be'lie've;(l  ame)ng  the-m. 

The'se;  |)re)phe'ts  we-re'  ele-e-orate-el,  says  Ceilone-I  Eaton,  "  in  the'  most  fiuitastic 
nianne'r — the'  plumage'  e)f  variems  birels  abe)iit  tlie-ir  he'aels  anil  slioidde'rs;  with 
savage-  grimae-e's,  anel  he)rrid  e'e)iite)rtienis  ol'  the-  benly,  ihe'V  ehmceel  and  he)wle'el 
their  cantafie)ns."  Moiiohoc,  in  the;  very  act  e>f  elivination,  mutte'ring  te)  the 
Bini,  with  e'ye's  almost  straine'el  fVe)in  tlu'ir  se)e'ke'ts,  luiel  his  limbs  elistorte'et  in 
every  possible;  nnnatimd  e1ire'e'tie)n,  ree-eive'el  his  eleatli  wounel.  The;  faith  of 
the  warrioi-s  in  siie-li  abe)iuinable;  fbeile-rie's  must  neiw  have)  l)e'e'n  sliake-ri ;  but 
the  Hallibe'e'  massae-re'  was  alone'  sufficie-nt  to  ae'e-ount  for  the'ir  elespe'ratie)n — as 
we  have  se;e'n,  the'ir  me)st  submissive*  eitlers  e»f  pe'ace'  hael  be'eTi  me-t  by  the 
fiworel — all  e-emfide'nce'  the're'lJire'  in  the  hiimiuiily  and  integrity  eif  the'  whites, 
bael,  in  the'ir  minels,  l)ee'n  fbrteite'el.  From  e-ve-ry  ap|)earMnce;  it  was  e'vielent 
that  the'y  hael  ele-termine'el  te)  e-einepu'r  at  Toheipeka,  e)r  ne'ver  te)  survive;  !i  ele'feat ; 
fe»r  they  elid  neit,  as  on  fi)rmer  eiccasioiis,  send  away  tiieir  women  and  e-hilelren : 
about  ikX)  of  the'sei  were  take-n. 

Whether  the;  fame)us  pre)phe't  Hillishnfco,  or  Franris,  we're  in  this  battle,  i« 
not  known.  On  18  April,  IHM,  (ieneral  Jnrkson  wre)te'  from  his  e-amp,  at  the 
jmictie)!!  e)f  the  Ce)e)sa  anel  Tallai)e)ejsie',  saying,  "  VvWr  M' (^\mi  has  lie'e'ii  taken, 
but  e'scupe'el  ;  he  must  be  take'ii  again.  HilUsha^ee,  their  gre-at  prophe't,  has 
also  abscetneleel  ;  but  he  will  Ite'  fbuiiel."  In  this,  he)we'ver,  as  will  be  se'e>n, 
the;  general  w.is  iiei  pie)phet ;  for  hYmms  anel  .l/'(^i(f(7J  we're  both  alive  in  J8I7. 

The  frienelly  Inelians  re'nele-re'el  the'  Ame'iie-ans  most  eflie-ie'iit  aiel  in  this 
battle',  anel  the'ir  leiss  hi  kille'd  anel  weimiele'el  was  gieafe'r  in  pre)pe)rlie)n  to  their 
numl)e'is  than  that  e)f  the  whites.  In  all  ii:}  were  killed,  anel  many  more  were 
we)unele'el. 

It  was  siippnseel  by  (Jeneral  f7oi/'/,  that  in  the'  battle  of  Anfosse'e  he  hnel 
kilh'el  the-  flmie)us  pre)phi't  anel  king  of  Tallassee",  but  it  turneel  e)Mt  iieit  te)  lie  so, 
fe)r  he- fell  into  ihe  iianels  eif  the-  Amerie-ans  ath-ruarels.  lie  was  snppose-d  to 
be  a  huiielre-el  ve'ars  etlel,  his  he-ad  be-iiig  e-nlinly  while-,  and  buwe'el  almost  to 
the'  grejiniel.  I  lis  name-,  wi'  believe',  was  Enriili-llihikkolioiioirr.  lie-  was  taken 
about  till'  lime-  eif  n'ratlirr/onrs  smreneler ;  anel  but  liir  the  pre)te'ctie)n  afiiirele'd 
iiitii  by  the  whites,  their'  friends,  the  Creeks,  would  have  put  him  to  death 


[liooir  IV. 


Chap.  VII] 


COLBERT.— PIAMINGO. 


61 


witiiout  mercy.  But  ffealherford  had  notliiiifr  to  fcnr  from  them:  tJioy  cnrr- 
fully  uvoidcd  meeting,  and  when  any  by  uceidont  or  neeeMwily  came  into  liis 
I)reHcnc(!,  tlioy  were  observed  to  tremble  with  fear.  Sucli  is  the  difference  in 
the  carriage  and  aspect  of  men. 

We  will  close  the  present  chajUer  by  detailing  some  particulars  in  the  lives 
of  several  distiiiirnislKMl  chiijfs. 

It  was  v(;ry  seldom  that  the  names  of  any  chitifs  appeared  in  the  acconnLs 
of  the  lat(!  war,  but  they  were  many,  esp(!cially  in  tlu;  south,  and  deserved  as 
much  notice,  and  olten  more  than  many  that  did  nn-eive  it.  When  the  war 
w  s  over,  some  of  them  occasionally  visited  WasJiington,  and  tiie  novelty  of 
their  appearance  sometimes  caused  them  to  r<!ceiv<!  such  notices  as  tbllows: 
"On  tlu!  Sth  ultimo,  [Feb.  If^Ki,]  arrived  (Jol.  rtc/i/ra  J.  .l/('/)rs,  this  agent  of 
the  U.  States  in  the  Cherokee  nation,  with  a  deputation  from  the  nation,  con- 
sisting of  (Jol.  Jjinvn/,  Maj.  fFalker,  Maj.  Iliilgc,  (.'apt.  Tdi/lor,  Adjt.  Rosa,  and 
Kunnistn:  Thest!  Indians  arc;  men  ni'  (!ultivated  understandings,  wen;  nearly 
nil  ofHcers  of  tlie('i(ei-ok('e  forces  which  served  iiiuler  (Mineral  A'c^-.yo/i  during 
the  late  war,  and  liavc^  distinguislK-d  themselves  as  well  by  their  bravery  us  by 
their  attachment  to  the  [J.  Slates." 

In  June  following,  another  deputation  visited  the  <'fipital  of  the  United 
States,  of  whom  it  was  said,  their  app(!!U'ance  was  such  as  entithid  them  to 
the  highest  res|)cct.  The  del(  gates  were  from  the  (Jhickasaws,  and  consisted 
ofd'eiieral  Jf'illiam  Colherl,  t\\v,  great  war  (diief  of  that  nation.  Major  J«/;ic« 
Colburl,  interpri'ter ;  Kllissue ;  Mins>:o,  the  great  warrior;  .l/iixtfumtiibbee,  a. 
chief;  Chasltiiinji  and  Cnlkdrhrc,  warriors.  IVIost  of  these  louglit  for  the 
whites  in  the  south.  (Joneral  Colbert  was  now  ag(Ml,  having  fi)ught  with  the 
Americans  in  SI.  Clair's  army,  with  seven  others  of  his  countrymen;  one  of 
whose  namrs  was  Piomiiigo,  or  the  Mounlain-lader,  of  whom  we  shall  pres- 
ently speak. 

In  the  late  war,  while  his  men  were  |)reparing  to  join  the  Americans,  Col- 
hcrt,  impatient  to  be  unemployed,  joined  the  third  regiment  of  tht;  IJiuled 
States  iidimtry.  When  he  had  served  with  them  nine  iiioiuhs,  he  returned 
to  his  ntUion,  collected  his  wiu'riors,  and  marched  to  Tort  Montgomery  on  the 
Alabama,  I'rom  thence  against  Pens-acola,  crossed  the  I'.saiiibia,  tuul  pursued 
the  hostile  ("rei  ks  almost  to  Apalachicola,  killing  many  of  liiem,  and  return- 
ing to  I'ort  Montgomery  with  H.")  prisoners.  He  and  his  comrades  wrvv.  now 
at  Washington,  to  obtain  ii  settlem(!nt  of  the  boundarii's  of  their  coimtry. 
Accordingly  conimissioners  werc!  sent  into  their  country,  and  on  the  520  Sep- 
tember following,  [IHK;,]  a  treaty  was  entercil  into.  In'  this  treaty  Colbert  i>< 
styled  i\lajor-(;i'iiei'al,  and  by  the  sixth  article  of  it  he  wtis  allowed  an  amniity 
of  KK)  dollars  during  life.  I'lis  name  is  not  to  the  treaty  of  Jlopewell,  made 
10  .lamiary,  J7Hi;,  but  that  of  Pinmimro  is.  To  that 'of  Chikasaw  Hhitfs, 
yj  October,  b'^'Ol,  instead  of  his  mark,  we  find  W.  ('.,  which  shows  that  he 
had  been  paying  soiih!  attention  to  learning;  but  in  subseiiuent  tniuties  his 
iniu'k  again  appeai-s. 

I'roni  the  ciniimsfanPe  that  the  name  ofPi'omnigo  is  not  seen  to  any  of  the 
treaties  after  that  of  Colhrrt  appears,  induces  the  belief  that  he  is  the  same 
I»erson,  and  that,  froiij  his  attju-lunent  to  the  whites,  he  took  one  of  their 
names. 

Piomlmro  is  thus  mentioned  by  (Jt'iieml  St,  Clnir,  on  his  arrival  ut  his 
quarter.*.  "Oct.  UT.  I'liiiamimra  lurived  in  cimip  witli  his  warriors.  I  was 
so  miwell,  could  oidy  see  him  an<l  bid  him  welcome."  "Oct.  !>!•.  Payaniinfco 
tuid  his  people,  aecompimied  by  (-ajitain  Sixirks,  and  Ibiu'  good  riflemtni, 
going  on  a  scDut ;  they  do  not  propose  to  return  under  10  days."  We  have 
no  account  of  the  success  of  the  excursion,  but  they  did  not  join  the  army 
again  until  after  the  deteal,  which  took  place  six  class  atier.  As  they  were 
proceeding  to  I'ort  JetVerson,  one  of  the  enemy  mistodk  them  fi)r  his  com- 
panions, and  was  ca|)tured  before  he  discovered  his  mistake.  Piominffo 
accosted  him  with  hiush  language,  saying,  "  Itasral,  fjou  hnvv  bcrn  killivf:  white 
jiirn!"  He  then  ordered  two  of  his  men  to  eMeml  his  arms,  and  a  third  to 
shoot  hmi.  When  this  was  done,  and  !us  scidp  ti  ken,  they  proceeded  to  join 
th)^  army. 

Wo  Iturn  the  numo  of  ono  otlicr  who  was  with  St.  CUitr.  Ho  was  culled 
U 


62 


Mi:SIL\LATUBEE.— PUSHAMATA. 


{Book  IV, 


Jnines  ./Indirson,  and  was  brother  to  tlic  chief  John  Morris,  wlio,  23  Jtinc^ 
17!*;),  was  jiiiirdenMl  not  .".l)ovo  000  piicca  from  Governor  Blounfs  liouse,  in 
Knoxvillo.  Jle  was  shot  by  sonte  unknown  persona.  Tlie  f^overnor  ordered 
him  to  be  liuricd  in  tlio  binyinij-<iroiind  of  the  winte  jteople,  witii  military 
lionors,  A  procession  was  formed,  headed  by  liimself,  and  iie  was  interred 
witli  great  lespccf. 

In  17!)3,  th(!  Spaniards  of  Louisiana  made  larfje  offcra  to  the  Ciiikasaws,  to 
imtnce  them  to  forsake  the  Americans;  l)ut  tlieir  offers  were  treated  with 
contetnpt,  esfiecially  liy  Piomins;o. 

Mu8HALAri:BF.F,  was  a  Cldkasaw  chief,  witii  wliom  General  Lafaydtt 
b»?cume  aequaintcd  in  his  last  visit  to  this  country.  His  first  knowledge  of 
liim,  as  will  ai)])ear  fiom  the  following  extracts  out  of  M.  Levasseur's  work, 
"Lafayettk  f,.v  AMKUKiUK,"  &c.,  was  at  the  residence  of  the  "sage  of 
Mouticello." 

Mushalatuhee,  and  Pmhamntn,  a  Chocktaw  chief,  already  mentioned,  were  at 
Washington  wlieii  the  general  arrived  there,  in  Decend)er,  lH'i4,  being  thcrr? 
at  the  meeting  of  congress,  according  to  custom,  with  many  other  chiefs, 
to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship,  receive  presents,  and  make  known  the 
wants  of  their  countrymen.  At  this  time  Mushalatubee  made  tiie  foHowing 
agreeable  sp<'wch  to  (icMieral  Lnjhi/ette. 

"  You  are  one  of  our  fathers.  You  have  fought  by  the  side  of  the  great 
Jf'ashviglon.  VVe  will  receive;  here  your  hand  as  that  of  u  friend  and  father. 
We  have  always  Wiilked  in  the  pure  feelings  of  jjcace,  and  it  is  this  feermg 
whicdi  has  causi;d  us  to  visit  you  here.  Wo  present  you  pure  hands — hands 
that  have  never  been  stained  with  the  blood  of  Americans.  Wo  live  in  a. 
country  far  from  tliis,  where  the  sun  darts  his  perjH'udicular  rays  upon  us. 
We  have  had  the  rrencli,  the  Spaniards  and  the  English  for  neighbors;  but 
now  we  have  only  the  Americans ;  in  the  midst  and  with  whom  we  live  as 
friends  and  brothers." 

Then  Puhuaaiata,  the  first  of  their  chiefs,  began  a  sjieech  in  his  tni-n,  anil 
expressed  himselt'  in  these  words:  "There  has  i)assed  nearly  .W  snows  siuc(! 
you  drew  the  sword  as  a  companion  of  frn^binc^ton.  With  him  you  have 
condmted  the  enemies  of  America.  Thou  hast  generously  mingled  thy  bhjod 
with  that  of  the  iMicmy,  and  hast  jiroved  thy  devotedness  to  the  cause  which 
thou  defendedst.  Atlcr  tliou  liadst  finished  that  war,  thou  hadst  returiu'd 
into  thy  country,  and  now  thou  comest  to  revisit  that  land  when-  thou  art 
honored  and  beloved  in  the  remembraTice  of  a  numerous  aiMl  pow»'rful  ])eo- 
])le.  Thou  seest  every  where!  the  children  of  those  f<)r  whom  thou  hast 
defi'iuied  liberty,  crowd'  around  thee,  and  pres.'?  thy  hands  with  filial  affection. 
We  liave  heard  related  all  these  things  in  the  depths  of  the  distant  forests, 
and  our  heiu-ts  have  been  i-avished  with  a  desire  to  behold  tlice.  Wc  are 
cou'.'e,  we  havti  pressed  thy  hand,  and  v  e  are  Siitislied.  This  is  tht'  first  tiuu; 
tliti't  we  have  seen  tJiee,*  and  it  will  |)robabIy  be  the  last.  Wo  have  no  more 
to  ao'd.     'f"'-"  >-■!"■'''  '*^ill  li!>if  "«  forever." 

"In  pronouncing  these  last  words,  the  old  Indian  had  in  his  maimer  and 
voice  somci.hing  very  solemn.  He  seemed  agitated  by  some  ,sad  jireseiiti' 
ments.  We  lu'uvd  of  his  death  a  tt!W  days  after;  he  was  takt'n  sick,  anil 
dl<-d  before  he  cntilil  set  out  to  return  to  his  own  peopli'.  When  satisfied 
that  his  end  wa?  aiiproachiug,  he  caused  all  his  companions  to  be  assembled, 
and  hi"  desired  tlieie  to  raise  him  tip,  and  to  put  upon  him  all  his  ornaments, 
And  bring  to  him  liis  arms,  that  his  deatli  should  be  tlmt  of  a  tnan's.  He 
mimifcsted  a  desire  that  at  his  interment  the  Americans  would  do  him  mili- 
larv  honors,  tuid  that  they  would  discharge  camion  over  his  grave.  They 
promised  him  that  it  should  be  done;  he  then  talked  freely  with  his  friends, 
and  expired  without  a  groan  in  the  midst  of  conversation."  His  monument 
occupies  a  place  among  the  great  men  in  the  cemetery  at  WaHliington.  Upon 
one  side  is  this  hiscri|Mion:— 


M 

HI 

GC 


♦  Tlicy  tiiifilit  not  luive  bcoii  iiilrodiici-il  to  llic  gfiiiernl  wlion  lie  siiw  tlicm  ol  Mr.  Jrlt'erson's. 
M.  lyidssrnr  siivn.  in  spcaKiiif;  "I  '!»!  hii'i  in  (li'niilnlioii,  "  vf  liiir  h'tr  lininit  lUiix  rUifc  nuf 
nnm \ivions  vims  a'assfoir  uii  Jour  h  lit  tulih-  il-  .U.Jffftrsdn,  pendant  noire  si>Jnvr(i  Mmilicelh. 
J(  les  recimnnti  a  Uiirs  oreilkt  draniprcs  en  /y/ync'v  Uimi:irii.  irarnien  <Je  torigiifn  tamea  de 


{Book  IV, 


Chap.  Vn.] 


DEATH  OF  PUSHAMATA.— EPITAPH. 


63 


o,  23  Jiinp. 
Cs  Ikudso,  in 
nor  ordered 
itli  military 
■as  interred 

likasiiwH,  to 
reuted  with 

il  Lafaydk 
owledge  of 
tcwr's  work, 
!   "sage  of 

led,  were  at 
H'ing  there 
tlier  chiefs, 
known  tlie 
e  fbUowing 

if  tlie  great 
and  father, 
tliis  letTnig 
ids — hands 
e  live  in  a 
K  iipon  us, 
hl)ors ;  but 
we  live  us 

^  turn,  and 

hows  fiiiieo 

I  you  have 

i  ti'v  hjood 

uise  whicii 

it  retiuiied 

thou  art 

lerful  |i(!o- 

tliou   hat!t 

I  afl'ection, 

uit  fon'sts, 

We  are 

Ihst  time 

e  no  more 

innncr  and 
lircscMti- 

sick,  and 
n  satisfied 
i!*scnilil('d, 
iruanient!', 
laiiV     II.) 

Iiiu)  inili< 
i;.'.  _  Tliey 
is  friends, 
nonnment 
>n.     (Jpoii 


Jiffprsoti's. 
X  ilirf:  (lUi- 

MmiUcelln. 
?v  lamea  dt 


"PUSH-MA-TAHA,  A  ChOCTAW  CHIEF,  LIES  HERE.  ThIS  MQNUMENT  TO  HIS 
MEMORY  IS  ERECTED  BY  HIS  BROTHER  CHIEFS,  WHO  WERE  ASSOCIATED  WITH 
«IM  IN  A  DELEGATION  FROM  THEIR  NATION  IN  THE  YEAR  1824,  TO  THE  GENERAL 
QOVERNMKNT  OF  THE  UnITED  StATES." 

Aiulon  the  otiioi": 

"PuSH-MA-TAHA  was  a  WARRIOR  OF  GREAT  DISTINCTION.  He  WAS  WISE 
IN  COUNCIL,  ELOqUENT  IN  AN  EXTr.AOIlDlNARY  DEGREE  ;  AND  ON  ALL  OCCA- 
SIONS, AND  UNDER  ALL  CIRCUMSTANCES,  THE  WHITE  MAn's    FRIENL.      He    DIED 

IN  Washington,  on  the  24th  of  December,  1824,  of  the  champ,  in  the 
60th  year  of  his  age."  /  ' 

That  Piishamata,  or  Pushmataha,  was  a  warrior,  lias  lK>en  said.  In  tlie  lute 
war  with  S^iiglund,  Ik'  ussistcd  in  subduing  his  countrymen  ut  the  south.  In 
CJeneral  Claibome^a  army  he  distinguished  himself,  jturticularly  in  the  battle 
of  the  Holy  Ground,  (called  by  the  ludiuiis  Eceaiiacliaca,)  upon  the  Alabama 
River,  80  miles  from  Fort  Claiborne.  Merc  the  celebrated  JVeallierford  re- 
Bided,  also  H'dlishas;o  the  propli(!t. 

In  the  tr(;aty  which  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Choktaus  held  with  the 
U.  S.  commissioners,  18  October,  1820,  "at  the  treaty  ground,  in  said  nation, 
near  Douk's  Stand,  on  the  Natchcs  Roud,"  the  following  jmssagc?  occurs: 
"WhiMeas  the  liither  of  the  beloved  chief  MushiUutuhee,  of  the  lower  towns, 
for  and  rluring  his  life,  did  receive  from  the  United  States  the  sum  of  150 
dollars,  annually  ;  it  is  hereby  stipuhited,  that  his  son  and  successor,  Mushula- 
<u6ce,  shall  annually  be  paid  the  same  anioimt  during  his  natural  lile."  Hence 
it  would  lead  us  to  su|)posc,  without  further  investigation,  that  both  the  i'atlur 
and  son  had  rendered  the  country  very  inijiortant  servictis. 

As  has  been  tlie  case  in  all  former  Indian  wars,  so  in  the  present,  every 
neighboring  Indian  is  viewed  with   <listrust.     No  sooner  bad  the  present 
existing  Seminole  war  begun,  than,  by  report  at  least,  hun<lre(ls  of  the  Creeks 
were  leaving  their  country  for  Florida,  to  join  their  hostile  neighbors.     Early 
this  sjiring,  1830,  it  was  reported  far  and  wide  that  the  Cbocktaws  had  taken 
up  the  hatchet.     This   occasioned   a  national  comicil  to  be  called,  which 
assembled  on  the  12  May.     The  venerable  chief  Musuulatudee  was  present, 
and,  among  other  things,  said,  "Il  makes  mij  heart  hlced  to  he  accused  of  this 
ireachrnf,  when  it  is  ivel/  „iu.:vii  I  and  nuj  tribe  hnve  fouifht  side  Inj  sine  ivitk 
(ien.  NVaync,  .Tuckson,  and  others,  against  tlie  Scminolcs,  Creeks  and  British.''^ 
llir.LisuAoo,  or  JHIiLIS  HAHJO,  it  appears,  survived  (Jencral  Jackson^s 
cami)aigns,  and,  not   long  after,  went  to  England,  still  ho|iing  to  gain  assist- 
ance from  that  nation  to  enable*  him  to  operate  wilb  eftect  against  the  Ameri- 
cans.    He  was,  upon  his  return,  the  immediule  instigator  and  cause  of  tlio 
Seminole  war,  having  tak(!n  up  his  residence  among  that  nation,  unable  to 
Btay  longer  in  bis  own  coimtry.    Tli(>  itelief  was  imi)oscd  upon  him  by  s(»me 
abandoned  English  tradi>rs,  that  there  was  a  provision  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent 
for  the  restoration  of  tluiir  country.     1I(!  received  nnicb  attention  while  in 
England,  and   some    encouragement,  but   nothing   absolute.      An    English 
journal  thus  meutioiw  bis  arrival: — "The  sound  of  trumpets  aiuioimeed  the 
;ipiiroach  of  the  patriot   l-htncis,  who  fought  so  giori(»usly  in  our  cause  in 
America  during  the  late  war.     Heing  drest  in  a  most  splendid  suit  of  red  and 
gold,  and  wearing  a  tomahawk  set  with  gold,  gave  him  a  highly  inijujsing 
appearance." 

H"  n'ceiv  d  large  jirescnts  from  tla*  king's  stores,  but,  it  is  said,  that  of 
tlnda  he  was  chietly  defrauded  afterwards  by  tlie  notorious  lyoodbinr,  who, 
jt  seemK,  accompaiiie(l  him  in  bis  travels.* 

Alioiu  the  end  of  iNovember,  or  begiiming  of  December,  1817,  a  war  party 
of  Scminolcs  captured  lui  American,  luid  conveye<l  him  immediately  to  their 
priiu'ipid  village,  called  .Mikasiud<y.  Mere  it  appcnis  dwelt  Fraii'is  and  his 
family.  The  American,  wlmse  niiine  was  .WKrimmon,  was  oidered  to  Ik; 
inu/iediately  burnt  to  death.     The  stake  was  set,  JVKrimnion,  with  his  head 


'  rtcmiiiolf  W'lir  Documents,  p.  23,  pul'lislii'il  l>y  order  of  coiifficss. 


64 


HORNOTLIMED.— NEAMATHLA. 


IBooK  IV. 


;;  ;i 


'ii. 


shavetl,  was  bound  to  it,  and  wood  was  piled  up  about  bim.  When  the 
Lidians  bad  finislicd  their  dance,  and  the  fire  was  about  to  he  kindled,  a 
daughter  oftlie  chief,  named  Milbj,  who  had  been  witnessing  the  ))reparation8 
with  a  sa<i  coinitonance,  flew  to  her  liither,  and,  upon  l)er  knees,  begged  that 
he  would  spare  the  prisoner's  life ;  and  it  was  not  until,  like  the  celebrated 
Pocahontas,  she  siiowed  a  determination  to  perish  with  him,  that  her  fiither 
consented  to  prolong  his  life  for  the  present.  It  was  still  liis  intention,  if 
he  could  not  sell  the  victim  for  a  certain  sum,  to  have  carried  his  former  pm*- 
poso  into  effect ;  but  on  offering  him  to  the  Spaniards,  at  St.  Marks,  the 
demanded  sum,  7^  gallons  of  rum,  was  paid  for  liim,  and  thus  his  liberation 
was  effected. 

After  Francis  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  and  was  hanged,  his 
family,  consisting  of  a  wife  and  several  daughters,  surrendered  themselves  to 
the  Americans  at  St.  Mark's.  The  yoimgest  daughter,  Millu,  about  fourteen 
years  of  age,  was  treated  with  great  attention  by  all  the  officers  for  having 
saved  the  lite  of  jWKnmmo7t.  She  was  said  to  have  been  very  handsome. 
Wlien  .M'' Krimmon  heard  of  her  being  among  the  captives,  he  went  and  off"ered 
himself  to  her  as  a  partner.  She  would  Jiot,  however,  receive  him,  imtil 
satisfied  that  he  wa-  prom})tcd  to  offer  himself  from  other  motives  than  a 
sense  oftlie  sn|)posed  obligation  of  his  life  having  been  saved  by  her. 

JMikasauky  was  the  chief  rendezvous  of  the  war  party,  and  had  lieen  known 
at  least  a  cimtui-y  by  the  name  of  IJaton  Rouge.  This  name  was  given  it 
by  tiie  French,  and  the  Anglo-Americans  called  it  the  Red  Sticks,  to  avoid 
the  us(?  of  the  same  name  in  French.  Hence  the  Indians  who  made  this 
tJieir  (piarters,  were  cnlled  Red  Sticks.  At  this  period  they  had  revived  the 
practice  of  setting  u\)  |)oles  or  sticks,  and  striping  them  with  red  paint,  which 
was  only  when  they  intended  war.  The  Americans,  not  knowing  their  prac- 
tice, sujiposed  these  pole.^  were  painted  with  red  strij)es  in  derision  of  their 
liberty  poles.  Mikasauky,  now  Red  Sticks,  was  upon  a  border  of  JMikasauky 
Lake. 

HORNOTIilMFiD,  or  as  General  Jackson  called  him,  "IIomattlemico, 
an  old  Red  Stick,"  was  another  principal  Seminole  chief,  whose  residence 
was  at  Foul  Towii  in  the  beginning  of  the  war;  but,  being  driven  from 
thence,  be  repaired  to  Mikasauky.  Three  vessels  having  amved  at  the 
mouth  oftlie  Aj)alachicola  on  the  30  November,  1817,  with  military  stores  for 
the  sup])ly  of  the  garrison,  were,  from  contraiy  winds,  unable  to  ascend. 
Lieutenant  Scott  was  despatched  lor  their  assistance,  in  a  boat  with  forty  men. 
TJie  old  chief  Hornotlimed,  who  had  just  belbre  been  driven  trom  l''oul  Town, 
by  a  detaclnnent  of  General  Gaines''s  army,  with  a  band  of  his  warriors,  ha(i 
concealed  themselves  in  the  bank  of  the  river ;  and  when  Lieutenant  Scott 
and  his  men  returned,  they  fired  upon  them,  and  all  except  six  soldiers,  who 
jumped  overboard  and  swam  to  the  op[)osite  shore,  were  killed.  Twenty  of 
the  soldiers  had  been  left  for  the  aid  of  the  ascending  vessels,  and  about  the 
same  nutuber  of  women  and  sick  were  in  their  places.  These  fell  into  tlie 
hands  of  Honwtliineil  and  his  warriors,  who  dashed  out  their  brains  ui»on  the 
sidi's  of  the  boat,  took  off'  their  scalj)s,  and  carried  them  to  3Iikasanky,  where 
they  exhibited  them  upon  their  red  j)ole,  in  memory  of  their  victory.  This 
chief  and  bis  c()irij)anion,  Hillishago,  were  doomed  shortly  to  expiate  with 
their  lives  for  this  massacre. 

The  Mikasauky  town  was  soon  after  visited  by  the  army,  but  the  Indians 
had  all  lied,  their  red  pole  was  left  standing,  and  the  scalps  upon  it;  many  of 
which  wen^  recogni/ed  as  having  been  taken  fi'om  Lieutenant  Scolt^s  men. 
At  length  a  vesstl  cruising  near  the  mouth  of  Ajtalachicola  River,  to  })revent 
the  escape  of  tlie  Inilians  in  that  dirci'tion,  with  English  colors  displayed, 
decoyed  un  boiinl  the  fiuiious  chiets,  Hornotlimed,  and  the  j»ro|)het  IVaucis. 
These  the  Americjuis  hanged  without  trial  or  delay. 

NFAMA'I'Ml^A  was  a  warrior  of  note  and  renown,  bifiire  the  war  of  WVi 
witii  (treat  Rritain.  He  wms  a  Seininoh^  I'hief ;  but  where  his  residence  was 
|irt\  ious  to  that  war  we  liiiM'  not  heard  ;  but  after  the  Seminole  war,  he  lived 
upon  a  good  e^tal'^  at  Talhiliii^sce.  ot"  which  estat<!  a  mile  stpiare  was  under 
improvement.  This,  in  Ir^'i."!,  .Vcaindtlila,  at  the  head  of  the  chiefs  of  his 
nation,  gave  up,  with  other  lands,  lor  the  benefit  of  the  I'nited  States,  by  u 


{Book  IV. 


I^iKA  JJyllATnniLiA 


Semi  nolo  War  Chief 


Ch 

tre 

18 

Jol 
of 
\vl 


Chap.  VIL] 


NEAMATHLA^THE  SEMJNOLES. 


65 


treaty  wliich  they  made  with  its  agents  at  MoiUtrie  Creek,  in  Florida,  on  the 
18  September  ol"  that  year. 

Ill  an  additional  article  of  said  treaty^  we  read— "  Whereas  JV*ea  Mathla, 
John  Blount,  Tuski  HaJQ,  Midlato  King,  Emathlochee,  and  Econchatimico,  six 
of  the  principal  chiefs  of  tlie  Florida  Indians,  and  parties  to  the  treaty  to 
wliich  this  article  has  been  annexed,  have  warmly  appealed  to  the  coniinis- 
sioners  for  permission  to  remain  in  the  district  of  country  now  inhabited  by 
tliem,  and  in  consideration  of  their  friendly  disposition,  and  past  services  to 
tlie  U.  States,"  it  was  agreed  that  JVeamathla  and  his  followers  should  hove 
lour  square  miles,  embracing  Tuphulga  village,  on  Rocky  Comfort  Creek ; 
Blount  and  Hajo  a  tract  on  Apalachicohi  River ;  Midlato  King  and  Emathlochee 
upon  the  same  river ;  and  Econchatimico  on  the  Chatahoochie.  With  JVea- 
mathla there  settled  30  men ;  with  Blount,  43 ;  Midlato  King,  30 ;  with  Emath- 
lochee, 28^  with  Econchatimico,  38 :  the  otlier  Florida  Indians,  by  the  same 
treaty,  were  to  remove  to  the  Amazura,  or  Ouithlacooche  river,  upon  tlic 
peninsula  of  Florida. 

But  whether  "the  other  Florida  Lidians"  had  any  hand  in  making  this 
treaty,  does  not  appear,  though  from  after  circumstances,  there  is  no  j)rol)a- 
bility  that  they  hud  Hence  two  facts  are  duly  to  be  considered  concerning 
this  tnuigaction,  as  they  have  led  to  fatal  mistakes:  one  is,  as  it  concerns  the 
nui.uer  of  the  Seniinoles;  and  it  will  be  asked.  Were  their  numbers  greatly 
ui  dv  rrated,  that  it  might  seem  that  those  who  made  the  treaty  were  the  most 
i  iiportant  part  of  the  nation?  If  tiiis  problem  come  out  affirmative,  tlien, 
I  say,  this  mistake,  or  imposition  upon  tlie  inhabitant?  of  the  United  States, 
has  been  a  fatal  one.  The  other  fact  or  circumstance  resolves  itself  into 
another  pi-obJem,  but  not  more  difficult  of  solution  than  tlie  other.  It  may  be 
thus  stated :  Had  these  few  chiefs  any  authority  to  stipulate  for,  or  bind  any 
others  but  themselves  ?  If  not,  where  is  the  obligation  for  them  to  leave 
their  country  and  habitations  ?  But  I  forbeai*  to  pursue  this  subject  further 
in  this  place,  and  will  return  to  JSTeamfdhla. 

The  United  States  agreed  by  the  same  treaty  to  award  500  dollars  to  JVea- 
viaihla,  as  a  compensation  for  the  improvements  abandoned  by  him,  as  well 
as  to  meet  the  expenses  of  his  removal. 

A  word  more  of  the  countrymen  of  JVeamatlda,  who  emigrated  to  the 
western  coast  of  tlie  peninsula,  before  we  proceed  to  other  subjects.  "  The 
land,"  says  Mr.  Williams,*  to  which  they  are  "  legally  banished,  consists  of  diy 
sand  ridges  and  interminable  swnmjis,  almost  wholly  unfit  for  cultivation : 
where  it  has  cost  the  U.  States  more  than  their  land  was  worth  to  support  them. 
They  ai*e  now  in  a  stai-ving  condition ;  they  have  killed  the  stock  of  the 
Ainericcn  settlers,  in  every  part  of  the  territory,  to  support  themselves, 
already ;  and  there  is  no  present  prospect  of  thejr  situation  becoming  im- 
proved." What  is  calculated  to  add  to  their  miserable  condition,  is  the  limits 
within  which  they  are  restricted ;  they  arc  not  allowed  to  go  neai'er  than  within 
15  miles  of  the  sea.  A  garrison  was  established  at  Tampa  to  supply  them  wilii 
necessaries,  and  keep  them  in  order.  Recent  events,  however,  had  consid- 
erably changed  their  condition  before  the  comniencement  of  the  present  dis- 
tressing war,  and  they  are  found  much  more  numeroiis,  and  far  better  off,  as 
to  resources,  than  was  sujiposed  they  could  be. 

A  chief,  whom  the  whites  called  Peter  McQueen,  lias  been  incidentally 
jnentioned,  in  our  account  of  the  Creek  war.  His  Indian  name  was  Talmu- 
CHES  Hatcho,  and  he  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Tukabatchie.  In  1814  he  fle<l 
before  the  Americans  under  General  Jackson,  and  took  up  his  residence  in 
Florida,  and  was  among  otliers  declared  an  outlaw.  In  1817  he  was  chief  of 
the  Tallapoosies,  and  resided  upoji  tlie  Ofclokne  or  Okoloknee  River,  and  was 
styled  "an  old  Red  Stick."  He  was  one  of  the  12  Creek  chiefs  who  gave  Mr, 
Alexander  Arhuthnott  [lower  of  attorney  to  manage  their  affairs.  This  was  done 
on  the  17  June,  1817.  He  was  a  chief  of  consequence,  jiossessed  a  valuable 
property,  in  lands  and  negroes.  His  effects  were  seized  ujiou  as  lawful  booty, 
about  the  time  of  his  escape  from  Tukabatchie,  A  halt-breed,  by  tlie  name 
of  Barney,  shared  10  negroes  that  had  belonired  to  him,  and  a  chief  called 


6* 


*  Account  of  Florida,  72,  73, 


60 


KING-PAINE  IS  KILLED  IN  BATTLE. 


[Book  IV. 


.{?«cftt-S//if/ie,  alias  Colonel,  liad  20  more.  To  the  persons  who  had  made 
l)hiii<l('r  of  his  slaves,  ho  jjrotcstoti,  they  could  have  no  claim  upon  him,  and 
that  he  hud  never  injurod  them.  lie  therefore  applied  lo  Mr.  R.  JirhiiJthnott, 
to  intercede  with  the  officer  at  tiie  United  States  military  post,  Fort  Gaines,  for 
some  relief;  this  ho  did  in  a  very  respectful  letter,  but  with  what  success,  we 
arc  as  yet  unprepared  to  speak. 

KING-PAINE  was  a  chief  who  might  have  demanded  early  attention,  but 
who,  not  having  been  very  conspicuous  but  in  a  single  affair,  has  been  defer- 
red to  this  place.  Early  in  1812,  at  the  head  of  sundry  bands  of  Seminoles 
and  negroes,  who  had  run  away  from  their  American  masters,  Kins^-paine 
issued  Ibrth  in  quest  of  blood  and  plunder.  There  were  several  other  chiefs 
at  the  same  time,  (among  whom  Boiv-legs  *  was  conspicuous,)  who  assisted  in 
making  war  on  the  froiitiei-s  of  Georgia.  Whether  either  or  both  of  the 
above-named  chiefs  commanded  the'  daring  party,  who,  on  11  September, 
1812,  attacked  and  defeated  a  small  force  under  Caj)tain  Williams,  we  are  not 
certain  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  they  commanded  a  large  force  soon  after,  when 
General  J^Tewman  marched  against  them,  and  fought  him  with  desperation. 
Captain  Williams,  with  about  20  men,  was  convoying  some  loaded  wagons 
towards  Davis  Creek,  and  when  within  about  10  miles  of  their  destination, 
they  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians  and  negroes,  supposed  to  be  50  in 
number.  Although  the  whites  were  few,  they  protracted  the  fight  until  all 
their  ammunition  was  expended,  their  captain  mortally  wounded,  and  six 
others  slightly.  They  then  effected  a  retreat,  leaving  their  wagons  in  the 
Jiands  of  their  enemies.  Two  of  the  Americans  were  Killed,  and,  it  was  sup- 
posed, a  much  greater  nimiber  of  the  enemy. 

Expecting  a  force  would  be  soon  sent  against  them,  Kinf^-paine,  with  Bow- 
ie.^ as  his  lieutenant,  marched  out  from  the  Lotchway  towns,  at  tlie  head  of 
150  warriors,  as  was  su[)pofeed.  They  were  not  disappointed  with  regard  to  a 
force  being  sent  against  them,  for  in  the  mean  time  General  JV*«cma?j,  f  of  the 
Georgia  volunteers,  marched  with  117  men  to  destroy  the  Lotchway  towns. 
When  he  had  arrived  within  about  six  miles,  he  fell  in  with  the  Indians,  all 
of  whom  were  mounted.  It  appears  the  parties  met  unexpectedly,  and  no 
time  was  lost  on  either  side  in  preparing  for  battle.  Having  dismounted,  the 
Indians  advanced  a  few  paces,  hoping  thereby  to  intimidate  their  advcrsju'ies ; 
but  JVewman,  at  the  same  time,  ordered  his  men  to  charge,  which  being 
promptly  obeyed,  tlie  Indians  were  put  to  flight.  The  battle-ground,  being 
skirted  with  swamjjs  upon  three  sides,  was  advantageous  for  the  oiK^rtitions  of 
the  Indians ;  nevertheless,  before  gaining  these  coverts,  a  well-directed  fire 
8topi)ed  the  flight  of  many,  among  whom  was  King-paine  himself,  and  Botv- 
legs  was  severely  wounded ;  l)ut  this  was  only  the  connnencement  of  the 
fight ;  for  no  sooner  was  the  fall  of  the  great  chief  known  among  his  men, 
than  tiiey  i-eturned  and  charged  in  their  turn,  but  were  again  forced  to  fly, 
leaving  the  body  of  their  leader  in  the  hands  of  the  whites.  This,  more  than 
any,  or  all  considerations  together,  wrought  up  their  minds  to  despt'ratio!!, 
and  they  determined  on  its  recovery,  or  to  sacrifice  themselves  in  the  isttenipt ; 
and  they  accordingly  returned  again  to  the  chai'ge,  which,  it  is  said,  was  met 
with  firmness  by  the  whites,  who,  afler  encountering  several  siiocka,  again 
succeeded  in  routing  them  ;  but  they  immediately  returned  again,  with  greater 
fury  than  before,  and  with  greater  success ;  for  they  obliged  the  Aui(?ricans  to 
give  ground  in  their  turn,  and  after  some  time  spent  in  this  most  desperate 
work,  they  succeeded  in  recovering  the  body  of  King-paine,  and  carried  it  off. 
Their  loss  in  the  several  charges  was  unknown,  but  supposed  by  the  whites  to 
have  been  about  30 ;  while,  on  their  own  side,  they  report  but  one  killed  and 
nine  wounded.  This  fight  was  on  the  26  September,  and  lasted  about  four 
hours. 


*  To  a  document  exhibited  in  the  trial  of  Arbuthnott  and  Ambrister,  his  name  is  signed 
BoLECK.  This  was  probably  his  real  name,  which  required  but  a  slight  corruption  to  change 
it  into  Bow-legs. 

t  Thomson  {Hist.  War,  61)  writes  this  officer's  name  Newnan;  but  lirannan,  Perkins,  and 
Brackenridge,  all  write  it  as  in  the  text.  There  is  a  town  in  Florida  called  Newnansville, 
where  a  newspaper  is  printed. 


re 
bi 
ul) 
trj 

Cll 

th 


^Mi 


Chap.  VII]  GURISTERSiaO.-HIS  BATTLE  WITH  GEN.  WAYNE. 


67 


The  wliitps  were  greatly  distressed  after  this  fight,  for  the  Indians  were 
reinforced,  and  liarassed  them  until  the  4  October,  when  they  gave  up  tiie 
business  and  retired.  General  JVeteman,  having  thrown  up  a  slight  work,  was 
able  to  prevent  being  entirely  cut  oftj  and  at  length  retreated  out  of  the  coun- 
try. The  Indians  did  not  give  up  the  siege  until  ttny  had  been  jiretty  severely 
cut  uj).  Tlio  whites,  by  concealing  themselves  ,  the  night  of  the  3d,  made 
thenj  believe  they  had  abandoned  their  fort ;  ami  they  came  U|)  to  it  in  a  body 
without  apprehending  danger;  when  on  a  sudden  they  received  a  most  deadly 
lire,  and  immediately  fled. 

We  shall  close  this  chapter  with  some  revolutionary  and  otiier  matters. 
The  Clierokees  had  engaged  not  to  operate  with  the  British,  towards  the  close 
of  the  war ;  and  wliat  is  very  singular,  all  the  time  that  the  greatest  successes 
attended  thi;  Hritish  arms,  they  strictly  adhered  to  their  engagement ;  and  it 
was  not  until  the  fortu'ie  of  war  had  changed,  and  the  Americans  had  become 
jiiHstcrs  of  nearly  all  th(!  country,  that  many  of  the  ill-fated  Indians,  instigated, 
;io  doubt,  by  abandoned  white  desperadoes,  fell  upon  the  settlement  called 
Ninety  Six,  killing  many  persons,  and  burning  several  houses.  Upon  this, 
(leneral  Pickens  took  the  field,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  mounted  men,  and  in 
aI)out  five  weeks  following  the  10  September,  1781,*  finished  this  Cherokee 
war,  in  which  40  Indians  were  killed,  13  towns  destroyed,  and  a  great  number 
of  men,  women  and  children  taken  prisoners.!  A  white  man  by  the  name  of 
Waters  was  su])i)osed  to  have  been  the  prime  mover  of  the  Indians,  who  with 
a  few  of  them  fled  through  the  Creek  country  into  Florida,  and  made  good 
their  escajje. 

On  17  Octoiier,  12  chiefs  and  200  waiTiore  met  General  Pickens  at  Long 
Swamp  Creek,  and  a  treaty  was  concluded,  by  which  Georgia  acquired  a 
large  accession  of  territory.  J 

We  have  next  to  relate  the  bold  exploits  of  a  Creek  warrior,  of  the  name 
Guristcrsis:o.  §  The  British  held  possession  of  Savamiah,  in  June,  1782,  and 
General  H'ayne  was  sent  there  to  watch  tlieir  motions.  On  the  21  May,  Col- 
onel Broion  niarched  out  of  Savannah  to  meet,  according  to  appointment, 
a  iinnd  of  Indians  under  Emistessigo,  or  GuriMersigo.  But  some  difficulty 
among  the  Indians  had  delayed  their  march,  and  the  movement  ot'Broivn  was 
disastrous  in  the  extreme.  General  Wayne,  by  a  bold  manosuvre,  cut  off  his 
retreat,  fell  upon  him  at  midnight,  killed  40  of  his  men,  took  20  prisonere,  and 
the  rest  escaped  only  under  cover  of  darkness.  In  this  fight  IVayne  would 
not  permit  a  gim  to  be  fired,  and  the  execution  was  eftected  wholly  witli  the 
sword  and  bayonet ;  the  flints  having  been  previously  taken  from  the  soldiers' 
guns. 

Meanwhile,  Umistostg-o  was  traveling  the  whole  transverse  extent  of  Geor- 
gia, (strange  as  it  may  seem,)  without  iMjing  discovered,  except  by  two  boys, 
who  were  taken  and  killed.  It  was  the  24  June,  however,  before  he  arrived 
in  the  neighborhood  of  General  Wayne,  who  was  encamped  about  five  miles 
from  Savannah.  Wayne  did  not  exiwct  an  attack,  especially  by  Indians,  and 
consequently  was  completely  surinisod.  But  being  well  seconded  by  his 
officers,  and  happily  resorting  to  his  favorite  plan  of  fighting,  extricated  him- 
self from  imminent  danger,  and  put  the  Indians  to  flight,  aller  a  iiard-fought 
battle.  • 

The  plan  adopted  by  the  Indian  chief,  though  simple,  was  wise  ;  but  in  its 
execution  he  lost  some  time,  which  was  fatal  to  him.  He  captured  two  of 
Wayne's  cannon,  and  while  endeavoring  to  turn  them  upon  the  Americans, 
they  had  time  to  rally.  And,  as  the  sword  and  bayonet  were  only  used  by 
them,  no  chance  was  left  the  Indians  to  take  advantage  of  position  from  the 
flashes  of  the  gmis  of  their  adversaries.  If  Wayne  merited  censure  for  being 
taken  thus  unprepared,  he  deserved  it  quite  as  much  for  exposing  himself  in 
the  fight  beyond  what  prudence  required;  but  more  than  all,  for  [)utting  to 
death  12  prisonei*s  who  had  h°en  decoyed  into  his  power,  after  the  fight. 

The  severest  part  of  the  action  was  ibught  at  the  cannons.  Emistessigo  was 
loath  to  relinquish  such  valuable  trophies,  and  he  did  it  only  with  his  life. 


*  Johnson's  Life  of  Green,  ii.  317. 
X  Johnson's  Life  of  Green,  ii.  34tJ. 
j  Lee.    Dr.  Holmes  writes  Emislessigo.    Aniinls,  ii,  310. 


t  Lee's  Memoirs,  382,  383, 


a 


68 


GRANGULAKOPAK.— BIG  WARRIOR. 


[Book  IV. 


Sevpjiteen  if  his  warriors  fell  by  his  side,  bcfiides  iiis  white  piiidcs.  He 
received  a  spear  and  two  l>ayonets  in  his  body  before  he  fell,  and  eneouraged 
his  warriors  to  the  last.  VVlien  he  beiran  to  faint,  he  retired  a  few  steps,  and 
calmly  layinff  liiiiiself  down,  bnnithed  his  last  without  a  "jroan  or  stnif.'},de. 

This  chief  was  six  feet  three  inches  hifrh,  weisrhinf,'  a! t  'i20  pounds,  bear- 
ing a  manly  and  expressive  countenance,  and  .'H)  years  of  age ;  and  (Jeneral 
Jtce  adds,  "  Giirislersiiro  di(Ml,  as  he  had  lived,  the  renowned  warrior  of  the 
Overhill  Creeks."  la  this  sinfridar  atliiir  but  12  Americans  were  killed  and 
wounded.  Among  the  plunder  taken  from  the  Indians  were  117  packhorses, 
laden  with  peltry.  Exertions  were  madt;  to  cafituni  those  warriors  that  i'.s- 
ca|)e(l  from  the  attack  on  Waym'\i  camp,  but  so  well  (Ud  they  understand  the 
country,  that  not  one  of  them  was  taktm. 

Althoujifh  not  in  the  order  of  time,  w(!  will  infoduce  here  one  of  tlic  earliest 
advocates  for  temperances  tliat  wv.  havi;  met  with  amonjj  the  Indians.  This 
person,  tliou<rli  a  Creek,  was  a  descendant,  by  his  own  account,  of  the  renown- 
fd  GraitiTula.  His  nanu!  was  ()nii!>:lik(tll)i(l(iwwi/-s;rnn!!^itliiko})ak.  All  we  know 
of  his  history,  can  be  told  in  a  li'w  words,  and  but  l()r  one  speech  of  his  which 
happened  to  be  preserved,  even  his  name  we  had  never  j)erhaps  heard.  That 
ho  lived  in  174f^,  and  was  eminent  for  his  flood  morals,  except  the  speech, 
betiire  mentioned,  is  all  we  know  of  him.  As  to  thi>  speech,  which  is  so  liighly 
extolled,  it  has,  like  numerous  othiMS,  we  are  of  opinion,  passiul  through  too 
niany  hands  to  be;  considered  by  all  who  may  meet  with  it  as  genuine;  never- 
tiieless,  throwing  aside  all  tli(>  unmeaning  verbiage  '.villi  which  it  is  encimd)cred, 
an  Indian  s|)eech  might  remain  that  w<Mild  be  read  with  pleasun;.  As  itstvuids 
in  the  work  l)efore  us,*  its  length  excludes  it  (huii  oiu"  pages,  and  wo  shall  sel«!ct 
but  few  sentences.  Jt  was  deli\ered  in  a  great  council  of  the  Creek  nation, 
and  taken  down  in  short  hand  by  some  white  pn;sent,  and  about  four  years 
after  came  into  the  hands  of  an  agent  of  tiir  If'iUiam  Johnson,  thence  into  the 
hands  of  sundry  others. 

"Fathers,  BaF/rnnEX,  Axn  Colntrymen. — We  are  met  to  deliberate. 
Upon  what? — I'pon  no  less  a  stibject,  than  whethcir  wo  shall,  or  shall  not  b(!  a 
people!"  "I  <lo  not  stand  up,  ()  countrymen  !  to  propose  thc^  plans  of  w.ir, 
or  to  direct  the  sage  experience  of  this  assembly  in  the  ri-gulation  of  our  alli- 
ances :  your  wisdom  reiidi'rs  this  unnecessary  (or  me." — "The  traitor,  or 
rather  the  tymnt,  I  arraign  bel()re  you,  ()  ('reeks  !  is  no  nativts  of  our  soil ;  but 
rather  a  lin*king  miscreant,  an  emissary  of  the  evil  |»rinciplt!  of  darkness.  'Tis 
that  pernicious  liquid,  which  our  pretended  white  kkiexos  artfully  introduced, 
and  so  plentifully  pour  in  among  us!" — "(),  ye  Creeks!  when  I  thunder  in 
your  ears  this  deimnciation  ;  that  if  this  cu|)  ot"  perdition  continues  to  ride 
among  us,  with  sway  so  intemperate,  ve  will  cease  to  be  a  nation  !  \'o  will 
have  neither  heads  to  direct,  nor  liands  to  |)rotect  you. — Wliilt!  this  diabolical 
juice  undermines  (dl  the  |)owers  of  your  bodii's  and  minds,  with  inolfensive 
zeal,  the  warrior's  enfeel)|e(l  arm  w  ill  draw  llie  bow,  or  launch  the  spear  in  the 
day  of  battle.  In  the  day  of  council,  when  national  sati'ty  stands  suspended 
on  the  lips  of  the  hoary  sachem,  he  will  shake  his  head  with  uncollected  spirits, 
and  drivei  the  babblings  of  a  second  childhood." 

The  oImwp,  tiiough  not  a  third  of  the  8pe(H.>h,  contains  chief  of  all  that  was 
intended  to  be  conveyed  in  several  pages.  A  true  Indian  speech  la-ed  not 
\\oyo  be  presented  to  show  the  dilK'reiice  of  slyh^  between  them  ;  but  as  we 
ha\e  a  very  good  one,  by  the  famous  Creek  chiet",  ISi(i-WAUKioii,  net  elsewhere 
noticed,  it  shidi  i)e  laid  bet()re  tin'  reader.  It  was  delivered  at  the  time  d'en- 
erid  Jark^on  was  treating  with  the  Creeks,  about  the  close  of  the  last  war  with 
England,  and  was  in  reli'rence,  as  wi'I  bo  seen,  to  the  coiwlitions  tU'inanded  o)' 
the  vanipiisbed.  And,  although  IHf(-warrior  was  the  friend  of  the  Americiuis, 
yet  he  now  ii<lt  for  his  countryiiieu,  and  athr  saying  many  other  things,  con- 
cluded as  follows : — 


"Tlio  president,  our  liither,  advises  us  to  honesty  and  fairness,  and  promises 


*  Sermuiii,  di.c.,  Uy  Reverend  W'Uiiam  Smifh, 


Chap.  VII.] 


BIG  WARRIOR'S  SPEECH  TO  JACKSON. 


69 


that  jiistico  sliall  ho  doiio :  I  liopo  and  tnist  it  will  lie !  I  made  tliis  war, 
•wliicli  lias  ))n)V('(l  so  iiital  to  my  coimtry,  tliat  tlu;  treaty  entered  into  a  long 
tiinc!  ajro,  with  tiither  Washinoton,  might  not  be  broken.  To  his  friendly 
arm  I  hold  liist.  I  will  never  break  that  bright  eliain  of  friendsliip  we  made 
togetht.'r,  and  which  bound  us  to  stand  to  the  U.  States.  He  was  a  father  to 
the  iNlnscogee  pcoijlo  ;  and  not  only  to  thf^m,  but  to  all  the  i)eoj»le  beneath  tho 
HMD,  His  talk  [  now  bold  ill  my  hand.  There  sits  the  agent  ho  siiiit  among 
ii.<.  Nt'ver  has  he  broken  the  triNity.  lie  has  lived  with  ns  along  time.  lie 
lias  seen  onr  ehildren  born,  who  now  have  ehildron.  By  his  direction,  cloth 
Avas  wove,  and  clothes  were  made,  and  spread  through  our  (  ouiilry  ;  but  tho 
Rkh  Sticks  came,  and  dtistroyed  all; — we  have  none  now.  Hard  is  oiu" 
situation  ;  and  yon  ought  to  consider  it.  1  state  what  all  the  nation  knows : 
nothing  will  [  ki'op  secret. — Then!  stands  tht;  little  warrior.  While  we  were 
(peeking  to  give  satisfaction  for  tiu;  murders  tiiat  bad  been  committed,  he 
j)roved  a  misi-hiel'-maker ;  ho  went  to  the  IJritish  on  tin;  lakes;  he  came  back, 
and  brought  a  package  to  thi^  frontii'r.s,  wiiich  increased  tiie  murders  here. 
Tiiis  conduct  has  already  mach;  t'lc  war  parly  to  sutler  greatly  ;  but,  although 
almost  destroyed,  tla^y  will  not  yet  open  their  eyes,  but  are  still  led  away  by 
tiie  liritish  at  IVnsacola.  Not  so  with  us.  W(!  wi.re  rational,  and  had  otir 
senses.  AVe  yet  are  so.  In  lh(;  war  el"  the  revolution,  oiu'  hither  beyond  tho 
waters  encouraged  us  to  join  him,  and  \v(!  did  so.  VV(!  had  no  sense  tiieii. 
Th(>  promises  lie  made  w('re  never  kept.  We  we-n;  young  and  foolish,  and 
fought  with  hint.  Tiu;  Hriiish  can  no  more  persuade  ns  to  do  wrong.  They 
hav(!  deceived  us  once,  and  can  do  it  no  mon;.  Von  (U'(!  two  great  peoi)le. 
If  yon  go  to  war,  we  will  have  no  concern  in  it ;  for  we  are  not  able  to  fight. 
\Vv  wish  to  be  at  peace  with  cNcry  nation.  If  they  offer  nu;  arms,  I  will  say 
to  tiiem,  ^'^IU  |iut  mi^  in  danger,  to  war  against  a  |)eo|»l(!  born  in  our  own  land. 
They  shall  never  (iirce  us  into  danger,  ^'ou  shall  never  sec;  that  our  clfasls 
aw  boys  in  coinicil,  wiio  will  be  forced  to  do  any  thing.  I  talk  thus,  knowing 
that  fiither  \VAsm\(fTON  advised  us  never  to  iuterli'n;  in  wars.  He  told  ns 
that  those  in  p<'ac(!  were  the  ba])piest  people.  I  li;  told  us,  that  if  an  enemy 
attacked  him,  li<^  bad  warriors  enough,  and  did  not  wish  his  red  children  to 
help  him.  If  tiie  IJritisii  advise  us  to  any  tiling,  I  will  tell  you — not  hide  it 
from  you.     If  they  say  wt;  iim.st  fight,  I  will  tell  them,  No." 

He  had  previously  sfiokeii  o:'  the  caiisea  of  the  war,  niid  of  tho  siifii-riiigs  it 
liad  brougiit  upon  thiMii,  but  asked  indulgence  from  compassion.  Tin;  fiiu; 
tract  of  country,  now  tlie  state  of'  Alabama,  was  argued  fiir  by  Slwloklti,  another 
fimions  chief,  who  bad  large  claiiiis  on  tiie  whites,  but  Jackson  would  not 
concede.  'I'his  chief  had  rendered  them  the  greatest  ser\ ices  in  the  war,  and 
appeuk'il  to  Jdii.vnAt  feelings,  by  portraying  the  dangers  they  had  passed 
together,  luid  his  fiiithfulness  to  him  in  the  most  trying  scenes;  but  all  availed 
nothing. 

llio  WvnnioR  wa.s  a  conspicuons  chief  for  many  years.  In  1H'.JI,  one  of  his 
nation  undertook  to  aci'onipany  a  .Mr.  Lunin  as  a  giiiih*,  and  killed  him  by  tlio 
way.  ('oiiiplaint  was  immediately  inade  to  llii<;-mirru>r,  who  ordered  him 
to  be  executed  without  delay.  In  h^'ii  he  was  the  most  noted  among  the 
opposers  ol'tlie  missionaries.  In  this  ii  was  thought  be  was  influenced  by  tho 
Indian  agents,  \\hi('li  opinion  was  perhaps  strengthened  from  tlie  fitet  that  R 
snb-ageiit.  Captain  //Vf/A'cr,  had  married  his  dau;,'iiier.  He  was  lieail  chief  of 
the  nation  when  (General  Mlutosh  fiirfJited  his  liti'  by  breaking  the  law  of 
the  nation  in  selling  a  part  of'  the  Creek  country.  The  troubles  of  his  nation 
having  brought  him  to  Washington,  at  the  head  of  a  delegation,  he  ti'll  sick 
and  died  there,  H  iMarcli,  l!^'i."i.*  He  was  a  man  of'  colossal  stature,  and  pro- 
fiortionale  physical  powers;  and  it  is  said  "his  mind  was  as  colossal  as  his 
iHidy,"  and  that  he  liad  doni*  tiiiich  towards  improving  the  condition  of  his 
connlrvmeii.     He  had  a  son  named  Tiiskihnmhn. 


"    Milrs's   |{ri;i<lrr.  vxviii,   11!. — My  ti  iiiissiine  in  lln'  r<'|«)rl  of  a  riitmiiilli'c  nf  c 
tho  Cfurk  ulliiirs  in  \U'il,  it  would  ncom  (liut  ttiji-Karrior  ilietl  as  uurly  us  Fcbrunr; 


niiirrcsi  on 


GROUNDS  OF  TilE    SEMINOl.C  WAR. 


[DooK  IV. 


I 


il 


m  1 

i 


1 


* 


ilial 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Groimds  of  tiic  !?rminole  H'nr — Circiimslaiirrs  of  l/iosr  Iniliuns  misuiiihrsfnod — Jiisl- 
nr.ss  of  the  War — Nkamatiii.a  ilcposal — Trcotics — Of  Moiiltiir.  Crrd,  —  Pm/nc's 
iMiiding — Council,  at.  Cuiiip  Kins' — h  lirohin  vp  hij  ()s(  roi.A — //  /.<  rini iriit,  luul  a 
jmrtij  anrre,  to  rmii^rtitr — Osckoi.a's  ojipd.sitiiin — Is  snixr.d  and  put  in  irons — 
Feigns  a  sidimission  end  is  rrhasrd — t'lcrnlrs  tin  aiiritutrnt  to  comply  with  the. 
demands  of  the  trititcs — The  physical  condition  of  the  Indians. 

Having,  in  n  formor  rliaptor  of  tliis  oiir  fourtli  book,  grivon  itKiiiy  of  tlic 
necossary  particiilars  for  a  iijL,'lit  iiiKlristaiidiiifi  of  tin?  forriHT  Florida  war,  it 
M'ill  not  1)0  npi'ossary  licro  to  repeat  the  same,  and  we  siiail,  therefore,  proceed 
fit  oiico  to  a  notirc  ot'  the  frro'"ids  of  tho  jjresent  war  witli  tlie  Indians  in  that 
repion. 

It  has  been  formerly  said,  tiiat  nearly  all  tlie  Indian  wai-s  have  the  same 
orijfin  ;  and,  on  attentively  exninininij  Iht;  sidjjeet,  it  will  Ik;  l!)nnd  that  the 
remark  has  nuieh  of  trnth  in  it.  'I"he  Seminolos  of  Florida  have!  heen  l()iMid 
quite  ditl'erent  from  what  they  had  heen  sni)i)osed.  F.very  body  had  coiisid- 
«>,re(l  them  a  mere  oiiteast  remnant,  too  miieh  enfeebled  ity  their  proximity  to 
flio  whites,  to  be  in  the  least  dreaded  in  a  war.  Indeed,  siieh  conchisioii  was 
in  perli'ct  accordance  witii  tlie  accounts  which  wen;  circnlated  amoni;'  intclli- 
srent  jteople  ;  but  the  Irntli  seems  to  be,  jieople  have  always  been  misint'oriiied 
on  the  subject,  owinjr  chietly  to  the  ignorance  of  their  informers.  .\or  is  it 
Biranjte  that  misiid'ormation  should  be  circulated,  when  it  is  considered  that 
the  very  ajrents  who  lived  amoiifr  them,  and  those  who  made  treaties  with 
them,  r-oidd  not  jiivo  any  satisliielory  account  as  to  their  nmnbers  or  oilier 
circmnstance,'*.  (ieneral  Jaclisou,  in  IHI7  and  IH,  made  an  easy  matter  of 
rava<;in!i  a  j tart  of  Florida.  His  beinj;  opjiosed  but  by  very  few  Indi.ins,  led 
to  the  belief  that  th(>re  were  but  few  in  the  coimlry.  The  war  of  181  I  was 
then  too  li'csh  in  their  recollectioiiH  to  suffer  them  to  adventure  too  mia-h,  and 
the  probability  is,  that  but  few  coidd  bo  prevailed  upon  to  join  in  n  war  a^ain 
fit  soon.  Heni'e,  one  of  two  conclusions  must  now  evidently  be  lived  upi  i, — 
cither  that  tho  Seminole  Indians  were  much  more  mmierous,  UO  yr'ars  a^o, 
than  what  was  supposed,  or  that  they  have  increased  very  considerably  within 
that  time.     l''or  my  jiart,  1  am  convinced  that  both  eonehisioiis  are  correct. 

When  we  are  told,  that  at  such  a  time,  and  such  a  place,  commissioners 
of  the  Fnited  States  jioverimient  met  a  di'lejuration  of  the  principal  chiefs  ot'thn 
>:^oulherii  Indiiuis,  and  made  a  treaty,  the  articles  of  which  were  satisfactory 
to  the  Indians,  two  or  three  <pieries  present  themselves  I'or  solution  ;  as,  by 
M'hut  means  have  the  chiefs  been  <.'ot  top'lher;  \\liat  other  chiefs  and  prinei- 
pid  men  are  there  belon^riuir  to  such  a  nation,  who  did  not  participate  in  the 
business  of  tho  treaty.  Anxious  to  elli'ct  their  object,  r-onmiissioners  lia\e 
sometimes  practised  imwarrantable  means  to  obtain  it;  especially  in  encoiir- 
airiiijj  Sides  of  territory  by  a  minority  of  chiels,  or  fraininjr  their  eonseiit  to  ti 
H'tuovid  by  presents. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  present  war,  the  mimiier  of  Seminole  winriors  wa.s 
reckoned,  by  ])ersons  upon  tin*  spot,  at  y()(M);  but  they  have  p'tierally,  sincn 
that  jieriod,  been  rated  hiirher.  Ibit  it  is  my  opinion,  that  '2()()0  able  men,  led 
liy  such  a  chief' ns  (haalit  has  proxcd  himsell'io  be,  are  amply  sidlieient  to  do 
all  that  has  been  done  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  in  Florida,  in    IK{.'>  and  (I, 


th 


There  ciMi  be  but  one  opinion,  amoiii;  discernini;  people,  ot'  the  juslness  of 


present  v,ar,  as  it  app 


ars  to  me  ;  nevertheless,  howe\er  imjusllv  I'roated, 


on  the  p.'iri  of  the  whiles,  the  most  efiicieiit  ineasiiri's  should  haxi'  been  taken, 
in  its  earliest  staps,  for  its  simpre.ssion  ;  because,  the  sooner  it  is  eiiiled,  tho 
fewiM"  will  be  the  .sacrifices  of  li\e8;  to  sjiy  nothiii^r  of  the  concomitant  suffer- 
inirs  of  individuals,  and  deslriieiions  of  property.  It  has  been  freipuntlv 
iiske<l,  what  the  evecntive  and   the  con''ri'ss  of'  the  nation  lia\e  been  about  all 


this  limt 


.\   li'W  soldiers  ha\e  been  sent   to   I'luriila  at  a  tin 


some  iiaM» 


been   cut   oil',  and   the  sei\  ices  of' others  rendered  aboili\e,  by  '-ome  childish 
l»ickcriiij:s  imioiig  tlieir  ollicrr.s  iiboiil  "pieeedeiicy  of  rank."     iliit  whose  fault 


It 

Htll 

rel 

sul 


Chap.  VIII.] 


NEAMATIH.A   DEPOSED.— TREATIES!. 


ri 


it  is  tlmt  tlioso  o(licci"s  sliould  have  been  there  imtler  poniiiii.s.sion,s  or  in- 
Btructioiis  of  siicli  a  nature  as  to  set  them  in  such  an  awkward  ])osition  in 
respect  to  eacli  other,  1  will  not  take  upon  mo  to  state,  tiie  lactH  being  of 
sufficient  notoriety. 

A  writer  has  given  the  following  facts  relative  to  the  Seminolca  recently, 
and,  as  they  are  suited  to  my  course  of  remarks,  I  give  them  in  his  own 
words: — "Shortly  alter  the  cession,  [of  Florida  to  the  U.  S.]  a  treaty  was 
made  by  which  the  tieminoles  consented  to  relincjuish  by  far  the  better  part 
of  their  lands,  and  nitire  to  the  centre  of  th«!  peinnsida, — a  tpiarter  consisting 
for  the  most  i>art  of  pine  barrens  of  the  worst  des(!ription,  and  terminating 
towards  the  south  in  unex;  iored  and  imi)as.sable  marshes.  When  the  time 
canii!  for  tlie  execution  of  the  treaty,  old  JVcha  Mnthla,  the  head  of  the  tribe, 
thoujjjht  it  sjivorcd  too  nuich  of  the  cimning  imd  whiskey  of  the  white  man, 
and  summoned  his  warriors  to  resist  it.  (iov.  Duval,  who  succeeded  (ien. 
Jackson  in  the  chief  magistracy  of  this  territory,  broke  in  upon  his  warcoimcil, 
deposed  the  war  leailers,  ami  elevated  the  ))eaco  party  to  the  (Oiieflaincies, 
'I'lie  Seminoles  retired  jmac'eably  to  the  t(!rrilory  assigned  them,  and  old  .Wha 
Matliln  retired  to  the  (.'reeks,  by  whom  he  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  ik 
chief." 

The  next  event  of  considerable  mom(!nt  in  the;  history  of  the  Seminoles,  is 
the  treaty  ol'  Pmjnv^s  Latxtitis;.  Of  this  aftliir  1  am  able  to  s|)eak  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  principal  agent  in  it,  on  the  part  of  the  whites.  The  individual 
to  whom  1  reti'r,  (icneral  If'ilvi/  Thompson,  will  be  i)articularly  noticed  here- 
nltcr,  from  the  melancholy  fate' which  h(^  met  in  the  progress  oi"  this  war. 

I  have,  in  a  previous  chapter,  spoken  of  the  treaty  at  JNIonltric  Crijek  ;  but, 
betiire  going  into  the  ])articidars  of  that  at  I'ayne's  Landing,  it  will  be  neces- 
s.iry  to  niak<!  a  few  additional  obs(>rvations.  The  Indians  who  consented  to 
that  tre.ity,  by  such  coiisiMit  agreed  "to  come  imder  the  protection  of  the  U. 
States,  to  give  U|)  their  i>ossessions,  and  remove  to  certain  restricted  boundaries 
in  the  territory,  tiu!  extreme  point  of  which  was  not  to  be  nearer  than  ].")  miles 
to  the  sea  coast  of  tln'  tJidf  of  JMexico.  For  any  losses  to  which  they  might 
be  subjected  by  their  removal,  the  go\-eriniient  agreed  to  make  liberal  donations, 
also  to  provide  implements  of  husbandry,  schools,  \:c.,  and  pay  an  aniuiity  of 
.')()()0  dollars  for  "JO  years;  besides  which  there  wer<!  presenis  of  corn,  mtutt, 
vVc.  \c.  It  was  reiiuired  of  the  imlians  tlial  they  should  prevent  absconding 
slaves  from  taking  refuge  among  tiii'm,  and  they  wert'  to  use  all  proper  exer- 
tions to  apprehend  and  deliver  tla^  same  to  tiieir  proper  owners." 

Duraceoimf  next  goes  on  to  i-fate,  that  the  harmony  ^^■hiell  existed  at  the 
I'onchision  of  this  treaty  was  very  great,  and  that  the  Indians  were  so  well 
satisfied  Willi  its  provisions,  "that  they  had  a  claiisi^  expressly  ins<'rted,  by 
which  the  I'nited  States  agent,  .Major  (In:!,  llumjihrviis,  and  the  interpreter, 
Iticlifinis,  were  to  have  earli  one  mil(!  sipiare,  in  li-c  simiile,  as  a  mark  of  th« 
eontideiice  they  reposed  in  these  ollieers  of  the  governmi'iit." 

IJeiiae  this  treay  was  carried  into  elfeet,  the  Indians  were  intruded  upon, 
and  they  gradually  began  to  be  rather  slow  in  the  delivery  of  the  runaway 
negroes.  Clamors  were  iheretlire  loiid  against  them,  and  diirK'iiltics  foltowe(l, 
h\  ipiick  siicce.^ision,  (iir  sexcral  years.  At  length  it  was  detrnnined  lliat  the 
Seminolts  should  be,  somehow  or  other,  got  out  of  Florida,  and  the  treaty  of 
i'ayne's  Landing  was  got  up  tiir  this  objcet. 

.Accordingly,  in  iK<i>,  mi  the  )>tli  oi"  May,  a  treaty  was  entered  into  "on 
Ocklawaha  |{i\er,  known  by  the  name  oi'  the  treaty  of  I'ayne's  l,iindiii<r, 
by  wliicii  they  stipiilale<l  to  relin<piish  all  their  possessions  in  l''lorida,  and 
emigrate  to  the  comitiy  allotted  to  the  ("reeks,  west  id'tlie  .Mississippi ;  in  con- 
sideration of  which  the  govi^nimeiit  was  to  jiay  l."),4(l()  dollars,  on  their  arrival 
at  their  new  home,  and  give  to  each  of  the  warriors,  women  and  children  one 
blanket  and  one  homesptm  frock.  'I'he  whole  remirval  was  Htipiilated  to  take 
place  within  three  years  aOer  the  ratification." 

What  object  the  government  could  have  had  in  view  by  stipulating  that  the 
IndiaiiH  should  deliver  into  itM  bands  all  their  cattle  and  horses,  prev  inns  to 
their  eniigriilion,  I  know  not,  unless  it  was  the  intention  of  its  agents  to 
xpriulatv  in  storks;  or  perhaps  the  mode  by  which  the  Indians  were  to  be 
triuisported,  would  nut  admit  of  their  being  transjiorted  with  them,     lie  thin 


72 


EXECUTIONS.— COUNCIL  AT  CAMP  KING. 


[Book  IV. 


as  it  iiiiglit,  wc  sliall  see  tlmt  this  stock  affair  was  among  the  l)egiiiiiiiig  of  the 
sparks  ot"  war. 

It  appeai-s  that  between  1832  and  1834,  it  had  l)Pfome  very  apparent  tliat 
no  removal  was  intended  by  the  Indians ;  and  it  was  ecpialiy  apparent  titat 
those  who  hud  engaged  a  removal  l()r  tlio  nation,  were  not  the  first  ]«M>]tl(^  in 
it, — and,  conseqnently,  a  difiiculty  wonld  ensne,  let  tiie  matter  l)e  nrged  wiiini 
it  wonld.  Geji(>ral  Thompson  was  the  govennnent  agent  in  Florida,  and  In; 
(whether  with  advice  or  withont,  I  am  not  informed)  thonght  it  best  to  have  a 
talk  with  some  of  the  real  head  men  of  the  nation,  npon  the  sniyect  of  removal, 
which  he  eflijcted  about  a  year  before  tiic  time  of  removal  expired,  nameiv,  in 
the  fall  of  1834. 

Meanwhile,  the  chief  who  had  been  i)nt  in  the  place  of  JVca/tt«/W«,  by  (if)v- 
crnor  Duval,  had  been  executed,  by  some  of  the  nation,  for  adhering  >■<  the 
whites,  and  advocating  a  removal  beyond  the  iMis.-^issippi.  The  name  of  the 
chief  executed  npon  this  account  was  HicLs.  To  him  succtnjded  one  nainml 
C/iar/es,  or,  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  Charles  Oinalhla,  mu\  he  siiared  tin;  ^ame 
fate  not  long  after.  Nine  warriors  cauK?  into  his  council,  juid  learning  that  he 
insisted  npon  a  removal,  shot  nine  bullets  through  his  heart!  No  more  doubt- 
ful charactiM's  were  now  raised  to  the  chiei'taincy,  but  a  warrior,  named  Louis, 
well  known  for  his  hostility  to  the  whites,  was  made  chief. 

In  the  council  which  (ieneral  Thompson  got  togotlxjr  for  the  ]inr))ose  of 
holding  a  talk,  as  has  been  reniMrked,  appeari'd  f  )sckola,  and  several  other 
ilistinguished  chiefs.  Thi.s  council  was  held  at  Fort  King,  and  was  uprni'd 
by  (jreneral  Thompson  in  a  considerable  speech,  wherein  he  ende'avorcd  to 
convict  the  Indians  of  the  necessity  of  a  speedy  removal ;  urging,  at  the  sann! 
time,  that  their  own  safety,  as  well  as  that  of  their  |)roperty,  rcfiuired  it ;  and 
recpiested  their  answer  to  the  subject  of  bis  discourse,  which  hi;  preseutinl  in 
form  of  i)ropositions.  "  Tlie  Indians  retired  to  private  coimcil,  to  discuss  the 
subject,  when  the  present  young  and  daring  chief  ,'ktola  {Powtil)  [<)sci;or..\] 
addressiid  the  council,  in  an  animated  strain,  against  emigration,  and  said  that 
any  one  who  should  dare  to  reconunend  it  should  be  looked  upon  as  an  eiuwoy. 
and  held  res|)onsil)le  to  thi;  nation.  There  was  something  in  his  niMuner  so 
im;)ressive  and  bold,  that  it  alarmed  the  timid  of  the  coimcil ;  and  it  was 
agreed,  in  jirivate  talk,tiiat  tin;  treaty  slioidd  be  resisted.  When  thi.s  was  made 
known  to  the  agcnit,  he  made  them  a  long  and  eloipient  harangue,  setting  l()ilh 
tiie  dangers  that  surrounded  them  if  thi'y  wen;  sidyected  to  X\w  laws  of  the 
palcfacvs,  where  a  red  man's  word  would  not  be  taken  ;  that  the  whites  might 
make  llilse  charg"s  against  tlicm,  and  deprive  tiieni  of  their  negrors,  hor>es, 
lands,  &(•.  All  thi.  time  .Inoln  was  silting  by,  begging  the  chiefs  to  nunain 
firm."     When  this  was  tiiushed,  a  chief,  named 

"Iloi.ATKr.  !\lieo,  said  the  great  S|)irif  madt!  them  ail — thry  had  com<'  from 
one  woman — inid  he  liopi'd  they  would  not  (piiuTel,  but  talk  until  they  got 
thnMigh."     The  next  chief  who  spoke  was  nameil 

MieA>oi"f;.  lie  was  the  king  of  the  nation.  .Vll  he  is  re|H)rted  to  have 
said  was,  that  he  had  lui  intention  to  I'emove.  "Powkli.  then  told  the  agent 
he  had  the  decision  nt°  the  chii'ls,  and  that  the  council  was  broken  up.  In  a 
privati;  talk,  an  old  cliief  said  he  had  heard  nnadi  of  his  grt-ut  liilhei's  regard 
i'or  his  rid  cliililren.  It  hiul  <-ome  npon  his  ears,  but  had  <:one  through 
them;  he  wanted  to  si'e  il  wiiji  his  eyes: — that  la;  Kaik  land  li'om  other  red 
skins  to  jiay  them  for  theirs,  and  by  and  by  be  wonld  take  that  also.  The 
while  skins  had  liirked  tongues,  and  Imwks'  fingers;  that  Ihivid  lilonnt  told 
him  the  peojile  in  the  great  city  made  an  Indian  out  of  paint,  and  then  sent 
aiier  him  and  took  his  lauds,  (alluding  to  the  likene.s.ses  of  the  chiefs,  in  tlu; 
war  department,  at  Washiiigtciu.)  lie  wanted,  he  siiid,  to  sleep  in  the  .«amo 
land  ^vitli  his  (iitlien<,  and  ^vished  his  <-liil(hen  to  sleep  l)y  his  side." 

The  plea  set  up,  that  Spaii led   Florida  to  liie  I'nited  States  in   IHIK, 

withoiU  any  iirovision  t<ir  those  Indians,  need  only  to  lie  noticed  to  show  its 
absurdity.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  when  the  rights  of  the  Hcminoles  to 
the  lands  of  I'Mnrida  was  tiilked  alinui,  the  iilea  wa«^  derided  by  many  inlliieiitial 
men;  but  when  such  |)eiyons  desired  to  lake  pos.^essiuii  of  some  of  the 
territory,  they  seemed  niore  iiiclined  to  a(d<no\\  ledgi'  the  Indians'  rights  by 
iigreeing  to  pay  lliem  tiir  them,  than  of  exerci.^in^  either  their  own  ri^hl,in-  tlmt 


Ch 

of 
ac( 
he 

,sai( 
liki 
ine 
pn 


de.« 


nf 


ii 


Chap.  VIII,] 


OSCEOLA  IS  PUT  IN  IRONS. 


73 


IHl't, 

II  iw  its 
iilcs  to 

MI'llliul 
>l'    tint 

liK  l.y 
i>r  tliut 


of  the  United  States,  by  taking  imrerenionious  possession.  This  can  be 
accounted  for  in  the  samb  way  that  we  account  tor  one's  buying  an  article  that 
he  desires,  because  lie  dares  not  talie  it  witliout. 

Wiien  a  removal  was  first  urged  upon  the  Seminole  Indians,  their  chiefs 
said,  "Let  us  see  what  kind  of  a  country  this  is  of  which  you  talk,  then  if  we 
like  it,  it  is  \im(!  enough  to  exchange  ours  for  it."  15ut  it  is  said,  the  govern- 
ment agout  had  no  authority  to  authorize  a  deputation  of  Lidians  to  visit  the 
promised  land,  and  here  the  matter  rested  awhile. 

How  long  aft(>r  this  it  was,  I  shall  not  undertake  to  stJite,  that  the  Indians 
made  known  their  desire  of  exchanging  their  country ;  but  this  was  said  to 
have  been  the  fact,  and  the  result  was  the  treaty  of  Payne's  Landing,  already 
describetl. 

It  appears  that  General  Thmnpson,  nothing  discouraged  at  the  result  of  tho 
council  which  had  been  terminated  by  the  wisdom  of  Osceola,  without  the 
slightest  con(;urreni;e  in  any  of  his  measures,  by  unceasing  (jfforts  had  ])re- 
vailed  U|)on  a  cDusideralile  number  of  "chiefs  and  sub-ehii.'fs  to  meet  him 
afterwards  ami  exceute  a  writing,  agreeing  to  comply  with  the  treaty  of  18;J2." 
This  was  evidently  dune  without  Osceola's  consent,  but  its  being  done  l)y  some 
whom  he  had  considered  his  ])artisans,  irritateil  him  exceedingly.  He  now 
saw  that  iu  spite  of  all  he  could  do  or  say,  the  whit(!S  would  get  terms  of 
agreement  of  some  of  the  Indians;  enough,  at  least,  for  a  pretence  lor  their 
di'signs  of  a  nniu'val. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Osceola  remonstrated  strongly  with  the  agent  for  thus 
taking  the  advanlagc;  of  a  few  of  his  people,  who  doubtless  were  under  much 
greater  obligal inn  to  him  than  to  the  ])eople  of  the  United  States.  Remon- 
strance soon  grew  into  alten-ation,  which  endeil  in  a  ruse  de  y;uerre,  by  which 
Osceola  was  made  prisoner  by  the  agent,  and  put  in  irons,  in  which  situation 
he  was  kept  one  night  and  |)art  of  two  days. 

Hi're  tiien  we  si-e  the  origin  of  Osceoia^s  strong  hativd  to  General  Thompson, 
While  lying  in  chains  he  no  doubt  came  to  the  fixed  resolution  to  resist  tho 
whites  to  his  utmost  ability,  and  therefore,  with  perfect  couuaand  over  himself, 
(lissi'nd)led  his  indignation,  and  deciiived  the  agent  by  a  pretended  compliance 
witii  his  demands.  The  better  to  blind  the  whites,  Ik;  not  only  i)romiscd  to 
sign  tlie  submis.-ioii  which  he  had  so  strongly  objected  to,  but  promised  that 
his  friends  siioiild  do  so,  at  a  stated  time;;  and  his  word  was  ke|)t  >\ith  tl.a 
strictest  accuracy.  He  came  to  Fort  King  with  /!•  of  his  jicople,  nien,  women, 
and  children,  and  then  the  signing  took  place.  This  puiicluality,  accompanied 
with  the  most  jierfect  dissimulation,  had  th(;  eli'ect  that  tiie  chiiif  intended  it 
should — the  dissipaiion  of  all  the  fi;ars  of  the  whites.  These  transactions  were 
in  the  end  of  .May  ami  begimiing  of  June,  It!:}."). 

Thus  we  hav(!  an'i\ed  very  n''ar  the  pei'iod  ol'  open  hostilities  and  blood- 
sheil ;  but  belbr(>  in'oceeduig  in  the  details  of  these  sanguinary  ('vents,  it  may 
not  be  imjiropi'r  to  i)ause  a  moment  in  niviewiiig  soum^  of  the  matters  already 
touched  upon.  The  first  to  which  tlie  attention  is  naturally  called,  is  so 
prominent  as  scarcely  to  need  being  presented,  but  I  cannot  refrain  asking 
attention  to  a  comparison  lu'tween  the  number  of  "chiefs  and  sub-chiefs, 
(which  was  Hixtkkn)  who  on  the  '-i'J  April,  IHI},*,  agreed  to  "acknowledge  tho 
validity  of  the  treaty  of  !•  May,  IH.'J'i,"  and  the  numiier  of  warriors  and  chiefs 
now  in  open  hostility.  These  liavt^  not  hi'cn  rated  below  ;2()00  able  men. 
Does  any  body  snpfM)se  that  thost;  l(!  "chiefs  and  sub-chiefs,"  (among  whom 
was  iiol  the  "king  of  the  nation"  nor  Osceola,)  had  full  iM)wer  to  act  lor  iiOOO 
warriors  on  so  extraordinary  an  occasion?  The  (lueslion,  in  my  nnnd,  need 
only  111!  stated  ;  especially  when  it  is  considered  how  ignorant  every  body  was 
of  the  actual  force  of  these  Indians. 

It  \\  ill  doubtless  In;  asked,  how  it  happens  that  tin;  linlians  of  Florida,  who, 
!i  lew  years  sim-e,  were  kept  from  starving  by  an  appropriation  of  cougress, 
shoulil  now  be  aiile  to  maiiUain  theinmdves  so  comfortably  in  their  fastnesHt!8. 
The  truth  undoubtedly  is.  th.nt  the  "starving  Indian'^"  were  those  then  lately 
llircid  down  into  the  peninsula,  who  had  not  yi  t  learned  the  resources  of  tho 
country;  llir  not  mucii  has  been  said  about  tlie  "starving  Indians  of  Florida' 
I'or  several  years  past. 
ill  uddiii'Mi  to  lh(!  great  amount  of  calllo,  hogs,  corn,  grain,  &ic.  lakcii 


H  '     'I 


m 


74 


DEVASTATIONS  BEOrX. 


[Book  TV. 


from  tlie  wliitos,  frniii  tlio  roniiMCiieeincnt  of  the  wnr  to  the  profciit  time,  tlie 
Sciiiiiidk's  iiiJiUo  tloiir  ot"  a  txi'tiiiu  root,  called  cooiity,  upon  which  they  cuir 
Biibsist  without  iiicoiivciiiciicu  for  a  considerable  leitfr'th  of  time,  which  is  of 
iticalculalrh';  advaitfago  to  them  in  their  war  operations. 

The  strength  of  tin;  Indians  has  hoen  not  a  little  augmented  by  the  blacks. 
Some  accounts  say  there  are  t>00  among  them,  some  of  whom  have  joined 
iheiii,  on  absconding  from  their  white  ownei-s;  but  it  is  well  known  that  the 
Florida  Indians  own  many  slaves.     Old  Micanopy  is  said  to  linve  80. 


••^tiies^ 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Indians  [H'fpcrr.  for  leiir — .Iffiilr  of  Hogt.own — .1  vwil-ciirricr  liillcil — S<i',cs  of  the- 
Indians'  callli;  inid  horses  adrerlistd  liij  the  Indian  agent,  hit  none  takes  place — • 
Burnings  and  murders  ure  committed — S<ttle.vieut  at  jYcw  River  drstroijed — Re- 
nuirhahle  preserrution  (fa  Mr.  Vtodi'n'y's  familij — Colonel  Warren  s  defeat — Siriimp 
fight — Destraetion  of  jXcw  Smyrna — Defeat  and  death  of  Major  Dadk,  icith  thb 
destruction  of  nearly  his  whole  party — Visit  to  his  buttle- ground. 

FiioM  Aj)ril  imtil  lianest  time,  preparations  had  gone  on  among  the  Indians, 
and  they  only  waited  lor  the  whites  to  ))i'gin  to  compel  a  removal,  when  the 
'.)low  should  l)e  struirk.  Thi'  time  allowed  them  over  and  above  the  three 
years,  to  jirepare  for  their  jonrney  to  the  prairies  of  the  Arkansaw,  was  spent" 
in  making  re.ndy  to  n'sist  (ft  t!ie  termination  of  il. 

As  early,  li(iwev(>r,  as  the  lIMnire,  IHIJ"),  a  serions  affray  took  j)hice  between 
some  whites  and  Indians,  at  a  place  called  llogtown,  not  liirh'om  Mickasanky, 
in  which  the  former  were  altogether  the  aggressors.  The  Indians,  about  seven 
in  immbcr,  were  discovered  by  a  gang  of  whites,  hunting  "  beyond  their 
bounds,"  upon  whom  they  midertook  to  inflict  corporal  punishment.  Two 
of  the  Indians  were  absent  when  the-  whites  came  np  to  them,  aiul  they  ^'ei/ed 
and  disarmed  them,  and  then  In^gan  to  whip  tiiem  \\\\\\  cowhide  whips. 
They  had  whi)iped  f<)iir,  and  were  in  the  act  of  wiiipping  the  (iltli,  when  the 
other  two  Indians  canu;  nji.  On  seeing  what  was  going  on,  they  raised  t!ie 
war-whoop  and  fired  upon  the  whites,  but  whether  they  receivecl  any  injury, 
W(!  are  tiot  told  ;  but  they  innnediateiy  retui'Mcd  the  tire,  and  killiMl  both  the 
Indians.  Wlii'ii  (Mineral  Thompson  was  made  acMpiainted  with  the  afiiiir,  he 
summoned  the  chiefs  togethiu',  and  stated  the  liicts  to  them,  and  they 
disclaimed  all  knowledge  of  it,  and,  it  is  said,  agreed  to  deliver  the  oIltjnderM 
into  the  hands  of  tin;  whites,  to  be  dealt  wiih  according  to  their  laws. 
This  nnist  be  taken  as  the  story  of  the  whites;  for  in  this  ca;<i!  they,  and  not 
the  Indians,  were  the  "oHI'iidi'rs."  It  was  altogether  a  singidar  rejiort.  tiiat 
afler  the  Indians  had  all  been  wliij)ped  and  killed,  they  should  be  reipiircd  ti) 
.gri'e  up  the  offenders ;  but  such  was  stated  to  bo  the  fact,  and  I  know  not  that 
It  lias  been  contradicfcnl. 

rreipient  signs  of  muaMin^s  had  b(;en  manifested  during  the  summer 
uniong  the  Indians,  some  of  v.l/om  c()uld  inrt  be  restrained  from  acts  of"  \io- 
lence  liy  the  chiefs,  allhongh,  if'is  pretty  evident,  such  acts  wei-e  against  their 
advice.  A  mail-carrier  was  killed  and  robbed  betwi-eii  St.  Augustine  and 
Camp  King,  and  two  or  three  houses  had  fnmi  time  to  time  lux'ii  broken 
ojieii  ill  <iint'rent  pluc(!s ;  but  it  th  not  imjiossible  but  that  thest;  act.s  might 
Iwive  been  committed  by  other  peoplt;  than  Indians.  However,  the  Indians 
were  mistrusted,  and  nui  only  Thistnisted,  but  rej)orled  as  the  perpetrators; 
and  wliether  they  were  or  nor  ifi  but  of  small  moment,  as  atfairs  turned  out. 
.  '''Iiiiigs  remained  in  this  stift(?  until  December  following,  when  the  Indian 
■  ,  itoti.'''"''  ■'^'"■''  "'  ''"^'  iiif'i""'^  "f  he  was  able,  that  their  time  had  expired, 
aiul  Unit  lb''}'  U'U"'t  forthwith  i>repare  fiir  their  journey  over  the  Mississijipi, 
nnd  to  that  end  must  bring  >n  their  catrle  and  hoi-ses  according  to  the  terms 
of  tlw  trenty.  And  so  conlident  was  he  that  they  would  be  brought  in,  that 
lit'  had  advertiwii  xfyHM  l»i?  ^il**;  ""«'  l'''-  l^t  and  lolh  of  the  uiuiith  were  the 


Chap.  IX.] 


ESC.VrE  OF  MKS.  GODFREY. 


70 


days  ill  whicli  the  salos  W(M'e  to  l)0  made.  Tlio  appoiiitiMl  daj-.s  jmsscd,  and  no 
Indians  appoarod ;  and  it  was  inipu'diately  discovert'd  that  tlicy  liad  sont  their 
women  and  cliiKh'on  into  thi;  interior,  and  tiie  waiTioi"s  were  niarcJiing  from 
place  to  place  witii  arms  in  tiioir  iiands,  ready  to  strike. 

Consternation  and  dismay  was  dtjpicted  on  tlio  connt(!uan(;es  of  the  bor- 
dering whites,  and  tiu^y  began  to  fly  Ironi  their  dwellings,  which  were  imme- 
diately destroy(!d  by  the  Indians.  One  of  the  first  places  attacked  was  the 
plantation  of  Captain  Priest,  th(!  buildings  on  Nvliich  were  ixwned.  Small 
compani(!s  of  whites  were  immediately  organized  Ibr  scouring  the  country. 
One  of  these  was  fired  uj)on  by  sonu;  Indians  in  ambush,  who  wounded  two, 
one  supposed  mortally,  and  a  son  oi"(Jii[)tain  Priest  had  his  horsi;  killed  inider 
him.  Soon  alter,  as  ."30  or  40  men  were  at  work  getting  out  .shi|)-tiniber  on 
Drayton's  Island,  in  Lake  George,  they  were  fired  upon  and  driven  from  the 
place.  Nont!  wcsre  wounded,  although  the  bnlhits  passed  through  the  clothes 
of  some  ol'  them. 

On  the  ;■)  of  December,  a  small  party,  supposcjd  to  be  about  .'{0,  of  Indians 
struck  a  liital  blow  on  a  poor  faujily  at  N(!W  Kiver,  which  is  about  22  miles 
to  the  north  of  Cape  Florida.  It  was  tla;  liunily  of  the  light-house  keeper  of 
this  place,  named  Cooln/.  And  what  renders  the  case  peculiarly  aggravating 
is,  that  this  liunily,  like  that  of  Clark,  at  Eel  River  near  I'liniouth,  in  Philip^s 
war,  were,  and  had  always  been,  on  terms  of  gr(!at  intimacy  with  the  very 
Indians  wlio  dc.sti'oyed  ilivm.  ,Mr.  f 'oo/i.y,  Ixiing  absent  when  the  attack  was 
]na(le,  eseapi'd  tli(^  butchery.  'J'he  nuMd)er  nuinh^red  was  six,  one  of  whom 
was  a  nia)i  named  Flintnn,  iVom  Cecil  county,  Maryland,  who  had  been  hired 
as  a  liunily  tejicher,  his  inother,  wit'e,  and  three  children.  Flintoii  he  found 
shockingly  mntilat(!d,  ajjparently  with  an  axe;  his  two  older  children  were 
lying  iH'.ur  him  shot  lln'ough  the  lieai't,  with  the  books  they  were  using  at  the 
time  they  \\<;re  nun-dered  by  their  sides;  from  ^vhi(•h  circumstance  it  is 
evident  they  met  death  at  the  same  momiMit  they  knew  of  the  vicinity  of  the 
foe.  Mis  witi',  with  iIk;  oilier  ehilil  at  her  breast,  he  found  about  TOO  yards 
ii-oin  the  others,  both  a|tj)arently  killeil  by  the  same  bullet.  i\Irs.  Cooky  had 
l()rmeily  been  a  eaptivc!  among  tin;  Indiaiin,  undcu'stood  their  language,  as  did 
one  of  the  children,  a  boy,  and  both  were  much  liked  by  tli(!m. 

Here  the  Indians  found  a  rich  booty,  'i'liey  carried  off  about  12  barrels  of 
])rovision.s  lU)  hogs, .'{  horses,  -IHO  dollars  in  silver,  one  keg  of  powder,  above 
200  ptjimds  of  lead,  and  700  tlollars  worth  of  dry  goods, 

A  tiimily  of  several  "iiersons  in  Xhv.  neigiiborhood  oi' Cooleifs,  witnes.sud  the 
muiilfr,  and  barely  inaih;  their  escape.  Also  anolh(;r,  that  of  the  widow  Rig- 
It  ij  ;  herself,  two  (laughters  mid  a  son  ;  thesi!  escajied  by  flight  to  Cape  Florida, 
liere  were  soon  gathered  about  (10  persoii.s,  who  had  escaped  fi"om  along  the 
coast,  and  luit  being  able  to  subsist  long  tJir  want  of  jirovisioiis,  made  a  signal 
of  distress,  ami  were  soon  disco\ered  by  a  vi'ssel,  which  look  tlu^ni  to  St. 
Augustine, 

There  was,  omoiig  the  liimilies  who  rt(!d  to  save  liieir  lives  about  this  time, 
one,  very  reniarkaiily  preserved.  The  fiunily  of  Thiimui  CoilJ'rcif,  viz.  his 
wife  and  liuir  female  chililren,  having  escaped  to  a  swamp  nnobserv(.'(l,  worn 
relieved  by  a  negro,  about  the  end  of  the  fourth  day.  This  man  was  drawn  to 
the  sjiot  by  the  moans  of  om^  of  the  ehildniii,  whose  poor  fiimished  niotlii^r 
eoiiiil  no  longer  give  it  its  usual  supjiort  at  the  bn'a'<t.  This  negro  belonged 
to  ihe  hostile  Indians,  and  came  upon  these  sullerers  with  an  uplified  a.xe ; 
but  when  he  saw  tlii^  children  in  their  distress,  his  arm  was  unnerved  by  the 
recollection  that  his  own  children  were  then  in  the  power  of  tlu^  whites,  lie 
tlKtreline  came  to  the  hmiiaiie  resolution  of  setting  them  at  liberty,  which 
could  not  be  done,  willioni  great  hazard,  Uir  the  Indiana  were  yet  in  pos.ses- 
sion  of  all  tiie  adjacent  country  ;  but  he  directed  them  to  remain  as  <|iiiel  as 
possible  uiiiil  night,  when  he  would  bring  them  somelliing  to  eat.  This  he 
did,  and  also  bidiight  them  blankets  to  sleep  upon.  The  next  day  a  company 
of  niomited  w|iiie-i  di^jpersed  the  Indians,  and  the  ni-gro  eonvi'ved  .Mrs. 
^'m//}'n/ and  her  eliildren  in  sijrht  of  them,  and  then  made  his  escape.  The 
hllsV'Mlhl  ol'  Aln-.  Coi'/rr'i  liad  some  time  beliire  been  ordered  out  ill  defence 
^»f  the  eomitrv. 


iN'otliiiu;  liut  de\astalioijs  of  the 


St  al;n"miii;r  anil  destructive  character 


nr:STRUCTTON  of  new  S-MVRNA. 


[Book  IV. 


st'(Mn  to  linvT  occurred  in  tlic  region  of  East  T'loridn,  so  long  as  there  was 
a  ])\nc(\  Icit,  wlik'li  was  not  strong  enongii  to  svillistand  an  attack. 

Almnt  till!  Iri  of  Dcccndn'r,  Colonel  H'airat,  at  the  head  ot"  a  small  detach- 
ment of  his  regiment,  was  onlered  to  convoy  a  train  of  wagons  loaded  with 
provisions  and  mnnitions  from  St.  Augnstine  to  t!ie  main  hody,  which  was 
encamped  at  Fort  ('room,  near  Micanopifs  town.  While  on  their  march  they 
were  attacked  hy  a  superior  force  of  Iiulians,  who  killed  8  or  10  of  them,  and 
put  the  rest  to  flight,  almost  in  sight  of  the  force  they  were  sent  to  relieve. 
All  the  wagons  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  which,  atler  taking  from 
them  what  they  desired,  hroke  them  nj)  and  hurnt  them. 

Oh  the  '20  of  December,  as  General  Call,  with  the  Middle  Florida  troopp, 
was  marching  for  Fort  Draine,  his  advanced  guard  discovered  a  house  on  tire 
near  IMicanopy,  and  a  trail  of  Indians  was  discovered  leading  to  a  jjond,  which 
was  full  of  hushes  ai;d  logs,  '^^I'his  pond  the  whit(>s  nearly  encircled,  and 
although  at  tirst  no  Indians  were  seen,  yet  the  flashes  of  their  guns  soon 

Iiointed  out  their  hidiiig-[)laces,  and  considerable  firing  ensued  on  both  sides  ; 
nit  the  fire  of  ilu;  Indians  was  soon  silenced,  and  on  searching  the  bog  four 
Indians  were  found,  dead,  but  all  the  others,  if  there  were  any  more,  had 
cfl'ected  their  escaj)e.  In  this  swamp  fight,  three  whites  were  badly  wounded, 
and  ()w  kiliiHl. 

On  the  2t)  of  December,  a  band  of  about  100  Indians,  under  a  chief  named 
Philii',  and  a  nundier  of  Indian  negroes,  made  an  attack  on  New  Smyrna,  to 
the  south  of  Mosipiito  Inlet,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Peninsula,  where  they 
found  nothing  to  obstruct  the'ir  ravages.  They  began  with  the  house  of  Mr. 
Z>itn/irtm,  which  when  they  had  plundered,  "  parties  of  them  scattered  about 
the  neighboring  |)lantatioiis  of  Cniger,  Depcyster,  and  Hunter.  The  Indian 
negro,  John  Cri'snr,  endea\  ored  to  decoy  I\Ir.  Huntff  from  his  house,  on  pre- 
tence of  selling  him  cattle  and  Intrses;  he,  however,  having  heard  by  his 
negroes  that  large  numbers  of  Indians  were  about,  and  in  the  arternoon  he 
crossed  the  river  to  Colonel  Dummcfs.  The  Indians  held  possession  of  Dun- 
ham's  house  all  day,  and  about  out;  the  next  morning  set  it  on  fire,  together 
with  all  the  out-buildings.  In  the  course  of  the  27,  they  burned  and  destroyetl 
all  the  buililings  on  Cnigcr's  and  Depvysttr''s  jdantations  except  a  corn-house, 
and,  on  Hunters,  all  except  a  corn-house.  They  now  crossed  over  the  river 
to  Colonel  Bummers  house,  and  after  destroying  every  thing  in  it,  set  that  on 
fire,  but  from  some  cause  the  fire  did  not  burn  it.  They  next  burnt  the  house 
of  Mr.  Rntdiff,  u  little  to  the  north  of  Colonel  Dummtfs,  and  broke  and 
destroyed  tli(!  lantern  and  every  thing  belonging  to  the  light-house." 

The  war  having  now  become  serious,  and  the  Indiana  no  longer  looked 
upon  as  a  despicabh;  foe,  the  most  melancholy  forebodings  were  entertained 
for  the  very  existence  of  the  strongest  places  in  Florida,  and  the  call  for 
protection  fiom  that  quarter  had  become  loud  and  fretpu^nt ;  but  notwith- 
standing war  had  been  exj)ected  all  the  preceding  autunm,  no  etVectual  meas- 
lu'es  had  beer,  taken  by  the  proper  authorities  to  check  the  Indians  in  such  an 
event.  Tlier(!  had,  however,  late  in  December,  arrived  at  Fort  Brooke  a  small 
number  of  I'nited  States'  troops  under  Major  Dade,  of  the  5  regiment  of 
inliuury,  the  olficial  account  of  whose  operations  and  d(>feat,  I  give  as  follows, 
in  the  language  of  .Major  Helton.  It  should  be  observed,  that  iMajor  .W«(/e  was 
detached  for  ihe  relief  of  Ceneral  Clinch  at  Camp  King,  who  was  supposed 
to  !)e  in  the  most  inuninent  danger  from  the  Indians,  and  also  in  great  want 
of  supplies. 

His  despatch  was  dated  at  Fort  Brooke,  1  Jamiary,  IH.If!,  and  proceeds  as 
follows: — "The  schooner  Motto  arrived  on  the  21  December  from  Key  West, 
with  breviJt  Major  Jhulv  and  his  company,  A  infantry,  3!)  strong,  with  a  small 
su|)pl\  of  musket-ball  cartridges,  afier  looking  in  at  several  jjoints  lietween 
the  Ivey  and  this  i)laee.  I?eitig  th'is  reiidbrced,  I  hesita'ed  no  longer  to  put 
(Innliiiers  company,  C  2(1  ariillery,  and  Frnzer\t  company,  B  Hd  intimtry,  in 
motion  fiir  l''ort  King,  pm-suant  to  (icneral  C/i/if/i'»  orders;  which  movement 
had  been  ordered  on  ilii'  Kill),  and  suspended  the  same  day,  on  accoimt  of 
int<'lligen('e  I  had  received  of  the  llirce  ol"  the  Alickasukies,  and  their  strong 
liosition,  near  th(>  forks  ol'  the  Wythlacoochee.  I  despatched  the  jiublic 
schooner  Motto  on  2IM,  with   l.ieut("naut  Duncan,  2d  artillery,  to  Key  West, 


f(j 

bl 
ol 


[Hook  IV. 

s  tliere  was 

iialJ  iletnch- 
lojulfd  with 
which  was 
inarch  they 
t'  tlifiri,  and 
t  to  relieve, 
akiiig  frimi 

"ida  troopp, 
Jiisc;  on  tiro 
ond,  whicli 
ii'fled,  uml 
ginis  soon 
Ijotli  sides  ; 

10  hog  four 
more,  Ijad 
wounded, 

lief  named 
Smyrna,  to 
there  they 
use  of  Mr. 
^'red  ahout 
'lie  Indian 
c,  on  j)re- 
ard  l)y  liis 
s'rnoon  lie 

11  of  Dun- 
',  together 
destroyed 

3rii-hoiise, 
tlio  river 
«!t  tiiat  on 
the  iiouse 
•roke  and 

er  looked 
iteitained 
;  eall  lor 
iiotwith- 
iial  nieiis- 
1  such  an 
:o  a  small 
imeiit  of 
<  follows, 
')mle  was 
5ii|)I)08ed 
<;nt  want 

ceods  as 
i-y  West, 
I  a  small 
Ix'tween 
r  to  put 
iintry,  in 
nemeiit 
'oiint  of 
•  strong 
•'  pnhlic 
V  West, 


Chap.  IX.] 


DEFEAT  OF  JIAJOR  DADE. 


77 


for  a  buttery  of  two  twelvo-pouuders,  and  such  stores  as  could  bo  serviceable ; 
and  (It  (i  o'clock,  on  24th,  the  companies,  Gardiner's  and  Frazier's,  made  filly 
bayoiK^fs  eacli,  by  details  from  tlio.se  companies  remaining  here,  and  with  one 
of  the  two  six-pounders  of  this  post  with  four  oxen,  1  had  ordered  to  be 
purchased,  one  light  wagon  and  ton  days'  provisions  were  put  in  marcu. 

"  The  first  halt  of  this  eommand  was  at  Little  Hillsboro'  River,  seven 
miles  fiom  this  post,  the  bridge  of  which  I  had  reconnoitred  by  Indians  of 
EmatlUa's  baiul  the  day  before.  From  this  I  heard  from  Maj.  Dade  iin.ssing 
1110  to  forward  the  six-])ounder,  by  all  means,  it  having  been  lell  bytlit;  iiiilure 
ol"  the  team  lour  miles  out.  I  accordingly  ordered  the  purchase  of  tlire(< 
horses  and  harness,  and  it  joined  the  column  at  nine  that  night.  On  tin; 
night  of  the  24th,  I  heard  that  the  transport  with  Maj.  Mountford  and  com- 
pany, long  and  an,\ioiisly  expected,  was  in  the  bay.  I  sent  at  one  o'clock  a 
letter  to  him,  (received  at  day-light)  by  an  Indian  express,  m'ging  liim  oji. 
lie  landed  with  his  strong  company  on  the  25th  about  noon,  and  inlijriiied 
me  that  Legatees  company,  under  Lieut.  Grayson,  nearly  full,  must  be 
near  at  hand.  Of  this  Maj.  Dade  was  informed  by  a  gallant  vohinteer, 
Jewell,  C  company,  2d  artillery,  who  had  loll  the  detachment  with  the  news 
of  the  burning  of  Big  Hillsboro'  bridge,  near  which  Maj.  D,  had  halted  the 
second  day,  25tli.  I  also  informed  him  that  I  was  using  every  exertion  to 
push  on  about  thirteen  hundred  rations  on  pack-horses,  with  what  ammimi- 
tion  could  be  spai'ed.  A  duplicate  of  this  was  sent  the  next  day  by  a  young 
Indian,  who  became  lame  and  could  not  overtake  the  column,  and  returned 
with  his  letters.  Pr.  JeiocW  joined  Maj.  Dade  about  11  o'clock  on  the  night  of 
the  aSth. 

"  In  the  chain  of  events,  it  is  proper  that  I  shoidd  mention,  that  tliree 
Tallidiussee  Indians  came  in  on  the  evening  of  the  22d,  and  caused  great 
excitement  in  Ilolase  Ematlda's  camp.  They  brought  a  talk  of  Inkanopas 
of  a  pacific  or  neutral  character,  or  they  attected  it;  but  I  believe  not  dis- 
tinctly, until  after  I  had  made  them  prisoners,  while  in  full  council  with 
KmaMCs  warriors,  which  ste[)  I  consid<!red  imperative,  if  they  were  spies, 
and  as  much  so  if  they  were  charged  with  any  jirtipositions  likely  to  detach  the 
chief's  from  the  treaty ;  or  indeed  by  an  act  of  self-devotion,  to  take  the  scalps 
of  EmiUlda,  Black  Dirt,  and  Big  Warrior,  faithful  chiefs,  who  have  been 
Jiunted  in  this  way  since  the  scalping  of  Charles  Emathla.  In  a  council  with 
Emattda  that  night,  Maj.  Dade  expressed  every  confidence  in  Indian  charac- 
ter ;  and  j)articularly  upon  the  salutary  influence  of  Ahralmm  upoii  Micanopa. 
On  reflection  I  iletained  two  of  the  imprisoned  Tallahassees,  as  hostages,  and 
sent  the  youngest  and  best  runner  with  letters  to  General  Clinch,  and  General 
Tliomp.ion,  via  Inicanopa,  as  ]  could  do  jio  better,  and  of  courae,  through 
AbraJumi's  lands. 

"These  letters  of  course  involved  many  details;  but  iitniibcrs  and  other 
liicts,  to  guard  against  tniachery,  were  slated  in  I'^reiich.  The  nmiier  returned 
two  days  beyond  his  time,  with  a  message  from  Abraham  and  Broken  Sticks, 
stating  my  talk  was  good,  and  that  I  miglit  expect  him  on  the  30tli.  This  we 
lii'dy  rendered  that  hi!  would  be  at  the  utuick  fixed  Ph  C""'sfmas  week. 
A  negro,  his  intimate,  named  Harry,  controls  the  Pea  Oreek  liand  of  about  a 
liuiuhcd  warriors,  forty  miles  south-east  of  us,  who  have  done  most  of  the 
mischief,  and  keep  this  post  conirtantly  observed,  and  communieate  with  the 
Mickasukians  at  Wythlacoochee  by  means  of  jiowerful  bands  of  Eufolluhs 
and  jVlufiers,  under  Little  Cloud,  and  the  Alligator.  In  tracing  Maj.  Dade^s 
movements,  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  made  on  the  2<)th  six 
miles,  27th  to  IJig  Wythlacoochee ;  on  the  fillh  day,  2Btli,  to  the  hattle-groiuid, 
sixty-five  miles. 

"Here, it  may  be  proper  to  stiite  that  Maj.  Monntford^s  command  was  ready 
to  mov(!  on  the  2(itli,  but  the  transport,  in  which  was  a  company  of  the  2d 
artillery  luuler  Lieut.  Grayson,  unfortunately  entcreil  the  wrong  btiy,  anri 
got  into  shoal  water,  and  was  not  seen,  or  certainly  heard  of,  till  the  njoniiiig 
of  the  28th  of  December,  when,  by  seiuling  a  jiarry  witli  a  flag  as  a  signal, 
Lieut.  Grniison  was  put  in  possession  of  instructions,  a'ul  lauded  his 
company  at  a  iioint  four  miles  west  of  us,  on  the  east  sid(!  of  Tampa  iiay 

(proiier)  and  joined  at  sunset  that  evening;  his  transiioit  did  not  get  round  to 

■  7  » 


78 


DEFEAT  OF  MAJOR  DADE. 


[Book  IV. 


land  his  bnggagc  till  the  30th  ;  so  long  an  interval  as  to  put  all  hope  of  junc- 
tion out  of  the  question,  and  Maj.  MountfonPs  baggage  was  unladed. 

'•Now  it  lKconK;s  my  nieianclioly  duty  to  proceed  to  the  eatastro[)lie  of  this 
fated  band,  an  elite  of  energy,  patriotism,  military  siiill,  and  courage.  On  tlie 
5J9th,  in  the  afternoon,  a  man  of  my  coinjiany,  John  Thomas,  anil  temporarily 
transferred  to  C  company,  second  artillery,  came  in,  and  yesterday  Vi:  Ransom 
Clark,  of  same  company,  with  four  wounds  very  severe,  and  stated,  that  an 
action  took  place  on  the  28th,  connnencing  about  10  o'clock,  in  which  every 
officer  fell,  and  nearly  every  man.  The  conmiand  entrenched  eveiy  night, 
and  about  ibur  juilcs  from  the  halt,  were  attacked,  and  received  at  leasst  fifteen 
rounds  before  an  Indian  was  seen.  Maj.  Dade  and  his  horse  were  both  killed 
on  the  first  onset,  and  the  interpreter,  ^  Louis.''  Lieut.  Madge,  third  artillery, 
received  his  mortal  wound  the  first  fire,  and  afterwards  received  several  other 
wounds.  Lieut.  Basmger,  third  artillery,  was  not  wounded  till  after  the 
second  attack ;  and,  at  the  latter  nart  of  that,  he  was  wo\nided  several  times 
before  he  was  tomahawked.  Capt.  Gardiner,  second  artillery,  was  not 
wounded  until  the  second  atcack,  and  at  the  last  jjart  of  it.  i^Ir.  liasenger, 
after  Capt.  Gardiner  was  hilled,  remarked,  "  I  am  the  only  officer  left  ;  and, 
boys,  we  will  do  the  liest  we  can."  Lieut.  Keays,  third  artillery,  had  both 
arms  broken  the  first  shot ;  wtis  unable  to  act,  and  was  tomahawked  the  latter 
part  of  the  second  attack,  by  a  negro.  Lieut.  Henderson  had  his  left  arm 
broken  the  first  fire,  and  after  that,  with  a  musket,  fired  at  least  thirty  or  forty 
shot.  Dr.  Gatlin  wa-s  not  killed  imtil  after  the  second  attack,  nor  was  he 
wounded ;  he  placed  himself  behind  the  brea.stwork,  and  with  two  doublo- 
barrelled  guns,  said,  "he  had  four  barrels  for  them."  Capt.  Frazier  fell  (!ar!y 
in  the  action  with  the  advanced  guard,  as  a  man  of  his  couipany,  B  third 
artillery,  who  came  in  this  inoining,  wounded,  reports. 

"On  the  attack  they  we^e  in  column  of  route,  and  after  receiving  a  heavy 
fire  from  the  unseen  enemy,  they  then  rose  up  in  such  u  swarm,  that  the 

Sfround,  covered,  as  was  thought,  by  light  uifantiy  extension,  showed  the 
ndians  bijtweon  the  files.  Muskets  were  clubbed,  knives  and  bayonets  used, 
and  parties  were  clenched;  in  the  second  attack,  our  own  null's  muskets 
from  the  dead  and  vounded,  were  used  against  them  ;  a  cross-fire  cut  down 
tt  succession  of  artillerists  at  the  fi'nce,  from  which  forty-nine  rounds  were 
fired ;  the  gun-carriages  were  burnt,  and  the  guns  sunk  in  a  pond ;  a  war- 
dance  was  held  on  the  ground.  Many  negroes  were  in  the  field,  but  no  scalps 
were  taken  by  the  Indians ;  but  the  negroes,  with  hellish  cruelty,  pierced  the 
throats  of  all,  whose  loud  criei'  and  groans  siiowed  the  power  of  life  to  be 
yet  strong.  The  survivors  wtn-c  preserved  by  imitating  death,  excepting 
Thomas,  who  was  partly  stifled,  and  bought  his  life  for  six  dollars,  and  in  his 
enemy  recognized  an  Indian  whose  axe  he  had  helved  a  few  days  before  at 
this  post.  About  one  hundred  Indians  were  well  mounted,  naked,  and 
painted.  Tiie  last  man  who  came  in  brought  a  note  from  Cajit.  Frazier, 
addressed  to  Maj.  Mountford,  which  was  fastened  in  a  cleft  stick,  and  stuck  in 
a  creek,  dated,  as  is  supposed,  on  27th,  stating  that  they  were  beset  every 
night,  and  pushing  on. 

F.  S.  Belton,  Capi.  2d  Artillerur 

Such  was  the  fate  of  Major  Dade  and  his  gallant  companions.  Osceola  was 
present,  as  was  the  old  chief  Micanopij.  Of  the  latter,  it  is  said,  he  had,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  avowed' that  he  would  neither  leave  his  coimtr^, 
nor  uundd  he  fght ;  hut  \\lieu  the  force  under  Major  Dade  approached  hi& 
town,  he  altered  his  resolution,  seized  his  rifle,  and  shot  that  officer. 

The  situation  of  afliiirs,  at  this  perio<l  cannot  better  be  descrihed  than  in  the 
language  of  a  gentleman  attached  to  Major  Mountford's  command,  stationed  at 
Fort  Brooke,  and  is  contained  in  a  letter,  dated  on  the  fii-st  day  of  the  year  : — 
"  We  are,"  says  he,  "  really  in  the  theatre  of  war  of  the  most  horrible  kind. 
We  arrived  here  on  Christmas  day,  and  found  the  inhabitants  flying  in  from  all 

auartcrs  to  camp.  Major  Daile,  with  seven  officera  and  110  men,  started,  the 
ay  before  we  arrived,  for  Fort  King.  We  were  all  prt'pared  to  overtake 
them  the  next  day,  and  were  upon  the  eve  of  departure,  when  an  intervention 
of  circumstances  deferred  it  for  one  day  ;  and,  in  the  course  of  that  day,  three 


ChI 

80ll| 

in-j 
null 
ouiT 
as 
nail 
citil 
arel 
i| 
unci 
ho[ 
spel 
adif 
ohs 
will 
on 


Chap.  IX] 


VISIT  TO  DADE'S  RATTLE-GROUND. 


79 


soldiers,  liorribly  maiiglod,  catno  into  ramp,  and  brought  the  melancholy  tid- 
ings that  Major  Dndc  and  t'vcjry  dd'ni  r  and  man,  oxcept  themHolvcs,  wcro 
miirdirfd  and  tombiy  mangled.  We  are  at  work,  niglit  and  day,  entrcnrliing 
ourselves  in  every  possibh;  manner.  We  expect  every  moment  to  be  attacked, 
as  the  savages  have  sworn  we  should  all  be  mas.sacred  beCtir:;  the  (Ith  ot'  Jan- 
nary.  We  are  only  about  200  stroiii.',  with  otHcei-s  and  men,  and  about  oO 
citizens,  and  100  friendly  Indians,  niitler  their  chief,  Black  Dirt.  The  savages 
are  said  to  nund)er  4000"" 

Afler  the  arrival  of  General  Gaintu  in  Florida,  ho  ordered  a  detachment, 
under  Captain  Hitchcock,  to  vi.'^it  the  l)attle-groimd  of  Major  Dmle.  And  when 
he  had  p(;rformed  his  ordei-s,  he  gave  the  following  report  of  that  distressing 
spectacle.  His  rejiort  is  dated  "  Fort  King,  Florida,  Feb.  22,  183f),''  and  is 
addressed  to  General  Gainrs,  as  follows: — "Agrijcably  to  your  directions,  I 
observed  the  battle-ground,  .^ix  or  seven  miles  north  of  the  Oiiithieeooehe  ri\  ir, 
•where  Major  Dade  and  his  command  were  destroyed  by  the  Seminole  Indians, 
on  the  2t^  Dec.  last,  and  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  Ibllowing  report: — 

"Till!  force  under  your  counnand,  which  arrived  at  this  jiost  to-day  from 
Tampa  Bay,  encamped,  on  the  inght  of  the  19th  inst,,  on  the  ground  occupied 
by  Major  Dddc  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of  Decend)er.  He  and  his  party  were 
destroyed  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  Decemlier,  about  four  miles  in  advance 
of  that  jiosition.  He  was  advancing  towards  this  post,  an,  was  attacked  from 
the  north,  so  that  on  the  20tli  instant  we  came  on  the  rear  of  his  batde-gronnd, 
about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Our  advanced  guard  had  passed  the 
ground  without  halting,  when  the  General  and  his  staff  came  ujjon  one  of  the 
most  appalling  scenes  that  can  be  imagined.  We  fust  saw  some  broken  and 
scattered  boxes ;  then  a  cart,  the  two  oxen  of  which  were  lying  dead,  as  if 
they  had  fallen  asleep,  their  yokes  still  on  them  ;  a  little  to  the  right,  one  or 
two  horses  were  seen.  We  then  cami  to  a  small  enclostn-e,  made  by  fi;Hing 
trees  in  such  a  manner  as  to  form  a  triai^ular  breastwork  for  defence.  With- 
in the  triangle,  along  the  north  and  west  faces  of  it,  were  about  thirty  bodies, 
mostly  mere  skeletons,  although  much  of  the  clothing  was  lefl  upon  them. 
Tliesi!  were  lying,  almost  every  one  of  them,  in  precisely  the  position  they 
must  have  occn))ied  during  the  fight, — their  heads  next  to  the  logs  over  which 
they  had  delivered  their  fire,  and  their  bodies  stretched,  with  striking  regular- 
ity, parallel  to  each  other.  They  had  evidently  been  shot  dead  at  their  posts, 
and  the  Indians  had  not  disturbed  them,  except  by  taking  the  scalps  of  most 
of  them.  Passing  this  little  breastwork,  we  found  other  bodi»!S  along  the 
road,  and  by  the  side  of  the  road,  generally  behind  trees,  which  had  been 
resorted  to  for  covers  from  the  enemy's  fire.  Advancing  about  two  hundred 
yards  liirther,  we  found  a  cluster  of  bodies  in  the  middle  of  the  road.  These 
were  evid(!ntly  the  advanced  guard,  in  the  rear  of  which  was  the  body  of 
Major  Dade,  and,  to  the  right,  that  of  Capt.  Fraser. 

"  These  were  all  doubtless  shot  down  on  the  first  fire  of  the  Indians,  except, 
perhaps,  Capt.  Fraser,  who  must,  however,  have  fallen  very  early  in  the  fight. 
Those  in  the  road,  and  by  the  trees,  ti'll  during  the  first  attack.  It  was  during 
a  cessation  of  the  fire,  that  the  little  band  still  remaining,  about  thirty  in  niun- 
ber,  threw  u[)  the  triangular  breastwork,  which,  from  the  haste  with  which  it 
was  constructed,  was  necessarily  defective,  and  could  not  protect  the  men  in 
the  second  attack. 

"  We  had  with  ns  many  of  the  personal  friends  of  the  officers  of  Major 
Dorfe's  connnand  ;  and  it  is  gratifying  to  l)e  able  to  state,  that  every  officer  was 
identified  by  undoubted  evidence.  They  were  buried,  and  the  cannon,  a  six- 
pounder,  that  the  Indians  had  thrown  into  a  swarnp,  was  recovered,  and  placed 
vertically  at  the  head  of  the  grave,  where,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  it  will  long  remain. 
The  bodies  of  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  were  buried  in  two 
graves ;  ond  it  was  found  that  every  man  was  accounted  for.  The  command 
was  composed  of  eight  officers,  and  one  hundred  and  two  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates.  The  bodies  of  eight  officers  and  ninety-eight  men  were 
interred, — four  men  having  escaped,  three  of  whom  reached  Tampa  Bay ;  the 
fourth  was  killed  the  day  after  the  battle. 

"  It  may  be  pro|)er  to  observe,  that  the  attack  was  not  made  from  a  ham- 
mock, but  in  a  thinly-wooded  country ;  the  Indians  being  concealed  by  palmetto 
and  grass,  which  has  since  been  burned. 


8() 


nilNCIPAL  SEMINOLE  CHIEFS. 


[Hook  IV. 


Ch. 


"Tlic  two  com)mniea  were  Ciipt.  Fr(uier\i,  of  tlic  3(1  nrtillory,  and  Capt. 
Gariliiu:r\  <if  tlie  2(1  artilkny.  Tlie  oUiccrs  weio  3Iajor  Dade,  ol'  tho  4th 
infantry,  Capts.  Frnzer  and  Gardiner,  .sijcond  Lientenant  Basinger,  brevet  SJMiond 
Lieut.  Jl.  Henderson,  Mudee  [late  of  Uostonl  and  Keais,  of  the  artillery,  and 
Dv.J.  S.  Gatlin." 

From  a  comparison  of  ijie  ahove  report  witli  tlie  of]i(;ial  account  before 
giv(!n,  of  Captain  Jkllon,  nearly  every  thing  concerning,'  this  sijtnally  great 
disaster  is  learned;  but  from  the' report  of  the  three  men  that  had  the  singidar 
fortune  to  escap(^,  many  incidents  have,  from  time  to  time,  been  gathered,  and 
communicated  througli  the  newspajters.  In  fact,  until  the  late  visit  to  the 
battle-ground,  no  other  account,  but  such  as  coidd  be  gatlaired  Irom  the  three 
poor  half-min*(h;red  soldiers,  could  be  obtJiined ;  and  yet  it  appears  that  they 
gave  the  facts  as  they  r(>aily  were.  They  ail  came  in  separately,  sorely 
wounded, — one  of  them  witii  no  less  tiian  eight  wounds.  lie  was  supposed  to 
he  dead,  and  was  thrown  |)roniiscuously  into  a  heap  of  the  slain,  about  which  a 
dance  was  held  by  th(;  Indians,  ijciore  leaving  the  ground.  This  man  crawled 
mvay  in  the  following  niglit,  and  thus  etiected  his  escape. 


9iife 


CII.APTER  X. 

Of  the  princl/ml  chltfs  and  tatr  lenders  of  the  Seminoles — Osceola — Micanopy — 

Jdmpkk — Massacre  of  Gonoral  Thompson  and  others  at  Fort  Kinfr — IJatti.k  of 

THK  OiJiTULKCoocHK — Fiirht  near  Wetumka — Great  distress  of  the  cmintn/ — .Action 

of  CiiHgrrss  upon,  it — Batth  at  Jilusijnito — Many  Creeks  join  the  Seminoles — Fight 

.  on  the  Suance  River. 

There  has  been  occasion  already  pnuty  fully  to  sketch  the  character  of  the 
chief  generally  called  Powell  by  tla;  wliites,  but  who.se  real  name  is  Osckola, 
or  Oseola.  This  cliief  has  shown  himself  to  be,  thus  far,  e(]ual  to  the  despcjrate 
cause  in  which  he  is  engaged.  \V(!,  at  a  distance  from  the  Indians,  marvel 
that  they  should  be  so  short-siglited  as  not  to  see  that  to  wage  a  war  is  only  to 
hasten  their  ruin ;  but,  when  we  thus  reflect,  we  do  not  consider  the  scanty 
information  which  the  Indians  have  of  the  real  strength  of  the  whites.  Oiu' 
means  of  getting  a  knowledge  of  the  Indians,  is  incalculably  greater  than  theira 
is  of  getting  a  knowledge  of  us.  They  cannot  read,  neither  can  they  converse 
(or  but  very  few  of  them)  with  iutc'lligent  white  men ;  therefore,  that  they 
know  much  less  of  us  than  we  do  of  them,  must  be  very  a])parent.  They 
know  nothing  of  geograjihy.  If  an  Indian,  in  the  interior  of  Florida,  shoidd 
be  told  that  New  England  was  a  great  place,  without  considerable  tronI)le  he 
could  not  be  made  to  understand  whether  it  were  a  great  town,  as  large  as  a 
village  of  50  wigwams  in  his  own  country,  or  as  large  as  the  whole  of  Florida. 
We  learn  every  thing  of  this  nature  by  comparison  ;  and  how  .shall  the  Indian 
■comprehend  our  terms,  but  by  comparing  them  with  his  own  ?  Hence  it  is 
owing,  mainlj',  to  the  unavoidable  ignorance  of  the  Indians  of  our  actual  con- 
dition, that  induces  them  to  hazard  a  war  with  us.  I  know,  from  the  best 
authority,  that  the  western  Indians,  i)revious  to  Black  Hawk's  war,  were  gen- 
erally of  the  opinion  that  they  were  far  more  numerous  than  the  whites ;  and 
when  a  trader  told  them  they  certainly  were;  not,  they  laughed  at  him  with 
scornful  gestui-es.  We  have  no  reason  to  believe  the  Florida  Indians  any 
better  informed  ;  and,  besides,  they  are  cheated  and  baffled  so  often  by  knaves 
who  go  among  them  for  that  j)urpose,  that  they  imagine  all  the  whites  to  Ikj 
of  the  same  character,  and  they  cannot  tell  whether  a  talk  really  comes  from 
their  great  father,  the  i)re6ident,  or  whether  some  impostor  be  cheating  tliem 
with  one  of  his  own,  to  get  their  lands  for  his  particular  benefit. 

With  this  view  of  the  case  before  us,  it  will  not  appear  altogether  unac- 
countable that  a  daring  chief,  like  Osceola^  should  engage  iu  a  war.  He  is  said 
not  to  be  a  chief  by  birth,  but  has  raised  himself  by  his  courage  and  peculiar 
abilities  to  that  station.    His  father  is  said  to  have  been  an  Englishman,  and 


Chap.  X]         MASSACRE  OF  GENERAL  TIIOliPSON  AND  OTHERS. 


81 


his  iiiotlinr  n  Creek  wnniiiii.  IIo  licloiif^f;  to  tlio  Red  Stirk  tribe.  In  person 
he  is  slt'iider,  hut  w(;ll  tunned,  iMii.sculur,  nnd  ciipiildu  of  endiirin^j^  great 
fdtiffiK!;  is  Jill  exceileiit  t.'tctici.in,  and  an  admirer  of  order  and  discipline.  He 
wonid  iVecinentiy  practise  military  manonivres  witii  the  wliites,  and  none  of 
them,  it  was  ohserved,  could  excel  him.  His  comple.xion  is  rather  ligiit,  deep 
restlesH  <'yes,  clear  and  shrill  voice,  and  not  more  than  about  ;j5  years  of  ago. 
He  is  said  to  have  conducted  in  ]»erson  every  important  action  iVom  the  time 
of  tVairen^s  defeat  to  the  battle;  of  the  (Juithlccoociiec.  General  Thompson 
inii)risoned  him,  as  wo  havt!  before  rclatixl,  because  lie  would  not  acknowl- 
edge his  autiiority,  and  for  asserting  that  the  country  was  the  Indians',  "that 
they  wanti^d  no  agent,  and  that  he  had  better  take  care  of  himself." 

Of  old  Miatnopif  as  well  as  Osceola  1  hav(!  already  had  occtuiion  to  speak. 
He  was  .said  to  have  joined  the  latter  with  500  men  :  he  is  a  short,  lhick-s(;t, 
"ugly-looking  Indian,  and  much  given  to  intoxication."  Jumper  is  jl/icano- 
py's  chiei'  counsellor,  and  a  warrior  of  great  perseverance,  activity,  and 
courage.  We  shall  now  take  up  tin-  nurrative  of  events  in  the  order  of  their 
occurrence,  and  the  next  of  imporiance  was  the  massacre  near  Cam[)  King, 
which  ha|)pened  on  the  same  day,  hat  at  a  kiter  hour  than  the  destruction  of 
the  detacliment  luider  Major  Ihuk. 

Osceola,  it  will  bo  remembereii,  had  been  roughly  treated  at  this  ])lace,  not 
many  months  before,  and  had  \u'.v.n  by  coercion  obliged  to  comply  with  the 
demands  of  Mr.  Agent  Thompson,  about  a  removal,  &c.  He  was  known 
afterwards  to  declare  that  Thompson  should  i)ay  with  his  life  for  his  conduct. 
Accordingly,  with  a  small  band  of  warriors,  at  noon  day,  on  the  28  of  Decem- 
ber, he  ai»|)roach(!d  Camp  King  lor  this  avowed  purpose.  Thompson  resided 
here,  and  was  in  the  employ  of  tiic  United  States'  government,  as  agent  for 
the  removal  of  the  Seminole  Indians,  and  other  afiairs  concerning  them.  He 
was  a  man  of  considerable  conseipience,  and  had  formerly,  it  is  believed, 
been  a  mendjer  of  congress.  Whether  it  was  his  usual  custom  to  dine  out 
of  the  fort,  we  are  not  inibrnied,  but  on  this  fatal  day,  it  seems,  he,  with  nine 
other  gentlemen,  met  at  the  store  house  of  i\lr.  Ro<^crs,  which  was  but  S.'jO 
yards  from  the  fort,  and  while  seated  at  dinner  there,  they  were  attacked  by 
Osceola ;  and  what  was  remarked,  at  the  time,  as  very  singular,  was,  that 
those  people  should  be  beset  and  slain,  and  all  scalped,  within  reach  of  two 
six-pound  cannon  then  mounted  npon  the  fiirt,  which  was  garrisoned  with  50 
men  ;  but  snch  are  the  liicts  upon  record. 

Mr.  Ro'^ers  was  sitting  at  the  head  of  his  table,  and  the  first  intimation  of 
the  |)resence  of  Indians  was  a  volley  of,  as  was  judged,  100  guns.  The  door 
of  tlie  house  being  open,  nothing  prevcnt(!d  tli(!  deadly  aim  of  the  foe,  who, 
after  the  first  discharge,  rushed  upon  the  house  with  savage  liu'y.  Those 
who  were  not  killed  jumped  out  ofilie  window.^,  on  each  side,  and  fied;  live, 
who  ran  to  the  l()rt,  escai)(!d;  tla;  other.*,  in  running  for  a  hannnock  near  by, 
were  shot  down.  The  negro  woman,  a  cook,  ran  behind  ilie  coiuiter  and  hid 
behind  a  barrel.  Osceola,  at  the  head  of  his  warrior.«,  rushed  into  the  house, 
but  did  not  discover  her,  and  inunediatcly  left  it.  The  names  of  the  five  that 
were  killed,  were,  (ieiieral  Thompson,  Lieutenant  Conslantinc  Sndlh,  Erastus 
RofTcrs,  sutler,  a  Mr.  Stii^frs  and  Hilzlcr.  Fifteen  bullets  were  Ibimd  to  have 
been  shot  through  Ceneral  Thompson,  and  l(i  through  Mr.  Rogers.  Their 
heads  were  scalped  all  over,  as  far  as  the  hair  extended. 

Bloody  events  now  followed  each  other  in  {[luck  succession.  We  have 
seen  that  upon  the  same  day  happened  the  two  massacres  last  related,  and 
scarcely  had  the  news  of  them  ceased  vibrating'  on  the  ear,  when  the  battle  of 
the  Ouithlecooeluie  wtis  announced.  The  movements  of  (kMun'al  Clitich,  in  the 
very  end  of  the  year  IH.'!.'),  brought  about  this  event,  wiiieh  will  presently  be 
detailed  in  his  own  words.  He  was  lying  in  garrison  at  Fort  Dranc>  a 
stockade  about  !iO  miles  from  Camp  King.  He  had  here  a  plantation,  upon 
which  was  a  large  crop  of  corn  ;  this  he  liberally  dealt  out  to  the  soldiers ; 
other  suiiplies  having  failed.  Un  the  arrival  of  General  C'«//,  an  expedition 
was  innnediately  .set  on  l()ot  for  ll'.;"  head-ipiarters  of  th<'  Indians. 

As  the  narrative  of  (.-very  transaction  is  of  increased  importance  and  value, 
in  proportion  to  the  means  of  knowledge  and  veracity  of  the  narrator,  we  are 
always  led  to  a  desire  to  hear  the  history  of  such  transactions  from  the  very 


82 


BATTLE  OF  THE  OUITIILECOOCHE. 


[Book  IV. 


ar.lors  in  them;  because,  lioiii  sr.cli  sources,  we  seldom  fail  of  niTi\iii'r  at  the 
trutli.  A  commuuder  or  leader  in  a  buttle  or  expedition,  if  lie  would  wish  to 
misrepresent  a  transaction,  woidd,  in  scai'ce  one  time  in  a  thousand,  dare  to 
<lo  Ho;  because  all  his  Ibllowers,  or  at  least  all  those  wroiiffed  by  a  liilso 
statement,  would  rise  in  evidence  afiainst  him.  1  need  not,  however,  have 
prefaced  General  Clinch's  ojjidal  account  of  tlie  IIatti.e  of  OriTULKcoocHEF. 
with  these  observations,  Jbr,  from  the  very  liiee  of  it,  his  aim  at  the  strictest 
veracity  is  apparent.  JJut  it  is  proper  that  we  know  how  to  value  the  real 
sources  oi'histo;y ;  it  was  to  this  (.'nd  that  the  abovi;  observations  vv(ue  made. 
I  will  now  jiroceed  with  (jJenerai  Vlinck^s  account  of  his  battle  with  Osceola. 

"Head  Quarters,  Territory  of  Florida,  Fori  Drane,  Jan.  4,  18.10. 
"Sir — On  the  24  ultimo,  brigadier'  (ien.  Call,  commaiidinir  lli<'  vohuiteers 
called  into  service  by  his  excellency,  G.  R.  Walker,  actiiifi  frovcrnor  of  I'lori- 
<lii,  formed  u  junction  with  the  rejfular  troops  at  this  post,  and  inliirmed  nii^ 
that  his  command  had  been  raised  to  meet  the  crisis  ;  that  most  of  their  terms 
of  servi(^e  would  expire  in  a  li;vv  (hiys,  which  made  it  necessary  to  act 
j)romptly.  'I'wo  larj^e  detaclimeiits  w(M'e  sent  out  on  the  l.^th  [Dec]  to 
scoin-  th(!  country  on  oin-  rij;ht  and  led  Hank.  Jiieut.  Col.  Fanninu:,  with 
three  companies  from  Fort  King,  lu'rived  on  the  t27lh  ;  and,  on  the  "JKth,  the 
detachment  liavinj,'  returned,  the  Itrijfade  of  mounted  vohmteers,  composed 
oi' the  1st  and  yd  ref;iments,  commanded  by  l{i!;r.  (Jen.  Call,  and  a  l)atIalion 
ol"  rej^ulur  troops  conmianded  by  Jiieut.  Col.  Fannin<j:,  took  up  the  line  of 
marcli  l()r  a  ])<)int  on  \\w  Ouithlccooclu!  river,  which  was  n'preseutiMl  liy  our 
•riiides  as  beinj;  a  good  lt)rd.  About  4  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the;{Jst  [of 
Dei;.]  alhir  leaving  all  our  baggag(!,  ))ro\  isions,  tSic,  i)rote(ted  hy  a  guard 
eommaiidiHl  by  Lieut.  Dancy,  we  pusheil  on  with  a  view  of  carrying  the  ford, 
and  of  surprising  the  main  liody  of  the  Indians,  sup|»osed  to  be  concentrated 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  river;  but  on  reaching  it,  about  day-light,  we  touiid, 
instead  of  a  good  li)rd,  a  deej)  and  ra|)id  stream,  ami  no  means  of  crossing, 
except  in  an  old  and  damaged  canoe.  Lieut.  Col.  Fanninis,  however,  soon 
tsiu'ceeded  in  crossing;  the  regular  troops  took  a  position  in  advance,  whilst 
Urig.  (ji(Mi.  C(dl  was  actively  ei. gaged  in  crossing  his  brigade,  and  in  having 
tiieir  hoi'  s  swam  over  the  river.  Ihit  betiire  one  hall'  had  crossed,  the  bat- 
talion of  regulars,  consisting  of  aJ>out  WO  men,  wen;  attacked  by  the  eiieiuy, 
who  wert!  strongly  posted  in  the  svMunp  and  scrub,  w  Inch  extended  from  the 
river.  TliiH  little  band,  however,  aided  by  ('ol.  Warrcu,  jMaj.  Coojier,  and 
Lieut.  Yeoman,  with  27  vcdunteers,  met  tla;  attack  of  a  savage  enemy,  nearly 
three  times  tln'ir  mimber,  headed  by  the  chief  ()si:ot,.\,  with  Spartan  \alor. 
The  action  lasted  nearly  an  hour,  during  which  tlmi^  the  troops  made  threi? 
brilliimt  charges  into  the  swamp  tnid  scrub,  and  drove  the  enemy  in  every 
direction.  And  alter  the  third  charge,  altliough  nearly  one  third  of  their 
number  had  been  cut  down,  they  w(>re  llmnd  sidlicieiitly  tirm  and  steady  to 
I'ortifv  the  formation  of  a  new  line  ol"  battle,  which  gave  entire  protection  to 
the  l1aid\S,  as  well  as  the  position  s<'lected  for  recrossing  the  tr(io|is.  Itriir. 
(icn.  (V(//,  alb'r  using  every  elliirt  to  induce  the  vohuueers  remaining  on  the 
east  bank,  when  the  action  commi need,  to  cross  the  river,  luid  in  arranging 
the  troops  still  reminnimr  on  that  haidv,  crossed  over  and  reuil(<reil  important 
service  by  his  coolness  and  judgment  in  arranging  part  of  his  corps  on  the 
right  of  the  regidars,  which  gave  much  str-'iiglh  and  security  to  that  dank. 
Col.  Fanninf!  disiilayed  the  greatest  lirmuess  throughout  ihe  aiiion,  and 
added  imadi  to  tlie  high  reputation  long  since  established.  Captains  Drane 
and  .l/(//f))i  exhibited  gri'at  bravery  and  judgment,  and  likivvise  addid  to  the 
character  they  acipiin'd  in  the  late  war.  Nor  was  ('apt.  ^id/r.f  wanting  in 
fu'mness.  Capt.  flni.  .1/.  (iraham,  lib  iidiuitry,  was  li'arlessiy  brave,  and 
ulthouuli  very  severely  woumleil  early  in  the  engagement,  continued  to  head 
his  ctunpaiiy  in  the  most  irallant  maimer,  until  he  received  another  severe 
Mdiiiid,  when  he  was  taken  li'oiii  the  field.  Ills  brother,  Lieut,  i'  'aiujMl  (irn- 
haiii,  commanding  the  adjai  eiit  company,  was  likewisi'  severely  woiindi'rl 
early  in  ilie  light,  but  eontiniied  with  liis  men  imiil  another  wound  tiirced 
liim,  from  loss  of  blood,  to  retire  from  the  field.  Lieut.  .Maillaml,  who  com- 
immdeil  ucuinpan^jcoiitribiil d  inticli,  by  his  galluiitry,  tuejicuurage  Ihtj  mcMi. 


Li 

nc 
ac 
sn 
th 
un 
wj 
re  I 


CltAI'.    X] 


UATTLE  OF  THE  OUlTl»LECOOCHE. 


83 


Lifiits.  Talcot,  Capron,  John  Graliam,  Ridgcli/,  (who  was  wounded  early  in  tlie 
action,)  and  Brooks,  all  dis|)layed  good  courage  and  coolness  throughout  the 
action.  When  almost  every  non-coirunis.sion(!d  officer  and  private  exhihited 
such  firmness,  it  was  almost  impossible  to  discriminate  between  them ;  but 
the  commanding-general  cannot  withhold  his  high  ajjprobation  of  judgment 
and  courage  displayed  by  sergeant  Johnson  of  H  cotni)any,  third  artillery,  ou 
whom  the  command  of  the  com])any  devolved,  afler  Lieut.  Graham  was 
removed  from  the  field ;  and  who,  although  severely  wounded,  contimu.'d  at 
the  head  of  the  company  till  the  action  was  over.  Also  of  sergeants  Kenton 
and  Lofton,  and  corporal  Paget,  4th  infantry.  Sergi-ants  Scojfktd  and  Potter, 
U  company,  2d  artillery ;  sergeant  Smith,  C  company,  fii>t  artillery,  and  cor- 
I)oral  Chapin,  C  com[)any,  yd  artillery.  Colonel  John  Warner,  commandant 
J  St  regiment  volunteers,  Maj.  Cooper,  and  Lieut.  Yeoman  of  same  corps,  who 
had  foruKMl  on  the  letl  flank,  were  all  severely  wounded,  while  leading  their 
litlK'  hand  to  the  charge,  and  all  behaviul  with  great  bnivery,  as  well  as 
adjutant  Phillips.  Lieut.  Col.  Mills  displayed  great  coolness  and  judgment 
(luring  the  action,  and  in  rccrossing  the  river  with  his  connnand.  Lients, 
Stewart  and  Hunter  of  the  2d  regiment,  with  a  few  men  of  that  regiment,  were 
jiuliciously  posted  on  the  right,  and,  from  their  reputation  for  firmness,  would 
have  given  a  good  account  of  the  en(!my,  had  he  made  his  appearance;  in  that 
(piarter.  Col.  Parkill,  of  the  F.  voluntc^ers,  who  performed  the  duties  of 
adjutant-general,  dis|ilnyed  much  military  skill  and  the  utmost  coolness  ami 
couriige  thronglioiit  the  whole  action  ;  and  his  si-rvices  were  of  the  first 
iinportaiu'i'.  Col.  Reid,  iiis|)t'ctor-gen('ral,  displayed  much  firmness,  but  lit; 
had  his  horse  .•^hut,  and  receiv(;d  a  slight  wound  early  in  the  engagomeift,  and 
was  sent  with  orders  to  the  volunteers.  My  volunteer  aid,  Maj.  Ljiilc,  and 
Maj.  IVdford,  aid  to  Hrig.  tJen.  C(dl,  were  near  rni;  throughout  the  action,  and 
(lispliiyeil  the  most  intrepid  courage  aixl  coolness.  Col.  J.  H.  Mcintosh,  one 
of  my  aids,  and  Maj.  Camhlc,  aid  to  Ceii.  Call,  both  displayed  much  firmness 
and  coiu'age,  and  \v(>re  actively  ein])loy<'(l  on  the  lefl  flank.  I  also  feel  it  duo 
to  Ijii'ut.  Col.  linilii/,  Capt.  Scoll,  and  liieut.  Cuthhrrt,  to  sny,  that,  although 
tli(!  action  was  nearly  over  before  they  could  cross  the  river  with  a  few  of  the 
2d  regiment,  they  took  a  judicious  |)osition,  and  showed  much  finnm-ss. 
(Japt.  Il';/att,  of  the  same  corfis,  was  entirely  employed  in  encting  a  tempora- 
ry bridge,  and  manitesti'd  much  tirniness.  Much  credit  is  also  due  to  the 
itiedieal  department,  composed  ol' Doctors  Ifightman,  Hamilton,  Randolph,  and 
Jinnlon,  i'nv  tiicir  activity  and  attention  to  the  wounded. 

"The  time  ot'  service  of  the  volunteers  having  expired,  and  most  of  fheni 
having  expressed  im  unwillingness  to  remain  longer  in  lh<!  service,  it  wan 
considered  best,  aHer  removing  th(>  di'a<l  and  taking  cart;  of  the  wounded,  to 
return  to  this  post,  which  we  reached  on  the  '?d  instant,  without  the  least 
interru|)tion,  and,  on  the  following  day,  the  voluntei'rs  from  Middle  Florida 
took  u|)  the  line  of  .March  I'or  Tallahassecf ;  and  this  morning  those  fVnrn  I'last 
I'lorida  proceeded  to  their  respective  homes,  leaving  me  a  ver>'  tl'W  men  'o 
guard  this  extensive  li'onticr.  I  am  now  (iilly  convinced  tlmt  there  has  been 
n  great  defi'ction  aiiKUig  tlu!  i'lorida  Indians,  and  fliat  a  great  many  Cr  .,ks 
have  imited  with  thetn ;  conse(ineiuly  it  will  rmpiire  a  strong  fiirce  .o  ])nt 
them  down. 

you  a  list  of  the  killed  and  w  unded  of 
1  am,  sir,  with  high  res[)ect  your  most 


"1  also  have  the  honor  to  enclose 
the  respective  regiments  and  corps. 
4)bedient, 


D.  L.  Clinci?, 
Tfrrvrf  It.  Cineral  U,  S,  Army,  Jommandina;. 
" II.  Jones,  .'Idjutnnl-dcniral  I '.  S.  .Irmi/." 

"Rt^ttim  of  the  killed  an<l  woimded  nf  the  battle  of  the  Ouithleconche  on 
tho  .'Ust  day  of  December,  IKir). — C  eompaiiy,  1st  artillery,  Capt.  (lalis  eom- 
Miuniling — (uie  artilieer  killed;  1  corporal  aiul  '.\  privates  wounded.  D  coin- 
pany,  2il  artillery,  Capt.  (i.  Ihnnr  commMudiiig — 1  private  killeil ;  I  second 
Liein.,  I  corporal,  and  12  privates  v.dimded.  I'  company,  2d  ailillery,  i»f. 
Vn\)\.  Mfllim  I'ominanding — I  arliticer  killed.  C  company,  'M  artillery,  1st 
Ll«Mit.  Maitland  commanding — 1  urtifiicer  killed,  urn!  7  privates  wounded.    11 


84 


FIGHT  NEAR  WETLMKA. 


[Hook  IV. 


compnny,  Hd  artillery,  1st  Lieut.  C.  Grahmn  commaiidiiig— 1  iirivHtc  killed ; 
1  first  Lieut.,  1  sergouiit,  2  corporals,  and  Vi  privates  wounded. 

"Total— 4  killed,  and  52  wounded."  How  many  of  the  wounded  died 
after  the  return  was  made  out,  I  caiuiot  ascertain ;  hut  no  doubt  many  did,  ns 
is  always  the  case.  The  loss  of  the  Indians  is,  as  usual  on  such  occasions, 
variously  estimated.  Sonu;  friendly  Indians  who  came  into  Tallaliass(,'e,  said 
that  Osceola  lost  104  men,  ami  was'  himself  twice  wounded  durinjj  the  !)atUe. 

There  were  with  General  Cliuch,  as  guides  in  his  expedition,  three  or  four 
Indians  of  the  white  party,  relatives  of  tlie  chief,  Charles  Omathia,  who  doubt- 
less rendered  eminent  service. 

Osceola  was  observed  tijreniost  of  all  his  men  in  this  battle,  and  was  well 
known  to  G.'ucnal  Clinch  and  many  of  his  men.  He  wore  a  red  belt,  and 
three  long  feathers.  Having  taken  his  stand  behind  a  tree,  he  would  step 
boldly  out,  level  his  rifle,  and  bring  down  a  man  at  every  lire;  nor  was  ho 
dislodged  until  several  volleys  from  whole  jilatooiis  had  been  fired  upon  him. 
The  tree  behind  which  he  stood  was  literally  cut  to  pieces.  It  is  almost  a 
wonder  that  he  had  not  now  fullilled  the  measure  of  his  threat  made  on  a 
loi'iner  occasion,  which  was  to  kill  (Ji^neral  Clinch.  \U'  probably  tried  his 
best  to  do  it,  for  the  general  m-eived  several  shots  through  bis  clothes. 
General  Thompson,  Clmrhs  Oinallila,  and  General  Clinch  were  the  three  per- 
sons he  had  declared  vengeance  against. 

An  ofiicer  in  Gimeral  Clini'li^s  army  wrote  the  next  day  after  tin-  battle,  to 
a  friend  in  Washington,  "  Vou  will  see  from  Gen.  Clinches  ofllcial  letter, 
givii'g  an  acc(MUit  of  the  battle,  that  he  says  nothing  of  himself.  I  was  in  this 
battle,  and  allow  mo  to  say  to  yon  respecting  him,  what  I  saw  and  know  to  be 
true.  Throughout  the  engagement  he  was  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  His 
horse  was  shot  und(>r  him  in  two  jilaces,  neck  and  hip.  A  i>all  passed  through 
his  cap,  entering  tin;  front,  and  jiassing  out  at  the  back  part  ot  tiie  top.  An- 
other ball  i)assed  through  the  sle(;ve  of  the  bridli'-arm  of  his  coat.  This  was 
my  first  battle,  and  I  may  not  be  the  best  judge,  but  I  do  not  believe  that  any 
man  ever  displayed  more  intrepid  courage  than  Gen.  Clinch  did  on  this 
occasion.  At  one  moment  a  littlii  confusion  occurred  among  the  troojts,  in 
conse(|uenc(^  of  some  soldiers  giving  the  word  '■''Ilclircl"  Tlie  general 
iinmediat(^ly  threw  himself  in  front  of  the  men,  and  his  horse  staggering 
tuuler  him,  he  dismounted,  advaiu'ed  to  iIk-  front,  and,  amidst  a  sliower  ol 
bullets  from  the  Imbans,  said,  that  before  he  would  show  his  back  to  the 
•■nemy,  he  would  die  upon  the  field.  The  high  anil  chivalric  bearing  of  the 
general  kindie'd  among  the  men  an  enthusiii.'-m,  which,  I  believe,  was  never 
Hurpassed.  A  gallant  charge  followed,  which  routed  and  drove  the  enemy 
from  tilt!  field,  and  they  did  not  again  slu)W  themselves.  We  kept  the  field 
about  three  hours,  and  then  recrossed  the  river  in  good  order,  a?id  wilhoiif 
disturbance." 

The  next  events  which  occurred  were  not  of  so  much  moment  as  tlioso 
immediately  preceding  them  ;  but  it  is  our  duty  to  notice  idl,  which  we  will 
do  in  the  order  of  time. 

On  the  Vi  January,  "Col.  Parish,  at  the  head  of  200  mounted  volunteers, 
composed  of  tht^  cotnpanies  ()fCn\^\..1lston,  Ihlhtm;/,  ami  Caswell,  had  a  sharp 
encounter  with  a  large  body  of  Indians  near  Wetiunka,  in  Middle  I'lorida. 
'J'he  attack  conimenced  with  the  advanced  guaril  under  ('apt.  IMIamii,  who 
had  been  allowed  by  the  enemy  to  pass  their  main  boilv.  Gol.  Parish  mune- 
(liately  hasteru'd  forward  to  his  support,  when  suddenly  he  was  attacked  on 
both  flanks  !iy  'he  enemy  in  ambush.  The  volunteers  made  an  unsuccessfid 
attenijtt  t<.  charge  on  horsi'bai'k ;  they  weni  then  dismoiuited  and  formed  in 
admirable  order.  They  then  chargi'd  the  enemy  in  a  maimer  Worthy  of 
veteran:!.  In  the  mean  lime,  Capt.  Ucllamij.  having  routed  the  attacking  party 
oppose  1  to  him,  ti'll  ba<'k  on  the  main  body.  The  enemy  were  soon  fi)rced 
toli'!>e  shelter  in  •  .int  I  et.  My  this  time,  night  comnig  on,  it  was  not  thought 
prndont  to  follow  them,  where  the  localities  of  the  place  and  the  darkneBH 
would  have  gi\eii  them  gri-at  advantages.  Our  men  rested  on  tlieir  arms  in 
the  open  pine  woods,  prepared  to  renew  thi'  action  at  day-light;  but  during 
llie  nurht  the  savages  eflecied  their  retreat.  Their  loss  must  \\n\v  been  con- 
siderable, u»  six  dead  bodies  were  count)  d  in  one  part  of  the  field  of  battle. 


Cha 

Tw( 

safe 
The 

T 

ibis 

beci 

coni 

illte 

ti.e 

<le)i 

neif; 

havi 

wh 

ami 

the\ 

rntt 

the 

fioi 

the 

inos 
II 


killed  j 


tl  step 


Chap.  X,] 


CONGRESS.— BATTLE  OF  DUNLAWTON. 


85 


Two  (l!i.ys  alter,  Col.  Parish  inarelied  for  Fort  Kiu^,  and  arrived  there  in 
safety.  He  then  proeeedcd  to  PoweWs  [Osceola's]  town,  and  destroyed  it. 
The  voliniteor.s  then  returned  to  Fort  Drane." 

The  hest  o|)inion  ean  be  fonned  of  tiie  distress  of  the  people  of  Florida  at 
this  j)erio(!,  ii-oni  th(!  sufferers  themselves,  or  tho.se  nionieiitarilv  exjieetiug  to 
become  such.  On  the  IG  .Tanuary,  a'  newspaper  published  at  Tallahassee 
contained  as  follows; — "Since  the  engajiemeiit  on  the  WythlaeooelK.'c,  no 
intellii^ence  has  been  had  of  the  main  body  of  tho  Indians.  The  situation  of 
t!ie  inliabitanis  eiu«t  of  the  St.  John's  and  south  of  St.  Augustine,  is  truly 
dej)!oral)le.  New  Smyrna  has  be«!n  burnt,  and  all  the  fine  plantationB  in  that 
iiei<rhborhood  are  brok(Mi  U|).  Many  of  the  iiej^roes  have  been  carried  otT,  or 
have  joined  tho  savages.  The  Indians  are  dispersed  in  small  parties,  and 
when  jim'siied  they  take  refuge  in  tin;  thickets,  which  ahoimd  everj-  wliere, 
and  light  with  desperation,  until  they  are  di.'ad,  no  matter  by  what  numbers 
they  are  as.sailed.  It  is  literally  a  war  ol"  extermination,  and  no  lio])e  is 
entertained  of  putting  an  end  to  it,  l)Ut  by  the  most  vigorous  measures.  In 
the  mean  lime,  the  mimber  of  the' enemy  is  daily  increasing  by  desperadoes 
from  other  tribes,  and  aiiseonding  slaves.  The  Mickasooky  tribe  is  considered 
the  leading  [one]  of  the  Seminoles.  They  have  always  been  noted  as  tho 
most  ruthless  and  dcti'rmined  of  the  savage  race." 

]{ut  it  must  not  l»e  supfioscul,  that  tla;  measure  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
I'loridians  w.is  yet  full,  at  this  date  of  our  history,  nor  even  at  th(!  vc.'ry  writing 
iiereof,  ('iO.Iuly,)  although  the  whole  const  from  St.  Angustin(v  to  Cape  Florida 
is  in  tli(!  hands  ol'  the  Indian.s,  and  bus  remained  so  ever  since  the  11  l''ebru- 
ary.  Nevertheless,  nofliirig  seems  vet  to  have  occurred  sullicicntiy  nlarming 
to  awaken  the  sympatiiies  of  the  J  i  .m  >f  the  nation.  J5ut  on  the  DO  .lanuary, 
3Ir.  IVh'dc,  in  the  house  of  represe^-!:  "s,  asked  leave  to  introduce  the  fol- 
lowing resolution : — 

"  JJcsolved  by  the  senate  and  hous  ,  .resentnfives  of  the  I^nit(!d  States  of 

America,  in  Congress  as.send)li'd.  That  the  president  of  the  U.  Stales  1)0 
authorized  to  cause  rations  to  be  delivered  from  the  pul)lic  stores  to  tin; 
tmt'orluriati!  sullJ'rers  who  hav(!  lni'U  driven  from  their  homes  by  Indian 
depredations,  until  they  can  bt;  re-esta!>lished  in  their  possessions,  and  e'!able<l 
to  prociu'e  jirovisions  (or  the  sustenance  of  themselves  and  (iunilie^.'" 

This  resolution,  after  some  di'bate,  was  passi'd,  and  becMuie  a  law.  The 
notice  of  this  act  ot'eonifress-is  iii  anticipation  of  the  order  ol'(!V('iits  :  but  one 
thing  is  certain,  tiiit  if  I  have  noticed  congress  a  little  ])reniaturely,  th«y  have 
Jiot  committed  the  \\k*\J\tuU  in  noticing  the  afliiirs  ol'  Florida. 

Fpon  the  17  .laiuiary,  as  iimrirv  It'.  Rockkff  and  Jtnij  Jiuwers,  jiilots  in  tho*'" 
.sloop  IMIot,  of  i\Ios(piito,  were  proceeding  up  ilaliliix  Hiver.  and  when  nenrlf 
opposite  Mrs.  .'}iiil(rson\t  planlalion,  they  were  liicd   upon    liy   Indians,  alMftlt 
1(H)  in  number,  as  tlwy  judged,  wlr)  conlinued  their  tin-  about  a  nuarter  ofnlk 
hour.     They  overshot  the  men,  but  the  sail  and  rigging  of  their  vessel  wan- 
much  injured;  'W  bullets  ha\  ing  p.issed  through  the  mMins;iil, 

'J'be  next  day,  IH  January,  JMajor  Pidmnn,  who  was  at  the  head  of  tho 
independent  companv,  styled  the  St.  Augustine  Guards,  stationed  at  Mos- 
quito, i)roc('eded  to  !\lrs.  .Iiidirsnii's  planlalion,  lit  a  place  called  Dun  Lawlon, 
aboul  50  tniles  sonlh  of  Si.  .'\iigustine, 'on  tin-  llalilax  l{iv(  r,  u|)on  diseorory.- 
It  \\ ill  be  reniemb.'red  that  the  whole  of  the  Mosipirtii  coimtiy  uas  destroyed 
on  the '2(1  and 'i7  of  December,  as  we  have  before  related,  an.!  the  buildiTiga 
of  Mrs.  .'//K/rMfj/i  were  at  that  tini(^  bunied.  \\  bile  then-,  this  company,  com- 
po.-.ed  of  the  generous  nnil  spiriteil  young  men  of  St.  Augiisline,  joined  by  u 
ii'W  from  .Mosipiiio,  niaking  about  10  men,  was  !illaekeil  by  l.")()  Indians,  as 
WHS  .-.uppo^ed.  Mr.  dVo.  .'Inlirson  and  Mr.  Dmip^hts  Dvmiitil,  standing  on> 
guard,  saw  two  Indians  approaching,  upon  whom  they  tired,  killing  one  and* 
w<Minding  the  other.  Diimiiiit  ran  to  ihe  Ddleu  Indian,  iiiel  as  be  wmh  stoopitiir 
over  him,  receivcil  n  wound  in  the  back  of  the  neck.  .At  the  Jsarne  mr>m 'iit 
the  whol(!  bodj  of  the  Indians  rushed  out  of  a  scrub,  distant  a  little  inoro 
tli.iii  mu-ket  shot,  Mild  coniinenceil  a  liirious  att:ick  upon  'MVijor /'r'/m//;iN  men, 
who,  from  Iv^hind  the  fragments  and  broken  walls  of  the  burnl  buildings, 
gave  llie  Indiaii-^  a  warm  reception;  find  .-illlioii^ih  litit  10  in  niniilMT,  having 
CuverlM  fruiii  which  to  tight,  and  the  Iniiiuiia  beiii:;  in  o])en  Hpuce,  they  kept 


n 


80 


(M)NGRESS  AND  THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 


fnooK  IV. 


ChaJ 


tlioin  at  buy  for  nl)()iitnn  lir.  r.  Diiriiiir  this  fiim;  hut  one  lind  hocn  wouiulcd. 
The  Indians  nuw  cliar-icd  ihciii  wilii  siicli  ddti^niiiiicd  fury  upon  tlicir  Hunks, 
that  they  well!  ohii^ivd  to  (ly  to  llicir  boats,  which  w-rc  at  considcrahio 
distance  Ironi  the  shore,  and 'wen- rh)scly  iinrsiicil  hy  tho  Indians.  In  their 
hiHTV,  the  whites  rendered  all  their  <.nnis,  hut  one,  useless,  by  welting  them  ; 
with  this  one,  however,  they  fir(!(l  as  ollen  as  j)ossihle,  and  |»ushed  oH"  with 
en(!rgy ;  but  tlu!  water  heiiij,'  shallow  Cor  a  f;reat  distanee,  they  were  in  tin; 
most  imminent  daiifier  of  beinj,'  hoarded  by  the  numerous  Ind'ians;  in  such 
event,  every  man  nnist  have  jjurisiied.  However,  they  escaped  with  lit  badly 
wounded,  and  several  of  these  mortally.  One  boat  fell  into  tht!  hands  oi"  tiie 
Jndians,  in  which  wen?  eight  or  ten  men,  who  all  jumped  overboard  and 
escaped,  except  one,  a  Mr.  Edward  Gould,  who  swam  to  J'elican  Island,  and 
was  tli(!re  lell;  nor  was  it  in  the  power  of  the  others  to  relieve  him,  ihey 
being  pm-sued  iiy  the  Indians  in  the  boat  which  they  had  just  taken.  He  was 
iiol  Jieard  of  afterwards,  and  was  supposed  to  have  been  ilrowned  alh^rwards 
in  endeavoring  to  swim  from  the  island.  A  Mr.  Mttrk.i  swam  to  the  opposite 
beach,  au<I  escaped  to  l!uh)wville;  tho  others  wore  taken  into  the  boats  again. 

(ireat  (i-ars  having,  all  along,  been  entertained  tiiat  th(>  Seminoles  would 
be  aided  hy  (he  (^-ecks,  it  is  now  confidently  allirmed  that  at  least  1000  of 
them  iiave  gone  <lown  into  Floriila  for  that  end. 

Aliout  the  '20  .Uuniary,  Captain  Hoodcr,  on  the  lower  Snanee  River,  finding 
the  o|i|)osife  side  in  jiossession  of  the  Indians,  crossed  over  with  niut;  men  to 
attack  them.  As  they  lauded,  two  of  his  men  were  shot  down;  one  with 
Jiine  lialls,  the  other  with  live.  With  his  remaining  men  In;  (diarged  tho 
Italians  with  gr<'al  boldness.  In  the  mean  time  his  boat  got  adrift,  and  no 
other  alternative  was  lell  hwt  victory  or  death.  Afler  a  close  and  deadly  con- 
test of  souic  luiinites,  the  Indians  were  routed  with  severe  loss. 


I'J 


-^ifies" 


CHAPTER  XI. 

CoNr.nr.ss  mfil;i!!  mi  n/i/iropriiition  for  mrryiii'S  on  the  inir — TlorKnl.s  in  tin  Srnnt': 
nf  Ihr  I'nitvd  Sliitr.t  on  llir  irar  irilli  thr  .'Sniiinolrs — Dihoti  in  tlir  lionsr  of  n/ifc- 
scntdlirrti  on  thr  hill  for  /lie  relief  if  the  iiiluiliilnnts  if  h'loriiln — ,'lttiirl;  oh  .^iinir, 
('rrelis  iit  llrijiint's  I'errij — ticneral  (lirne.i's  eaniiiiiiirn  in  t'loridii — Fights  thr, 
Iniliiiiis  on  the  (hiithlnroorhce — llis  ronferi  nee  irith  Osckoi.a — licxions  his  eoni- 
miind,  and  Inires  the  eonnln/ — Cnjitain  Alli(*on's  skirmish — The  rhirf  (Jmii.y. 
Uii.i.v  /.///((/ — Sirire  of  t'limfi  Mrl.eoinre — tireitt  snffrrings  of  its  i;arrisnn — Dclic- 
ireil  hij  t'liii/iiin  liciul — J'hi  ehief  M  vn  Woi  K  sliiin. 

TowAHDs  the  clos:>  of  thc  preceding  chapter,  noticn  was  taken  of  the  delay 
in  <-ongress,  and  by  the  executive  of  the  nation,  to  agitate  the  subject  of  this 
war.  At  length  .Mr.  ffrltsUr  of  the  si'uate,  iVoin  the  committee  on  finance, 
ie|H)rteil,  without  amiMidment,  a  bill  making  further  ap|)i'oprialion  for  sup- 
pressing Jiostilities  with  the  Seminole  Indians,  and  asked  liir  its  immediati! 
consideratiini,  as  the  stale  of"  the  ccauUry  reipiired  its  passage  with  the  inmost 
tlospalcji.  T!  e  airaumt  of  the  a|)propri.ition  was  r)l)(),0()()  (lolliMs,  and  the  hill 
was  passed  atic''  some  explanatory  remarks;  which  remarks,  as  they  not  only 
set  the  atliiirs  of  tlu!  war  forth  as  they  were  known  in  Washington  at  that 
period,  but  disenVei"  to  us  something  by  which  we  can  judge?  who  has  been  in 
fault  there,  shall  here  be  laid  hi  fore  the  reader. 

"Mr.  rVrtiy  ^aid  he  should  be  glad  to  hear  ihe  conununications  from  the 
dopartmonts  read,  in  order  to  see  whether  they  gave  any  ai'count  of'  the 
cniiseK  of  this  war.  \o  doubt,  \u\  said,  whatever  may  have  been  the  causes, 
it  wai4  necfssary  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  itsell|  by  all  the  possible  mcaiin 
within  our  |M>wer.  Ihit  it  wnn  ii  condition,  altogether  without  precedent,  in 
wiiicli  the  country  was  now  [)lured.  A  war  was  raging  with  the  most  ran- 
coron.x  violence  within  our  borders;  congress  had  Iicen  in  session  nearly 
two  inontlis,  liining  which  time  this  conflict  was  raging ;  yet  of  the  causes  of 


Chap.  XI,] 


C;ONGRKSS  AND  THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 


87 


tlio  wur,  liow  it  wns  in'odiictMl,  iftlu!  iaultwiis  on  one  side  or  on  both  sidos, 
in  .sliort,  wlmt  luul  liglitod  np  tin;  torch,  conf^njsa  wiisj  altof^otlior  iininfornied, 
and  no  incjuiry  m>  tlus  snhjtfct  luul  hccn  niadt!  by  cither  Ijrandi  of  tlio  l«;fi;is- 
laturo.  lloKliould  be  glad,  iio  said,  if  tiie  rhainnan  of  tlio  coniinittce  on 
finance,  or  of  tin!  eoniiniltec  on  Jndialf  ailiiirs,  or  any  one  cIkc,  would  toll  him 
liow  this  war  had  burst  forth,  and  what  were  -its  causes,  and  to  whom  the 
blame  of  it  wa.s  to  bo  charged. 

"Mr.  Wthskr  i'c|)liod,  that  \w  could  not  giv<!  any  answer  to  the  senator 
from  Kentucky.  It  wasits  Miu(!h  a  matter  of  siu'prise  to  him,  as  to  any  one, 
that  no  olHcial  connnuiiicati*n  had  been  made  to  coiigre.'is  of  the  cau.ses  of 
the  war.  All  he  knew  on  the  siiliject  he  had  gathered  from  the  gaz(!ttes. 
The  communicutions  from  tlic!  dcipartments  s])ok(!  of  tin;  wur,  as  a  war  grow- 
ing out  of  th(\  relations  between  tlie  Indians  and  tin;  government  of  the  IJ. 
States,  and  gave;  no  reason  to  siiiiii'>'<e  that  it  luid  its  orii^in  in  any  (piarrel 
with  the  (citizens.  It  proliably  grew  out  of  the  fittcmp!.:  to  remove  these 
Indians  beyond  llie  ,'Missis.<i|t])i.  Aeconliiig  to  the  latest  !iceoiinis,  tlii;  country 
b(;t\ve(!n  'r.-dlnliassee  .'iiii!  St.  Auiiiistine  was  oNcrrun  liy  hustile  Iniliuns,  anti 
the  eommunieatioM  lutwrrii  tlinsi'  pliices  \\;is  intrriu|(ii'i'.  Tlic  view  tikciu 
b}  tin;  gentleman  from  Kentucky  was  undoubUully  llie  true  on(!.  Ihit  the 
war  rag(!S,  the  eiKuny  is  in  force,  and  tla;  accoinits  of  tiicir  r;ivages  ar«!  dis- 
astrous. The  executive!  govenunent  has  asked  fur  the  me. ins  of  supiiressiug 
\\\ivi)  JKtstilities,  and  it  was  entirely  proper  that  the  hill  should  pass. 

"Mr.  /r/(j7c  e.\[iressed  Ins  regret  that  Ik;  could  add  nothing  to  the  informa- 
tion given  on  this  subject.  Il(!  knc^w  nothing  of  the  cause  of  the  war,  if  it 
coHuni'uecil  ill  any  local  (piarrel  or  not.  It  was  iIk;  object  ol"  tin;  govermnent 
((I  reiiiovi"  these  Indians  to  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  he  was  apjire* 
hensi\c  that  iLo  ditliculty  had  arisen  out  of  this  measuiv.  11(!  h.-ul,  however, 
no  inforiiiatinn,  which  was  not  in  the  possession  of  (ivcu'y  other  senator,  lie 
was  for  the  bill. 

"i\lr.  Ifciilon  said  he  was  also  ignorant  of  the  causes  <if  the  war.  Some 
years  ago,  he  ,«aid,  he  was  a  mi'mluir  of  the  committee  on  Indian  afliiii-s.  At 
that  timi;  tlu'se  Indians  in  I'Miirida  wore,  in  a  stale  of  starvation  ;  tliev  would 
not  work,  and  it  was  necessary  tiiat  they  should  ]w  fed  by  the  'J.  States,  or 
they  must  subsist  on  the  jiliiiider  of  our  citizens.  These  Iiu'iaiis  are  a  very 
liad  tribe,  as  their  very  name  signilies,  the  word  Sim!)wlc,\\\  Indian,  being, 
'  (ri7(/  ninitii'itij  liullmis.''  They  were  theretiire  considered  a  bad  race.  Jt  was 
obviously  the  best  policy  to  remove  these  Indiiins  to  a  place  where  they  would 
b(!  able  to  obtain  plenty." 

When  tlie  bill  liir  t  lie  relief  of  the  distri'ssed  iiiliabitaiitsofl''lorida  was  before 
the  house  of  represi'iitatives,  which  was  noticed  in  our  last  chapter,  the  follow- 
ing iiileresting  debate  arose  upon  it,  which  shall  be  laid  before  the  reader,  for 
the  s:ime  reiii-oiis  which  caused  the  remarks  in  the  scuiate  to  be  given  above. 

"The  resohiliiMi  h.'iving  been  twice  read,  the  house,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
if'liiti,  agreed  to  consider  it  now. 

"  .Mr.  If.  said  that  he  would  not  occMi|)y  tin-  time  of  tin'  house  further  than 
to  say,  tiiat  in  I'.ast  I'Moriela,  live  huinlred  liimilies  were  driven  li-oin  tliiiir 
Iionies,  and  had  hail  ihiir  possessions  ilestroyed  in  tlu;  progress  of  a  war, 
which  had  conimiMiced  in  i-oiisei|ueiice  of  relations  between  the  Indians  and 
this  goveriinunt,  and  with  which  the  snlli-riiig  inhabitants  ol'  that  country 
have  had  nothing  to  do. 

"Alipropriatioii^;  had  trecpiently  been  made  to  succor  Indians  when  in  cir- 
ciimslaiii-i's  ol"  distress,  and  lie  hoped  that  no  meinber  of  the  house  would 
objeci  to  tlie  adoption  of  the  resohitiini  fir  the  succor  ol"oiir  own  citizens. 

".Mr.  (Imiiixrr  of  XfW  ^  ork  rose  and  said, — Mr.  Speaker,  in  the  little 
observation  I  have  had  of  men  and  things,  I  liav<;  learned  that  precedent  is 
ollcn  used  to  restrain  our  generous  impulses,  but  seldom  to  impel  us  to  gen- 
erous action.  In  the  little  time  I  have  been  here,  I  have  not  been  so  much 
gratifn'd  with  any  thing  that  has  oc<'urred,  as  I  have  at  tic  prompt  muiiner  in 
\\hieli  this  hoii--.' has  stepped  (iirward  to  pio\ ide  means  fur  earryiii!,' on  the 
war  in  I'Morida.  Whilst  we  have  been  without  any  official  infirmatioii  fi-oi.i 
the  e.\"Ciiti\e  depaitiiient  of"  government — uhiht  the  newspa]iers  have  been 
Jiciciissing  the  iiuestioii,  whether  censure  should  rest  upon  one  of  the  d<>part- 


8^ 


FUaiT  AT  RRVANT'S   FERRY. 


[nooK  IV'. 


JMi'iiN,  or  iijiciii  ilio  conmiiimliiig  oflicer  in  Florida,  tliis  house  and  tlio  other 
Lraiicli  di"  i!ic  li'iiislaliin;  have  s"tf|i|t('d  lorwanl  to  sustain  tliia  war,  altliough 
111)  rciini.-^ilion  lias  hvvAi  niadi!  hy  tliu  cliiuf  magistrate  ot"  the  nation.  Sir,  I 
rL'Joicc  that  they  liavo  done  so. 

"  .Mr.  Cunihn'hng  rosi;  to  explain,  and  Mr.  Granger  yielded  the  floor. 

"Mr.  Camhrehng  said,  that  gnat  injustice  had  heen  done  in  the  newsjjapoj-g 
to  the  conduct  pursued  hy  tiie  departments.  The  conunittee  of  ways  and 
means  had  been  furnished  with  the  first  comnumication  on  which  they  acted 
by  the  secretin-y  of  war.  They  ne.\t  day  received  a  second  comniutiicatioa 
with  all  the  documents  relating  to  the  Indian  war,  and  which  contuined  all 
the  information  that  wiw  reipiisite.  The  documents  had  not  gone  forth  to  the 
puhlic — which  was  an  cAtraonlinary  circumstance.  They  certainly  wen;  sent 
ny  the  committee  to  this  house,  and  o  ght  to  have  accompanied  the  hill  and 
be(!n  printed  and  sent  to  tin;  senate.  If  they  had,  the  erroneous  impression  as 
to  the  remi.'<sness  of  the  department,  or  the  executive,  would  not  have  gone 
into  the  ne\vs|)apers.  It  wius  not  the  fault  of  the  executive,  or  of  the  committee 
on  ways  and  means,  that  tliis  had  not  been  done. 

"Mr.  (iraiia;er  resumed.  If  the  gentleman  had  listened  to  me  a  little  longer, 
he  would  have  <lisci)vered  that  I  intended  no  censure  on  this  executive  ;  but  as 
he  has  chosen  to  challenge  me  to  speak,  I  do  say  that  the  history  of  this  nation 
pan  present  nothing  like  the  silence  which  has  existed  on  this  subject.  I  do 
say  that  whilst  this  hull  has  been  ringing  with  ])laudits  upon  one  ndministra- 
tion,  and  whilst  we  have  been  called  upon  day  aller  day  to  himt  up  the 
bones  of  <lead  (|uurrels  here — whilst  your  settlements  have  been  laid  waste 
and  desolate,  no  comnumication  has  been  made  to  this  house  as  u  branch  of 
the  government.  Whatever  information  you  have,  even  ujjon  the  gentleman's 
own  showing,  is  a  letter  i'win  the  secretary  of  war  to  the  chairman  of  the 
connnittct!  of  ways  and  means. 

"  Mr.  Cavibrekiig,    That  letter  contained  all  that  was  necessary. 

"Mr.  Granger  contimied  :  Sir,  I  repeat  that,  with  a  war  known  to  exist  in 
this  country,  we  have  been  occupied  in  hunting  up  the  jiossibility,  not  (ndy 
of  a  war  which  might  take  j)lace  hereafter  with  a  Ibreign  nation,  but  also  to 
di.-<cover  w  hether  a  war  was  last  year  likely  to  have  existed. 

"  We  have  war  enough  upon  our  hands  to  take  care  of.  The  war-cry  is  up 
in  the  woods;  the  tomahawk  glitters  in  th(\  sunbeam;  the  scalping-knile  is 
m-ged  to  its  cruel  duty ;  the  ilower  of  your  chivalry  is  strewed  along  the  plain, 
uiul  yet  every  dei)artment  of  this  administration  is  us  dumb  us  the  bleeding 
victims  of  this  inglorious  contest. 

"Ill  legislating  for  a  siill'ering  peojile,  I  want  no  ])recedent  but  that  which 
my  t'n  ator  has  implanted  in  my  bosom.  I  do  not  believe  that  we  stand  here 
with  the  sympatliies  of  our  natiue  chilled  and  fro/.en  by  the  mere  force  of  the 
oath  wliicii  wo.  have  taken;  I  do  not  believe  that  om-  duty  ri'qiiires  that  we 
should  be  thus  chilled  and  fi()/(>n.  I  believ(!  that  the  existence  of  this  govern- 
ment dept'Mils  upon  its  extending  its  fostering  hand  to  the  ind'ortunute  when- 
ever it  <'au  be  (hnie  within  the  limits  of  the  constitution.  Especially  slioidd 
this  be  tile  case,  where  the  suflercrs  reside  within  a  territory,  and  have  no 
state  government  to  which  they  can  look  for  succor. 

".'^iich  is  the  true  ciunve  to  he  pni-sued  in  this  nation;  and  then  oiu'  jieople 
will  ferl  that  they  are  indeed  mendiers  of  one  connnon  family,  and  that, 
whilst  they  bear  e(|ual  burdens,  they  are  the  equal  recipients  ot  the  bounty 
and  protection  of  the  government. 

"On  nioti(;:i  of  Mr.  Ifhilr,  the  resolution  was  rend  a  third  time  and  jiassed." 

We  have  now  to  return  to  ihi^  recital  of  warlike  operations.  Alxiut  the 
middle  of  January,  great  alarm  spread  through  the  conlines  of  (Jeorgia,  that 
the  Creek  Indians  were  imbodyiiig  in  various  parts  of  their  cotintry,  antl  the 
utmost  eonst.ernniion  |irevailed.  On  the  '.2.')  .(anuary,  it  being  rei)orted  at 
Colnnilius,  that  the  Indians  were  in  force  at  Ibyant's  Ferry,  I.'j  miles  below 
that  place,  a  company  of  whins,  consisting  ol  about  '20  or  !K)  men,  under 
Captain  (I'al.soit,  inaiclied  ilnwn  upon  discovery.  They  discovered  HO  or  10 
Indians,  some  oi'whojn  had  rilles,  but  if  does  not  a|)pear  that  they  bad  doni', 
or  int.'iided,  any  miscbiif.  However,  (he  wliites  pursued  them,  and  |>retty 
M(on  a  tiring  coHimenced,  and,  though  ot"  slmrt  duration,  two  wcii- killed  ou 


ei 
tl 

( 

c 


Chap.  XI.] 


GAINES'S  SEMINOLE   CAMPAIGN. 


89 


IV. 


Sir,  I 


eacli  side,  and  tlio  wliitcs  were  driven  from  tlie  ground,  having  several  of 
their  nunihcr  wounded. 

The  next  operations  of  importance  were  those  hetween  the  forces  under 
General  Guinea  and  Osceola,  and  upon  the  memorable  Ouithlecoochee.  Gen- 
eral Gaines  was  upon  a  tour  of  inspection  and  duty,  when  he  first  learned  that 
serious  disturhances  liad  occurred  between  the  wliites  and  Seniinoles.  Thif 
was  about  tlie  15  January,  and  the  general  was  amved  at  New  Orleans.  His 
previous  head-quarters  had  been  at  Memphis,  in  Tennessee.  He  tlierefon; 
called  on  tlie  governor  of  Louisiana,  to  have  a  body  of  volunteers  in  readiiu^ss 
for  military  service,  and  set  out  himself  immediately  for  the  scene  of  hostilities. 
At  Pensacola  he  found  some  vessels  of  war,  under  Commodores  Dallas  and 
Bolton,  and  Captain  IVebb,  who  had  already  commenced  operations  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Tampa  Bay,  and  other  adjacent  inlets.  Colonel  Twiggs  had 
been  ordered  to  receive  into  service  eight  companies  of  volunteers,  to  he  raised 
by  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  and  the  regular  force  at  Baton  Rouge,  New 
Orleans,  and  other  stations  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  New  Orleans,  and  to 
hold  himself  in  readiness  for  a  movement  towards  Tampa.  Tiiis  force  con- 
sisted of  about  1100  men. 

That  no  time  should  be  lost,  General  Gaines  returned  immediately  to  New 
Orleans  (about '^(i  .raiiiiary),  and,  on  the  4  February,  was  under  way  again  for 
Florida,  with  his  ibrees  organized.  He  arrived  at  Tanijia,  with  his  forces,  in 
three  steam-boats,  on  the  Uth,  and,  on  the  Kkh  began  to  proceed  into  tlie  In- 
dian country.  His  first  movenicpt  was  to  the  east,  on  the  Alafia  River,  having 
imder.stood  there  had  hetm  a  fight  in  that  direction,  near  Fort  Brooke,  between 
the  hostile  and  friendly  Indians ;  but  afler  two  days,  no  enemy  being  discov- 
ered, th(!  line  of  march  was  alKired  for  J'^ort  King.  General  Gaines's  army  had 
but  ten  days'  rations;  but,  by  advices,  ho  was  assured  that  tliere  was  jilenty  at 
Fort  King. 

On  the  90  Febniaiy,  the  army  jiassed  Major  Dade's  fntnl  field,  on  which 
was  found  10(i  men,  all  of  whom  they  decently  interred.  All  the  officers  who 
f(!ll  in  that  disastrous  fight  were  identified,  aiul,  what  was  very  reinarkaiile, 
every  man  was  accoiint(;d  for ;  but  what  struck  ev«',ry  one  with  the  greatest 
surprise,  was,  that  the  dtiad  were  in  no  instance  pillaged ;  articles  the  most 
esteemed  by  savages  were  untouched ;  the  officers'  bosom-pins  remained  in 
their  places ;  their  watches  were  tbiuul  in  their  pockets,  niul  money,  in  silver 
and  gold,  was  left  to  d(!cay  with  it«  owner, — a  lesson  to  all  the  world — a  testi- 
mony that  th(>  Indians  are  not  fijjiiting  for  plunder! — nay,  they  are  fighting 
for  their  rights,  their  country,  their  homes,  their  very  existence  !  The  arms 
and  aiumunition  were  all  that  had  lieen  taken,  except  the  unifonn  coat  of 
Major  Dade. 

On  the  2'2  I'^ibruary,  the  army  arrived  at  Fort  King,  much  to  the  agreeable 
surjiriseof  the  garrison,  which  it  had  been  re[torted  was  cut  off  by  the  Indians. 
Owing  to  the  fountry's  being  in  jiossessioii  of  tht;  Indians,  no  sup|»lies  had 
arrived  ;  and,  the  ne.xt  day,  a  troop  of  hon?<!  was  despatciied  to  Fort  Draiie, 
(29  iniU's  north-west,)  in  hopes  to  obtain  fiirther  supplies.  They  nitumed  the 
2\,  but  with  only  .seven  days'  additional  rations.  To  this  they  added  two  days' 
more  at  Fort  King.  The  general  scarcely  knew  what  course  next  to  take ;  but 
he  finally  eoncliKhid  to  move  down  the  Ouithlei;oochee,  over  (Jenerul  Clinch's 
battle-ground,  and  so  to  Tam|m,  thinking  such  u  route  might  bring  him  in 
contact  with  the  main  body  of  the  Indians.  Accordingly  the  iirniy  moved,  im 
the  2<ilh,  from  Fort  King, "and,  at  two  o'clock  on  t/ie  27th,  arriverf  at  General 
Clinch's  crossing-place.  Here,  while  examining  and  sounding  the  river,  the 
Indians  fired  u|K)n  fheni,  and  set  uj)  d  fierce  war-cry  ;  but  their  nuiifbeiy  w.'re 
not  sufficient  U>  make  any  material  impression,  althougli  they  continued  iIk; 
fight  for  about  half  an  hour.  'I  he  whites  lost  one  killed,  and  eight  wounded. 
On  the  2Hth,  the  ami}-,  having  resumed  its  march,  was  again  attacked,  about 
two  miles  from  its  former  position,  and  a  lire  was  ke[)t  up  about  half  of  ttir 
day.  At  the  commtMcenK.'nt  of  tlie  action.  Lieutenant  Izard,  of  the  I'liiti  d 
folates  dragoons,  lell,  mortally  wounded.  In  the  course  of  the  fight,  anotle  c 
was  killed,  and  two  woiuided.  In  the  evening,  express  was  sent  to  Foil 
Drane,  with  directions  for  the  commanding  ollicer  to  marcli  down  with  a 
force  upon  tlie  opposite  side  of  thu  Ouitlilecoochuu,  and  tints  come  upon  the 
8« 


1 


JO 


GAINES'S  SEMINOLE  CAMPAIGN. 


[Book  IV. 


rear  of  the  Indians  ;  which  movement,  should  it  succeed,  it  was  hoped,  would 
finisli  the  war. 

Oil  tlie  morning  of  the  2yth,  no  Indians  were  to  l)e  seen ;  but  tiie  general  did 
not  relax  his  i)rfcautions.  A  party  was  preparing  timber  and  canoes  for  cross- 
ing the  river,  when,  about  L)  o'clock,  they  were  sharply  fired  upon,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  tlie  cni.'ampment  was  attacked  upon  every  side,  but  that  towards 
the  river.  TJie  Indians  now  seemed  in  great  force,  (12  or  1500,  as  was  supposed,) 
having  been  colle<;ting,  from  all  (|uartei-s,  since  the  fight  on  the  jjrevious  day. 
They  continued  the  contest  two  hours,  in  which  time  one  man  was  killed  and 
33  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  the  general  himself, — a  rifle  ball  having 
passed  through  his  lower  lip,  knocked  out  one  tooth,  and  tlamaged  two  others. 
When  it  was  found  that  the  general  was  woimded,  his  companions  expressed 
much  regret ;  but  he  talked  of  it  as  a  matter  of  small  moment ;  said  "  it  was 
very  unkind  in  the  rascals  to  take  away  a  tooth  which  he  valued  so  highly." 

On  reconnoitcring  the  enemy's  ground,  after  he  had  fled,  Gaines's  men  i'ouml 
one  of  their  dead,  which  had  been  draggetl  a  considerable  distance  and  left 
unburied,  from  which  circumstance  they  conjectured  he  had  fled  in  haste. 
His  rifle  had  been  taken  away,  but  he  was  found  to  be  well  provided  witli 
ammunition,  having  plenty  of  |)owder  and  sixty  bullets.  The  place  of  this' 
attack  Gauics  called  Camp  Izard. 

The  flight  of  the  Indians  was  no  secin-ity  for  their  not  appearing  again  ;  for, 
on  the  2d  of  March,  they  returned,  and  conunenced  pouring  in  their  shot  u])ou 
the  whites,  which,  at  intervals,  tlx'y  contiimed  to  do  until  the  5th.  Meantime 
all  of  their  i)rovisions  were  exhausted,  and  they  began  the  slaughter  of  their 
hoi"ses  to  sustain  life.  But  it  is  said  that,  during  all  this  time,  no  one  was  heard 
to  murmur  or  complain. 

On  the  night  of  the  5t!i,  about  10  o'clock,  a  call  was  heard  from  the  woods, 
and  some  one  requested  a  pai;ley.  On  the  oflicer  of  the  guard's  demanding  what 
was  wanted,  it  was  answered  tiiat  the  Indians  were  tiretl  of  fighting,  and  wished 
for  peace.  The  gent.'ral  ordered  the  oflicer  of  the  guard  to  answer,  that  if  the  In- 
dians wished  to  treat,  to  send  a  messenger  the  next  morning,  with  a  white  flag, 
and  he  should  come  and  go  in  safety.  He  replied,  "very  well,"  and  ailded  tliat 
"  he  desired  to  have  a  friiuidly  talk,  and  to  shake  hands."  Accordingly,  on  the 
morning  of  the  Gth,  about  3ro  Indians  filed  out  from  the  river,  and  took  a 
position  hi  the  rear  of  the  ^vhitcs,  about  500  yards  off*.  They  expected  nothing 
now  but  a  most  blocrly  contest,  supposing  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  to  bo 
concealed  hi  a  neighi)()ring  hammock.  IJoth  parties  remained  a  short  time  in 
suspense,  each  iloubting  what  the  other  would  di  At  length,  one  or  two 
advanced  within  hailing  distance,  and,  being  joined  with  othere,  repeated  what 
liad  been  said  the  night  bi;for(>.  The  general  now  sent  out  to  them  a  statT 
oflicer,  and  they  told  hiiu  they  did  not  wish  to  fight  any  more,  but  re(iuested 
that  the  army  should  withdraw  Ironi  the  Ouithlecoochec.  Osceola  was  at  the 
head  of  the  Indian  deputation.  AV'htm  the  officer  who  had  met  the  Iniliaus 
rcport(,'(l  this  talk  to  Haines,  he  ordered  him  to  return  to  Osceo/rt,  and  to  infoi-ui 
him,  iii  the  plainest  terms,  that  they  would  be  subdued,  that  a  large  force  was 
on  tiie  way  into  their  country,  and  that,  unless  they  submitted,  every  Indian 
found  in  arms  would  be  shot.  \Vh(Mi  this  wits  communicated  to  the  [ndian.s, 
they  said  they  would  go  and  hold  a  council,  and  would  meet  them  again  in  the 
afternoon.  Tiie  uuM'tiiig  in  tlie  afternoon,  accordingly,  took  place,  and  the 
Indians  urged  what  tin  y  had  said  in  the  morning,  and  added  that  they  hail 
lost  many  of  tlieir  men  liy  tloatji  and  wounds,  and  were  tiii'd  of  the  war;  but 
as  their  governor  (as  tiiey  styled  Mkanopi/)  was  not  there,  they  must  first  con- 
sult him,  and  asked  to  have  the  war  suspended  until  he  could  be  consulted. 
They  were  told  that  if  th(!y  wou'il  cease  Ironi  acts  of  hostility,  go  south  of  the 
Onithlacoochee,  ami  attend  a  eouiieil  when  called  upon  by  the  United  States 
commissioners,  they  should  not  be  molested.  This  thoy  agreed  to,  and,  at  the 
same  moment,  (Jmc  nil  Clinrh  came  ujmn  the  main  b()dy  of  the  Indians,  and 
they  all  fled  with  lUr.  utmost  |ireeipiUition,  probably  concluding  this  was  a 
stratagem  which  the  whites  had  prepar<!d  to  cut  them  off.  Clinch  came  with 
500  men  and  supplies,  wliieh  was  doubtless  more  agreeable  to  the  starving 
army,  than  even  a  treaty  with  Osrcnla. 

The  Indians  seem  to  have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  condition  of  Gen- 


Chap.  XI.] 


SIEGE  OP  CAMP  MLEMORE. 


01 


eral  Gaines's  army ;  for,  during  tbe  interview  with  Osceola,  lie  nsked  liow  tliey 
were  off"  for  provisions,  and  wlien  they  told  4iim  they  liad  enough,  ho  siiook  liis 
head,  saying,  "  It  is  not  so ;  you  liave  nothing  to  cat ;  but,  if  you  will  eoiiio  over 
the  river,  I  will  give  you  two  beeves,  and  some  brandy."  It  is  therctbi"C 
surprising  that  he  should  have  been  now  asking  for  ])eace.  It  shows,  however, 
that  he  was  well  aware  of  the  hopelessness  of  his  case  ;  and,  altlioiigh  he  was 
able  to  deal  with  General  Gaines,  he  early  knew  of  tlie  approaeh  of  Gimeral 
Clinch,  and  it  was,  probably,  on  his  gaining  that  knowledge,  that  lie  concluded 
to  see  what  kind  of  terms  could  be  got  of  the  whites,  as  the  aifairs  of  war 
then  stood. 

General  Gaines,  having  transferred  his  eonjinand  to  General  Clinch,  left  for 
New  Orleans  about  the  9  March,  and  General  Clinch  proceeded  with  his 
united  forces  to  Tort  Drane.  A  negro  spy,  who  had  been  sent  among  the 
hostile  Indians,  from  Camp  Izard,  soon  after  returned,  and  eoiifiruK'd  the 
peaceable  intentions  of  tiie  chiefs:  tliey  told  him,  tiiat  in  tiieir  various  skir- 
iiiislies  with  General  Gaines  on  tiie  Ouitlilacooche  tliey  liad  k^^t  30  men.  Of 
tiie  whites  but  5  were  killed,  and  l!0  wounded.  It  is  rather  uncommon  that 
there  should  be  so  great  a  dis|)ropoition  between  the  slain  of  the  parties,  when 
it  is  considered  that  the  Indians  almost  always  Ibiiglit  from  coverts. 

On  the  9  March,  Captain  Mlison  of  the  Florida  volunteers  had  a  skirmish 
near  his  camp,  not  far  lioin  Fort  Brooke.  He  routed  the  Indians,  whom  ho 
judged  to  be  a  thousand  strong,  and  took  considerable  plunder.  Hence,  not- 
withstanding the  Indians  were  sui)pose{l  to  desire  peace,  skirmishes  continued. 
And  on  the  ^3  March,  a  company  of  volunteers  were  attacked  about  six  miles 
ii'om  Volusia,  in  wliicli  the  whites  lost  tlinie  men  killed,  and  six  wounded,  and 
the  Indians  five  or  six.  Among  the  latter  was  their  chief,  called  Oiichce  Billy,  or 
Bill}!  Hicks.    He  was  found  the  day  alter  the  light,  concealed  in  some  brush. 

About  the  5  April,  Major  McLemorc,  by  order  of  General  ScoU,  took  a 
position  on  the  Ouithlacooehee,  and  erected  a  block-house,  which  was  called 
Camp  McLcmore.  H(!re,  about  40  men,  far  removed  into  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  counlrv,  were  to  remain  until  relieved  by  the  General,  or  Major 
McLemorc,  who,  it  si-ems,  alter  establishing  tli(!  post,  immediately  left  it. 
This  small  force  seems  to  have  arrived  here  at  u  most  fortunate;  time,  for  it 
was  nine  days  before  they  were  discovered  by  the  Indians,  and  during  this 
period  they  had  completed  a  block-house  for  their  protection. 

It  is  scarcely  to  be  credited  that  this  little  company  of  men,  sent  liere  by 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  should  bo  lelt  without  the  means  of 
escape  in  extremity  of  circumstances,  and  no  way  kept  open  by  which  their 
situation  from  time  to  time  might  be  known ;  such,  however,  was  the  case,  and 
for  about  six  weeks  nothing  was  heard  of  them.  They  had  not  been  providtjd 
witii  provisions  for  more  than  two  weeks,  and  it  was  the  general  impression 
of  every  one  that  they  had  all  peri^^hed  by  famine  or  the  hands  of  the 
Indians. 

The  following  account  of  the  siege  of  Camp  McLeinore  by  Dr.  Lawrence, 
surgeon  thereat  the  time,  shall  be  given  in  his  own  words: — "We  had  just 
completed  building  the  block-house,  and  dug  out  a  spring  near  the  edge  of  the 
fort,  when,  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  April,  at  u  little  before  dawn  of  day, 
we  were  attacked  by  the  Indians,  who  had  eiiconii)assed  us  on  three  sides,  and 
were  in  number  about  1.10  or  200.  The  engagement  lasted  one  hour  and 
three  quarters,  when  they  found  out,  to  their  sorrow,  that  our  reception  was 
not  only  too  warm,  but  that  they  had  ventured  too  near  us  without  due  reflec- 
tion. On  the  next  day,  we  had  one  man  killed  on  his  post  by  an  Indian  rifle, 
fired  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  On  the  15  April,  we  were  attacked 
by  a  body  of  the  savages  who  had  completely  surrounded  us,  and  whoso  num- 
ber we  computed  at  4  to  500,  though  we  have  since  heard  that  Powell  had 
1000  to  1500  of  them.  This  was  the  hottest  engagement  we  had  during  our 
stay  on  the  Ouithlacooehee.  They  fired  their  guns  by  hundreds  at  the  same 
moment  at  our  block-house,  and  succeeded  in  taking  our  only  moans  of 
escape,  our  boat — which  they  took  down  the  river  and  destroyed  afler  the 
battle.  The  engagement  continued  two  hours  and  45  minutes,  and  we  had 
three  men  slightly  wounded. 

"  On  tlie  24tli,  we  hud  a  very  severe  battle,  ii>  which  they  disj)Iayed  their 


92 


DEATH  OF  MAD  WOLF. 


fHooK  IV. 


ingenuity  by  shooting  fire-arrows  on  fire  upon  tlio  roof  of  the  house,  which 
destroyed  tlie  roof  and  loll  us  ex|)Oscd  to  th(!  iiicleinency  of  the  weatlier. 
This  urrow-tiring  was  porfonnnl  hy  2(i  of  tlieir  uum,  whilHt  about  \i  to  500 
used  tlieir  guns.  We  had,  on  this  occasion,  two  or  three  of  our  men  woun<led. 
We  proltably  killed  40  or  oO  of  the  Indians.  Tlie  iiiglit  after  tlit;  l)attlc,  we 
heard  tiicir  chici"  liail  us,  and  say,  "  tliat  Ik;  was  going  away  in  the  morning, 
and  woukl  troubU;  us  no  more."  He  ke|)t  his  promise  very  well,  though  he 
did  give  us  about  100  guns  the  n(!.\t  morning,  em  lie  lell.  Our  captain.  Hollo- 
man,  was  killed  on  the  3  May,  whilst  endeavoring  to  fortify  and  strengthen 
our  position.  The  Indians  continued  to  give  us  u  passing  shot,  from  50  to 
100  guns,  every  rive  or  six  days,  though  he  kejit  a  spy  upon  us  at  other  times. 
The  otlicers  were  '21  days  living  on  corn,  without  salt  or  meat,  and  the  men 
about  26  days." 

it  ajipears  that  tlie  great  danger  of  ascending  the  Ouithlacoochec,  together 
with  the  known  circumstances  of  the  garrison,  had  fixed  in  the  minds  of  all 
those  who  wi.re  able  to  lend  them  aid,  that  tla^  had  been  cut  ori";  and  there- 
fore, to  hazard  any  thing  to  clear  up  this  extremely  doid)tfid  c.ise,  was  con- 
sidered next  to  crime  itself.  At  length,  the  poor  distressed  handful  at  Camp 
McLemnre,  Ibund  among  tlieir  nund)er,  three  that  would  venture  out  for 
succor,  anil  th<>y  arrived  at  Tallahassee  in  a  canoe,  about  the  l(i  April.  This 
circumstance,  in  all  |)n)bability,  ])roved  the  safi-ty  of  their  fellows,  as  well  as 
themselves.  A  company  was  madi;  up  at  St.  Marks,  and  under  Captain  Leigh 
Read,  procee<led  in  a  steam-boat  for  llu;  Ouithlacoochec  on  the  22  April,  and 
on  the  24  took  olf  the  garrison  without  the  loss  of  u  man. 

Whil(!  these  alliiirs  were  being  transacted  on  the  Ouithlacoochec,  a  consid- 
erable three  marched  liom  V^^lnsia  to  a  point  on  the  Oklawahu  River,  distant 
30  miles,  on  their  way  to  Fort  Ihooke.  Tla;  river  being  higher  than  usual, 
the  force  was  obliged  to  hajt  to  build  a  bridge  for  the  passage  of  their  caiuum 
and  baggage  wagon.s.  On  the  opposite  side  of  ti  lake,  on  the  lell  of  the 
detachment,  two  tires  were  soon  discovered,  which  it  was  supjiosed  were 
made  as  signals  by  two  parties  of  Iiulians.  Colonel  Jiuller  immediately  pro- 
ceiided  to  cross  over  the  river  with  his  battidion,  and  when  he  had  marched 
about  three  miles,  some  Indians  were  discovered  and  pursued  by  the  advanced 
gtutrd.  General  Joseph  Shellon  was  of  Jiulkr^s  |)arty,  who,  being  ahead  of  the 
advanced  guard,  charged  upon  one  of  the  Indians,  who  was  in  the  rear  of  the 
retr(;ating  party.  At  about  25  paces  from  him,  the  Indian  turned,  and  they 
both  levelled  their  riHes — Shelton  fired  first,  and  mortally  wounded  the  Indian 
in  the  neck,  who  then  endeavored  to  make  his  escape.  Shelton  dropped  his 
gun,  and  rushed  on  him  with  his  |)istol,  which  missed  fire  at  five  or  si.v 
paces  fnun  him.  The  Indian  now  turned  and  shot  Sheltoji  in  the  hip,  and 
at  the  same  moment  another  white  came  up  ami  shot  the  Indian  in  the  back, 
and  ho  was  inunediately  despatched.  The  ball  which  entered  Slicllori's  hip 
passed  round  near  the  spine,  and  was  cut  out,  and  he  was  recovering. 

1  have  been  particular  in  detailing  this  afhiir,  as  the  Indian  who  fell  in  it, 
proved  to  be  a  chief  of  distinction,  known  among  the  whites  by  the  name  of 
iMad  Wofk,  which  was  the  English  signification  of  his  name.  In  Indian  it 
was  KoHAHAJO.  He  was  of  Micanopjfs  tribe,  and  had  imder  him  40  or  50 
warriors,  and  was  probably  one  of  the  leaders  on  the  Ouithlacoochec,  who 
l)i'set  General  Gaines  so  long.  His  name  wtus  given  in  among  them  by  Black 
Dirt,  as  Coahaijo.  It  is  also  to  the  tr(!aty  of  Payne's  Landing,  and  he  was 
one  of  the  Indian  deputation  who  visited  the  country  west  of  the  Mississippi 
afterwards. 

The  iHJXt  day  after  Kohahajo  was  killed.  Colonel  Builtr  and  Goodwin,  with 
a  battalion  of  mounted  men,  were  sent  to  reconnoitre  I'ilaklikaha,  the  resi- 
dence of  Jimyjer  and  JJIicano/>;y.  When  they  had  proceeded  about  six  miles, 
their  advanced  guard  received  a  sharp  fire  from  a  hammock  on  the  left,  but 
were  soon  dislodged  by  a  charge  from  the  main  body.  Two  of  the  whites 
were  badly  wounded,  one  horse  killed,  and  four  woundcMl.  After  another 
consi<lerable  swamp-fight,  in  which  several  were  wounded,  the  army  i)ro- 
ceeded  to  the  Indian  town,  but  it  had  been  deserted  tor  a  long  time.  They 
burnt  it,  and  then  proceedetl  to  Fort  lirooke. 

An  officer  in  General  ScoWs  army  at  Tampa  wrote  on  tlie  15  April : — "  All 


ClIAP.XIl] 


rUEEK  WAR. 


93 


the  militia  will  lefivo  uh  hy  iIm;  '20  Mnj ,  niid  tho  rof,'iilars  will  go  into  siininior 
(luurters  at  this  iilaci.-,  Key  \V(!,st,  Volusia,  MoHijiiito,  and  one  or  two  more 
posts  ut  tli(!  soiitli.  VVitlioiit  tlu!  greatest  good  luek  nothing  will  be  done  this 
summer,  and  the  war  must  he  renewed  in  the  autumn." 

Ahout  th(s  timi!  General  Gaines  IvAl  Fort  Draine,  General  Scott  arrived 
there,  with  instrnctions  to  lussmne  the  chief  eonunand  of  the  forces  in  Florida, 
Since;  that  time  the  operations  have  been  of  not  much  ininortance.  About 
the  520  March,  Captain  Hitchcock  communicated  the  following  valuable 
information  resp(;cting  the  hostile  Indians,  wlii('h  was  given  Jiim  by  the 
friisndly  chiclj  lilack  Dirt,  whose  Indian  name  is  Tuck-aluster  IIarjo.  lie 
says  that  in  tiic  tights  with  Gtuieral  Gaines  were  tlics  following  chiefs  and 
warriors,  viz.: — .Iumi-er  with  .'JO,  AfssuiioLA  [Osceola]  with  7,  Allburtu- 
iiARjo  with  .'30,  Jaiiuarto  Cuek  with  30,  Carchar  Tosknusk  {Mecosnkee) 
witli  470,  MECAiNoi'  (;t/incipal  chief)  with  dO,  Auram  {JVcgro)  with  80,  Weea 
Flocko  Matte/,  with  70,  YARUAaiiACJo  with  100,  Toskieucar  with  .10, 
EcnuA  Mattez  with  50,  Hat  How  I'.jiattez  with  30,  Charles  (u  Negro) 
with  3,  Coahaujo  with  I,  and  Toj-vrlaoee  with  40. 

There  had  been  about  400  Scininoles  collected  at  Tampa,  chiefly  women 
and  children  of  lilack  DirCs  tril>i',  who  were  oil  the  12  April  shipped  off"  for 
"beyond  the  Mississippi"  by  General  Scull. 


)    \ 


CHAPTER   XII. 

Crekk  War — Murders  anii,  devastations  begin — Eleren  persons  killed  near  Colum 
bus — Mitil  routes  in  possession  of  the  liidinns — Jl  steam-bout  attacked  and  men 
killed — Chiefs  of  the  war  parties — Mail  staires  dcsiroijed — The  town  of  Roanoak 
burnt — Colonel  Lindsay's  Florida  affair — Kxcessirc  dismaij  of  the  jieoplc  of  Geor- 
gia— Murder  of  families — Fight  on  tlic  Chaltahoor.hic — Capture  uf  Jim  Henry  and 
Neamathla — Account  of  the  chiefs — Surrender  of  the  Indians. 

AnJUTAN t-Generai.  Mcintosh  wrote  from  Fort  Mitchel,  Alabama,  (on  tho 
Cliattahoochic,  I')  miles  above  Columbus,)  7  May  last,  as  follows: — "It  has 
just  l)(!en  report(!d  to  me,  that  (^ol.  Flournoy  was  shot  dead  by  the  Indians  on 
the  .Ith  instant,  about  15  miles  below  this  post.  I  am  also  informed  that  a 
rc|)ort  is  currently  circulating  among  the  Creeks,  that  the  Seminole  Indians 
have  dcf(!ated  the  whites  in  Florida,  This  report  will  no  doubt  imbolden 
them  to  many  acts  of  hostility  that  they  would  not  otlujrwise  dare  commit. 
A  constant  communiiration  must  be  kept  u|)  between  them,  as  the  Creeks  are 
conversant  with  every  transaction  that  occiiis  in  Florida.  .Marshal,  the  half- 
breed,  says  he  is  a|»prehensive  mischief  will  be  done  by  the  Indians  before 
long.  Other  friendly  Indians  are  of  this  o|)inion.  Opotldeyohola,  principal 
of  the  upi»er  Creeks,  says  he  cannot  keep  his  people  together,  or  restrain 
them." 

At  the  same  time  Colonel  F/oi(rno?/ was  killed,  ten  others  met  a  like  fate, 
some  of  them  within  12  miles  lA'  Columbus,  at  the  Ochee  Ilridge  on  the  Old 
Federal  Road.  "The  Indians  have  entire  posses.-ioii  of  that  road,  and  all  the 
settli'is  hav(!  fled.  A  train  consisting  of  1.50  wagons,  with  about  150  fugitives, 
on  their  way  to  Columbus,  were  flred  upon,  on  the  10  A[)nl." 

Up  to  the  IS  May,  at  Augusta,  (Gn.)  it  was  reported  that  all  the  southern 
mail  routes  w(!re  in  ])Ossessiou  of  tlie  Indians,  excejjt  that  to  Mobile.  The 
day  before,  all  the  mails  were  brought  back.  Colonel  VroweWs  |)lantation, 
and  many  othei*s,  had  been  burnt,  and  a  stage  agent  and  two  drivers  had  been 
killed.  The  governor  of  Georgia  had  ord(!red  two  regiments  of  volunteers  to 
take  the  fmld.  About  tliis  time  the  steam-boat  Hyperion  was  attacked  on  her 
passage;  up  thi;  (Cliattahoochic,  and  two  pilots  and  one  passenger  were  killed. 
She  svas  then  run  on  sliorc  on  the  Gciorgia  side,  and  alti-r  being  abandoned, 
was  taki.Mi  and  destroyed  by  the  Indians. 

The  Crock  tuwii:;  and  tribes  wliicii  have  dedartMl  tlieiiisclves  hostile  are  a 


94 


CRF.rilC   WAR.— STEAiM-BOAT  Di:.STROVi:i). 


[Hook  IV. 


part  of  tlio  OcluM^s,  tlin  llitclietas,  tli<'  I'ali-ld-clio-ko-los,  llic  So-wok-ko-los, 
1111(1  II  part  ot'tlio  I  tiillay.s.  Tim  jfiiiicipal  i-liicls  who  have  .sliDWcd  tliciiisclvcH 
as  tlusir  li'a(l«!rs,  nro  old  NKAiMATiii.A,  of  wiioiii  wo  liavf  already  scMral  times 
Npokon,  ('iiifl' of  the  Hitclietii.s,  .li.M  IIk.miy,  and  Nko  Mico.  jMaiiy  friendly 
liidiaiiis  iiiiiiiediatcly  Joined  the  whiten,  one  of  iik^  |)rineipal  leader.s  of  whom 
is  ii  chief  called  Jim  JJov.  The  war  party  have  discovered  f^reat  boldness. 
About  the  10  May  u  |tarty  oamo  within  ;l0  or  40  yards  of  Fort  Mitchell,  a 
strong  and  well-(lofended  jdace,  entered  the  hospital,  and  earrit!  off  what 
they  pleased,  and  the  garrison  thought  it  not  best  to  disturb  them. 

On  the  14  following,  tlu^  mail  from  Montgomery  tuColinnbus  was  attacked 
about  20  miles  from  the  latter  place.  A  driver  on  tlitit  route  was  riding  along 
tlie  road  on  horseback,  about  .10  ytirils  ahead  of  thi!  stage,  when  he  was  liriul 
upon  by  about  80  Indiiuis,  yet  he  unaccountably  escaped  injiny.  His  horse 
took  fright  and  throw  him,  and  he  escaped  into  ii  thicket.  When  he  iu-rived 
at  the  next  sUige  relay,  llu!  Iior.-cs  had  got  there,  but  without  any  carriage,  but 
had  about  them  some  i'ragnients  of  their  hariK'sscs.  Mr.  Jlilams,  who  was  in 
the  stage,  made  his  escape  by  leaping  into  the  wooils  when  the  stage  upset. 
A  driver  and  two  i)thers  were  killed.  There  were  J!)  horses  belonging  to 
the  line  in  the  companj',  of  vhicli  but  three  were  recovered,  and  these  were 
wounded. 

About  this  time  the  old  steiun-boat  (Georgian  was  burnt  while  lying  at 
Roanoak,  and  all  on  board,  except  the  engineer,  |)erished.  The  town  of 
Koanoak  was  at  thi;  same  time  laid  in  ashes,  but  the  citizens  escaped  to  a 
ibrt.  Irwinton,  a  tlom'ishing  town  on  the  (jleorgiiv  side  ol'the  river,  soon  aller 
shared  the  same  fate. 

Meanwhile  souk!  ali'airs  of  considerid>l(!  monic  lit  W(>re  transpiring  in  Flori- 
da, ("olonel  Lhulmij  had  been  despatched,  at  tlu^  head  oi" about  750  men,  from 
Fort  Brooke,  with  orders  to  jiroceed  to  Fort  Alabama,  to  destroy  it,  and  bring 
away  the  sick,  wounded,  and  provisions.  Having  proceculed  there,  uikI 
oiiectcd  their  object,  the  forces  marched  again  for  Fort  Urooke.  Hefore 
leaving  the  tort,  a  mine  was  ])re|)are(l,  by  leaving  powder  in  tin;  inagazinr-, 
which  should  explode  on  its  being  oiieiK-d.  Tliey  had  got  but  n  mile  or  two, 
when  the  mine  was  sprung  with  a  li-ariiil  noise,  but  what  effect  it  luut  jiro- 
duced  was  not  known.  The  whites  had  missed  two  of  their  number  the  day 
before,  wIkuu  they  found  on  their  return  marcli,  about  I'i  miles  from  Fort 
Alabama,  killed  in  the  way,  and  oiu;  shockingly  mangled.  AVhile  the  army 
Avas  contemplating  this  spectacle,  it  was  finMl  U])()n  by  .'jOO  Indians,  as  was 
supposed,  fi-oni  a  hammoek,  no  more  than  MO  yards  oir.  The  whites  inimedi- 
ately  formed,  and  fired  in  their  turn,  and  a  regular  fight  ensued.  The  Indians 
eoiild  not  be  dislodged  until  sexeral  roiuids  of  grape  shot  from  the  artillery 
liad  been  poured  in  upon  them.  This  was  a  bloody  affray  for  them,  but  their 
loss  was  not  fully  known  ;  several  were  found  dead  on  the  field,  and  numerous 
traces  of  others  who  had  been  dragged  oH'  dead  or  severely  wounded  were 
discovered.     The  whites  had  '\  killed  anil  2'2  wounded. 

A  letter  addressed  to  the  editor  of  the  Richindud  l'',nquirer  gives  a  fearful 
picture  of  the  affairs  in  the  Creek  country.  It  was  written  at  Tulbotton,  ((!a.] 
11  May,  and  is  in  these  words: — "I  wrote  you  jesterday,  informing  you  of 
the  hostile  movements  of  the  Creek  Indians,  and  the  coinmenceinent  of  their 
inurderous  career.  We  have  full  infiirmation  here  to-day  of  the  distressing 
etat<!  of  things  among  the  whites  who  have  settled  over  in  that  territory.  The 
Indians  are  killing  all — men,  women,  and  cliiklren.  Vast  numbers  have  been 
butchered  withoiit  doubt;  and  the  whole  country  on  this  side  of  the  Cliatta- 
lioochie  is  in  uproar  and  confiision.  The  population  of  the  territory  had 
become  considerable,  and  they  who  have  been  fortunate  enough  to  escajie  are 
come  over  in  droves  on  the  Georgia  side;  some  with  a  part  of  their  children  ; 
some  who  have  lost  their  children;  some  their  husbands;  and  many  children 
without  father  or  mother;  some  are  found  as  they  were  wandering  about  so 
\oung  that  they  could  give  no  account  who  their  parents  were.  So  perfect  a 
mixture  and  confusion  as  never  was  witnessed  before.  IMany  have  seen  a 
part  of  their  families  murdered.  One  gentleman  saw  his  father  shot  down 
ucar  him,  and  his  motlier  aM<l  sisters.  Souk^  of  the  dead  have  been  brought 
over  shockingly  mangled.     I;  is  thougiit  llie  wiiole  nation  is  in  hostile  array; 


Cid 

tliil 

thil 

lull 

A 

Oil 

sell 


Chap.  XH] 


MURDER  OF  MANY  FAMILIES. 


95 


tlieir  warrinrs  nrn  compiitfd  at  H  or  70()0  .strong.  Tim  general  iinjm'H.Mioii  Ih, 
tlmt  a  part  of  tlio  Mcmiiioh'H  liav(!  conic,  np  among  tli(un.  'I'Ilo  town  of  ("o- 
luinhns  is  in  great  danger  of  an  attaek,  as  tliey  liuve  tln-eutcncd  it  strongly. 
A  iMiinpaiiy  of  40  or  50  men  led  (JolmnliuH  yesterday  morning,  and  went  over. 
On  their  return  at  night  theyhronght  in  seven  children,  which  they  had  found 
scattered  ahout." 

Hnch  art!  the  accounts  which  iiav<;  heen  daily  circulated  for  two  months 
together    and  ultliougii  th(\v  are  distorted  in  many  particulars,  yet  out  of  them 
we  are  ai  present  to  collect  all  that  is  known  of  this  war.     The  (.'olumhus 
('entinel  of  the  V,i  May  contains  the  following  facts,  which  are  confirmed 
from  other  (piarters : — "On  Monday  we  received  information  that  hostilities 
had  commenced  on  the  road  hetween  Columhus  and  Montgomery,  at  the 
lichee  hridge,  and  further  on,  and  in  the  evening  the  bridge  at  tins  ])lace,  the 
.streets  leading  from  it  were  thronged  with  the  unfortunate  ndiigccs,  who 
^\v^•^',  fleeing  hefore  their  savage  uiiighhor.s.     The  pitiable  condition  of  many 
of  tliein  was  past  the  power  of  description.     Wives  mivered  from  th(;ir  hus- 
bands, and  parents  from  their  children ;  all  dismayed,  all  terror-stricke-n  ;  [)re- 
.sented  a  scene  which  w»3  nev»'r  again  desire  to  see.     An  interesting-looking 
girl,  just  blooming  into  womanhood,  was  brought  in  on  lioratiback,  brhind  a 
benevolent  stranger,  who  had  foimd  )ier  in  the  nation,  making  h(!r  way,  unat- 
tended, to  this  place.     She  started  with    her   parimls,   but  bel'orc  they  had 
))roceeil('d  tin-,  they  were  brutally  shot  down  befon^  her  eyes.     She  fled  to  the 
woods  and  esca|)cd  li'om  hei-  .savage  |)ursu(n\s,  and  was  found  and  brought  to 
('ohiiiiliiis  as  above  staterl.     A  young  man  arrived  at  this  place  also  witnessed 
the  savaged  murder  of  his  parents.     Another  young  man,  in  the  act  of  Heeiug, 
])erceiv('(!  tlu;  Indians  dragging  away  his  sister.     He  returncid,  declaring  he 
wiinld  rescue  h(!r  or  die  in  the  atttMupt,  and  lie  has  not  been  heard  of.     From 
this  lime  ili(  ir  deeds  of  savage  barbarity  hav(!  heen  too  numerous  to  particu- 
lari/e.     A  woman  was  brought  in  on  Tuesday,  wounded  in  the  liand,  whose 
husband  had  been  shot  the  preceding  evening  at  the  Uchee  bridge.    Col. ./?.  li. 
Dawson^s  negroes,  who  were  taken  by  the  Indians,  and  made  their  esca})e, 
•state  that  they  saw  three  corpse's  on  the  road  near  the  Uchee  bridge ;  a  man, 
woman  and  child,  wlu)  had  all  been  murdered.     We  learn  that  about  150 
fiiendly  Indians  have  re|)ort(;d  themselves  at  Tort  Mitchell,  and  are  ready  to 
assist  tli(;  whites.     Accounts  to  the  17  .May  further  state  that  the  Indians  had 
entered  the  house  of  one  family,  and  murdered  the  wliole — including  husband, 
wife,  and  six  children.     All  were  scalped,  and  the  children  beheaded.     The 
hotise  of  a  Mr.  Colton  had  becsn  attacked,  and  himself  killed." 

Generals  .SfoM  and  Jessi/yj  were  at  Fort  MitclKill  on  the  3  June;  the  for- 
mer lefl  that  i)lace  on  that  day  with  an  escort  of  150  men  for  Alabama,  to  take 
the  connuand  of  the  troops  of  that  state.  On  the  4th,  Cajjt.  Page  rejKJrted  to 
(J(!ucral  Scott  that  a  party  of  ludiai\s  was  about  to  cross  the  Chattahoochie  iu 
their  way  to  Florida,  and  steps  were  inunediately  made  to  stop  them.  The 
day  before  a  party  was  stoppi'd  by  a  com])any  of  Georgia  militia,  afler  a  sharp 
.skirmish,  in  which  one  white  and  several  Indians  were  supposed  to  have  been 
killed.  Two  chiefs  were  wounded,  Ealaluiyo  iu  the  shoulder,  and  Jim  Hemy 
in  the  head.  The  action  took  ])lacc  across  the  river,  which  being  high  an'! 
wide,  little  was  eftected.  The  Indians  dared  the  whites  to  come  over,  ca!!-  >t 
them  dogs  and  cowards,  and  the  most  the  whites  could  do  was  to  retei'm  e  in 
the  same  sort  of  language. 

About  the  end  of  June,  a  party  of  whites,  who  were  scouting  on  Flint  River, 
accidentally  found  a  young  woman  about  three  miles  from  Cambridge,  who 
had  been  wo>mded  by  a  shot  in  the  breast.  She  stated  that,  on  the  26  of 
June,  about  300  Indians  killed  all  the  family  to  which  she  belonged,  13  in 
ninnber,  excej)!  herself,  and  her  father,  who  made  his  escape.  After  l)eing 
shot,  she  feigned  deatli,  and  as  the  murdered  were  not  scalped,  she  made  her 
escape  afler  the  Indians  lefl  the  scene  of  butchery. 

Up  to  the  16  June,  all  the  houses  of  the  whites  in  the  Creek  country  had 
been  burned.  On  the  13th,  in  an  attack  on  an  Indian  town  by  some  whites, 
24  persons  were  taken,  among  whom  were  three  chiefs.  These  were  held  as 
hostages  at  Fort  Mitchell,  and  word  was  sent  to  the  hostile  party,  that  if  they 
did  not  come  iu  and  surrender  tiiey  should  be  put  to  death.    Tlic  next  day, 


;  v» 


oe> 


CAPTURE  OF  JIM  HEMIY  AND  NEAMATIILA. 


[Book  IV. 


120  cnine  in  nlid  ileclarcd  tlicmsclves  rnoiidly.  As  late  us  tljo  28tli  of  June, 
it  wns  reported  at  ('oliiinhiis,  Ga.,  that  tln!  Creek  war  was  i)roI)al)ly  at  an  end, 
"as  lur  as  rijjiiting  was  coneerned.  Jim  Heiuys  party  liavo  nearly  all  Ixjeii 
taken.  They  were  eon<ine<l  at  Fort  IMileliell,  and  all  the  smiths  were  at  work 
inaklni,'  handcufis  for  them."  These  will  douhtlcHS  ho  mmt  heyond  the  Mis- 
sissippi, "except  the  ehicf-i,  five  or  six  in  numher,  who  will  be  pwnished  with 
death,"  as  was  supposed. 

On  tiie  1st  of  .Inly,  Jim  Heiinj  lell  into  the  hands  of  a  Imnd  of  friendly  In- 
dians, under  a  chief  named  Jim  lioi).  For  a  lew  days  previous  he  was  snp- 
posecl  to  have  heen  on  his  way  for  llie  "promised  land ;"  hut  h(!  wns  founil  ifi 
the  Creek  nation,  a  tew  miles  from  Tuskei,'ee.  About  the  same  time  old 
JVeamathln  gave  liitnself  np  to  the  w  liites,  and  was,  on  the  day  of  the  rap- 
ture of  Jim  Henri/,  with  about  1500  others,  sent  off  for  Arkansas.  TIk;  eircum- 
Mance  of  his  tailing  in  with  the  whites  is  said  to  be  as  lijllows: — (leneral 
Jessup  had  left  Tuskegee  with  nbo!it  700  men,  intending  to  make  a  direct 
march  lor  ^Veamnfliln\i  cam|),  which  was  on  Jlalclialiid)lM'e  Jtiver.  As  Jessiip' 
marched  along,  his  Ibrces  iiicrcised  to  'i7(){)  men,  of  wlii<'li  ir)00  were  In- 
dianp  inidi'r  the  chiels  UopoiihUjiohoht  aiul  Jim  Hoy,  \Vhen  he  had  iirrived 
witliin  about  seven  miles  of  .V(iim(tllil(i\i  camp,  he  ordered  a  halt,  to  relVesh 
his  men  and  horses,  at  the  e\p<'iise  of  the  beautiful  oatlields  of  the  Indians. 
While  the  army  lay  here,  a  scout  dit^covered  .Yvnmntlila  on  hoi>'eliack.  He 
liad  concluded  to  surrender,  nnil  bad  a  white  cloth  tied  about  his  head,  and 
some  white  garment  for  a  ting,  extended  upon  ii  stick,  and  N\as  ap])r(iaching 
towards  them.  'I'hey  onhu-ed  lum  to  halt,  but  he  gave  no  heed  to  them,  until- 
within  a  few  paces.  He  was  taken  to  (Jen.  Jcmk/Z.v  camp,  and  made  prisoner. 
With  him  were  his  sou  and  (laughter,  and  a  nic-ci-  of  .Vta  JMiro.  'I'lie  two 
females  were  releas«'d,  but  Ijis  sou  was  coufiiu'd  with  him  at  Fort  IMilchell. 
On  being  asked  where  ho  wiis  going  wiien  Ik;  was  taken,  he  said  his  life  had 
been  tlireaten(!d  by  his  own  peo|»le,  and  lie  was  liastening  to  Fort  Mitchell,  to 
give  himself  up. 

JVea  Mico  liad  some  days  before  given  himself  uj).  He  was  considered  a 
great  (diief  Dnvid  Hartlii^F,  a  half-briM'd,  was  taken  by  surprise,  with  ai)out 
a  hundred  of  his  men,  with  their  women  lunl  children.  Hy  the  8th  of  June, 
therft  had  been  secured  botW(  en  M  and  4000  Indians,  which  were  despatched 
for  the  west  as  fast  as  circiuustaiices  would  admit. 

A  j)arty  of  about  (iO  warriors,  who  were  endeavoring  to  escape  into  Florida, 
were  overtaken  by  ('ol.  Heal,  in  Chickasatchic  Swamp,  Maker  county,  Alabama, 
and  n  considerable  skirmish  ensued.  Nine  liuliaiis  were  killed  ar.(l  '20  wound- 
ed. Of  Col.  Ural's  men,  two  were  killed  and  seven  wounded.  The  Indians 
were  lelV  in  possession  of  the  swamp. 

TJie  folltiwing  account  was  published  in  the  (leorgia  Herald  of  the 'JH  .luue^ 
at  Columbus.  It  is  headi-d,  "(iKA>o  Fntrf.k  i>to  Foiit  Mitchei.i.,"  anil 
then  jiroceeds  : — "On  th«'  yi  .Iiine,  we  witnessed  the  frrnnd  entire,  of  a  drovo 
of  snviig^'s  into  the  Fort  [Mitchell]  consisting  ot"  men,  women  imd  childr<'n, 
in  all  about  1000;  among  them  200  warriors;  they  were  iiroiight  in  by  a  bat- 
talion of  Alabama  eavidry,  muler  the  conunimd  of  Maj.  (icn.  Paller.inii.  Thn 
men  were  ]ilaced  within  the  walls  of  the  fort,  while  the  wiiiuen  tuid  children 
were  enciunped  on  the  outside.  It  was  an  assend)lage  of  human  beings,  such 
as  we  had  never  before  witnessed, and  the  sight  tilled  us  with  tlioughlsand  feel- 
ings to  w  liicli  we  shall  not  give  vent  at  Ibis  time.  They  were  of  all  ages,  from  » 
month  ohl  to  a  hlmdred  years,— of  nl'  sizes,  from  the  little  pa|toosie  to  the 
giant  warrior.  The  old  "  Ulinil  hiuff"  as  he  is  called,  rode  in  the  centre  of 
the  throng,  and  although  it  has  been  many  years  since  he  iiehchl  the  light  of 
day,  yet  has  the  ttelings  of  hostility  eonliiuied  to  riuikle  at  his  heart.  The 
namt>s  of  the  hostile  chiels  who  have  been  taken  and  have  come  in,  are  jYea 
K-.Mnthln,  (Mn  jlrrho-Hmnlhln,  [probably  sou  (fiWeamittlila,]  Miccocholty,  or 
Blind  King,  TSialee-JVugf^ee,  Vhopho-Wir-har-Hailjo.'" 


END    OK    HOOK    I'OlltTII. 


^  © 


c 

p 

s 
u 


C 


^ 


o 


W5 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OF   THE 


,  ■,  s 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


^^ 


BOOK  V. 


BOOK    V. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS 
OR  FIVE  NATIONS,  AND  OTHER  NEIGHBORING 
TRIBES  OF  THE  WEST. 


Nurslings  ofnntuie,  I  mark  your  bold  boaring, 

Pride  in  each  oapact  and  strength  in  each  form, 

Hearts  of  warm  impulse,  and  souls  ofhigh  daring. 

Born  in  the  battle  and  roared  in  the  storm. 

The  red  levin  flash  and  the  thunder's  dread  rattle, 

The  rock-riven  wave  and  the  war  trumpet's  breatli, 

The  din  of  the  tempest,  the  yell  of  the  battle, 

Nerve  your  steeled  bosoms  to  danger  and  death. — J.  R.  Drake, 


CHi.PTER  L 


Particulars  in  the  history  of  the  Iroquois  or  Five  Nations — Extent  of  their  domin- 
ions— Antiquities  and  traditions — Destroy  the  Eries — War  with  the  Aderondaks 
— Specimen  of  their  language — Account  of  the  chiefs — Grangukle — Black- 
kettle — His  bloody  wars  with  Uie  French — Apauio — Ilis  singular  stratagem  to 
unite  his  countrymen  against  the  French — Destroys  Montreal  and  neur  a,  thousand 
inhabitants — Dies  in  peace  with  the  French — Uekamsora  a  renowned  orator — 
Peiskaret — The  miraculims  stories  concerning  him.  History  of  the  journey  of 
Five  Iroquois  chiefs  to  England. 

The  grout  westcni  confodorncy  of  Indian  nations  has  generally  been  styled 
liy  tin;  I'reiicli, /ro</i(OM,*  but  generally  by  the  Englisb,  tbo  Five  JVationa] 
and  HoiiictinicH  tbe  Six  Mttions ;  but  either  of  the  two  latter  a|)pcl!ations 
must  bt*  coiisidoi'od  onlii  as  sucli,  bpcausc  we  sliail  show,  as  wo  proceed,  that 
they  are  I'ot  iiuinerically  true  now,  if  they  ever  wore.  Five  may  have  been 
till-  number  wliich  originally  leagued  together,  but  when  that  hapfiened,  if 
indeed  it  ever  did,  ean  never  be  known.  It  is  a  tradition  that  these  people 
came  from  bc^j  ind  the  lakes,  a  great  while  ago,  iiud  subdued  or  exterminated 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country  on  this  side.     Even  if  this  were  the  cuio,  it 


*  "  l.iMiom  (I'lroiiiioij  rat  purcmnit  Frnn^ois,  ot  a  ^'li!  foriiK'  <lu  (crmo //iro,  qui  si^illc, 
J'ai  dil :  cl  pur  (|iicl  res  siiuviiiriLs  liiiissenl  linis  Iciirs  discours,  oonime  Ics  l.nlins  fni.soicnt 
mitrploiii  par  Inir  Di.ri ;  ol  ilo  Kour,  (lui  est  uu  ori,  taut(H  do  trisit'ssc,  lor!«|ii'oii  Ic  prononco 
ell  Iraiiiaiil,  ft  lniil(')t  lie  jiiyc,  ([uanil  on  lo  proiionce  plus  conn.  I.onr  noin  (iroprn  ost -•Ig'on- 
tunixiiiniii,  <|ui  vcul  diri'  FoisfMci  de.  (^idmmic.i ;  pnrrc  qu'ils  Ics  hnlissoiil  hoHiiroup  plus 
Kolidi^s.  que  la  pliiiiarl  ilcs  mitres  sniivnsfcs."  CViar/i'i'oiV,  i.  270— 1,  (sub  nnno  ItiUi,)  itlso 
lAiskii'l,  I.  "i. — Ui'ckiUfhU'r — and  Foiwter's  Xoiihrni  Voijnses. 

t  "  (V.v  Imrlmri's  iw  si»it  ijii'itin'  sriili-  luiliim,  el  qii'iin  and  inl^rfl  puhlie.  (hi  pourrnit  hx 
ikiiitiutT  pour  It  (listfihutiim  dii  trri'iiti,  lis  tiiiis.si's  ih'  Cf.  rutitiiirtit.  Lfi  Irotpinis  until  par- 
CtfovT  (71  cjii'i  niHlKim,  .■n'lirin';'  /cv  'r.Kii>iiiii/olliiii.\\  li\i  (IdDoiroiiis,  /c.v  OiimttiXiniix,  les  Onoyoutl, 
.;tlfs  Agnii'n.''    (Laliolilnii,  i.  3.'j.)     Ily  tliu  .ij!7i(V»  we  arc  lo  iiuderataiid  Mohaxeka, 


4 


COUNTRY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 


[Book  V. 


proves  nothing  of  their  origin ;  for  there  may  liave  been  a  time  when  their 
ancestors  went  from  this  side  to  the  country  beyond,  and  so  on.  The  Mo- 
haw]<s,  sometimes  called  fVabingi,  are  said  to  have  been  the  oldest  of  the 
confederacy,  and  that  the  "  Onayauts  "  (Oneidas)  were  the  first  that  joined 
them  by  putting  themselves  under  their  protection.  The  Onondagos  were 
the  next,  then  the  "  Teuontowanos,  or  Sinikei-s,"  (Senecas,)  then  the  «  Cuiuk- 
guos,"  (Cayugas.)  The  Tuscarora»,  from  Carolina,  joined  them  about  1712, 
but  were  not  formally  admitted  into  the  confederacy  until  about  10  years 
after  that.  The  addition  of  this  new  tribe  gained  them  the  name  of  the  Six 
Nations,  according  to  most  writers,  but  it  will  appear  that  they  were  called 
the  Six  Nations  long  before  the  last-named  period.* 

The  Shawanese  Aver*  not  of  the  conlederacy,  but  Were  called  brothers  by 
them.  This  nation  came  from  the  south,  at  no  very  remote  period,  and  the 
Iroquois  assigned  them  lands  on  tlie  west  brancli  of  the  Susquehannah,  but 
looked  upon  them  as  inferiors. 

The  dominions  of  this  "  United  People  "  cannot  be  particularly  described, 
for  they  were  never  stationary  ;  at  one  time  they  extended  beyond  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi,  and  at  anotlier  tliey  were  circumscribed 
between  them.  Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  says,  "  Our  Indians 
universally  concur  in  the  claim  of  all  the  lands  [in  1750]  not  sold  to  the 
English,  li'om  the  mouth  of  Sorel  River,  on  tiie  south  side  of  Lakes  Erie  and 
Ontario,  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  till  it  falls  into  the  Mississippi ;  and  on 
the  north  side  of  those  Jakes,  that  whole  territory  between  the  Outawais 
River,  and  the  Lake  Huron,  and  even  beyond  the  straits  between  that  and 
Lake  Erie." 

"  When  the  Dutcli  begar  the  settlement  of  New  York,  all  the  Indians  on 
Long  Island,  and  the  northern 'phore  rf  the  sound,  on  the  banks  of  Connecticut, 
Hudson,  Delaware,  and  Susquehannah  Rivers,  were  in  subjection  to  the  Five 
Nations ;  and  within  the  incmory  of  persons  now  living,  acknowledged  it 
by  the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute."  As  a  proof  of  this  it  is  mentioned  that 
"  a  little  tribe,  settled  at  the  Sugar-loaf  mountain,  ui '  Orange  .comity,  to  this 
day,  [175<j,]  make  a  yearly  payment  of  about  £20  to  the  Mohawks.") 

Among  the  n)any  tribes  or  nations  which  they  wholly  or  piutially  destroyed 
were  the  Eries,  a  powerful  tribe  on  the  southern  shore  of  the  great  lake 
whose  name  they  bore.  In  the  yeai"  1G53  they  were  entirely  extkpated,  and 
no  renmant  of  them  has  since  been  heard  of  in  existeuco.|; 

When  the  French  settled  in  Canada  in  Kill,  it  was  upon  the  lands  of  tho 
Adirondaks,  above  Tliree  Rivers.  They  found  them  at  war  with  the  Iro- 
(juois,  then  mainly  seated  along  the  southern  side  of  Lake  Ontario.  The 
Adirondaks,  by  the  assistance  of  the  French,  were  able  to  deftjat  their 
enemies  m  every  battle,  who  at  length  were  in  danger  of  a  total  extermina- 
tion. Meanwhile  the  Dutch  liad  begun  their  trade  in  the  Hudson  River, 
which  they  profitably  carried  on  in  arms  with  the  Iroquois.  Being  now  able 
to  meet  the  Adirondaks  on  more  equal  footing,  tiiey  contiinied  the  war,  and 
Avith  such  success,  that  the  Adirondaks,  in  their  turn,  becan>.e  almost  de- 
stroyed. 

Th(!  Six  Nations  did  not  know  themselves  by  such  names  as  the  Engljsh 
ap|)ly  to  them,  but  the  name  Aquanuschioni,§  which  signified  united  people, 
was  used  by  them.||  This  term,  as  is  the  case  with  most  Indian  words,  is 
defined  hy  a  knowledge  of  its  etymology.  A  knowledge  of  the  Indian  lan- 
guages would  enable  us  to  know  what  almost  every  place  in  the  country  has 


*  In  the  lirilish  Empire,  ii 
same  trieiKisliii)  with  them." 
t  Selt'i'lcd  lioiii  the  wdl-ic 

I  ( 'lutrli'vtrix. 
^  l.oskiil,  Hist.  Mis.  1.2. 

(hut  very  phioe,  hke  the  very 
iiHeii  ifiive  themselves  was, 
Ilial.  liril.  Ihiminiou.i  ill  .V. 

II  Al  ii  fjrent  nssenil>laK'e  of 
fil'ihe  Six  NHtidiis  inliirineil 
biiyiius  as  ti  icvuiitii  imiiun. 


ofi,  it  is  spiel,  "  Tho  Cowctas  also,  or  Creek  Iiulinns,  are  in  the 

lectcd  notes  to  Sears's  Pociii,  entitled  Mineral  Waters. 

"  They  sny  themselves,  that  they  have  spniiijf  and  {frown  up  in 
trees  of  the  wilderness."     Willidin's  Key.    Another  jiame  they 

Origve-homi'e,  whirh  siijnified,  a  people  surpassin«r  q||  others. 

Americn,     (look  iii.  iiH.  (cd.  Ilo.  I.oiid.  1773.) 

feliief's  and  warriors  at  Alliniiy,iii  August.  I71(i,  the  oliief  spcnker 

the   Ijiijlisli  eoiiMiiissiiuuTs  thai  tliey  had  Inkoii  ill  the  Mcsse» 

Vvldcii,  Hist   F.  Nations,  ii.  nj, 


b( 
( 

St 

a 


th 
ri 


i     1 1. 


Chap.  I.] 


GRANGULA.-DE  LA  BARRE'S  EXPEDITION. 


and 
(1.;. 


oihers. 


been  noted  for ;  whether  hill  or  mountain,  brook  or  river.  It  is  said  by 
Cotden,*  that  New  England  was  called  Kinshon,  by  the  Indians,  which,  he 
says,  means  a  fish ;  \  and  that  the  New  England  Indians  sent  to  the  Iro(iuois 
a  "  model  of  a  fish,  as  a  token  of  their  adliering  to  the  general  covenant" 
The  waters  of  New  England  are  certainly  abundantly  stored  with  fish ; 
hence  the  name  of  "</ie  Fishing  People." 

We  will  here  present  a  specimen  of  the  language  of  the  Six  Nations,  in 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  all  of  whom,  except  the  Tuscaroras,  "  speak  a  language 
radically  the  same."  So-ung-wau-ne-ha  cau-ro-imk-yaw-gr',  leh-sec-ta-ro-an, 
sauh-son-e-you-sta,  esa,  saw-an-e-you,  o-ket-tauh-se-la,  eh-ne  au-wong,  na,  cau- 
ronunk-yawga,  naiigh-wou-shauga,  ne-at-te-tceh-ne-sa-laaga,  taug-wau-nau-to- 
ro-no-an-tough-sick,  to-an-taitg-we-lee-whe-you-staung,  che-nee-yeut,  cha-qua- 
iau-ta-leh-tvhe-you-staun-na,  tough-sau.  taugh-waiis-sa-re-neh,  ta-ivaiit-ot-ten-au- 
gal-ough-toung-ga,  nas-aw-ne,  sa-che-au-taug-was,  co-an-teh-sal-oh-aun-za- 
ick-aw,  esa,  saw-au-ne-you,  esa,  sash-autz-ta,  esa,  soung-wa-sowig,  chen-ne- 
uuh-a-aug-tva^  au  toen.l 

Perhaps  we  cannot  present  the  reader  witli  a  greater  orator  than  Garanoul/^  , 
or,  as  he  was  called  by  the  French,  Grand'Gueule  ;  though  Lahontan,  who 
knew  him,  wrote  it  Grangida.  He  was  by  nation  an  Onondaga,  and  is 
I)rouglit  to  our  notice  l)y  the  manly  and  magnanimous  speech  which  he 
made  to  a  Frcncli  general,  who  mai'ched  into  the  country  of  the  Iroipiojs  to 
subdue  them. 

In  the  year  1(584,  Mr.  de  la  Bane,  governor-general  of  Canada,  com- 
plained to  the  English,  at  Albany,  that  the  Scnecius  Avero  infringing  upon 
their  rights  of  trade  with  some  of  the  other  more  remote  nations.  Governor 
Dongan  acquainted  the  Senecas  with  the  charge  made  by  the  French  gov- 
ernor. They  admitted  the  iiict,  but  justified  their  course,  alleging  tliat  the 
French  supplied  tlieir  enemies  with  arms  and  ammunition,  with  whom  they 
were  then  at  war.  AI)out  the  same  time,  thfe  French  governor  raise<l  an 
army  of  1700  men,  and  made  other  "  mighty  prepai'ations "  lor  the  final 
destruction  of  the  Five  Nations.  But  before  he  ha/1  progressed  fiir  in  his 
great  undertiiking,  a  mortid  sickness  broke  out  in  his  army,  which  linally 
caused  him  to  give  over  the  expedition.  In  the  mean  time, 'the  governor  of 
Now  York  was  ordered  to  lay  no  obsta>  les  in  the  way  of  the  French  expedi- 
lion.  Instead  of  regarding  this  order,  whicii  was  from  his  master,  the  Duke 
of  York,  he  sent  interpreters  to  the  Five  Nations  to  encourage  them,  whh 
ottl'rs  to  assist  them. 

Dc  la  Jiarre,  in  hopes  to  effect  something  by  this  expensive  undertaking, 
(Crossed  Lake  Ontario,  and  held  a  talk  with  such  of  the  Five  Nations  as  would 
meet  liiin.§  To  keep  up  the  appearance  of  j)ower,  he  made  a  high-toned 
s])('ecli  to  Gmngula,  in  which  he  observed,  that  the  nations  had  often  infringed 
n|)on  the  peace  ;  tliat  he  wished  now  for  peace ;  but  on  the  condition  that  they 
should  make  full  satisliiction  for  all  the  injuries  they  had  done  the  French, 
and  for  the  future  never  to  disturb  tiiem.  That  they,  the  &^necas,  Cayugaa, 
Onondagos.  Oncidas,  and  Mohawks,  had  abused  and  robbed  all  their  ti'aders, 
and  unless  they  gave  satisfaction,  he  should  declare  war.  That  they  had 
conducted  the  English  into  their  country  to  get  away  their  trailc  heretofore, 
but  the  past  he  would  overlook,  if  tliey  would  offend  no  more  ;  yet,  if  ever 
the  like  should  happen  again,  lie  had  express  orders  from  the  king,  his  master, 
to  declare  war. 

*  Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  109. 

t  Klcknns.  iii  Alffonkiii ;  Keirniirp,  in  Cliippoway.     Loiic's  Voy<igi'.i,  &c.  202,  Mo. 

t  Smith's  Hist.  N.  York,  W.  (e<l.  4lo.)  Tlie  ulxtve  differs  somevviiHt  iVom  a  copv  in 
Prou(l',sl'a.ii.;J01. 

ij  As  it  will  firiuily  most  pf  our  readers,  we  believe,  to  hear  the  general  in  Jiis  own  words, 
we  will  present  tlu-m  with  a  paragraph  of  his  speech  to  (rratijiyild  in  Ills  own  laniniage  :— 

''  Lc  roi  nioii  ni^iilre  informe  (jiie  les  cirui  Nations,  Iroquoiscs  coulrevenoient  depuis  jong- 
tems  a  la  paix,  m  iiurdonnt'  de  me  lrans|>orter  ioi  aveo  luie  escorte,  et  d'eiivoier  Akoiiessaii  au 
village  dos  Oiinatagui'-  pour  inviter  les  priucipanx  clicl's  a  nie  vcnir  voir,  l/intoiilioii  de  co 
grand  uioii;iri|ue  est  qui'  nous  f'uniious  toi  et  nioi  ensenihle  dans  le  griind  cahuiiot  de  pai.v ; 
pourv.n  <juc  tii  me  pronieitcs  au  uom  des  TsonontoOans,  (lojogoaiis,  Onnoiagucs.  Onoyouls 
el  Agiiies,  de  doniier  une  emicre  sa'.isfactiqji  et  dedominagement  a  ses  sujcl.s,  et  de  nu  rieu 
ftiire  11  Tuvcair,  (jui  puisse  ciiuscr  une  facheuse  rupture.'"  &c.     LalwrUan,  i.  58,  J9. 


6 


ouA.,utji.A.— HIS  SPEECH  TO  DE  LA  BARRE. 


[Book  V. 


Grangula  listened  to  these  words,  and  many  more  in  the  Hke  strain,  with 
that  contempt  vvliich  u  real  knowledge  of  the  situation  of  the  French  army, 
and  the  rectitude  of  his  own  course,  were  calculated  to  insjjire ;  and  alter 
walking  several  times  round  tiie  circle,  formed  by  his  peoi)le  anil  the  French, 
addressing  himself  to  the  i^  jvernor,  seated  iu  his  elbow  chair,  he  began  as 
follows :  — * 

"  FonnojM/io ;  I  I  honor  you,  and  the  warriors  that  are  with  me  likewise 
honor  you.  Your  iuterjuetcr  has  finished  your  speech.  I  now  begin  mine. 
My  words  make  haste  to  reach  your  ears.    Harken  to  them. 

"  Yonnorulio ;  You  must  have  believed,  when  you  letl  Quebeck,  ttiat  the 
sun  had  burnt  up  all  the  <brests,  which  render  our  country  inaccessible  to  the 
French,  or  that  the  lakes  had  so  far  overflown  the  banks,  that  they  had  sur- 
rnunded  our  castles,  and  that  it  was  impossible  lor  us  to  get  out  of  them. 
Yes,  surely,  you  must  have  dreamt  so,  and  the  curiosity  of  seeing  so  great 
a  wonder  has  brought  you  so  liir.  Now  you  arc  undeceived,  since  that  I,  and 
the  warriors  here  present,  are  come  to  assure  you,  that  the  Senecas,  Cayugas, 
Onondagas,  Oncidas  and  Mohawks  arc  yet  alive.  I  tiiank  you,  in  their  name, 
for  bringing  back  into  their  country  the  calumet,  which  your  jjredecessor 
received  from  their  hands.  It  was  happy  for  you,  that  you  left  under  ground 
that  murdering  hateiiet  that  has  been  so  olleu  dyed  in  the  blood  of  the 
French. 

"Hear,  Yonnondio ;  I  do  not  sleep;  I  have  m;' eyes  open ;  and  the  sun, 
which  enlightens  me,  discovcus  to  me  a  great  captain  nt  the  head  of  a  company 
of  soldiers,  who  speaks  as  if  h',  were  dreaming.  lie  says,  that  he  only  came 
to  the  lake  to  smoke  on  the  g  -eat  calumet  with  the  Ononilagas.  Hut  Gran- 
^ula  says,  that  he  sees  the  contrary;  that  it  was  to  knock  them  on  the  head, 
if  sickness  had  not  weakened  the  arms  of  the  French.  I  see  Yonnondio 
raving  in  a  camj)  of  sick  men,  whose  lives  the  Great  Spirit  has  saved,  by 
inflicting  this  sickness  on  them. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  our  women  had  taken  their  clubs,  oiu"  children  and  old 
men  had  carried  their  bows  and  arrows  into  the  heart  of  your  caniji,  if  om* 
warriors  had  not  disarmed  them,  and  kept  them  back,  when  your  messenger 
Jlkouessant  came  to  our  castles.    It  is  done,  and  I  have  said  it 

"Hear,  Yonnondio;  we  plundered  none  of  the  French,  but  those  that  car- 
ried guns,  powder  and  balls  to  the  Twiglitwies§  and  Ciiictaghicks,  because 
those  arms  might  have  cost  us  our  lives.  Herein  we  follow  the  example  of 
the  Jesuits,  who  break  all  the  k(!gs  of  rum  brought  to  our  ciL^tles,  lest  the 
drunken  Indidiis  should  knock  them  on  the  head.  Om-  warriors  have  not 
beaver  enough  to  j)ay  for  all  those  arms  that  they  have;  taken,  and  our  old 
men  are  not  atraid  of  the  war.    This  belt  preserves  my  words, 

"We  (tarried  tla;  laiglish  into  our  lakes,  to  trade  there  with  the  Utawawas 
and  Quatoghies,  ||  as  the  Adirondaks  brought  the  French  to  our  castles,  to 
carry  on  a  trade,  which  the  English  say  is  theirs.  We  are  born  free.  We 
neither  depend  on  Yonnondio  nor  Corkav.*>\  We  may  go  where  we  please, 
and  carry  with  us  whom  we  pleast>,  and  buy  and  sell  what  we  please.  If 
your  allies  be  your  slaves,  use  them  as  such,  connnaiid  them  to  receive  no 
other  but  your  people.     This  belt  jtreserves  my  words. 

"We  knock  the  Twiglitwies  and  Ciiictaghicks  on  the  head,  because  they 
luid  cut  down  the  trees  of  pe.ice,  which  were  the  limits  of  oiir  country. 
They  have  limited  beaver  on  our  lands.  They  have  acted  contrary  to  the 
customs  of  all  Indians,  for  they  left  none  of  the  beavers  alive,  they  killed  both 
male  and  female.  They  brought  the  Satanas  into  their  country,  to  take  part 
with  them,  after  they  had  concerted  ill  designs  against  us.     Wii  liave  done 

*  "  Gra/igula,  qiii  pendaiil  lout  le  descoiirs  avoil  cu  los  yciix  fixamcut  attacliez  snr  le  bout 
de  sa  pipe,  m  love,  v[  soil  par  uuc  civilltc  Msarre,  ou  pour  sc  (ioiiiier  sons  t'a(,'i)ii  le  lems 
de  inrdilcr  sa  rcpouscs  il  fail  riiu)  ou  six  lours  dans  ii6lre  cercle  compose  de  sauvages  et  de 
Fraii9ois.  Kovimui  cu  sa  place  il  resia  debout  dcvaut  lo  {jt'iicrai  assis  dans  uu  boii  fauteOil, 
ct  lo  rcgaraul  il  liii  ilit."     I.ahoiitaii,  (i.  (51, 1)2.)  who  was  one  of  lliose  present. 

+  Tliename  llicy  i;iivc  llic  ifovornors  ofCanada.    Spelt  in  Lnhontan,  OHnontin. 


X  1'lie  name  llicy  gave  Mr.  J^e  Maine,  wliicli  signified  a  partridge 
Up  ' 


Iwiklies,  Co/den. 

The  name  ihey  gave  the  governors  of  New  York. 


II  Chictaghicks,  Cdden. 


[Book  V, 


Chap.  I.]      BLACK-KETTLE.— HIS  WARS  WITH  THE  FRENCH. 


I),  il"  our 


loss  than  citlier  the  English  or  French,  that  have  usurped  tlie  lands  of  so  ninuy 
Indian  nations,  and  chased  thuni  from  their  own  country.  This  helt  pruservcs 
my  words. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  what  I  say  is  the  voice  of  all  the  Five  Natious.  Hear 
what  they  answer.  Open  your  ears  to  what  they  s|)eak.  The  Scuecas, 
Cayugas,  Onondagas,  Oneidas  and  Moiiuwks  say,  that  when  tliey  huritid  the 
hatchet  at  Cadurackui,  in  tlie  presence  of  your  predecessor,  in  the  middle  of 
the  fort,  tlioy  plantc<l  the  tree  of  peace  in  the  same  place ;  to  he  there  care- 
fully preserved :  that,  in  the  place  of  a  retreat  for  soldiers,  that  ibrt  might  ho 
a  rendezvous  for  merchants :  that,  in  place  of  arms  and  annnuuition  of  wsu", 
beavers  and  miu'ciiimdise  should  only  enter  there. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  take  care  foi*  the  future,  that  so  great  a  number  of  sol- 
diers iLS  appear  there  do  not  choke  the  tree  of  peace  planted  in  so  small  a 
flirt.  It  will  he  a  great  loss.  It',  after  it  had  so  easily  taken  root,  you  should 
r^to|)  its  growth,  and  ])revent  its  covering  your  country  and  ours  with  its 
iirunches.  I  assure  you,  in  the  name  of  the  Five  Nations,  that  our  wairiors 
shall  dance  to  the  calumet  of  jjcace  under  its  leaves;  and  shall  remain  quiet 
on  their  mats,  antL  shall  never  dig  up  the  hatchet,  till  their  brother  Yoitnondio 
or  Corlear  shall,  either  jointly  or  separately,  endeavor  to  attack  the  country 
which  the  Great  Spirit  has  given  to  our  ancestors.  This  belt  preserves  my 
words,  and  this  other,  the  authority  which  the  Five  Nations  have  given  me." 

Then,  addressing  himself  to  the  interpreter,  he  said,  "Take  com*age,  you 
have  spirit,  speak,  explain  my  words,  Ibrget  nothing,  tell  all  that  your  brethren 
aiifl  friends  say  to  Yonnondio,  your  governor,  by  the  mouth  of  Grangula,  who 
loves  you,  and  dsircii  you  to  accept  of  this pres(!nt  of  beaver,  and  take  part 
with  me  in  my  least,  to  which  I  invite  you.  This  present  of  beaver  is  sent 
to  Yonnondio,  on  the  jjart  of  the  Five  Nations." 

De  la  Barre  was  struck  with  surprise  at  the  wisdom  of  this  chief,  and  equal 
chagrin  at  the  [dain  refutation  of  his  own.  He  immediately  returned  to 
Montreal,  and  thus  finished  this  inglorious  expedition  of  the  Irench  against 
the  Five  Nations. 

Grimgtilii  was  at  this  time  a  very  old  man,  and  from  this  valuable  speech 
we  became  actpiainted  with  him ;  a  very  Aestor  of  his  nation,  whose  powers 
of  mind  would  not  suffer  in  comparison  with  those  of  a  Roman,  or  a  more 
modern  senator.  He  treated  the  French  with  great  civility,  and  feasted  them 
witli  the  best  his  country  would  afford,  on  their  departure.  We  next  proceed 
to  notice 

BLACK-KETTLE,  whom  the  French  called  La  Chaudiere  Noire.  A 
war  with  France,  in  1G90,  brought  this  chief  upon  the  records  of  history.  lu 
the  simuner  of  that  year.  Major  SclMt/ler,  of  Albany,  with  a  company  of  Mo- 
hawks, fell  u[)on  the  French  settlements  at  the  north  end  of  Lake  Champlain. 
De  Callieres,  governor  of  Montreal,  hastily  collected  about  800  men,  and 
op|»osed  tliezn,  but,  notwithstanding  his  force  was  vastly  superior,  yet  they 
were  repulsed  with  great  loss.  About  300  of  the  enemy  were  killed  in  this 
ex[)edition.  The  French  now  took  every  measure  in  their  power  to  retaliate. 
They  sent  i)rescnts  to  many  tribes  of  Indians,  to  engage  them  in  their  cause, 
and  in  the  Ibllowing  winter  a  party  of  about  300  men,  under  an  accomplished 
yomig  gentleman,  marched  to  attack  the  confederate  Indian  nations  at  Niag- 
ara. Their  march  was  long,  and  rendered  almost  insupportable ;  being 
obliged  to  curry  their  (jrovisions  on  their  backs  through  deep  snow.  Black- 
kettle  met  them  with  about  80  men,  and  maintained  an  unequal  fight  initil 
his  men  were  nearly  all  cut  oil";  but  it  was  more  fatal  to  the  French,  who,  fai 
from  home,  had  no  means  of  recruiting.  Black-kettle,  in  his  turn,  carried  tht 
wiu"  into  Canada  dining  tin;  whole  sununer  following,  with  inuneuse  loss  and 
damage  to  the  French  iiUiabitants.  The  governor  was  so  enraged  at  his 
successes,  that  he  caused  u  jtrisoner,  which  had  been  taken  from  the  Five 
Nations,  to  be  burnt  alive.  This  captive  withstood  the  tortures  with  as  nmch 
finnness  as  his  enemies  showed  cruelty.  lie  sung  his  achievements  while 
they  broiled  his  feet,  burnt  his  hands  with  red  hot  irons,  cut  imd  wrung  off 
Ins  joints,  and  pulled  out  the  sinews.  To  cJose  the  horrid  scene,  his  scalp 
was  torn  off,  and  red  liot  sand  poured  upon  his  head. 

But  this  was  a  day  in  which  that  poojjle  were  able  to  contend  successfully 


8 


BLACK-KETTLE.— HIS  WARS  WITH  THE  FRENCH.      [Book  V. 


Cl 


■ 


hi 


ajjainst  even  Eiimpfan  ciiemit's.  Tlicy  had,  in  KiUl,  laid  a  plan  to  prevent 
the  Fieiicli  Iroiii  (ixteiidinj,'  their  Hcitlenients  westward,  for  surjirisiiig  those 
already  Ibniied,  and  lor  intercepting  the  western  Indians  as  they  hrought 
<lown  their  peltries  to  them. 

Two  armies,  of  JISO  men  each,  were  to  march  out  on  tliis  biisuiess  about 
November ;  the  first  were  to  attack  the  fort  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  and  the 
oilier  to  proceed  by  way  of  Lake  Cliamplain  against  the  settlements.  Before 
they  set  out,  two  Indian  women,  who  had  been  captives  among  them,  made 
their  escape,  and  gave  notice  of  their  object.  This,  in  a  great  measure,  de- 
I'eated  the  enterprise.  Governor  De  Callierts  raised  troops,  antl  strengthencil 
«'vcry  place  he  was  able.  The  iirst  party  was  discovered  as  they  ai)y)r«aclied 
t?t.  Louis,  who,  afler  skirmishing  some  time  with  the  parties  detached  against 
them,  retired  without  gaining  any  material  advantage.  The  second  did  little 
more,  luid  retired,  alter  destroying  some  houses,  and  carrying  with  theni  some 
prisoners. 

About  the  end  of  November,  'M  Mohawks  surprised  some  of  the  French 
Indiiuis  of  St.  Louis,  who  were  carelessly  hunting  about  Mount  Chambly, 
killing  4  iind  capttu'ing  H  others.  Some  escaped,  and  informed  their  friends 
of  what  had  huppeneil,  and  a  company  iuunediately  went  in  pursuit.  They 
overtook  them  near  Lake  Cliamplain,  and  a  hard  light  followed.  The  Catho- 
lic Indians  rushed  ujion  x\w.n\  with  grttat  fury,  tomahawk  in  hand,  and  although 
the  iMohawks  had  tjiken  post  behind  rocks,  they  were  routed,  0  being  killed, 
and  five  taken.    They  also  liberated  all  their  friends  taken  at  Mount  Chambly. 

In  the  lieginning  of  Feb.uary,  1()SI2,  De  Callieres  ordered  M.  De  Omllicres 
to  march,  with  300  men,  into  tlie  peninsula,  which  terminates  ut  the  conflu- 
ence of  the  Ottoway  and  St.  Lawrence  Rivers,  to  surprise  a  comiiaiiy  of 
Irociuois  he  had  been  iirlbrmed  was  there.  It  was  their  himtiiig-ground 
during  the  winter,  ami  the  pretext  lor  attacking  them  was,  that  they  were  now 
there  to  surprise  the  settlements,  and  intercept  such  as  passed  up  and  down 
said  rivers.  While  on  his  march,  De  OnnUiers  met  with  aii  accident  which 
obliged  him  to  return  to  Montreal,  and  the  command  devolved  u])on  Cajitain 
De  Beaucourt.  This  oflicnr  marched  to  Jsle  Tonihata,  not  far  liom  Cataro- 
couy  or  Katarokkui,  where  he  surprised  50  Senecas  in  their  cabins,  killed  24, 
and  took  G  of  them  prisoners. 

Enough  had  jmssed  before  this  to  arouse  the  spirit  of  vengeance  in  the 
great  chief  of  Onondaga,  Black-kettle  ;  but  this  last  act  could  not  be  passed 
without,  at  least,  an  attem|)t  at  retaliation.  AI)oiit  100  Senecas  were  near 
the  Sault  de  la  Cliaudiere,  on  Ottoway  River,  at  this  time,  and  Black-kettle 
soon  alter  joined  them  witli  a  band  of  his  Onondagos ;  and  they  immediately 
put  themselves  into  an  attitude  lor  intercepting  their  enemies. 

Governor  De  Callieres  had  suyiposed  that  by  the  aftair  at  Tonihata,  the  [loquois 
wci^  sulliciently  huudiled  for  the  present,  and  that  they  were  not  to  be  le- 
garded  as  callable  of  any  considerable  undertaking;  but  he  soon  discovered 
the  error  of  his  judgment ;  for  GO  friendly  Indians,  having  arrived  at  Montreal 
to  trade,  reported  that  the  way  was  clear,  but  requested  a  guard  when  tlicy 
returned.  This  was  granted  them.  &  Michel  volunteered  upon  this  service, 
and  put  underthe  command  of  Lieutenant  De  la  Gemera}je,^0  men.  He  had  lor 
his  two  ensigns,  M.  Lc  Fresniere,oUh'St  son  of  the  Sieur  Hertel,  and  his  brolii- 
er.  Having  arrived  at  a  place  called  the  Long  Falls,  on  Ottoway  River, 
some  niMrched  upon  the  side  of  the  river,  while  others  endeavored  to  etH;ct 
the  jiassage  of  the  falls  in  the  boats.  They  had  no  /sooner  entered  uj)on  this 
business,  when  the  warriors  of  Black-kettle,  from  an  ambush,  fired  upon  them, 
jnit  the  (iO  Indians  to  fiight,  killing  and  wounding  many  of  the  French.  They 
then  rushed  upon  them  whh  such  fury  that  little  time  was  allowed  for  resist- 
ance, and  they  h.'d  to  their  boats  for  safety ;  but  in  their  hurry  they  over- 
turned them,  and  many  were  made  prisoners.  Among  these  were  S.  Michel 
and  the  two  Hertels.  La  Gemeraye  and  a  few  soldiers  only  escajted.*  Black- 
kettle\<i  force  on  this  occasion  was  computed  at  140  men. 

Some  lime  now  passed  without  hearing  from  Black-kettle,  but  on  15  July, 
16t.t2,  he  ftll  upon  the  Island  of  Montreal,  as  has  already  been  recorded. 

*  Coldcn  says,  (i.  134,)  that  but  four  escaped  in  all. 


ol 
ill 
til 
p| 

hi 


Chap.  I.] 


DEKANISORA. 


9 


near 


Parties  of  soldiera  collected  and  went  in  pursuit,  overtook  the  rear  of  the 
ludiaiiH,  killed  10  men,  and  retook  many  priciou<;rs. 

Some  days  after  this,  as  tiie  Sieur  De  Liisiftnan  was  passing  near  the  Isles 
of  Richelieu,  Black-kettle  fell  upon  his  party,  Killed  him,  and  put  his  men  to 
flight.  We  hear  nothing  more  of  great  moment  of  this  famous  chief,  until 
tlic  year  l()97,  in  which  he  was  trea(^herously  murdered.  He  appears  at  this 
period  to  have  concluded  upon  making  peace  with  the  French,  and  messen- 
gers had  hoeu  despatched  to  Quehec  upon  that  design.  In  the  mean  time 
he  was  hunting  hi  the  neighhorhood  of  Cafarocouy,  where  the  French  had 
a  garrison,  which  was  then  commanded  hy  Captain  Gemeraye,  belbre  men- 
tioned, to  whom  he  gave  notice  that  negotiations  were  on  foot.  Notwith- 
standing, 34  Algonquins,  in  the  French  interest,  were  suffered  to  go  and 
surprise  Black-kettle  and  his  40  hiuiters,  who  were  not  liir  from  Catarocoiiy, 
at  a  place  named  (^uintc.  They  were  fidlen  U|)on  at  a  time  when  they 
thought  not  of  an  enemy,  and  about  half  of  them  were  slain,  among  whom 
was  Black-kMe  ;  his  wile  and  many  others  were  taken  prisoners.  * 

Adario,  Kondiaronk,  Sastaketsi,  andTiiE  Rat,  were  names  of  a  chief  of 
great  renown  among  the  llurons.  The  tribe  to  which  he  origuially  belongtsd 
was  called  the  Dinondadies  or-  Tionnontates.  His  character,  as  drawn  by 
Charlevoix,  is  as  follows:  "  A  man  of  a  great  mind,  the  bravest  of  the  brave, 
and  possessing  altogetiier  the  best  qualities  of  any  known  to  the  French  in 
Canada."  Of  what  we  an;  about  to  n-late  concerning  him,  we  have  already 
given  a  sketch,  which  being  delijctivo  in  some  of  the  main  particulars,  it  was 
thought  l)est  to  add  another  version  of  it  in  this  jjlace. 

It  was  with  no  small  difficulty  that  the  French  had  engaged  him  in  their 


cause, 
that  he 


While  on  a  visit  to 
would  make  war  on 


the 


jfovernor,  in  KiHS,  he  had  passed  his  word 
lis  detested  enemies,  the  Irotpiois,  and  soon 
after  departed  for  Michilimakiuak,  with  a  chosen  band  of  his  llnrons,  resolv- 
ed to  distinguish  himself  by  some  signal  exploit.  In  his  way  he  passed  by 
Catarocouy.  At  this  place,  he  learned,  to  his  surprise,  that  a  negotiation 
wiis  jureaily  «n  foot  beweeu  the  Freijch  and  Iroriuojs,  and  was  at  the  panie 
time  informed  by  the  ofiicer  iu  command  there,  that  he  would  infinitely  dis- 
oblige M.  De  Demnville,  if  he  should  commit  the  least  hostility  upon  any  of 
the  Iroquois,  wlio  was  immediately  to  receive  their  ambassadors  at  Montreal, 
together  with  hostages  from  all  the  cantons. 

Konduironk  concealed  his  surprise,  and  altiiough  now  convinced  that  the 
French  would  sacrifice  him  and  his  allies,  y(!l  he  made  no  complaint,  and 
left  the  place  as  though  to  return  to  his  own  country.  But  he  had  no  sooner 
conceived  the  design  of  intercepting  the  Iroquois  ambassadors  and  hostages, 
than  he  set  out  upon  it.  Having  placed  his  men  in  anihush  at  Famine 
Creek,  he  had  waited  but  lew  days  when  they  arrived.  As  they  were 
descending  the  creek  iu  thi;ir  canoes,  Adanoi's  warriors  fired  v\\mu  them, 
killed  several,  and  took  the  rest  prisoners. 

The  celebrated  Dekanisora,  or,  as  tlie  French  called  \nm,  Teganisorens, 
of  Uiiondago,  was  at  the. head  of  this  eniluissy,  and  was  among  the  prisoners. 
He  deniaiuled  of  Mario,  how  it  ha[)])ened  that  he  could  he  ignorant  that  he 
waa  an  and)assador  to  their  common  liither,  and  of  his  endeavor  to  bring 
about  a  lasting  peace.  The  subtle  chief  completely  subdued  his  irritable 
and  indignant  passions,  by  expressing  far  greater  surprise  than  Dekanisora 
himself;  protesting  that  the  French  were  the  whole  cause  of  what  had 
happened,  for  that  they  had  sent  him  to  surprise  his  party,  and  had  assured 
him  that  he  could  do  it  with  ease,  as  their  nmnbers  were  small ;  and,  to  drive 
suspiciions  from  the  mind  of  Dekanisora  arul  his  people,  set  them  all  at 
liltertj',  but  9ne,  who  was  to  siij)ply  the  place  of  one  of  the  llurons  that  was 
killed.    At  parting,  Jldario  s[)oke  to  them  as  follows : — 

"Go,  luy  bretin-en,  1  luitie  your  bonds,  nnd  send  you  home  again,  though 
our  nations  be  at  war.  The  French  governor  has  made  me  connnitso  black 
an  action,  that  I  shall  never  be  easy  after  it,  till  the  Five  Natious  have  taken 
lidl  revenge." 

Some  report  that,  after  cnptiu-iiig  Dekanisora,  Adario  returned  to  Kadarak- 


'I'liis  is  ncconliiiij  to  tho  text  of  Charlevoix, 


El 


10 


DEKANISORA— ADARIO. 


[Book  V. 


kui,  or  Catarocouy,  and  that,  being  asked  by  the  French  from  whence  he 
came,  said,  "  From  preventing  peace."  *  They  did  not  at  first  comprehend  his 
meaning,  but  soo,i  alter,  one  of  his  prisoners,  that  escaped,  gave  them  the 
history  of  the  affair. 

But  for  wliat  followed,  the  character  of  Adario  would  stand  well  among 
warriors.  He  sacrificed  hit  only  prisoner,  which  completed  this  act  of  the 
tragedy ;  and  it  seemed  necessary  to  carry  out  his  deep-laid  stratagem. 

That  the  Iroqtiois  should  have  no  chance  to  believe  the  French  innocent 
of  the  blood  at  the  River  Famine,  which  they  had  used  great  endeavors  to 
effect,  by  sending  emissaries  among  them,  Adario  went  with  his  prisoner 
immediately  to  Michilimakinak,  and  delivered  him  to  M.  De  la  Durantayc, 
tin  commander  of  that  post,  who  as  yet  had  had  no  knowledge  of  any  nego- 
tiation between  the  Iroquois  and  his  superiors.  Whereuj)on  he  forthwith 
caused  the  [>oor  prisoner  to  be  put  to  death.  The  news  of  this  affair,  the 
cunning  chief  caused  to  be  made  known  among  the  cantons,  by  an  old 
captive  he  had  held  a  long  time  in  bondage  at  his  village,  whom  he  now  set 
at  liberty  for  this  purpose. 

The  catasfroj  ties  that  befell  the  French  not  long  after,  and  the  suffering 
they  endure  (,  are  almost  vyithout  a  parallel,  f 

About  lyOO  of  the  chief  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  landed  upon  the 
Island  of  Montreal,  25  August,  1(M\  while  the  French  were  in  perfect  secu- 
rity, burnt  their  houses,  sacked  their  plantations,  and  slew  a  vast  number  of 
the  inhabitants.  The  English  accounts  say  a  thousand  j)er8ons  perished, 
but  tliis  nunjber  was  no  doubt  far  greater  than  the  truth.  In  October  fol- 
lowing they  attacke<l  the  island  again  with  nearly  equal  success.  These 
iiorrid  disasters  threw  the  whole  country  into  the  utmost  consternation,  in 
which  the  Ibrt  at  I.uke*  Ontario  was  abandoned  by  the  garrison,  and  as  soon 
possessed  by  tiie  Lulians.  Here,  among  other  things  of  great  value  to  them, 
28  barrels  of  gunpowder  fell  into  their  hands.  Nothing  now  saved  the 
French  from  an  entire  extermination  but  the  ignorance  of  their  enemies  in 
the  art  of  attacking  fortified  places. 

Adario  finally  died  at  i)eace  witii  the  French,  and  almost  in  the  act  of  con- 
cluding it.  He  had  accoin])anie<l  the  heads  of  several  tribes  to  Montreal,  in 
1701,  to  hold  a  tre  ify,  luid,  on  the  1  August,  (that  being  the  first  day  of  public 
councils,)  Adario  fi)und  himself  seized  by  sickness.  Every  thing  was  done 
to  relieve  him,  ("as  the  governor  general,"  says  Charlevoix,  "rested  his  prin- 
cij)al  hope  Aif  iiuc4M'ss  in  the  treaty,  upon  him,")  but  without  avail ;  being 
carried  to  I'Hotel  Hici,  he  died  at  two  o'clock  on  the  following  night.  At 
his  fiuieral  I  the  greatest  display  was  made,  and  nothing  was  omitted  which 
could  iMsj)in>  tiie  Indians  present  with  a  conviction  of  the  great  respect  in 
which  ho  WOK  held.    On  iiis  tomb-stone  were  engraved  those  words, 


*  "  .11  ri'povdit  (jii'il  x-enoit  de.  teur  la  paix ;  et  qn'il  aJolUa,  nous  verrons  comment  Ononlhio 
sc  tinru  di'  vi'llc  iithiin-." 

t  I'Vw  woul<l  wish  lo  read,  in  EiiRlisli,  llio  cniollies  nt  (he  SBckinpf  of  Montreal :  tlie  ac- 
connl  ollhi'in,  wo  Hfrrec  with  I'r.  IIoi.mks,  "is  too  horri.i  to  triinshile." — "  lis  tnmrernit 
toiil  If  mmid  iiidarmi,  rl  ils  rummeiirrrnil  par  niassiirrer  Ions  leu  honimes  ,  ensuite  Us  mirent 
/('  feu  aii.v  miiifdiis.  I'ar-lii  tciis  rrw.r,  ijiii  ij  rloirut  rentes,  tomherent  eulie  mains  lie  ces  siiii- 
nages,  et  essinieient  lout  re  i/iie  In  fureiir  yeiil  hispirer  (i  des  Imrhdres.  lis  Ik  piiustierent  m^me 
udrsexres,  doiil  on  lie  les  nvoil  pas  encore  rnt  Cdpohles.  lis  oiirrireiil  le  scin  des  femmfs 
fnceinlis,  pour  en  nrrnrliir  le  frnit,  iiu'elles  portoient,  Us  mirent  des  en/'nns  loni  vivaus  ct  lit 
hrorhe,  el  ronlniioninnt  les  meres  de  les  tonrner  pour  les  /aire  rolir.  lis  imenterenl  i/UiltUitt' 
d'antres  snpjiliees  iinmis,  el  'J(H)  personnes  de  lout  iige  et  de  tout  se.te  perirrnt  oinsi,  en  rnoim 
d'une  heurr  dons  les  plus  iiftren.r  lourntens,  Cria  fait,  I'ennemi  s'aprorlia  imqn'ii  nne  liiW  de 
III  rille,  fiiisani  pur  tnul  Irs  memes  rarotres.  el  rxer(;iinl  le^i  nu^mes  rruanlis,  et  ifuond  Us  fnrent 
las  lie  res  horreurs ,  Us  Jireut  '200  prisonniers,  qu'lls  emnuwrenl  daiu  leur  rUlages,  oil  Us 
let  hriilerrnl." 

t  '■  1.0  lonilemnin  on  lit  sos  fiinernillcs,  quipiirenl  qiiclqim  rhose  do  ninjrnifiqiio  cl  do  sin- 
fTiilior.  M.  dt  i^V.  Ours,  premier  enpiliiine,  mnrehoit  «l'iilMir<i  I'l  hi  lele  ile  ^10  sohUls  sons  Ici 
iirnio'i.  HeizL  ifiierriiTs  llnroiis,  vetns  dn  h)n^iies  rohes  de  riislor,  le  visnpe  jieinl  «ii  noir, 
et  le  (iisil  sons  h-  liras,  Miivoient,  nmrrlmni  qniitre  ii  (|inilre.  I.e  rlerije  venoil  upres,  cl  six 
rliel's  de  pierre  porloienl  le  eercneil,  (jni  rioil  eoiiverl  d'nn  poCle  seme  de  flenrs,  siir  lei|iiel 
il  y  iivoil  on  ehiipean  avcc  nii  pinniel,  ini  hniisse-rol  cl  nne  epee.  Les  freres  ei  les  enluiis 
dn  ddiml  eloienl  derriere,  ai('onipa(fiM's  de  tcins  les  cliels  des  nations,  el  M.  d<  Voiulriuil, 
goiivoriieiir  do  la  \ille,  (|ui  meuoil  nKulaine  do  Champiuny,  funiioil  lu  mnrrlic." 


Ghap.  I-i 


PEISKARET. 


u 


«CY  GIT  LE  RAT,  CHEF  HURON." 

Which  in  English  is,  "  Here  lies  the  Raty  Chief  of  ih£  Hurons"  The  encomi- 
ums passed  by  the  French  upon  him  that  was  once  their  most  dreaded 
enemy,  are  only  equalled  by  those  of  their  countrymen,  Fontenelle  and  La- 
harpe,  upon  their  favorite  characters. 

His  body  was  a  short  time  exposed  before  it  was  interred,  dressed  in  the 
uniform  of  an  officer,  with  his  arms  by  his  side,  because  ho  ranked  as  a 
captain,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  in  the  Fiench  service. 

The  intercourse  o*"  Dekanisora  with  the  French  and  English  was  long,  and 
from  the  fact  he  was  able,  for  much  of  the  time  during  their  wars,  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  both  nations,  we  are  to  suppose  that  he  possessed  some 
skill  in  the  arts  of  duplicity.  He  is  first  mentioned  by  Charlevoix  in  1682, 
at  which  time  he,  with  four  other  a-nbassadors,  visited  Montreal  upon  a 
peace  expedition.  He  was  suspected  of  insincerity  by  the  French,  and  no 
rehance  appears  to  huve  been  put  upon  his  pretensions.  Twelve  years  after, 
Colden  saw  him,  and  thus  speaks  of  him :  "  Decaneaora  had  tor  many  years 
the  greatest  reputation  among  the  Five  Nations  for  speaking,  and  was  gener- 
ally employed  as  their  speaker,  in  their  negotiations  with  both  French  and 
English :  he  was  grown  old  when  I  saw  him,  and  heard  him  speak ;  he  had^ 
a  great  fluency  in  speaking,  and  a  graceful  elocution,  that  would  have  pleased 
in  any  part  of  the  world.  His  person  was  tall  and  well  made,  and  his  features, 
to  my  thinking,  resembled  much  the  bustos  of  Cicero."  * 

If  he  ^vere  an  old  sachem  in  1G94,  he  must  have  been  very  old  in  172(>,  for 
in  this  year  he  was  at  Albany  with  six  other  ambassadors,  where,  on  the  14 
September,  they  executed  nn  agreement  with  the  English  ;  the  conditions  of 
which  were  that  they  should  surrender  al'  their  hunting-grounds  into  the 
hands  of  Coorukhoo,  as  diey  called  the  King  of  England,  "  to  be  i)rotected 
and  defended  by  his  said  majesty,  his  heirs  and  su<  cessors,  to  and  for  the 
USE  of  us,  our  heii-s,  and  the  said  three  Nations."  These  had  before  been 
enumerated,  as  follows:  " Kanakarighton  and  Shanintsaronwe,  Sinnekb 
sachems ;  Ottsoghkoree,  Dekanisoree  imd  Aenjcucrait,  C/.youge  sachems ;  Raclxj' 
akadorodon  and  Sadageenaghtie,  Onondaqo  sachems,  'f 

Charlevoix  was  unable  to  ascertain  the  time  of  De.'anisura's  death, although 
he  learned  that  it  happened  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Loui ).  Under  (kte  KiiX),  he 
speaks  in  iiigh  terms  of  him,  Oureouhari  and  Garakovlhii,  Ivofjuois  Cliristians, 
whom  Dekanisora  lu;d  employed  secretly  to  bring  i  bout  a  peace  v  ith  that 
nation ;  but  knew  not,  as  to  his  Christianity,  he  said,  at  that  time  ;  .  it  was 
ceitain  that  he  had  profoesed  it.    He  probably  died  about  1730. 

We  will  go  a  little  back  in  this  place,  to  notice  a  chief  of  the  Adirondoks, 
of  whom  the  most  extraordinary  stories  are  told  ;  even  tliost;  of  Jack-the- giant' 
killer  ore  but  little  more  aicredible.  And  even  though  Father  Chanevoix 
was  familiar  with  fhom,  yet  he  deemed  them  as  ficHon,  it  will  be  inuigined, 
from  his  not  relating  them  in  his  minute  history.  The  name  of  PEISKAllET 
was,  for  sundry  years  previous  to  1(5 Ui,  terrible  to  the  enemies  of  the  Adiron- 
daks.  This  nation,  when  Canada  was  settled  by  tlie  French,  in  l(i03,  resided 
nbout  300  miles  to  the  westward  of  Three  Rivers.  How  long  tlicy  had  been 
at  war  with  the  Iromiois  at  this  time,  is  not  mentiotied,  l)Ut  it  was  conthiued 
until  the  doatli  of  Peiskaret  in  HUC),  though  with  interruption  and  various 
success;  but  with  this  chief  perished  all  opposition,  una  the  Adiroudaks 
figured  no  more  us  a  nation. 

As  we  have  put  the  reader  upon  his  guard,  about  receiving  the  huge  Btoriea 
about  Peiskaret  with  too  nnich  confidence,  it  will  be  expected  at  our  liunda, 
pcrha|>8,  that  we  give  a  sample  of  the.ii,  as  it  may  be  said,  "  jjossibly  they 
are  ti-ue."  We  might  have  done  this  without  thus  premising,  as  others  have 
done,  upon  the  authrrity  of  Colden,  (an  author  of  small  vaiite,  comparatively 
speaking.)    His  riilationjuroceotls : — 

"  An  Lidian  named  Piskaret  was  at  this  time  i  one  of  tlie  captains  of 


Hial.  FivB  NATioNg,  i.  IfiC, 


'    Hia>.  f  IVB  [^ATlONg,  I.  100, 

t  Oovcrnor  Tlionutu  Pownnl,  A<lm)n:strn(inii  of  Iho  BrilUh  Colonio^,  i.  23fl,  C3J>. 
)  111-  iiiriilioni  III)  |ii<rli('iiliir  liino,  Imi  lliiit  oflhc  tpllleinoiil  of  (.'aiiaJa, in  lliOS; 
time  during ifan:  >Tar  ol  whi«h  wo  hnvr  <'(i9keu  iiHut  b«  unckntood. 


but  »oina 


IS 


PEI9KARET. 


[Book  V, 


greatest  fame  among  tlie  Adirondacks ;  this  bold  man,  with  four  other  cap- 
tains, 8et  oiii  lor  'Irois  Rivieres  in  one  cauoe,  each  of  tliem  being  pro- 
vided with  three  muskets,  wliich  they  loaded  with  two  buUeta  apiece,  jomed 
with  a  small  chain  ten  inches  long.  They  met  witli  five  canoes  in  Sorel 
River,  each  liaviiig  10  men  of  the  Five  Nations  on  board.  Piskaret  and  hi» 
cui)taius,  as  soon  as  tiiose  of  the  Five  Nations  drew  near,  pretended  to  give 
themselves  up  lor  lost,  and  sung  their  death-song,  then  suddenly  fired  upon 
the  canoes,  which  they  repeated  with  the  arms  that  lay  ready  loaded,  and 
tore  those  birch  vessels  betwixt  wind  and  water.*  The  men  of  the  Five 
Nations  were  so  wiirprised,  that  they  tumbled  out  of  their  canoes,  and  gave 
Piskarc*  and  his  coiiij)anions  the  oi)portiuiity  of  knocking  as  many  of  them 
on  tiie  head  us  they  pitsascd,  and  saving  the  others,  to  feed  their  revenge, 
which  they  did  by  burning  them  alive  with  the  most  cruel  torments.  This, 
however,  was  so  fiir  Irom  glutthig  Piskarefs  r»;venge,  that  it  seemed  rather  to 
give  a  keener  edge  to  it ;  tor  he  soon  after  undertook  another  enterprise,  in 
which  none  of  iiis  countrynien  durst  accoirijmny  him.  He  was  well  acquainted 
with  tiie  comitiy  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  set  out  about  the  time  the  snow  be- 
gan to  molt,  with  the  jirccaution  of  j)mtingthe  hinder  j)ait  of  his  snow-shoes 
forward,  that  'i  any  sl-.ould  happen  iijjon  his  Ibotstejjs,  they  might  think  he  was 
gone  theckJM'ruiy  way;  and  for  further  security,  went  along  the  ridges  and 
high  grounds,  where  the  snow  was  melted,  that  his  track  might  be  often  lost. 
Wlien  he  came  n<!ar  one  of  the  villages  of  the  Five  Nations,  he  hid  himself 
till  night,  and  then  entered  a  cabin,  while  every  Itody  was  lost  asleep  murdered 
the  whole  family,  and  carried  their  scalps  into  his  lurking-place.  The  next  day 
the  jieople  of  the  villager  searched  lor  the  niiu'derer  in  vain.  The  following 
night  he  murdered  all  he  found  in  another  cabin.  The  iidiabitaiits  next  day 
eearchtul  likewise  in  vain  lor  the  murderer:  but  the  third  night  a  watch  waH 
kept  in  every  houst;.  Pwknnt,  in  the  night,  bundled  up  the  scalps  he  had 
taken  tlit!  two  Ibrnitr  nights,  to  carry,  as  tin;  proof  of  his  victory,  and  then 
stole  privately  from  house  to  house,  till  at  last  he  fl)uiid  an  Indian  nodding, 
who  was  upon  the  watch  in  one  of  the  houses :  he  knocked  this  man  on  the 
head ;  but  astliisalMrnied  the  rest,  he  was  forced  immediately  to  fly.  He  was, 
however,  under  no  gnnit  concern  from  the  |)ursuit,  being  more  swift  of  foot 
than  any  Indian  then  living.  He  let  bis  pursut!rs  come  near  him  from  time 
to  time,  and  then  would  dart  from  tlit^m.  This  he  did  with  di'sign  to  tire  them 
out,  with  the  hopes  of  overtiiking  bun.  As  it  began  to  grow  dark,  he  hid  him- 
self, and  his  pursuers  stopped  to  rest.  They  not  being  ai»prehensive  of  any 
dimger  from  a  single  man,  soon  fiill  aslce|. ;  atul  the  bold  Piskaret  observing 
this,  knockc'd  them  I'tl  on  the  bend,  and  carried  awiiy  their  scalps  with  the 
rest.  iriw\\  stories  irs  these,"  continues  Coldcn,  "are  told  among  the  Indians, 
as  extraordinary  in-itmin's  of  the  coin-age  and  conduct  of  their  captains." 

Itelbre  this,  as  we  apprehend,  though  related  afterwards  by  this  author, 
were,  the  great  ex)>edititins  of  tlie  Inxpiois  against  the  Adirondaks.  The 
French  took  jtnrt  with  the  latter  from  the  begitniing,  and  when  Vlmmplain 
visited  the  coimtrj',  he  joined  a  party  of  them,  and  went  iigainst  the  Ircipajis, 
and,  with  the  aid  of  his  lire-arms,  overcame  lluim  in  a  battle  near  Lid<e  Cor- 
lur,  which  was  hencelbrth  called  Lake  Cbainplain.  Two  hundred  Irocpioia 
Wire  in  lliis  light,  and  the  h'rencli  k('|)t  themstdves  concealed,  uiuil  it  began, 
then  rushed  forward,  ami  immediately  put  the  Iroipiois  to  flight.  This  was 
the  lirst  tinu!  tin  y  had  seen  the  elfects  of  gims.     This  aftiiir  was  in  Kill. 

Finally,  the  Intiiuois,  having  grown  conscious  of  their  strength,  felt  coii- 
rtdi  lit  that,  if  they  could  prevent  the  French  from  assisting  them,  they  coidd 
withstand  them.  Therelore,  they  pretended  to  be  well  alfected  towardn 
their  religion,  and  re(|uested  that  missionaries  should  be  sent  among  them. 
This  was  done  witlio\it  delay.  'I'heir  real  object  was  soon  a|i|>arent;  for 
they  treated  the  Jesuit  missioiiari«>8  only  as  hosUiges,  luid  this  was  the  ineanu 
of  making  them  statu!  neutral  while  they  carried  on  their  war  with  the  Adi- 
nuuhiks  and  Cluatoghies  or  Hiirons,  whom  they  soon  atler  defeated  "in  a 
dreadfiil  battle  tbught  within  two  leagues  of  Uiiobeck." 

This  expedition  turned  out  so  much  to  their  advantage,  "Uie  Five  Nationi 

'  'I'lio  auUiur  ui  ItuiiaH  'faltu  !.u  cuiii««i  llii*  clo»«ly,  but  givn  no  ertdtt.  2Uw,  iu 
36,  &c. 


[Book  V, 


Chap.  I.] 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


13 


for 


gave  out,  that  they  intended  ne.xt  winter  *  to  visit  tlie  fjovcrnor  of  Canada: 
tliese  visits  arc  always  made  with  niueh  sliow.  Under  this  pn^tcnce  they 
gathei-ed  together  1000  or  1200  men.  Tlicjir  outscouts  niet  with  Piskard  near 
Nicoiet  River,  and  still  pretending  a  friendly  visit  to  the  governor  of  Canada, 
as  their  only  design,  he  told  thein,  that  the  Adiron.'acks  were  divided  into 
two  hodies,  one  ol"  whicli  hunted  on  the  north  side  of  St.  Lawrenee  River  at 
Wnbmake,  three  leagues  above  Trois  Rivieres,  and  tlie  otiier  at  Nicoiet.  As 
soon  as  they  had  j;,fiined  this  information,  they  killed  him,  and  retiu'iied 
with  his  head  to  the  army.  Tiie  Five  Nations  divided  'ikewise  into  two 
hodies:  tiicy  surprised  the  Adirondacks,  in  both  places,  and  in  both  cut  them 
in  ])ieccs." 

This  account  is  more  circumstantial  than  tiuit  given  by  Cliarkvoix,  but,  as 
we  have  s(!en,  would  have  been  without  any  value,  but  for  his  chronology'. 
He  states  that,  by  their  previous  conduct,  the  Mohawks  had  reason  to  expect, 
that  all  the  neighboring  nations  would  join  to  oppose  them,  and  that  tiiey 
sent  out  parties  to  ob.serve  what  was  jiassing  among  them  ;  that  one  of  these 
scouts  met  Priskard  alone,  i)Ut  dared  not  attack  iiim ;  being  persiiaihMl  ho 
would  kill  at  least  half  of  them,  as  lie  had  otlen  (h)ne  befon;.  They  there- 
fore accosti'd  him  as  a  triend,  wliile  some  came  up  behind  him,  and  stabbed 
him  to  the  heart. 

IJut  for  the  French,  the  Iro.,  lois  had  now  been  complete  masters  of 
all  the  northern  and  western  regions;  and  some  have  observtHJ,  that  had 
they  known  the  weakness  of  rhose  white  I'eighbors,  at  the  time  they  over- 
came the  Aigoiupiins,  near  Quebec,  they  might  eiusily  have  cleared  tho 
Cumilrj'  of  them  also. 

We  will  close  this  chapter  with  an  account  of  the  visit  of  liv(!  Iroquois 
chiefs  to  Fnglaiid.  Tlus  I'hiulish  in  America  had  sujiposed  that  if  they 
could  convince  tlie  Indian  nations  of  the  power  and  grcatnciss  of  their 
mother  country,  they  should  be  able  to  detach  them  Ibrever  from  the  in- 
lluence  of  flic  French.  To  acconi]»lish  tlfis  object,  tliese  ciiiefs  were  [ire- 
vailed  upon  to  make  the  voyage.  They  vir  ted  tlie  court  of  (iiieeii  Jtnnc  iu 
theytjar  1710.  None  of  tin;  American  historians  seem  to  have  known  tho 
names  of  these  chiefs,  or,  if  they  did,  liave  not  thought  it  |)rop(;r  to  transmit 
them.  Sinilli,  in  his  history  of  iN'ew  Vork,  mentions  the  liict  of  their  having 
visited  l-'ngland,  and  give-f  the  s|)(>eeli  which  thry  madi-  to  tl:(\  (|ueeii,  aiut 
says  it  is  presirvtul  "'in  Oldmi.ron"  perh;i[>s  in  the  "-id  edition  ol'  his  lliirrisit 
Hmimiik.  in  AMK.aic.v,!  as  nothing  of  tin!  kind  is  Ibmid  in  his  history  of  Fng- 
land,  altliough  lii^  records  tla;  I'ircumstance,  and  ill-naturedly  enough  too. 
We  tliii  k  he  would  hardly  have  done  even  this,  but  for  flie  pm'|josi!  of  ritli- 
cnliiig  '.he  friends  of  iIk!  (pieen.  The  following  is  all  that  he  says  of  tiiein  :J: 
"Thne  weeks  atler  the  battle  (»f  SaiTag<(ssa  was  liiught  by  (ienci.d  Sliinhope, 
whose  victoiy  made  way  for  the  march  to  iMadrid,  the  news  ol'  the  victory 
was  brought  to  the  (pieen  by  Colonel  Ifamsoti,  the  1.')  September,  O.  S.,  ut 
wiiich  U)\\v  the  liigh-ciiurcb  riibbli!  were  pelting  (ieneral  Stanliopt^H  l>roxy, 
and  kiiocliing  down  his  frii^nds  at  th(^  Westminster  election.  I lowever,  t()r 
till!  siici-i'.-ses  in  Spain,  imd  titr  tlie  taking  of  Doway,  IJc^thune  luul  Aire,  by 
the  duke  niWIiirlhoivuirh  in  I'Manders,  there  was"  a  thaid<,-<giving-day  uppoint(!it, 
which  the  ip:  "II  solenini/ed  in  St.  .Iiuiies's  chapel.  To  iiave  gone  as  luiual 
ti  St.  Paul's,  mil  there  to  have  had  Te  Deiim  sung  on  that  occasion,  woiihl 
liiiv'i!  shown  loo  much  countenance  to  tliopM^  lirave  and  victorious  Fiiiglisli 
t{enor;ils,  wlio  were  lighting  her  battles  aliroad,  while  lligh-ehureli  was  jilot- 
ting,  and  niilin<:,  and  addressii.g  against  tln-m  at  hoiii*'.  The  currying  of 
four  ^  IndiMii  ( 'asaipies  about  in  tlie  (pieeiiV  coaches,  wim  idl  '  le  triumph  of 
tho  iliu'leian  administriition;  they  wvm  odieit  kingH,  and  clotliod,  by  tho 


TaUf,  u. 


"  No  "lie  rmi  Irll  wlirii  notl  loiVrfcr  whs,  Ihni  i<.  wlinl  veur  it  was  in.  t  y  «iiy  cmmcrtioii  in 
Cnltliri'.s  iBxi  1  III!  is  »o  I'JiL'oi'iliiiffly  loose  with  rrf;iir<i,ti>  <ii«U"4 ;  lull,  aocoidiii^'  to  Charlevoix, 

it  WilH   ill    lli|4i. 

t  'riirliiil  (•(lilion  (wliii'li  I  |iii«>ii's"i)  WHS  ]»riiilrrl  in  1701). 

t   llht.  lUi'il.iml.W.  1..VJ.     (F,,l.  LmidcM,  I7.1.">.) 

4  llr  s.iys  /('re,  ii  few  lint's  oiiwnnl,  in  his  iixiinl  random  nioilc  ot'cxprv^isinn,  siippoiuiif  it  all 
till-  siiiiie,  ikMilitloss,  IU  hn  kku  oniii  timtuUrinz  /'Win;** .'  It  will  In;  sffii  lliul  live  was  llio  real 
uumlx.'r. 


;!i 


I  i 


14 


FIVE  IROaUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGI-AND 


[Book  V. 


pliiy-lioiiao  tailor,  like  otlior  kiiif,'H  of  tlin  tlicatn; ;  flii-y  worn  coiHlnctrd  to 
midii'iKT  hy  Sir  Vlmrlcs  Cutlcrel ;  tlinrc  was  a  .sj)et'cli  iiiatlo  lor  tlicm,  and 
ii()tirui<>'  oiiiittcil  lo  do  lioiiur  to  tlit'sf  live  iiioiiarclis,  wliosc  pn-sciico  did  ho 
iiiiicli  lioiior  lo  till!  ii(!\v  iiiiiii.>jtry ;  wliicli  tlu;  latter  s^oiiumI  to  bo  cxtreiiioly 
li'iid  oi;  and  dcifraycd  ail  tiicir  »'\|u,'nt-(;s  diiriiii;- llieir  stay  Jicrt;.  Tiioy  wci-e 
till'  raptains  ol'  tlm  I'oiir  nations,  [i''iv(!  iNafions,]  in  Ica^iii;  willi  tlio  J']ui;iish 
at  Now  York  and  Now  Jinfj;l;ui(l,  and  caMio  in  porson  to  treat  of  niattors 
concerninn' tra(l(!  with  tlio  lords (■i)nimi.s.--ionors  of  plantations;  as  also  ol"  an 
onlerjirise  iigainst  llio  l'"ronoli,  and  their  ei)nfiMlorat(!  Indiaiis  in  tlioso  parts." 

Sir  /{Irhiinl  S/cele  mentions  tliosi'  Ciiiiels  in  his  'i'atlor  oi'  iVlay  l:{,  1710, 
and  .lildison  makes  tiiom  the  stiliject  of  a  niimher  of  the  Sp«H;tator  tlio 
n(>.\t  year,  at  a  siiii'irestion  of  Dean  Sivifl*  N(^itlier  of  these  pa|)eis,  how- 
I'ver,  oontain  many  litets  respecting  ihoni.  In  the  former  il  is  nuMitioiied 
that  one  o|"  them  was  taken  siekf  at  iIk-  house  where  they  \\('ve  aceonniio- 
dated  dnrin^' their  stay  in  liOn<lon,  and  ihi-y  all  received  areiit  kindness  and 
attention  from  their  host,  which,  on  their  departure,  was  the  cause  of  their 
lioiiorini;  him  with  a  name  ot'  distinction  ;  which  was  Cndnnxjnv,  and  si^- 
nille<l  "the  strontxeat  J'orf  in  their  rounlri/."  In  speaking  of  their  re-'idei.co, 
Ml.  Slide  says,  "They  wore  placed  in  rHiands'.nu^  apartment  at  an  uphol- 
sler's  in  Ivinii-stnu-t,  Covont-iiar<len."  'I'hero  were  lino  portraits  of  ea<'li  of 
tlioni  painted  at  the  time,  and  are  still  to  he  seen  in  the  IJritish  Mnseimi.  | 

'["lie  liesi  and  most  methodical  account  ot'  these  chiefs  was  piililished  ill 
the  j;reat  annual  history  liy  Air.  lSoi)ci;^  :nn\  t'oin  which  we  extract  as  follows: 
"  Ou  the  II>  April  7V  Vee  ^\'eni  tin  (la  t'nnr,  antl  Sii  (lit  )e(in  ({ua  Pinh 
Tail,  ol'  till'  iM.-epias;  I'lluir  l)h  Koaiii,  and  (Vi  ^Vee  Ici////  'J'oii  Ah  ''r.'fc,  ||  of 
til'  river  sachem,*;  and  the  (JaiiMJoh-hore  saciif  m,  *  four  kiiii;s,  or  cliief>-  ot'tht! 
Six  Nations  tf  in  the  WCst  indies,  {]:  which  .ie  lietwoeii  New  l',ii^!;!! '•  and 
New  Franco,  or  Canada:  who  lately  canu;  over  v\ithtlio  V^v-^t  |i;;iia  Hoot, 
and  wi'Vi'  cloatliod  and  ontertainod  at  the  tpioi  m'''  :  \poiisc,  lind  ;'.  imlilic 
audience  of  her  majesty  at  the  palace  of  St.  Jiimei>,  lieiiii;  condiictod  thither 
in  two  of  !ior  inaiosty's  coatdios,  hy  Sir  Clutflea  Cullerel,  nmsler  ol"  the  cere- 
monies, and  iuirodiiced  liy  the  diiko  of  Slur : mini ni,  lord  olianiherlain.  They 
made  a  speech  le  their  intrepreler,  whicii  Major  /'i(/i;T(;f(,  w  ho  was  one  <»!' 
the  oiiicers  that  oame  with  tlieiii,  rt-ad  in  laif^lish  to  her  majesty,  heiiig  )18 
follows  : — 

"  (Jroat  tinoon — Wo  have  iindiM'takon  a  lonif  and  tedious  Ntiyaire,  whiidi 
iiono  of  our  predecessors •^^^  could  lie  juevailed  upon  to  luidi'rtako.  The 
motive  that  indiioerl  ns  was,  that  w(!  mi/ilit  see  our  <:reat  (|ueen,  and  n-late 
lo  her  those  thinjxs  we  tliouijfht  al..olutel}-  necessary,  for  the  irood  of  her,  and 
'!■',  her  allies,  oii  the  other  side  the  j;real  water.     We  douht  not  hut  our  ;^roat 


■  ••  I  iiiU'iiiii'il  Id  liavc  wiiUi-n  a  liciok  on  lliat  siiliji'd.  1  bi'llovc  ho  [Aililinnii]  li;is  simmiI  it 
■'II  ill  one  |':!|)or,  aiul  all  lln'  mikUt  liiiils  llicrc  uio  iiiiLic  tiiii.''  t'^irif/'.i  I.itit  r  In  Mis.  Jnliii.itiu, 
d.l.d  /..■.7./.in.'i3  April,  1711. 

t  Tlii*  w;is  priilialily  the  imc  tlint  died,  ol'  wiiom  K'tim,  in  liis  Irnvcls  in  Anu'ririi,  i.  210, 
imiki'S  inc'iilioii ;  tlionuli  1  ilo  not  liiid  a  n'ronl  ol'  Il  la  luiy  pciiodii'ul  of  llial  day. 

I  Noii-i  1(1  Uio  Spi'cliiliir.  t'd.  in  li  vols.  llvo.     London.  I  /llil. 

vS  "'{'lie  Ainiids  olHuci-n  .l/j/.'i 'v  l!«ii;ii,  Year  llio  i\.  lor  filO,"  lllll— liM.  This  is  a 
>V(>rk  i-oMi,\iiiiii';'  A  ino'il  valn.iMi-  I'lind  of  iiit'oniiinioii.  iiiid  i'^.  will)  its  I'onliiniulion,  .i  lii.sliiii^ 
iiioininii'iit  lo  li-i  Iciinu'il  piMisher ;  lii>  luMng  drajf^i'il  iiiui  die  Diimiiid  in  om  of  {'ope  h 
Iroiiks  noiwiihslimdinf;. 

II  \Vc  linvc  ilic'jc  iiunics  in  ihc  Toiler,  .••pell  'IW  I'li  A'fcH  Ifo  (in  lime,  Sa  Ga  Yatlli  Rita 
OfHi  Ten.  E  Tfir  (Jh  Kiuim,  Hiid  Ih  .V.r  y,lli  Taie  Xo  line. 

'.  Il  is  ditlidilt  lo  cimceivo  wlirtt  is  iiifanl  !iv  liiiir  linliiiiis  I'roni  innny  of  our  niilliors.  In 
llic  Appendix  lo  //^  cvih',*  AWfv,  30lt,  tlii'v  i\rt'  culled  |{ivi-r  Irdiiins.  or  Moliickniidcrs, 
•  who  li:i  I  their  dwcllinirs  licUvfcii  Ihc  west  l>r;iiicli  of  Drluwarc  ni'd  lliidxin's  river,  from  the 
Kiiiiiiinny  ridxe  down  to  llic  liuriluu."  Tin'  ■•  Moliiccoiiii  "  won  niiulhi'r  trilic  ahoiil  the 
Kilaiids  iiiiil  nioiaii  tif  llic  liiidson. 

'*  l'rnh»t''v  Ihc  rliicl'of  ('iiii!i|oliar(i. 

tt  Qiifiii.  It',  Brnirdiiii;  lo  f'olilfn  and  oilier*,  the  Tuscarorns  did  mil  join  llio  Iroqiioil 
iinlil  1  hi.  iiii<<  inilil  ilmt  iiiin'  dioso  vvitc  rulloil  thn  FIvo  Niiliiiiis,  liow  cuines  it  Ihal  llioy  were 
luiovvii  III  Eiiiflaiid  liv  llic  iiiiiin'  of  >'' I  Siilifuis  in  1710  f 

il  .No  one  t'un  lie  inislod  liy  litis  error,  any  iiuiio  ihiiii  iin  Kiif{lishinnn  would  iio  l>y  lieiiig 
lold  llnil  l.ond iir;  i«    iiiiHlod   e  ilin  U»<'  of  the  Hoc  l>v  ,Moiiiil;iiiis, 

^Sji  NoiiL-  u.  ilii'  .'Six  >ulio:i>,  iiiuat  bo  uiiderstuod. 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  I.] 


nvi:  iiioQUois  cim;i',s  visit  i:N(iLANi). 


quocu  lias  luion  iiccniniiitcil  witii  our  loiii^  and  Kulious  war,  in  coiijimctioii 
witli  hiir  cliildrcn,  auaiii.st  lior  ciioiiiiL'S  tlio  Frciadi :  and  tluit  wo  liavo  hrcni 
as  a  slroii^^  wall  lur  tli:'ir  sciMirity,  ovt'ii  to  tlio  loss  of  our  best,  nioii.  'I'lic. 
triitli  of  wli'Kdi  our  hrotlicr  (^lutiia;  Colonel  j^/'e/crj  Sclmyler,  and  JInaila<i;iir- 
jaux,  Colonel  jYirh')lsoii,  can  testily  ;  tJiciy  li;ivni^' all  our  |)ro|)osals  in  writin;.!;. 
We  wore  niiglitily  rejoiced  wlitui  W(!  hoard  by  ^inudit^arjaux,  tliut  our  ffrtiat 
quoen  bad  rosolvijd  to  send  an  army  to  rednco  Canada;  li'oni  wlioso  luoulli 
wo  readily  eiubrueod  our  yi-eat  ([ueen's  instrurtions :  ai^d  in  fokou  of  oin* 
fnondsbip,  W(;  liun;.,^  u^)  tlio  kettle,  and  took  up  tbo  liutcbot ;  uiu)  with  one 
consent  joiniid  our  brotlKsr  (^acdi,;  .uid  .hiaditf^arjaux,  in  niukin<;  pnifjara- 
tions  on  tiiis  siib;  the  lak(!,  by  ImlnUu!;  forts,  storo-liousos,  oaiioes  and  bat- 
t(!aiix;  \Tliiisl»'7im//i(Mi«,  (lolonel  /-c/Wf,  at  the  sauiu  tinii;,  raintul  an  iU'niy  at 
liosfon,  ol"  wiiic.b  wo  W(,'r(!  iiilWrnied  by  our  auditLssadors,  whom  wo  sent 
thither  for  tliat  piirpos'.  NVi;  wail.-d  !-)U;,' ia  expc^etalion  ol"  tlie  Meet  from 
Eni^dund,  to  join  t'iaa'li;uii</,  to  fio  against  Qu  bee.  by  soa,  whilst  .liuuliiii^itr- 
jaiu,  (^ucdi.r,  and  W(!,  went  to  i'ort  lloyal  by  laud  ;  but  at  last  wo  were  told, 
that  our  !j;reat  t|ueim,  by  some  imporlaut  aliiiir,  \>>s  prevented  in  her  desijiu 
for  that  season.  This  made  us  t!\tremo  sorrowful,  lest  the  Kreiieh,  who 
hitherto  hail  droadd  us.  should  now  tliink  us  unable  to  make  war  as;ainst 
tlioni.  TIk!  reduction  ol' Canada  is  of  such  weijjfht,  that  after  the  elli'ciirif^' 
theroof,  we  should  hav(?  free  hiMitin;,',  and  a  groat  trade  with  our  ;,Teat 
(|ueou's  children  ;  and  as  a  tokcui  of  the  sincerity  of  th(!  Siv  Nations,  we  do 
lusre,  in  Hit;  name  of  all,  jiresinit  our  jiroal  (pioen  with  thi!  belts  of  wani|Mim. 
We  need  not  lU'ge  to  our fji'eat  (|uoon,  mori^  tiian  tlie  niicessity  \\r.  really  lahiii- 
under  obliii'es  us,  tiiat  in  case  our  j^reat  (|ui;en  siiii.ild  not  he  mindfid  of  us, 
we  must,  \\  ilh  our  liuuilies,  l<)rsak(!  our  country,  and  seek  other  habitatiouH, 
or  stand  ncniter;  eithi-r  of  which  will  his  much  against  oiu"  incrmutioiis. 
Since  we  have  beiMi  in  alliancis  with  oiu*  gre.it  (pieen's  childriui,  wo  have  had 
Homi/  luiowledge  of  thi,'  Savior  of  tlit?  world  ;  and  ha\e  often  be<'n  impor- 
tuned by  tiio  Frencli,  both  by  th(?  insinnatioiis  of  their  ))rir?sts,  and  by 
]>reseuts,  to  coiue  over  to  their  interest,  hut  have  always  estiv'i'ied  them  uieu 
of  lidsehood ;  Itui  ii' our  great  (pioon  will  Ik;  |>leased  to  send  r>v(  r  some 
persons  i(»  instruct  us,  they  shall  find  a  most  boarty  widcome.  \V<^  now 
close,  with  hopes  of  our  great  ijuooii's  favor,  uud  leiivo  it  to  her  most  gniriou.-t 
consideration." 

VVi'  camiot  but  respoiul  nnuni  to  ulr.  Olilini.mn\i  ojiinion  of  this  i|)eech, 
namely,  that  if  was  made /or  instead  of/','/  the  chiels ;  still  we  Ihoughi  it 
jM'opor  to  print  it,  !md  that  by  so  doing  we  slioidd  give  satisfacnou  u)  iriore 
tli.ni  by  withiioldiug  it.  Our  accomil  n(?.\t  proctieds :  "On  I'riday,  tlie  "'I 
April,  th(!  |()Ur  liidiui  princes  W(^nl  to  see  Dr.  Finmili'irPn  bouse,  luid  maii.e- 
juatical  instruHieuts,  iu  (ireenvi-  ■  I'ark  ;  afu'r  whiiji  they  >ve\f  nobly 
treati'd  by  some  of  the  lords  co:....,issioners  of  the  admiralty,  in  oi.e  of  her 
majesty's  jai'hts.  They  slaiil  about  a  liirlniuhl  longer  in  l.oudoii,  wliereth'^y 
AVer '  eut(UMained  by  several  persons  of  dislincti(Mi,  particiihu'ly  by  th<;  duko 
of  Onnond,  who  reg  ded  them  lik^-'.vlse  with  a  review  ■  of  the  tiMU'  troops  of 
life-guards;  and  basing  setui  all  tlie  em'iosilies  iu  and  about  this  metropolis, 
t!i(!y  went  down  to  I'orts'uouth,  through  llamp*.).'  ''ouri  and  W^indsor,  und 
embarked  on  board  the  Dragon,  one  of  her  ni;;';.'  .  ■  s  ships,  Caplain  Mirlin, 
commodore,  loijether  with  Colonel  hV'mris  ,\'i  uils'iii,  eonuniiuder-iu-i'!iief 
of  the  forces  designed  tor  au  exprdit'Min  in  .\merii'a.  On  the  H  May, 
the  Dragon  and  I'almouth  sailed  from  Spilhead,  having  under  convoy  aiiout 
IH  sail,  ei)MS'stin<;  of  merelianimon,  n  boinh-ship  ami  tender,  and  several 
transports,  witii  llritish  ollici  rs,  a  regiiifnt  of  i  larines.  piovisions  and  stores 
of  war;  ami  on  the  I.')  July  arri\od  at  llo.-toii  in  New  I'.njfland." 

Ijiltle   is  to  be   "'atiiered    fnuii  .S'/«i7A',t  hisioi-y  of  New  \'oik  relative   to 


th 


•hem 


lie    nj 


'cb    which  they    made  !o  the    ipieeii,  but 


it  is  a  UMiagre  abridgment  ol"  le>>'  than   hiif  of  th,'    one   above,  luid  iho 


■•  .Villi  ilie  cliii'ft  inadi-  a  «iif<rT|i  in  rciPirn;  l>iil  our  niiilior  iiraki     iIiIh  note  iipim  li 


■N.  I».    Tl 


Uul;'-  ol'  Ormimil,  ii  -^iw 


rli  w'liili  wns  -wiA  Id  li.ivo  lii'i'M  luiu''    hv  tliem,  en  ilru  (icciisiitii,  to  llio 


II   .'ll« 


:i 


16 


TA.MANV. 


[Book  V. 


rest  is  oinitted  entiroly.  "Tlio  arrival  of  the  five  saclietns  in  England 
made  a  {>rt>at  bruit  tinDiiglioiit  tlio  wliolo  kingdom.  Tlio  mob  ibilovved 
wlierovcr  tliey  went,  and  small  ents  ortlicni  were  sold  among  the  peoijle."  * 

The  main  object  of  their  visit  to  Kngland  was  not,  nor,  in  the  nature  of 
tilings,  could  it  be  eHected.  1  mean  the  intiodnction  of  Christianity  among 
them.  Eviui  these  very  sachems,  wiio,  according  to  the  stories  of  that  day, 
re(]nested  to  have  missionaries  sent  among  tluMn,  were  among  the  first  to 
neglect  them  when  settled  among  them.f  "It  might  have  been  imagined," 
s:iys  the  author  just  cited,  "  the  sachems,  those  petty  kings,  who  were  in 
Engla;'d  in  the  late  Queen's  time,  should  have  been  so  strongly  affected  with 
seeing  the  grandeur,  pleasure,  ami  ,i'(!nty  of  this  nation,  that  when  they  cinie 
to  their  own  countries,  they  would  liavc  tried  to  reduce  their  jieojilc!  to  a 
]K)lit('  life ;  would  have  employed  their  whole  power  to  expel  that  rude  bar- 
barism, and  introduce  arts,  manners,  and  religion :  but  the  contrary  lia|)i)en- 
ed ;  thej'  sunk  themselves  into  their  old  brutal  life,  and  though  they  had 
seen  this  great  city,  [J,('iidon,]  when  they  came  to  their  own  woods,  they 
wer(!  all  sava.es  again." 

There  camiiit  ''.:  a  wider  difference  than  the  two  nations,  English  and 
French,  mak'-  .  their  accounts  of  the  original  condition,  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  th'  Imijiois.  While  tl  ;  writtM's  of  the  f<n"mer  ilcscribed  them  us 
the  M,e-i  iKirii  ivons,  cruel,  and  bloody,  those  of  the  latter  ])ortray  them  in 
envi;i<'»ie  colors.  This  difference,  seems  to  have  cntiri'ly  arisen  from  tho 
diftire'it  ru'ution  lithe  two  nations  to  them.  That  they  wen;  cruel  and 
barbtUHis  to  il'cir  ■enemies  is  agreed  by  both,  and  it  nnfortunateiy  bapiiened 
that  rte  C  ^ijsu  ■..'.e  genendlv  their  enemies,  until  the  reduction  of  Canada, 
ini;  0. 

OlIAPTER  II. 

Tam  ANY,  (A /(/m»M,s-  nncirnt  Ddair/ire — His  li/ntorij — SniK  ki.mmis — I'avnrs  the  Mtnnri- 
an  lircthnii — flis  rfi-cptioii.  of  Count  yjinzruilorf — His  death — CANASNArK<io — Units 
Fhitiulil/ihia — His  s/xirh  to  the  "'eliiwurcs — Ancvdctes  of  him — (il.niniKAN — His 
speech  to  Hiilf-liinis — His  altoehiiunt  to  the.  Christian  liiilldns — Meets  with  much 
trouble,  from  Captain  Pipe — Co  nil  net  of  JluJf-kinir — Uf  I'ipe — Clitihikan  perishes 
in  the  niass'irre  at  Gnadeiihuctten — I'AKANKr. — His  historij — ^  i/iaxvatwf.f.s — 
Brriimes  a  Christian — His  speech  to  I'uhanhi  — His  death — I'axnocs — Tadkuskixu 
—  His  historij  and  death — \V'Hni;-Kvr.s — His  tninsactioits  with  the  missionaries — 
iSkkna.mii) — His  celebrated  speech — Curmus  anecdatc  of  him — His  death. 

TaM/VXY  \>as  a  name  nnich  in  |(riiil,  fifty  yeju's  since,  but  of  what  nation 
or  country,  or  wlicther  apjiHed  *■■  lUi  iuuiginary  or  real  personage,  by  ai:y  ac- 
count accompanying  it,  no  one  coidd  determine.  The  truth  respecting  this 
lias  at  length  come  to  light. 

lie  was  a  Delaware  chiei,  of  .-iinilar  renown  to  the  lietshebu  of  Keniiebeck, 
luid  .V(;»(y((/,v/i(7H(/ of  Mil  sacliusetfs ;  and  we  i'lfer  f^i^m  Vnthriel  Tlwnws,\ 
that  p<)s-;ili!y  he  might  'lave  been  alive  as  lat ;  u"?  IGeO  cr  l(i!>0.  Ho  wrote 
the  name  Temenij, 

Mr.  Ihrkeiirliler,  in  his  Historical  Account  of  tuf.  Indian  Nati.ivs,  de- 
votes a  ciiaplcr  to  this  chief  and  Tit<leusf;)'n(L  lb  sjtells  the  name  Tamuntd, 
The  difficulty  of  gaining  inlin'ination  of  deceased  individuals  among  X]w 
Indians  is  well  known  to  those  conversant  with  their  histcM'y.  Mr.  Hechr- 
urifhr  >'n\s,  ''  yn  white  man  who  reganis  their  It' 'litigs,  will  introduce  such 
Mubjecta  in  eonversiition  with  them."    This  reluctance  to  speak  of  the  de- 


'  llisl.  New  York,  Vi'i.  Od.  ho.  LoikIom,  H.')?.  Hoi\uliriil  f'iill-U'iif;iii  |«irtrails  of  four  of 
(licsc  chiefs  vvcrr  iloiic  ill  mcz/olinlo  iil  llir  lime  lliev  were  in  jjiuliincl.  lull  lliey  werP  loiij|r 
sini'i'  lit  M'lV  r.iii-  Dcciirri'iiee.  I  |his»cns  llie  liesi  si'l  ol'lhem  whirli  I  iiiive  ever  seen.  'I'liev 
are  iiiimllv  liini  I  in  l)l;\ik  lViinie>,  aiil  are  nlxml  '-'(I  iiirhes  in  lieiylil  liy  I'J  in  hreRillh.  'I'lio 
|iorlr  lit  oi  III''  <■  le  lliiit  dieil  was  iiol  |ir«l>alily  taken,  wliirli  aeeoiinls  I'nr  otir  liiivilig  but  four. 

t  Hi'Mi'ilKi  \N  llislorii  il  AeeoMiit  Soe.  for  Prop,  (iospel,  .'SO!!,  ;)|ll. 

t  "  Who  r."-aleil  there  (in  Peiia-vlv.inial  aliiml  l.'i  year^,"  ami  who  piiMishcd  "  Ah  Hiatoric- 
c7  Oiul  (leii^iaphitiil  Aeeoiiiil  ,ij' I'a.  an<l   11'.  Jearij,"  i'iiiio,  J^nnd'ai,  llJlKi. 


If 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  II.] 


TAMANY.— SHIKELLIMUS. 


pnrtoci  ho  af tributes  to  "tho  niiHfortiuios  which  havo  hoflillcii  some  of  tlie 
most  holovt'd  and  (jstocnuul  porsoiiafjjt'S  aiiioii^  tliciii,  (sint'i!  tho  Eiironoaiis 
came  amonjr  tliom."  It  in  b(  lievod,  howover,  that  it  had  a  Mioro  niriioto  ori- 
gin. Tho  .same,  author  continues,  "All  wo  know  of  Tamened  is,  i)int  ho  was 
an  anci(uit  Dclawaro  chief,  who  never  had  his  equal."  * 

It  is  said  that  wiicn,  about  1770,  Colonul  George  Morgan,  of  Princeton,  Now 
Jersey,  visited  the  western  Indians  by  direction  of  congress,  tho  Delawares  con- 
ferred on  him  the  name  of  Tanutny,  "  in  honor  and  reinombranci!  of  tli<;ir 
ancient  chief,  and  as  the  greatest  mark  of  respect  winch  they  could  show  to 
that  gentleman,  who  they  said  had  tho  same  uddres,s,  affability  and  meekness 
as  their  honored  chief."  f 

"The  liuno  of  this  groat  rnan  extended  even  among  the  whites,  who  fabri- 
cated munerons  legends  respecting  him,  which  I  never  heard,  howevcn-, 
from  the  month  of  an  Indian,  and  therefore  iMiiieve  to  be  fabulous.  In  the 
revolutionary  war,  his  enthusiastic  admirers  dubbed  hiin  a  saint,  and  ho  was 
established  under  the  name  of  St.  Tamnumy,  the  patron  saint  of  America. 
His  iiarnc  was  inserted  in  some  calendars,  and  his  li;stival  celebrated  on  the 
first  day  of  May  in  every  year.  On  that  day  a  ninneroiis  society  of  liis  vota- 
ries wuiki'd  together  in  procession  through  the  streets  of  I'iiiladelphia,  their 
hats  d('C(jrat(ul  with  buCks'  tails,  and  proceeded  to  a  handsome  rural  j)lace 
out  of  town,  which  thc^y  .'ailed  tin;  wigwam  ;  where,  aller  a  long  talk  or 
Indian  speech  had  been  (hdiverijd,  and  the  calumet  of  peac(!  and  friendship 
had  been  didy  smokcti,  they  spent  the  day  in  festivity  and  mirth.  Afhir  din- 
iier,  Indian  dancies  were  j)rrlbi'm(!il  on  the  green  in  front  of  the  wigwam,  the 
caiunu't  was  again  smoked,  and  the  company  separated." 

It  was  not  till  .--omn  years  aft(;r  tia;  p<!ace  that  these  yearly  doings  were 
broken  up,  which  would  doubth.'ss  have  lasted  Ictngor  but  for  the  misfortune 
of  the  owner  of  the  ground  ulu^re  they  were  held.  Siiict;  that  time  I'iiila- 
delphia, New  York,  and  periia[»s  oilier  place's,  have  had  tla^ir  Tamuntj  socie- 
ties, Tamanif  hails,  &.c.  &c.  In  their  meetings  tli(,'S(!  societies  makt;  but 
nn  odd  figiu'e  in  imitating  tht'  Indian  maimer  of  doing  hiisinoHS,  as  well  as  in 
U{»j>ro|)riating  thi.'ir  names  upon  one  another. 

Among  the  multitude  of  poems  and  odes  to  Tanmny,  tho  following  is 
selected  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  acts  .-^aid  to  have  been  achieved  by 
him: — 

"  hiimorlal  Tamnmj,  of  Iiiilian  rnco, 

(ircal  in  tlic  field  and  (breinosl  in  tho  rhnsc  I 

No  puny  siiinl  was  lie,  with  I'nslinff  pale  ; 

Ho  clinilied  iho  nioinilain,  and  lie  swept   the  vale, 

Unshed  through  the  torrent  with  iiiie(|ijalled  ini^litj 

Yonr  ancient  saints  would  Irenilile  at  the  sif^ht ; 

Oauslit  the  swill  hoar  and  flwjller  deer  with  ease, 

AiKlworked  a  thonnand  tniradcs  like  these. 

To  i;ul)lic  views  ho  added  private  ends, 

And  loved  liis  ooinitry  most,  an<l  next  his  friends ; 

With  courage  lonfi;  he  strove-  lo  ward  tho  blow ; 

(('onrasii'  \^*'  i^H  respect  ev'n  in  a  foe;) 

And  when  each  clVorl  he  in  vain  hail  tried, 

Kindled  the  (lame  in  which  he  lirnvely  died ! 

'I'o  '/'diii'iinj  li!t  ihi'  lull  horn  ^o  round  ; 

His  laivie  li  t  overs  hoiiesl  ion;;uc.  resound  ; 

With  him  let  every  jfeu'rous  patriot  vie, 

To  live  ill  freedom  or  with  lioiior  die."} 

We  are  next  to  speak  of  a  chief,  concerning  whom  tiiuch  inquiry  has  been 
made  ti-om  several  considerations.     We  mean 

ShikcUimiLi,  the  father  of  the  celebrated  Logan.  He  was  a  Cayuga  sachem, 
nnd  styled  by  Mr.  lMdiel,§  "first  magistrate  and  head  chief  of  all  the  Irotpiois 
Indians  livim.'  ;.ii  the  banks  of  the  Siisqiiehaiinah,  a-^  tar  as  Onondago. 

He  i-  tlie  .same  ofleii  mentioned  by  Col(l<ii,\\  tinder  the  names  Sliirkmlamy, 
Shkalamy,  and  Shick  Calamtj,  and  occupies  a  ]»lace  next  the  fiimoiis  Canassa- 


•  .Some  will  doubtless  imB)rino  that  thin  was  knmniiff  n  good  deal. 

t  lluckewulder,  u<  ,vu;jni.  t  Can  v'.<  Museum,  v.  1(M.  &  1  lUt.  Mmions,  il  ll'J. 

II  J  list.  Five  Nalimm,  ii.  67,  fi'J,  75,  77,  83. 


mm-. 


if 


18 


CANASSATEGO. 


[nooK  V. 


■'iil 


1 


|i 


iego.  His  residence  was  at  Conestoga  in  Pennsylvania.  He  was  present  at  a 
great  council  lield  in  Philadelphia  in  1742,  with  *J1  other  chielk,  counsellors 
und  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  consult  about  the  encroachments  of  some 
of  the  DelaAvares  upon  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  as  will  be  found  mentioned 
in  the  history  of  Canassatego.  That  ho  was  a  man  of  much  consequence 
among  the  Five  Nations  will  appear  from  tiie  fact,  that  Canassatego  repeated  a 
Blieech  of  his  to  Governor  Thomas,  when  the  assault  upon  William  Webb 
Avas  inquired  into,  "  whereby  his  [the  said  JVebb^s]  jaw-bone  was  l)roke,  and 
his  life  greatly  endangered  by  an  unknown  Indian."  This  took  place  uj)on 
the  disputed  hinds  in  the  ibrks  ol"  the  Delaware.  "  Canassatego  rejieatingthe 
message  delivered  to  the  Six  Nations  by  Shickcalamy,  in  the  year  1740,  with  u 
string  of  wami)um,  said  in  answer :  '  The  Six  Nations  had  made  diligent 
iiKjuiry  into  the  atlhir,  and  had  found  out  the  Indian  who  had  committed  the 
liict ;  he  Jived  near  Asoi)us,  [yEsojJUS,]  and  had  been  examined  and  severely 
reproved ;  and  they  hopeti,  as  William  Webb  was  recovered,  the  governor 
would  not  ex{)ect  any  further  punishment,  aiitl  therefore  they  returned  the 
string  of  waminun  received  from  their  brethren,  by  the  hand  of  Shickcalamy, 
in  token  that  tliey  had  iiilly  comi)lied  with  their  request.'  " 

^^'llen  Count  Zinzendorf,  founder  of  the  sect  called  Moravians,  visited  this 
country,  in  1742,  he  had  an  interview  with  this  chief  at  Shamokin.  Conrad 
Wciser  was  present,  and  Shikellimus  inquired  with  great  anxitify  tlie  cause  of 
the  count's  visit.  Wciser  tohl  him  "  that  he  was  u  messenger  of  the  living 
God,  sent  to  ])reach  grace  and  mercy;"  to  which  he  answered,  "he  was  glad 
that  such  a  messenger  came  to  instruct  his  nation." 

While  in  the  exercise  of  his  jiious  labors,  Zinzendorf  very  narrowly  esca])cd 
assassination ;  and,  to  illustrate  the  force  of  superstition  upon  untutored  minds, 
it  will  bo  proper  to  relate  the  circmnstance.  Having  arrived  on  the  banks 
of  the  Wyoming,  the  Indians  could  not  believe  that  he  had  come  solely  for 
tiicir  benefit,  but  luul  come  to  tiic  conclusion  that  his  real  olyect  was  the  ac- 
tpiisition  of  huid  ;  and  ihey  therefore  resolved  to  put  him  to  death.  On  a  cool 
evening  in  Seiitcmber,  as  he  sat  alone  in  his  tent,  uj)on  a  bimdle  of  weeds, 
Aviiich  was  his  brd,  the  a|)p()inte(l  assassins  aj)proaclied  iiis  trail  mansion. 
He  had  a  small  fire,  and  was  writing  at  the  time ;  and  nothing  prevented  the 
easy  execution  of  their  commission.  A  blanket,  suspended  by  the  corners, 
formed  the  door  of  his  tint,  and  as  the  Indians  drew  this  a  litth;  aside,  they 
beheld  a  large  rattlesnaki;  which  the  fire  had  driven  from  his  covert,  laying 
near  the  veneral)le  man,  but  was  not  seen  by  him  ;  being  too  deeply  engaged 
ill  his  subject  to  n(ttice  him  f)r  the  more  dangerous  Indians.  The  ratile- 
snake  being  an  animal  lluiy  feared  and  respected  as  a  kind  of  IManito,  and 
se;'ing  it  in  conqtany  witl.»  tlu;  stranger,  they  doubted  not  of  his  divine  origin 
also,  and  at  once  shrunk  iVom  their  object,  aiul  returned  to  repdrt  what  they 
bad  seen  to  their  brethren  in  their  village.*  He  was  now  received  by  the 
Sliawanese,  and  a  mission  was  begun  among  tlieju. 

Shikellimus  was  a  great  friend  of  the  missionaries,  and  his  death  was  a 
seven?  loss  to  lli(!m.  He  died  at  his  own  residence  in  Shamokin,  in  174!t. 
W"e  have  already  named  the  chief  proper  to  be  proceeded  with,  on  iinishing 
our  account  oi'  Shiki:lli7mis. 

C.\NASSATK(;(),arhief  of  theSix  Nations,  was  of  the  triiie  of  Onondago. 
In  1742,  tliere  iu'nsc  a  dispute  between  the  Delawares  nuil  th"  govcriiinent 
ot' Pennsylvania,  relative  to  a  tract  of  land  in  the  forks  of  the  Delaware.  'I'he 
English  <'laime(l  it  iiy  right  of  prior  pmchase,  and  the  Delawares  persisted  in 
tlii'ir  claim,  and  tiirealened  to  use  force  unless  it  should  be  given  uji  by  the 
whites.  This  tribe  of  the  Delawares  were  subject  to  the  Six  Nations,  und 
tiie  governor  of  I'emisyhania  sent  deputies  to  tlu-m  to  notify  tlicni  oi"  the 
troid)le,  that  tin  y  might  interfen?  and  ]»revent  war.  It  wiis  on  this  occasion 
that  CrtJin^si/fifo  a|)peari'd  in  Philadelphia  with  2.'10  warriors,  lie  oliserved 
to  the  governor,  "that  they  saw  the  Delawares  had  been  an  uiu'idy  people, 
and  were  altog<'ther  in  the  wrong;  that  they  had  concluded  to  remove  thoni, 
and  oblige  tin  lu  to  go  over  th<!  river  Delaware,  and  ipiit  all  claim  to  any 
lands  on  this  side  for  the  fiiturc,  since  they  hnd  received  pay  for  them,  and 


•  Chai'mans  Hisl.  Wyoming,  20  to  22. 


Chap.  H.] 


CANASSATEGO. 


19 


it  is  gone  throngli  their  guts  long  ago.  They  deserved,  lie  said,  to  be  taken 
hy  the  hair  oftlio  head,  and  shaken  severely,  till  they  recovered  their  ^'unses, 
and  became  sober ;  tliat  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes  a  deed  signed  by  nine 
oi"  their  ancestors,  above  fifty  years  ago,  I'or  tliis  very  land,  and  a  release 
signed  not  many  years  since,  hy  some  of  tl^emselves,  and  ciiicf's  yet  giving, 
(and  then  present,)  to. the  lunnbcr  of  l;!  and  upwards;  but  liow  came  jou 
(addressing  liiinsclf  to  the  Delawares  present)  to  take  upon  you  to  sell  land 
at  all  ?  We  conquered  you ;  we  made  women  of  you ;  you  know  you  are 
women ;  and  can  no  more  sell  land  than  women ;  nor  is  it  fit  you  should  have 
the  jiowcr  of  selling  lands,  since  you  would  abuse  it.  This  laud  you  claim 
is  gone  through  your  giUs ;  you  have  been  furnished  with  clothes,  meat  and 
driidt,  hy  the  goods  paid  you  for  it,  and  now  you  want  it  again,  like  ciiildren 
as  you  are.  lint  what  makes  you  sell  lands  in  the  dark  ?  Did  you  ever  tell 
us  that  you  had  sold  this  land  ?  Did  wc  ever  receive  any  part,  even  the  value 
of  a  pipe  sliank,  from  you  for  it  ?  You  have  told  us  a  blind  stoi-j-,  that  you 
sent  a  messenger  to  us,  to  inlbrm  us  of  the;  sale ;  but  he  never  came  aniongsl 
u^,  nor  (lid  we  ever  hear  anything  about  it.  This  is  acting  in  the  daik,  and 
very  difierent  from  the  conduct  oiu'  Six  Nations  observe  in  the  sales  ot  land. 
On  such  occasions  they  give  public  notice,  and  invite  all  the  Indians  of  their 
united  nations,  and  give  them  all  a  share  of  the  presents  they  receivo  for 
their  lands. 

"  This  is  the  behavior  of  the  wise  united  nations.  But  Ave  find  you  are 
none  of  our  blood ;  you  act  a  dishonest  ])art,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  other 
matters;  your  ears  areever  open  to  slanderous  reports  about  your  brethren. 
For  fdl  these  reasons,  we  chari^e  you  to  remove  vistanUy  ;  we  don't  give  you  liberty 
to  think  about  it.  You  are  women."  They  dared  not  disobey  this  connnand, 
jind  soon  after  removed,  some  to  Wyoming  and  Shamokin,  and  soiHC  to  the 
Ohio.* 

Wiien  Canassatcgo  was  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1744,  hoMing  a 
talkf  about  their  affairs  with  the  governor,  he  was  informed  that  the  English 
had  beaten  the  French  in  some  important  battle.  "Well,"  said  he,  "if  that 
bi!  the  cuse,  you  must  have  taken  a  great  deal  of  rum  from  them,  and  can 
alford  to  give  us  some,  tliat  we  may  rejoice  with  you."  Accordingly,  a  glass 
was  s(!rv('d  round  to  each,  wiiich  they  called  a  lyenchglass.l 

Dr.  I'hmklin  tells  us  a  very  interesting  story  of  C'a»ias«a/eg"o,  and  at  the  same 
time  makes  the  old  chief  tell  another.  In  speaking  of  the  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Indians,  the  doctor  says,  "The  same  hospittdity,  esteemed  among 
thc-m  as  a  princi|»ai  virtue,  is  practised  by  ])rivate  persons  ;  of  which  Conrad 
IVciser,  our  interpreter,  gave  me  the  following  instances.  He  had  been  natu- 
ralized among  the  Six  Nations,  and  spoke  well  the  IVIohawk  language.  In 
going  through  the  Indian  country,  to  carry  a  message  from  oin*  governor  to 
the  council  at  Onondago,  he  called  at  the  habitation  of  Canassntego,  an  old 
acquaintance,  who  embraced  him,  spread  furs  for  him  to  sit  on,  placed  before 
him  soMK^  boiled  beans,  and  venison,  and  mixisd  some  rum  and  water  for  his 
drink.  When  he  was  well  refreshed,  and  had  lit  his  pipe,  Canassatego  began 
to  converse  with  him ;  asked  how  he  had  fsu-ed  the  many  years  since  they 
had  seen  each  other;  whence  he  then  came  ;  what  occasioned  the  journey, 
&c.  C'o»ira<i  answered  all  his  questions;  and  when  the  discourse  Inigan  to 
flag,  th(!  Indian,  to  <!ontinuc  it,  said, '  Conrad,  you  have  lived  long  among  the 
white  people,  and  know  something  of  their  customs:  I  have  been  sometimes 
at  Albany,  and  have  observed,  that  once  in  seven  days  they  shut  up  their 
shops,  and  it'^seuible  in  the  great  house  ;  tell  me  what  that  is  for;  what  do 
they  do  there  r '  '  They  meet  there,'  says  Conrad, '  to  hear  aiid  learn  good 
things.'  '1  do  not  doubt,'  says  the  Indian,  'that  they  tell  you  so;  they  have 
told  mo  the  same ;  but  1  doubt  the  truth  of  what  they  say,  and  I  will  tell  you 
my  reasons.  I  went  lately  to  Albany,  to  sell  my  skins,  and  buy  blankets, 
knives,  [)owder,  rum,  &c.    You  know  I  used  generally  to  deal  with  Hans 


*  Colih'H  ami  fwnnlon's  Ilislories. 

t  Tlio  niiiuiies  oCilie  coiircreiicc  taken  at  the  lime  by  Witham  Marshe,  occupies  30  pages  in 
the  Cod,  Muss.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  vol. 
}  Coldeit's  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  112, 


rmrrfji 


I 


!      m 


ao 


CANASSATEGO. 


[Book  V. 


Hanson;  but  I  was  a  little  inclined  this  time  to  try  some  other  niercliantp. 
However,  I  called  first  ii[ion  Hans,  and  asked  liini  what  he  wonld  frive  lor 
beaver.  He  said  he;  could  jiot  f^ive  more  than  lour  shilliii^M  a  pound ;  hut, 
says  lie,  1  cannot  talk  oil  huHincss  now,  this  is  the  day  when  we  meet  toj^ethcr 
to  learn  good  Ihinirs,  and  I  am  froin<j  to  the  meetiii;,'.  So  I  thou<riit  to  myself, 
since  1  camiot  do  any  business  to-(hiy,  I  may  as  well  jro  to  tluj.nieeiin;;'  too, 
and  I  went  with  him.  Tlicrn  sir  kI  u|>  a  man  in  black,  and  Iicfran  to  talk 
to  the  people  very  angrily;  1  d\d  nni  initlerstand  vvliat  he  said,  hut  perceiving 
that  he  looked  much  at  me,  and  at  Hanson,  I  imagined  that  \h'.  was  angry  at 
seeing  me  there  ;  so  1  went  out,  sat  <h)\vn  near  the  house,  stru(*k  fin;,  and  lit 
my  pipe,  waiting  till  the  meeting  slioidd  in-eak  U|».  I  thought  too  tiiat  the 
man  hutl  mentioned  something  ot'  beaver,  and  suspected  it  inight  be  tiie  sub- 
ject of  their  meeting.  So  when  they  came  out,  I  accosted  my  merchant. 
'Well,  ifan.v,'  says  1,  '1  hope  you  iiave  agreed  to  give  more  tiian  'Is.  a 
pound.'  'No,'  says  he, '  1  cannot  j<\\c  so  much,  I  can!U)t  give;  niore  tiian  three 
shillings  and  sixpence.'  1  then  spoke  to  several  other  dealers,  hut  they  all  sung 
the  same  song, — Ihrcc  and  sixjiciicc,  three  ami  sixpence.  This  made  it  clear  to 
me  th.-it  my  suspicion  was  right;  and  that  whatever  they  pretended  of  meet- 
ing to  kani  good  things,  the  purpose  was  to  considt  how  to  cheat  Indians  in  the 
price  of  beaver.  Ccnjsider  but  a  little,  Conrad,  and  you  nuist  be  of  my  opinion. 
If  they  met  so  often  to  learn  good  things,  they  would  certainly  have  learned 
some  before  this  time.  J5ut  tii(!y  are  still  ignorant.  You  know  our  practice. 
If  a  white  man,  in.  travelling  through  our  country,  enters  one  of  our  cabins, 
we  all  treat  him  as  1  do  you;  we  dry  him  if  he  is  wet;  we  warm  him  if  he  is 
cold,  and  give  him  njcat  and  drink,  that  he  may  allay  bis  thirst  and  hunger; 
and  we  s])re!id  sott  fui"$  lor  him  to  rest  and  sleep  on;  we  demand  nothing  in 
return,  llut  if  1  go  into  a  white  man's  house  at  Albany,  and  a^k  Ibr  victuals  and 
driiik,  they  say,  (iet  out,  you  Indian  dog.  You  see  they  have  not  yet  learned 
those  little  good  things  that  we  need  no  meetings  to  be  instructed  in,  because 
om*  moihers  taiiglit  them  to  us  when  we  were  children ;  and  therefore  it  is 
impossible  their  meetings  should  be,  im  the}'  say,  l<)r  any  such  purpose,  or  have 
any  such  eliict:  they  aic  only  to  cojitrive  the  ciieating  of  Indians  in  the  price 
of  beaver.'"* 

The  missionary  Frederic  Post,  in  his  journal  of  an  embassy  to  the  Lidiaiis 
on  the  Ohio,  in  1758,  mentions  u  sun  of  Canassatego,  whom  he  calls  Hans 
Jacob. 

We  are  not  to  look  into  the  history  of  Pennsylvania  for  a  succession  of 
Indian  wars,  ahhough  there  have  been  some  horrid  murders  aiid  enormities 
conmiitted  ai.iong  the  whites  and  Indians.  For  about  70  years,  their  historic 
page  is  very  <  lear  of  such  records,  namely,  from  1G82,  the  arrival  of  William 
I'eun,  until  the  French  war  of  1755. 

Antl  we  will  here  record  the  jjroceedings  of  tViUiam  Penn,  on  his  taking 
poss'  ■  siou  of  his  lands  upon  the  Delaware,  so  far  as  they  are  connected  with 
our  Indian  history. 

Humanity  being  a  prominent  feature  in  every  Quaker  who  lives  up  to  his 
prolisssion,  we  are  to  expect  a  disf)iay  of  it  in  that  of  Penu ;  and  happily  we 
do  not  lind  ourselves  disaj)pointe(l.  The  force  of  his  exauiple  was  such,  that, 
for  many  years,  his  Ibllowers  practised  the  art  of  peacemaking ;  and  heiu-e  no 
wars  occuricd,  as  w(!  have  already  observed ;  but  as  the  enlightened  mind 
of  Penn  carried  his  acts  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  in  advance 
of  his  contem|)oraries,  they  acting  without  the  true  principle  which  governed 
him,  soon  forgot  its  importance,  and  pursued  a  dift'erent  course,  which  brought 
the  evils  of  war  aiul  dissolution. 

h'Ulium  Penn  had  confirmed  to  hijn  the  country  since  bearing  his  name, 
by  a  royal  charte>-,  and  having  sent  over  a  small  colony  to  take  jjossession 
of  it  in  1()81,  followed  himself  the  next  year.  His  fii-st  care  on  his  arrival  was 
to  establish  a  lasting  friendship  with  the  Indians.  This  he  effected  by  the 
greatest  possible  care  in  rendering  them  strict  justice  and  great  kindness,  and 
above  all  by  piu'chasing  the  country  of  them,  and  l»aying  tlnMn  lo  their  con- 


*  The  editors  of  tjic  vnliiabic  Enoyclo))ediB  I'v  ,!\ensis 
place  in  that  work,  (i.  Gj2.) 


Iiave  llioiiglit  lliis  aiiccilote  umlliv 


[Book  V. 

lercliiuitp. 
(1  give  lor 
iiikI  ;  but, 
t  tof^fctlicr 
to  my  soli", 
Clin;;'  too, 
fuu  to  talk 
R-rceiviiij^ 
s  iiiipry  i!t 
n;,  iiiul  \i\ 
o  tliiit  tlie 

0  the  siib- 
iiiiax'lijuit. 
:Iitiii  'Is.  a 
limn  tliree 
jy  ;ill  sung 

it  cloar  to 
(I  of'iiiect- 
iaiis  ill  the 
ly  opinion, 
vo  learned 
■r  iiractice. 
)nr  cabins, 
liin  if  lie  is 
il  liuiifror; 
nothing  in 
ictiials  and 
yet  karned 
in,  becanse 
[■clbro  it  is 

se,  or  have 
n  the  price 

he  Indians 
calls  Hans 

cession  of 
enormities 
eir  historic 
}f  William 

Lis  taking 
ected  with 

;  up  to  his 
hap|)ily  we 
!  such,  that, 
d  liince  no 
eiied  mind 
ill  advance 

1  governed 
ch  brought 

his  name, 
])oss('ssioii 
arrival  was 
•led  by  the 
uinons,  and 
)  liicir  ('(III- 

lolo  ^^^lllllv  ■.; 


Chap.  II.] 


PENN'S  TREA'n^— GLIKIIIKAN. 


31 


tent  for  it.  Penn  landed  at  what  is  now  Newcastle,  24  October,  and  soon  began 
to  exchiuigo  goods  for  lands  with  the  Indians.  By  this  intercourse  he  learned 
their  language,*  and  thus  (pialifiiMl  himself  to  render  them  justice  in  nil  cases. 

The  first  i()nTied  treaty  entered  into  between  Penn  and  the  Indians  bears 
date  2.3  June,  lGd3,  and  took  place  almost  two  miles  above  what  is  now 
Chestnut  Street,  on  the  same  side  of  the  Delaware,  in  the  present  township 
of  Kensington,  under  the  wide-spreading  branches  of  an  elm-tree,  aged  at  that 
time  155  years,  as  since  ascertained.f  A  small  cubical  marble  monument 
now  marks  the  spot,  which,  with  the  adjacent  neighborhood,  in  the  days  of 
Penn,  was  called  Shakmnaxon.  A  street  perpetuates  this  name,  not  far  dis- 
tant, whicii  runs  at  right  angles  to  the  river.  The  little  monument  of  which 
we  have  made  mention,  was  almost  invisible  from  piles  of  rubbish,  when 
visited  by  the  writer  in  April,  1834.^ 

In  reference  to  Penii's  Treaty,  so  ollen  the  subject  of  prose  in  both  hemi- 
spheres, Voltaire  has  in  his  peculiar  vein  observed,  that  it  was  the  only  one 
mad(!  witiiout  an  oath,  and  the  only  one  which  had  not  been  broken.§ 

An  admirable  painting  of  this  treaty,  by  Sir  Benjamin  Wesl,  has  often  been 
•sketched  upon  cOppcr, and  impr(;ssions  circulated  in  various  works;  then-  is, 
however,  in  most  of  them,  a  very  glaring  want  of  taste  or  judgment,  arising 
probably  from  the  ignorance  of  the  engraver,  which  is  the  appeai-anco  of 
handsome  houses  in  the  back-ground.  There  is  one  of  the  best  sketches  of 
an  ludiun  treaty  jiainted  upon  the  sign  of  an  inn  in  Beach  Street,  near  the  old 
treaty  ground,  whicli  I  have  seen. 

It  is  no  wonder  the  Indians  remembered  Penn  so  long,  and  so  affection- 
iitely,  for  it  was  not  uncommon  for  him  to  perform  the  engagements  of  others, 
who  purposely  set  out  upon  wronging  them.  In  a  speech  which  a  chief  of 
the  Six  ^fations  made  at  a  conlerence,  at  Lancaster,  in  June,  1744,  he  gives 
the  following  narrative  of  one  of  Pcjin's  generous  acts  in  these  words: — 

"When  our  brother  Onas,  n  great  while  ago,  came  to  Albany  to  Iniy  the 
Susquehannah  lauds  of  us,  our  brother  the  governor  of  N.  York,  who,  as  we 
sup|)ose,  had  not  a  good  understanding  with  our  brother  Onas,  advised  us 
not  to  sell  him  any  land,  for  he  would  make  a  bad  use  of  it,  and  pretending 
to  be  our  I'riend,  he  advised  us,  in  order  to  ])revent  Onas's,  or  any  other  per- 
sons, imposing  on  us,  and  that  we  might  always  have  our  land  when  we 
wanted  it,  to  put  it  into  his  hands  ;  and  he  told  us  he  would  keep  it  for  our 
use,  and  never  open  his  hands,  but  keep  them  close  shut,  and  not  part  with 
any  of  it,  Ixit  at  our  reijuest.  Accordingly  we  trusted  him,  and  put  our  lands 
into  his  hands,  and  (diarged  him  to  keep  them  sate  for  our  use.  But  some 
time  after  he  went  to  iviigland,  and  carried  our  land  with  him,  and  there  sold 
it  to  our  brother  Onas  for  a  large  sum  of  moiiej-.  And  when  at  the  instance 
of  our  brother  Onas  we  were  minded  to  sell  him  some  lands,  he  told  us  we  had 
sold  tli(!  Sus(iU!'liaimah  lands  already  to  the  governor  of  N.  York,  and  that 
lie  had  bought  them  from  him  in  England;  though  wli(!ii  he  came  to  under- 
stand how  the  governor  of  N.  York  had  deceived  us,  he  very  generously  paid 
us  for  our  lands  over  again."|| 

There  were  several  chiefs  very  noted  about  this  period,  on  account  of 
their  connection  with  the  iNloravian  Brethren.     Among  the  most  noted  was 

GLIKHIKAN,1[  or  Glikhickan,**  "an  eminent  captain  and  warrior,  counsel- 
lorand  speaker  of  the  Delaware  chief  [Pakanke]  in  Kaskaskunk."  It  is  said 
that  he  had  disputed  with  the  French  Catholic  priests  in  Canada,  and  coi>- 

3 

*  His  own  leUor,  dalcil  llio  year  following,  giving  an  account  of  the  country,  its  products, 
inlialiiliinU,  &c.  ito.  (l;it(Ml  10  August,  I(ii!3,  and  prnitod  in  lilome't  America,  9(5. 

+  Hiilnius's  Annals,  i.  K)j.  Tiie  old  elin  was  l)lown  down  by  a  tempest  in  1810,  and  was 
then  2!);i  years  old.  lb.  Pieces  of  its  stump  arc  preserved  in  the  cal)inots  of  the  curious,  along 
with  fragnumls  of  the  Plymouth  Rock,  &c. 

t  I  was  lately  informed  liy  Mr.  Diiponceim  of  Philadelphia,  that  some  important  errors  existed 
in  the  printed  acciiunls  i.tf  Peiiii'n  T/viilij,  and  he  showed  me  some  manuscripts  concerning  il 
which  he  had  lately  discovered,  and  was  preparing  lo  have  them  printed  in  the  Hist.  Colls,  of 
Pennsylvania. 

^\  C^'esl  le  seul  trait(-  eiitre  ces  peuples  ct  les  Chretiens  qui  n'ait  point  Ate  jure  et  qui  nait 
ponit  ( te  rompu.     (Eiirrfs,  vol.  hv.  Ho,  ed.  of  17l!."j.  in  lU  vols.  l'.2mo. 

I|  An  iliiiiuiry  into  the  Causes,  &c.  of  the  Alienation  of  die  Shawanese  and  Detawares,  51. 

tl  Los/ticl.  **  Ileckewckler. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


.25 


hi 

■10 


112.8 


|5e     I^Z 

Ui 

us 


1^ 


1.4 


2.5 

iiii 

1.6 


^ 


« 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WEBSTIR.N.Y    MSSO 

(716)  S73-4503 


1/  Jb^ 


22 


GIJKHIKAN.— HIS  SPEECH  TO  HALF-KING. 


fHpoK  V. 


I  I 


» 


I     1:' 


founded  them,  uud  now  (17G9)  niiule  liis  appearance  among  the  United 
Brethren  for  the  purpose  of  achieving  a  like  victory;  hut  as  the  Brethren's 
account  lias  it,  his  heart  failed  him,  and  he  hecame  a  convict  to  their  doctrines. 
In  1770,  he  cpiitted  Kaskaskunk,  to  live  with  the  Brethren,  greatly  against  the 
minds  of  his  friends  and  his  chief.  This  occasioned  great  trouble,  and  some 
endeavored  to  take  his  life.  Pakanke's  8j)eech  to  him  upon  the  occasion  will 
be  seen  when  we  come  to  the  account  of  that  chief.  At  the  time  of  his  bap- 
tism, Glikhikan  received  the  name  of  Isaac.  , 

Tlie  period  of  the  revolutionary  war  was  a  distressing  time  for  the  Brethren 
and  those  Indians  who  had  adhered  to  tiieir  cause.     VVai-  jHUties  from  the 
hostile  ti'ibes  were  continually  passing  and  repassing  their  settlements,  and 
often  in  the  most  suspicious  manner.    It  was  to  the  famous  chief  Glikhikan 
that  tliey  owed  their  preservation  on  more  than  one  occasion.     The  Indians 
about  Xhii  lakes  sent  de|)utios  to  draw  the  Doiawares  into  the  war  against  the 
Americans,  hut  tljey  were  not  received  by  tiiem.    Shortly  alter,  in  the  year 
1777,  200  Iliu'on  warriqrs,  with  Half-king  at  their  head,  a|)proached  tl^e  JMo- 
ravian  settlement  of  Lichtenau,  in  tiieir  way  to  attack  the  settlements  upon 
the  Irontiers,  aiid  caused  great  consternation  among  the  Brethren  ;  but  resolv- 
ing to  show  no  signs  of  feai',  victuals  were  jjrepaied  for  them,  jmd  stmt  out 
by  some  of  the  Christian  Indians  to  meet  them.    The  reception  of  those  sent 
out  was  fiu"  more  promising  than  was  anticipated,  and  soon  after  was  "  sent 
a  solenui  embassy  to  the  Half-king  and  other  chiefs  of  the  Ilurons."     Glikhi- 
kan was  at  the  head  of  this  embassy,  and  the  following  is  his  speech  to 
Half-kiiig: — "Uncle!     We,  your   cousins,  tlie   congregation   of  believing 
Lidians  at  Lichtenau  and  Guadenhuetten,  rojoice  at  this  opportunity  to  see 
and  sj)eak  with  yon.    We  cleanse  your  eyes  irotu  all  the  dust,  and  whatever 
the  wind  may  have  carried  into  them,  tliat  you  may  see  your  cousin  with 
clear  eyes  andu  serene  cotnitenance.    We  cleanse  your  ears  and  hearts  from 
all  evil  reports  which  an  evil  wind  may  have  conveyed  into  your  ears  and 
even  into  your  hearts  on  the  journey,  that  our  words  may  find  entrance  into 
yoiT  ears  and  a  jjlace  in  your  hearts.     [Here  a  string  of  tvampum  was  pre- 
sented hj  Glikhikan.]    Uncle!  hear  tiio  words  of  the  believing  Indians,  your 
cousins,  at  Lichtenau  and  Guadenhuetten.     We  would  have  you  know,  that 
we  have  received  and  believed  in  the  word  of  God  for  'M  years  mid  upwards, 
and  meet  daily  to  hear  it,  morning  and  evening.    You  must  also  know,  that 
we  have  our  teachers  dwelling  amongst  iis,  who  instruct  nsaiid  our  cliildrcii. 
By  this  word  of  (Jod,  pieached  to  us  by  our  teaclieis,  we  are  tiiuglit  to  keep 
peace  with  all  men,  and  to  consider  tlicni  as  friends;  for  tints  (Jod  has  coni- 
inmid<'d  us,  and  tlicn.lbre  we  are  h)veis  of  peace.    These  our  treachers  arc 
not  only  our  friends,  but  we  consider  and  love  tlicm  as  onr  own  flesh  and 
blood.     Now  as  we  are  your  cousin,  we  most  cMnicstiy  beg  vt'  yon,  uncle, 
that  you  also  would  considt  r  them  as  your  own  body,  and  as  your  coiiHin. 
We  and  they  maki;  but  one  body,  and  tin  relijic  ciuinot  be  separated,  and 
whatever  yon  do  mito  them,  you  do  unto  us,  whether  it  be  good  or  evil." 
Then  several  fiithoms  of  waiii|iuin  were  deliveicd.     Htlfking  ii'ceivcd  this 
^])(;ecli  with  attention,  and  said  it  had  ptMictrat' d  his  iniirt,  and  after  Im*  had 
consulted  with  his  captains,  he  s|iok»!  as  (bllows  iiianswer: — "C\)usins!     I 
nm  very  glad  and  (tM'l  gn^it  satisfaction  that  yon  havti  cleans  d  my  eyes,  ears 
and  heart  (i-Dm  all  evil,  convcyod  into  me  by  fiie  wind  on  tiiis  journey.     Iain 
U|)on  an  expedition  of  an  unusual  kind:  for  I  am  a  warrior  and  am  going  to 
war,  and  therefore  iniiuy  evil  things  and  evil  thituglits  enter  into  my  head, 
and  even  into  my  heart.     Mut  thanks  to  my  cousin,  my  eyes  are  now  clear, 
so  that  I  can  behold  my  cousin  with  a  serene  countenance.     I  rejoice,  that   1 
can  hear  my  cousins  witliopen  ears,  and  taki;  their  words  to  heart."     He  then 
delivered  a  string  of  wampum,  and  aHer  repeating  the   part  of  (llikhikan\i 
ppeecli  relating;  to  the  mis-ionaries,  proceeded  : "  ( timn  as  hithert(»,  and  suffer  no 
one  to  molest  you.    Obey  your  teacjiers,  who  ."peak  nothing  but  good  unto 
you,  tuid  instruct  you  in  the  ways  of  (iod,  and  be  not  afraid  that  any  harm 
shidl  be  (lone  unto  tlieni.    No  creature  shidi  hurt  them.     Attend  to  your 
worship,  and  nev<'r  mind  other  afliiirs.     hideeil,  y<in  see  us  going  to  war; 
bin  _\(iii  may  remain  <'asv  and  ipiiet,  and  need  not  think  much  about  it,  \-c." 
This  wiis  rather  odd  talK  for  u  suvugo  warrior,  and  verily  it  sceinB  mote  like 


fflpoK  V. 

the  United 
le  Brethren's 
L'ir  doctrines. 
ly  agtiinst  the 
le,  and  some 
jccasion  will 

0  of  his  bup- 

the  Brethren 
iert  from  the 
lements,  and 
ef  GHhhikan 
The  Indiana 
f  against  the 

in  tlie  year 
hed  tl^e  "ilo- 
imonta  upon 

;  hut  resolv- 
and  sent  out 
of  those  sent 
3r  was  "  sent 

IS."    Gum- 

is  speech  to 
9f  believing 
tunity  to  see 
lid  whatever 
cousin  with 

1  hearts  from 
lur  ears  and 
intrance  into 
mm  was  pre- 
ndians,  your 
11  iaiow,  that 
nd  upwards, 
I  know,  that 
)iir  children. 
<rlit  to  keep 
1(1  has  coni- 
eachcrs  are 

1  flesh  and 

y<>ii,  iinrlo, 

our  ('(i;i.-iiii. 

iiirated,  and 

id  or  »!vii." 

ccived  this 

Iter  ho  had 

'(iiisuik!     I 

,'  eyes,  ears 

IKV.     lain 

III  ^oing  to 

to  my  liead, 

now  clear, 

lice,  that  I 

'     He  then 

(Uikhikaii's 

ndHnfrcrm* 

p)nd  unto 

t  any  harm 

lid  to  your 

iiir  I"  war; 

II   it,  &-C." 

mute  like 


Chap.  II.]    GLIKHIKAN  —TROUBLES  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


23 


that  of  one  of  the  European  Brethren,  but  the  veracity  o{  Loskiel  will  not  be 
questioned. 

Some  time  after  this,  a  circumstance  occuiTed  which  threw  Glikhikan  into 
much  trouble  and  danger.  A  band  of  Huron  warriors  seized  upon  the  mis- 
sionaries at  Sal(!m  and  Gnadenhuctten,  and  confined  them,  and  did  much 
mischief.  Michael  Jun<r,  David  Zeisberger  and  John  Heckewelder  were  the 
Brethren  confined  at  this  time.  The  savages  next  pillaged  Schoenbrunn, 
from  whence  they  led  captive  the  missionary  Jungman  and  wife,  and  tlie 
sisters  Zeisberger  and  Senseman ;  and,  singing  the  death-song,  arrived  with 
them  at  Gnadenhuetten,  where  were  the  rest  of  the  ])risoners.  This  was 
September  4, 1781.  It  apjiears  that  the  famous  Captain  Pipe  was  among  these 
^varriors,  from  what  follows.  A  young  Indian  woman,  who  accompanied  the 
warriors,  was  much  moved  by  the  hard  treatment  of  the  Brethren,  and  in  the 
night  "  found  means  to  get  Caiit.  Pipe's  b(!St  horse,  and  rode  off  full  sjieed  to 
Pittsburgh,  where  she  gave  an  account  of  the  situation  of  the  missionaries 
and  tlioir  congregations."  This  woman  was  related  to  GlUihikan ;  on  him, 
therefore,  they  determined  to  vent  their  wrath.  A  party  of  warriors  seized 
him  at  Salem,  and  brought  him  bound  to  Gnauenhuctteii,  singing  the  death- 
song.  When  he  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  wtuTiors,  great  commo- 
tion followed,  and  many  were  clamorous  that  he  should  be  at  once  cut  to 
pi«!ees;  especially  the  Delawares,  who  could  not  forget  his  having  renounced 
his  nation  and  manner  of  living;  hire,  howovcv,  Half-king  interlbred,  and 
prevented  his  being  killed.  They  now  held  an  incpiisitorial  examination 
upon  liini,  which  terminated  in  a  proof  of  liis  innoctuice,  and,  aftei  giving 
vent  to  their  spleen  in  loading  him  with  the  worst  of  epithets  and  much  op- 
probrious language,  set  him  at  lilierty. 

Tlie  missionaries  and  their  congregations  were  soon  at  liberty,  but  were 
obliged  to  emigrate,  as  tlicn'  coiihl  have  no  rest  upon  the  Muskingum  any 
longer;  war  parties  continually  hovering  about  them,  robbing  airtl  troubhng 
them  in  various  ways.  They  went  tlirough  the  wilderness  V2o  miles,  and 
settled  at  Sandusky,  leaving  their  beautiful  cornfields  just  ready  to  harvest. 
,  Their  losses  and  privations  were  immense.  Above  200  cattle  and  400  hogs, 
much  corn  in  .store,  beside  MOO  acres  just  rijieiiing,  were  among  tiie  spoils. 
"  A  troo])  of  savages  commanded  by  English  offic(;rs  escorted  them,  eiieloa- 
ing  them  at  tlie  distance  of  some  miles  on  all  sides."  They  arrived  at  their 
jilace  of  destination  October  11,  ami  liere  were  left  by  Ilalf-ldng  and  his 
warriors  without  any  instriirtions  or  orders. 

Many  lielieving  Indiiins  had  returned  to  Gnadenhuetten  and  the  ailjacent 
p'aci.'s  in  178'^.  Here,  on  Hth  March  of  this  year,  happened  the  most  dreadful 
I'lassacre,  and  Glikhikan  was  amoii"!  the  victims.  Ninety-Hix  [lersoiis  were 
(icalped  and  then  cut  to  |)iec(  s.  Iksidcs  women,  there  were  34  children 
murdered  in  cold  blood.*    This  was  done  by  white  men  ! 

Of  this  horrid  ai'  '  diabolical  murder  it  behoves  us  to  give  the  facts  more 
in  detail.  The  momli  of  February  of  tiie  year  17S'2,  having  been  very  fiivor- 
able  to  war  parties,  it  was  improved  by  some  Sandusky  warriors,  and  some 
murders  were  committed  in  an  miiooked  for  moment  upon  tiie  frontiers  of  tho 
whites.  The  family  of  a  ffHlinm  Wnllnce,  consisting  of  his  v.ife  and  five  or 
six  rhildren,  were  killeil,  and  one  John  Carpenter  j  was  taken  ])risoner.  These 
early  movements  of  the  Indians  led  the  whites  to  conclude  that  they  were 
either  done  by  the  Moravians  at  Muskingum,  or  that  the  warriors  that  com- 
mitted th(^  murders  were  (piartered  among  them.|  Thereline,  without  further 
inibrmation,  a  band  of  about  80  or  MO  men  siiddenlv  collectcil  iiixm  the  lion- 
tier  of  I'emisvlvinii'i,  and  each  man  iiaviiig  provided  himself  with  his  own 
arms,  ammiimtiuii  and  prnvisions,  mostly  niouiite<l  upon  horses,  set  out  under 
one  Colonel  David  ff'illianuion  for  the  devoted  congregation  at  Gnadenhuetten. 
They  rendezvoused  and  <'ncami>e(l  the  first  night  on  the  Mingo  Bottom,  on 
tiie  west  side  of  tho  Ohio  Jliv«r.§ 

•  I  linve  liiM-:)  i>;irti('iil;ir  in  iKilicinif  this  affnir,  as  it  is  not  found  in  such  cxlcinivcly  circU' 
lalod  works  m  llic  Ainnirun  Aiiimls. 

t  He  iifteiwnrds  niiiilo  Iih  rsciiix-  iil  (frnit  peril. 


\  Doddridgt'a  Nuloi  on  llio  Indian  W  urs,  %\!i,  'iiH. 


^  Ibid. 


q  I 


m 


34 


MASSACRE  AT  GNADENHUETTEN. 


[Book  V- 


Meanwliile  Colonel  Gibson,  at  Pittsburgh,  understanding  the  object  of  tho 
crew  who  had  gone  forth  under  Williamson,  despatched  niessengerss  to  alarm 
the  Christian  Indians,  but  they  ai-rived  too  late.  However,  they  received 
timely  notice  from  another  quarter,  but  their  trusting  to  their  inno>;ence  to 
protect  them,  did  in  this  case  prove  a  fatal  error :  n  white  man,  who  had 
narrowly  escaped  from  the  hands  of  some  wan-iors,  warned  them  with  great 
earnestness  to  fly  for  their  lives.  These  warriors,  who  had  "  murdered  and 
impaled  a  woman  and  a  child,  not  far  from  the  Oliio,  arrived  soon  alter  at 
Gnadenhuetten,"  where  they  expressed  their  well-grounded  fears  to  the  Chris- 
tians, that  a  party  of  white  people,  who  were  pursuing  them,  would  surely 
kill  them  all.*  AH  these  warnings  were  not  enough  to  shake  their  faith  in 
theprotecting  ami  of  their  own  mnocence. 

Trie  second  day's  march  of  the  band  of  murderers,  brought  thorn  within 
one  mile  of  the  middle  Moravian  town,  where  they  again  encamped  for  the 
night.  This  was  on  the  6th  day  of  March.  The  next  morning  the  party 
Was  divided  into  tlu-ee  equal  divisions,  "  one  of  which  was  to  cross  the  river 
about  a  mile  above  the  town ;  their  videttes  having  reported  that  there  were 
Indians  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  The  other  party  was  divided  into  three 
divisions,  one  of  which  was  to  take  a  cu'cuit  in  the  woods,  and  reach  the  river 
a  little  distance  below  the  town,  on  the  west  side.  Another  division  was  to 
fall  into  the  middle  of  the  town,  and  the  third  upon  its  upper  end.  When 
the  party  designed  to  make  the  attack  on  the  west  sidi?,  had  reached  the  river, 
they  found  no  boats  to  take  them  over ;  but  something  like  a  canoe  was  seen 
on  the  opj)osite  bank.  The  river  was  high,  with  some  floating  ice.  A  young 
man  of  the  name  o(  Slaughter  swOim  the  river,  and  brought  over,  not  a  canoe,  but 
a  trough  designed  for  holding  sugar  water.  This  trough  could  carry  but  two 
men  at  a  time.  In  <)rder  to  expedite  their  passage,  a  niiniber  of  men  stripped 
off  their  clothes,  put  them  into  the  trough,  together  with  their  guns,  and 
swam  by  its^ides,  holding  its  edges  with  their  hards.  When  about  IG  had' 
crossed  the  river, the  two  centineis, who  had  been  posted  in  advance,"!  "met 
young  Schehosch  in  the  woods,  fued  at  and  wounded  him  so  mueli  that  he 
could  not  escape.  He  then,  according  to  the  account  of  the  murderem 
themselves,  begged  for  his  life,  representing  that  he  was  Schehosch,  the  son  of 
a  white  Christian  man  :  But  tiiey  paid  no  attention  to  his  entreaties,  and  cut 
him  in  pieces  with  their  hatchets."  "  One  of  them  broke  one  of  his  arms  by 
a  shot.  A  shot  from  the  other  ceiitinel  killed  him.  Tliese  heroes  X  then  scalped 
and  tomaiiawked  him. 

"By  this  time,  about  1(5  men  had  got  over  the  river,  and  supposing  the  firing 
of  the  guns,  which  killed  Shahosh,  would  lead  to  an  instant  discovery,  they 
sent  word  to  the  party  designed  to  attack  fhe  town  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river,  to  move  on  instantly,  which  they  did. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  the  snmll  party  which  had  crossed  the  river,  marched 
with  all  speed,  to  the  main  town  on  the  west  side  of  the  riv".  Here  they  found 
n  large  company  of  Indians  gathering  the  corn,  whic'i  they  had  lefl  in 
their  fields  the  pn-ceding  fiill,  when  they  removed  to  Sandusky.  On  tho 
arrival  of  die  men  at  the  town,  they  professed  peace  and  good  will  to  the 
Moravii'iis,  and  informed  them  that  they  had  come  to  take  tlieni  to  fort  Pitt, 
l(»r  their  safety.  Tho  Indians  surrendered,  delivered  up  their  arms,  and  ap- 
peoi'ed  highly  delighted  with  the  prospect  of  their  removal,  and  began  witli 
all  speed  to  prepare  food  for  the  white  men,  and  lor  themselves  on  their 
journey. 

"A  party  of  white  men  and  Indians  was  immediately  despatched  to  Salem, 
a  short  distance  from  Gnadenhuetten,  where  the  Indians  were  gathering  in 
their  corn,  to  bring  theni  in  to  Giiadenhuetten.  Tlie  jmrty  soon  arrived  with 
the  whole  number  of  the  Indians  ti-om  Salem.  In  the  mean  time  the  Indians  at 
Gnadenhuetten  Were  confined  in  two  houses  some  distance  apart,  and  placed 


•  Lnnkiel.  Hist.  Mnrnviniw,  iii.  \1Ci. 

t  I  Hill  loiliminK  Ihxlilnili^f'n  Nnrrnlivo,  but  the  next  quotation  is  fmm  Loikiel,  iii.  177, 
bikI  tlii'ii  rdiiliiini's  OiHlilrid'sf  williiiiil  niiy  omission. 

\  Mv  millior  titles  iKil  iliilii'i/i>  this  wnrd,  hut  lit- ilniilillrss  woulil,  if  lie  were  to  givo  UA  a 
iiuw  utiiiiiiii  xl'lii^  Imok,  il  liu  did  not  udd  at  least  a  iinlf  u  dozen  exciumution!)  to  it. 


[Book  V- 

jcct  of  th(! 
s  to  alarm 
y  recfiivcrt 
uqceiice  to 
1,  Avho  had 
with  great 
•dered  and 
on  alter  at 
)  tlie  Cliris- 
auld  surely 
eir  faith  in 

lem  within 
ped  for  the 
g  the  party 
■iS  die  river 
there  were 
d  into  tliree 
ch  tlie  river 
sion  was  to 
ind.    When 
cd  the  river, 
DC  was  seen 
?.    A  young 
a  canoe,  but 
irry  but  two 
nenstrii)ped 
r  guns,  and 
l)out  16  had 
nce,"i  "met 
lucli  tiiat  he 
b   nuirderem 
.,  tiie  son  of 
ies,  and  cut 
his  arms  by 
then  scalped 

ingthe  firing 
covery,  th(!y 
t  side  of  the 

^cr,  marched 
>  they  found 
iiud  icll  in 

ky.  On  the 
will  to  the 
to  fort  Pitt, 
tiiH,  and  ap- 
begun  with 
cs  on  their 

■d  to  Salem, 
gathering  in 
arrived  with 
he  Indians  at 
and  placed 


Chap.  II] 


PAKANKE.— NETAWATWEES. 


25 


.oskiel,  iii.  VTI, 

■re  lo  give  us  a 
lo  it. 


under  guards ;  and  when  those  from  Salem  arrived,  thoy  were  divided,  and 
placed  in  the  same  houses,  with  their  brethren  of  'jnadeiilnit-tten. 

"The  prisoners  being  thus  secured,  a  council  of  war  was  hdd  to  decide 
on  their  liite.  The  officei's,  unwilling  to  take  on  themselves  the  whole  re- 
s[)onsibility  of  the  awful  decision,  agreed  to  refer  the  (|uestioi:  to  the  whole 
number  of  the  men.  The  men  w«!re  accordingly  drawn  up  in  a  line.  The 
commandant  of  the  party,  Colonel  David  Williamson,  then  put  the  question 
to  them  in  form,  'whether  the  Moravian  Indians  should  be  taken  prisoners  to 
Pittsburgh,  or  put  to  death  ? '  requesting  all  who  were  in  favor  of  saving  their 
lives  to  step  out  of  the  line,  and  form  a  second  rank.  On  this,  10,  some  say 
18,  stepped  out  of  the  rank,  and  formed  themselves  into  a  second  line ;  but 
alas !  this  line  of  mercy  was  far  too  siiort  for  that  of  vengeance."  Thus  was 
the  fate  of  the  Moravian  Lidians  decided  on,  and  they  were  ordered  to  pre- 
pare for  de«th. 

"  From  the  time  they  were  placed  in  the  guard-houses,  the  prisoners  fore- 
8JIW  their  fate,  and  l)egiin  their  devotions  of  singing  hymns,  praying  and  ex- 
horting each  other  to  place  a  firm  reliance  in  the  mercy  of  the  Savior  of 
men."  "The  particulars  of  this  di-eadful  catastrophe  are  too  iiorrid  to 
relate.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  in  a  few  niinutcs  these  two  slaughter-houses, 
as  they  were  then  called,  exhibited  in  their  ghastly  interior,  tlie  mangled, 
bleeding  remains,  of  those  poor  unfortunates  people,  of  all  ages  and  sexes; 
from  the  iiged  grey-headed,  down  to  the  lielpless  infant  at  its  mother's  breast ; 
dishonored  by  the  liital  wounds  of  the  tomahawk,  mallet,  war-club,  sj>ear  and 
eculping-knife!"  'Hi us  was  tiie  8th  day  of  Alarch  spent  at  Gnadenliuetten, 
in  the  year  1782 ! 

Only  two,  who  were  young  persons,  escaped  tliis  dreadful  day's  slaughter. 
One  of  whom  had  been  knocked  down  iuid  scalped,  and  iiy  counterfeiting 
himself  dead,  while  the  murderers  had  Iclt  the  place,  was  enabled  to  save 
his  lile;  The  other  crejit  unobserved  kito  a  cellar,  and  in  the  night  escaped 
to  the  woods. 

Whether  any  of  the  murderers  were  called  to  an  account  for  what  they  did 
I  do  not  learn,  tiiongh  tliey  pmbably  were  not,  ov  ing  to  the  state  of  anai'chy 
occasioned  by  the  revolutionary  war. 

PAKANKE  was  a  powerful  Dchuvure  chief,  whose  residence,  in  1770,  was 
nt  a  |)la((!  calk'd  Kaskaskunk, about  40  miles  north  of  Pittsburgh.  He  i» 
brought  to  iiur  notice  by  the  agency  of  tlu;  missionary  Lo.i/ciel,  from  whom 
it  apjieais  that  he  was  very  friendly  to  the  Ihethnii  at  first,  and  invited  them  into 
hJH  country,  but  when  Glikhikan,  his  chief  captain  and  speaker,  forsook  him, 
ami  went  to  live  with  them,  lie  was  so  disconcBi ted,  that  he  turned  against 
them,  and  for  a  time  caused  them  mueli  difficulty.  Meeting  with  Glik- 
hikan afterward  in  public,  he  spoke  to  him  in  an  angry  tone  as  follows: 
"  And  even  you  have  gone  over  from  tins  council  to  them.  I  suppose  yon 
mean  to  g<'t  a  white  skin !  But  I  tell  you,  not  even  one  of  your  Icet  will  turn 
w  liitf!,  much  less  your  body.  Was  yon  not  a  brave  and  honored  man,  sitting 
next  to  me  in  council,  when  we  spread  the  blanket  and  considered  the  belts 
of  wamiHim  lying  befiire  us?  Now  you  pretend  to  despise  all  this,  and 
think  to  have  fonn<i  something  better.  Some  tiuM)  or  other  you  will  find 
yourself  deceived."  To  which  Glikhikan  made  but  a  short  and  meek  reply. 
Some  ejiidemic  disease  carried  off  many  of  tlit;  Indians  about  fbis  time,  and 
tiiey  attrilnitcd  its  caus(i  to  their  obstinacy  hi  not  receiving  the  gospel.  Pa- 
kinike  was  among  the  number  at  last  who  accejited  it  as  a  remedy.  IlerAp' 
pears  not  to  have  been  so  credulous  as  many  of  his  neighliors;  f«»r  when  the 
acknowledgment  of  Christianity  was  concluded  upon  by  many,  he  remained 
incredulous;  and  when  a  licit  of  wampum  was  sent  him,  accompanied  with 
a  mesNige,  (h'clariugthat  "whosoever  refiised  to  accept  it  would  be  considered 
n  murderer  of  his  coHiitrymen,"  he  aH'ected  not  to  un(h!rstand  its  import,  and 
doubtless  would  not  have  acknowledged  it,  but  for  the  hnpending  diinger 
which  he  saw  threatening  him.  When  be  went  to  liear  the  Hretliren  preach, 
he  (lechiriMl  his  conviction,  and  recoimncnded  his  chihiren  to  receive  the 
gospt;!.     A  son  of  his  was  bapti/ed  in  177r». 

NiyrVWA'I'WCKS  was  head  chief  of  the  Dchiwares,  and  if  we  are  to 

a 


NETAWATWEES— WHITE-EYES. 


[DooK  V- 


judge  of  him  from  our  scanty  records,  he  will  n))|)eRr  to  the  best  advnntnjre. 
"H(;  used  to  liiy  ail  affiiirs  of  state  before  bis  couiisi-llors  for  tlieir  considera- 
tion, witiiout  tolling  tiiein  liis  own  sentiments.  When  they  gave  liini  tlieir 
opinion,  be  either  approved  of  it,  or  siatiid  bis  objections  and  amendments, 
ul  ways  alleging  t  lie  reasons  of  bis  (lisaijjirobation."  J{el()re  the  revolution,  it  was 
said  that  be  iitul  amazingly  increased  the  reputation  of  the  Dclawares;  and  ho 
spared  no  pains  to  conciliate  all  bis  neigbliors,  and  reconcile  them  one  to  anoth- 
er. His  residence,  in  J773,  was  at  Gcki'Icmukpechuenk.  The  Moravian  mis- 
sionaries sent  messengers  to  bin),  with  information  of  the  arrival  of  another  mis- 
sionarv,  in  July  of  this  year,  recpicstinga  renewal  of  friendsbij)  and  a  confirma- 
tion of  bis  i<)rnier  promise  oi'imuection.  AVIien  this  was  Icid  before  him  and  bis 
conncil,  they  worn  not  unu-h  pleased  with  the  inlbrmntion,  and  the  old  chief 
JVetnwalwees,  said,  "  Tliei/  hdvv  leathers  awii<j;li  aliradij,J'or  a  itav  one  can  tcack 
nothing  lint  the  same  ductrine."  He  was,  however,  jirevailcd  upon  to  give  his 
consent  to  their  requtjst,  and  afterwards  hecuune  a  convert  to  their  religion. 
Alter  be  had  set  ont  in  this  coursi;,  he  sent  the  ibilowing  si)eech  to  bis  old 
iViend  Pakanke :  "  Ion  and  1  arc  both  old,  and  know  not  how  long  ice  shall  live. 
There/ore  let  us  do  a  good  work,  hej'orc  ice  depart,  and  leave  a  testimoni/  to  our 
children  andposteriti/,  that  we  have  received  the  word  of  God.  Let  this  be  ow 
last  tirill  and  testamciit.^^  7*(rA:tf»Ac  consented,  e.nd  was  at  grt.-at  jiains  to  send 
eoleuuj  embassi(!S  to  all  such  trihes  as  he  thought  proper  to  comunuiicato 
his  determination.    JVe.tawidur.cs  died  at  Pittsbui'gb  nei.r  the  close  of  J77(). 

JVeiawatwees  bad  been  a  signer  to  the  treaty  of  Couestogu  in  the  ycju'  I/IH, 
being  then  young,  probably  about  '2')  years' of  age.  The  Turtle  tribe  was 
the  first  among  the  Delawares,  and  of  this  he  bei-ame,  by  tlieir  usages,  cbiell 
To  him  was  committed  all  the  tokens  of  contracts ;  such  as  l)elts  of  wam- 
pnm,  writings  obligAtory,  with  the  sign  manu.al  of  William  Penn,  and  otiiers 
since,  down  to  the  time  himself,  \\  ith  his  tribe,  was  forced  to  leave  their 
lands  and  retire  into  Ohio. 

After  having  been  seated  upon  the  Ohio,  at  a  i)lace  convenient  for  com- 
mtmication  with  the  VVyandots  and  other  warlike  nations  of  the  west,  ho 
made  known  to  tlaim  the  wrongs  which  he  and  his  ])eoplc  bad  suffered. 
J{y  adv'ce  of  the  Wyandot  cliieis,  he  settled  finally  upon  CajabagaUiver, 
leaving  open  the  Rivers  Muskingum  and  IJig  IJeaver  for  any  of"  bis  nation 
that  were  there  already,  and  should  afterwards  couk;  to  settle  there.  And  this 
was  tiie  occasion  of  King  Btavcr''s  bnilding  u  town  and  settling  the  Turkey 
tribe  at  the  mouth  of  Nemoschilli  Creek,  since  called  Tuscarawas.  Of  lliis 
distinguisiied  chief  we  shall  speak  more  at  large  in  (mother  i)!ace. 

\\\\v\\  i^o\in\tA^  linnquet  a\\ABradshcet,\n  17()IJ,  were  penetrating  into  the 
Indian  I'ountry,  JVelitwatwees,  not  without  reason,  became  alarnu'd  ("or  his 
safety,  aiK*  could  not  be  prtnailed  ii|)on  to  attend  the  treaty  with  Colonel 
iiow^ue/,  after  the  battle  of  JJusliy  lium,  notwithstnnding  the  other  chiefs 
;Ud.  His  residence  being  in  range  of  the  march  of  Bo^ujueVs  army,  he  too 
lnt(.  attempted  to  esca|)e  down  the  iMuskingnm  in  a  canoe;  but  being  intcr- 
cepteti  .''V  some  of  Bowpiefs  Indian  spies,  was  brought  before  the  colonel, 
who,  because  lie  did  not  a|)pear  at  the  treaty,  publicly  deposed  him,  and  jiiit 
another  at  the  bead  of  bis  tribe.  Upon  the  conclusion  of  a  jieiu'c,  however, 
t!M'  first  act  of  importance  performed  by  the  Didawar,;  nation  was  to  rein- 
state JVitawaiwees.  He  continued  in  the'  undisturbed  ]■  )s^ession  of  the  oliire 
until  bis  death,  which  happened  in  the  second  year  of  the  revolution,  1770, 
at  I'ittsburgh,  when  bo  bad  attained  the  age  of  near  !)!>  years.* 

The  missionario.-,  es|)ecially,  felt  bis  loss  with  great  severity,  for  his  coun- 
cil wac  of  the  greatest  benefit  to  them  on  nil  tO'ing  occasions. 

WHITE-EYES,  or,  as  some  write,  lUiite-tye,  was  "the  first  captain  among 
the  Delawares."  Then;  was  always  great  'o|>position  among  the  Indians 
against  missionaries  settling  in  their  country  ;  who,  in  the  language  m(  one 
of  the  Moravians,  "were  a  stone  of  offence  to  many  of  the  chiefs  and  to  a. 

liueek,  and  it  was  several  times 
man  (Captain  White-eyes]  kept 


great  iwirt  of  the  couiicH  at  (Jekelen)iiU])ecb 
proposed  to  expel  tiieni  by  force."    ibit  "  this 


'Hcckeiceldei-'s  Bingrapiiies,  &;c.,  in  Philns.  Trari.i. 


[Book  V- 

t  advnntnf^e. 
r  conwidcrn- 

0  liiiii  tlioir 
iii(!il«lni('iits, 
liitioii,it\vas 
ires;  uiui  h« 
)iiet<)iinolh- 
oniviaii  inis- 
iiiiotli(!r  iiiis- 

1  acoiifiriii!!- 
'  liiiii  and  Ills 
lie  old  rliioi" 
lie  can  teach 

to  ^(wo  ilia 
\^m^  religion. 
i!li  to  Ills  old 
ve  shnll  live, 
linwny  to  our 
i  this  he  oKr 
liiis  to  send 
oninniniciifo 
oso  of  177(). 
ic  yciu'  1718, 
le  tribe  waa 
isagcs,  cliieil 
ilts  of  waiu- 
,  uiul  otiicrs 
I  leave  their 

lit  lor  eorii- 
he  west,  lin 
liad  stitH're«l. 
aluifiulliver, 
r  his  nation 
0.  And  this 
tlu)  'J'nrkcy 
lis.     or  1 1  lis 

I!. 

ing  into  tlio 
iiicd  tor  his 
kith  ('oU)ni'l 
other  cliiciis 
iriny,  he  too 
h('in;j;'  intor- 
th(^  coloiiei, 
lint,  and  put 
eo,  however, 
rt'as  to  ri'in- 
of  the  oliiro 
hition,  1770, 

'or  liis  eonn- 

ptain  aniojij,' 
the  Indians 
fuajjo  «('  ono 
ct's  and  to  ii 
overul  times 
Ue-eyes]  kept 


Chap.  II.] 


WHITE-EYES. 


27 


the  chiefs  and  council  in  nwe,  and  would  not  HufFer  tinuii  to  injure  the  mis- 
sionaries, hein^  in  ids  own  heart  convinced  of  the  triiihs  of  the  gospel. 
This  was  evident  in  all  his  speeches,  iield  helore  the  chiefs  and  council  in 
behalf  of  the  ludiaji  conj-ref^ation  and  their  teachers."  * 

Upon  the  death  of  JVdawatwces,  in  177(),  Captain  fVhUe-cyes  became  chief 
sachem,  to  which  jdaco  Ids  Ibriner  situation  of  first  coiinsdlor  to  that  chief 
rendered  him  hijihly  qualified.  But  as  he  was  not  ciiief  by  regular  descent, 
lie  only  accepiod  the  office  until  a  young  ciiief  should  be  of  age,  wiio,  it 
seems,  was  heir  apparent,  it  is  said  Ih;  iiad  long  looked  forward  with  anxiety 
to  the  time  when  his  countrymen  should  become  Christians,  and  enjoy  the 
benefits  of  civilization;  "hut  he  <li.!  not  live  to  see  that  time,  for  while  ac- 
companying (Jen.  Mackintosh  with  ids  army,  to  Muskingum,  in  1778,  or  '!),  he 
,took  the  sniidl-pox  and  (lied."t 

The  old  (diief  .Yc/effi'rt/.cecsusi-d  every  art  to  thwart  tluMMuhmvorsof  White- 
eyes,  and,  as  they  were  ratlicr  in  a  strain  bordering  upon  poj-seciition,  were 
only  sure  to  make  th(!  latter  more  strenuous,  lie  thiirefbre  declared  "that 
no  prosperity  would  attend  tins  Indian  atliiirs,  unless  tlii-y  nsceivi^d  and 
believed  the  saving  gospel,"  &(\  (Vhite-eyes  was  forced  about  this  time  to 
separate  himself  from  the  other  ciiiefs.  "Ttiis  occasioned  gre.-it  and  general 
surprise,  and  his  presence  being  considen.-d  both  Ity  the  chiefs  and  the  people 
as  indispensably  necessary,  a  negotiation  commeiii-ed,  and  some  iiulian  breth- 
ren were  appointed  arbitr.it.ors.  The  v,\m\i  was  beyond  exfii'Ctatioii  success- 
ful, (or  (Niief  JVetawntwecs  not  only  ackiiowlodg(;d  the  injustice  done  to  Cap- 
tain iVhik-cijc,  but  r;iian<r(!d  his  mind  with  resjiei!!  to  the  believing  Indians 
and  tlK.'ir  teachers,  and  riinained  their  constant  friend  to  his  deal)i."t 

At  the  breaking  out  of  tlio  revoluticinary  war,  tin!  Anieri^'aii  congi'ess 
endeavored  to  tn.-at  with  the  chiefs  of  tla;  Hix  Nalions,  .imi  accordingly 
invited  the  Deiawares  to  K' iif{  deiiuties.  White-cjjes  atteiidea  on  the  part  of 
the  Hri'thr(!n,and  his  conduct  before  tlie  commissioners  was  liigidy  approved 
by  the  missionari'.'s. 

Towards  liic  closes  of  tlio  year  177(5,  the  ITiiroiis  sent  a  iiiessugn  to  the 
D.duwares,  "ihat  theymnstkeep  tliiir  slices  in  readiness  to  join  the  warriors." 
JVeUawalwees  being  their  head  chief,  to  him,  (;onse(pa!iitiy,  was  tlie  talk 
deliver(!d.  He  would  not  accept  the  message,  lint  sent  ladfs  to  the  llurous, 
witii  Hii  admonition  for  tiitsir  rash  resolution,  and  reminding  them  of  the 
niisei-y  tiiey  luul  ain.'atly  hroiight  upon  themselviiS.  (Captain  ffhite-ei/es  was 
n  bearer  ol"  iIk-  belts,  who  in  ids  turn  was  as  un.'Uccessi'id  iis  the  Huron  am- 
bass;ulors;  for  wh''u  they  were  delivtsr;*!  to  the  cliiefs  in  Fort  Detroit,  in 
))res!'nco  of  the  I'higlish  governor,  he  cut  them  in  pii-ces,  and  threw  thcMii  at 
the  feet  of  t!ie  bearers,  ordering  them,  at  tli(!  same  tiiiii',  to  depart  in  half  an 
hour.  H(!  accnsi'd  White-eyes  of  a  connection  w  itii  tla;  Americans,  and  told 
him  his  head  was  in  danger. 

It  is  not  strange  that  Wh\te-eyrs  was  treaffnl  in  this  nianner,  if  he  took  the 
Ktand  at  tli(!  commencement  oi"  tin,'  war,  wjd(  ii  %\i;  snppt>S(r  from  the  follow- 
ing circumstance  that  he  did:  The  Iroipiois,  Ik  iiig  (dnel'y  in  the  Mnglish 
inUirest,  and  considering  the  Did'iw.ires  bound  lo  opisiate  with  them,  onhsred 
them  to  be  in  rea<rme8H,  as  has  been  just  related,  Upon  this  occasion,  IVhite- 
rycs  said  "he  should  do  as  he  phsased ;  that  he  wore  no  jietticoats,  as  they 
falsely  jmUcnided ;  he  was  no  woman,  but  u  man,  and  they  should  find  him  to 
act  as  snch."§ 

We  hear  nothing  more  of  importance  of  this  chief  until  1780,  which  was 
tlif!  year  of  his  death.  He  died  at  I'ittshurgh,  in  I'ennsylvania,  of  the  sniall- 
jiox.  Many  others  died  about  tiiis  time,  among  whcmi  was  a  man  who  must 
iiave  been  very  old,  perhaps  near  l'<JO,  as  he  could  well  ri'member  when  the 
first  hulls  •  was  biiiJi  in  I'hiladelphia,  in  1()8'>,  being  then  a  boy. 

Altlio;iyh  //7i//f-fi/M  was  so  fiiendly  to  tiie  brethren,  yet  ho  never  fiilly 
joined  tlann,  stating  his  |)olitical  station  as  a.  reason. 

The  Di'liiware  nation  perpetuated  his  name ;  a  chief  signed  a  treaty  in 


»  LosKM,  iii.  ini— ■:. 

I  Loskid,  iii,  101— «, 


t  IlKkeictUter's  Diogriiphii.-*,  Ar.,  in  I'hilnx.  Trans. 
y  llevkewitd.'i;  Hist,  22. 


28 


PAXNOUS.— TADEUSKUND. 


IBooK  V. 


1814,  at  Greenville,  in  Ohio,  bearing  it.*  White-eyes'  town  is  frequently  men- 
tioned in  history.  It  was  tiie  place  of  iiis  residence,  which  was  near  the  falla 
of  the  Muskingum. 

PAXNOUS  was  head  chief  of  tlie  Sliawanese  in  1754.  At  this  time,  the 
Christian  Indians  of  the  Moraviaji  settlement,  Gnadeuhuetten,  were  oppress- 
ed by  a  tribute  to  the  Hurons.  This  year,  Paxnous  and  Gideon  Tadeuskuml, 
who  had  become  dissenters,  came  to  them,  and  delivered  the  following 
message  :  "  The  great  head,  that  is,  the  council  of  the  Iroquois  in  Onondago, 
speak  the  truth  and  lie  not :  tiiey  rejoice  that  some  of  the  believing  Indians 
have  moved  to  Wajomick,  [near  VVilksluirg  and  the  Suequehannah,]  but  now 
they  lilt  up  the  remaining  Mahikans  and  Delawares,  and  set  them  also  down 
in  Wajomick  ;  for  there  a  fire  is  kindled  for  them,  and  there  they  may  plant 
and  think  of  God.  But  if  tliey  will  not  hear,  the  great  head,  or  comicil, 
will  coine  and  clean  their  eiu's  with  a  red-hot  iron ; "  that  is,  set  their  houses 
on  fire,  and  send  bullets  through  their  heads.  The  next  year,  Paxnous  and 
13  others  came  again,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Hurons  demanded  an  answer 
to  the  sunnnons  he  had  delivered  last  year.  His  wife  attended  him,  and  for 
whom  he  had  great  affection,  having  then  lived  with  her  38  years.  She, 
being  touched  by  the  preaching  of  the  Bretiu'en,  was  no  doubt  the  cause  of 
softening  the  heart  of  Paxnous,  and  causing  him  thenceforth  to  do  much  for 
them.  This  answer  was  returned  to  him  to  bear  to  the  Hurons :  "  The 
Brethren  will  confer  with  the  Iroquois  themselves,  concerning  the  intended 
removal  of  the  Indians  irom  Gnadeuhuetten  to  Wajomick."  Paxnous,  "being 
only  an  andjassador  in  this  business,  was  satisfyed,  and  even  formed  a  closer 
acquaintance  with  the  Brethren."  This  is  sufficient  to  explain  Paxnous''  par- 
tiality for  t!ic  Brethren.  Before  they  de])arted,  his  wife  was  baptized,  and 
all  present,  among  ^hom  was  her  husband,  were  much  affected.  She 
declared,  as  she  returned  home,  "that  she  feit  as  happy  as  u  child  new  born." 
Paxnous  also  had  two  sons,  who  did  much  for  the  Brethren. 

TADEUSKUND,  a  noted  chief  among  the  Delawiu'es,  may  be  considered 
next  in  importance  to  those  above  named.  He  was  known  among  the 
English,  previous  to  1750,  by  the  name  Honest-John.  About  tiiis  time,  he 
was  received  into  the  Moravian  conmumity,  and  after  some  delay,  "  owing 
to  his  wavering  disposition,"  was  baptized,  and  received  into  fellowship.  His 
baptismal  name  was  Gideon.  He  adhered  to  the  missionaries  just  as  long  as 
his  condition  ap|)eared  to  bo  better,  -but  when  any  tiling  more  favorable  offer- 
ed, he  stood  ready  to  embark  in  it. 

The  Christian  Indians  at  Gnadenhuetten  were  desirous  of  removing  to 
Wajomick,  which  offered  more  advantages  than  that  place,  and  this  was  a 
secret  desire  of  the  wild  Indians ;  for  they,  intending  to  join  the  French  of 
Canada,  wished  to  have  tliem  out  of  the  way  of  their  excursions,  that  they 
might  with  more  secrecy  iiill  upon  the  English  frontiers.    It  was  now  1754. 

Meanwhile  Tadeuskund  had  had  the  offer  of  leading  tiie  Delawares  in  the 
war,  and  hence  he  had  been  a  chief  promoter  of  a  removal  to  Wajomick. 
The  missionaries  saw  through  the  plot,  and  refused  to  move ;  but  quite  a 
comi)any  of  their  followers,  to  the  nuudier  of  about  70,  went  thither,  agree- 
ably to  the  .vishes  of  Taikuskund  and  his  party,  and  some  went  oft"  to  other 
places. 

Tadeitskund  was  now  in  his  element,  marching  to  and  from  the  French  in 
warlike  style.  When  Paxnous,  as  has  been  related,  summoned  the  remain- 
ing believers  at  Gnadenhuetten  to  remove  to  Wajomick,  Tadeuskund  accom- 
f)anied  him.  As  the  interest  of  the  French  began  to  decline,  Tadeuskund 
)egan  to  think  al)nut  making  a  shift  again,  llaving  lived  a  considerable 
part  of  the  year  1758  not  far  from  Bethlehem,  with  about  100  of  his  follow- 
ers, he  gave  the  Brethren  there  intimations  that  he  wished  again  to  join 
them;  and  even  requested  that  some  one  would  preach  on  his  side  of  the 
Lehigh.  But  the  hopes  of  his  reclaim  were  soon  after  dissipated.  And  "  he 
now  even  endeavored  to  destroy  the  peace  and  comfort  of  the  Indian  con- 
regation."  From  the  discouraging  nature  of  the  aftiiirs  of  the  Fren  h,  ten 
tidian  nations  were  induced  to  send  deputies  to  tniat  with  the  English  at 

*  Sec  Ilist.  Secoiitl  War,  by  ,S'.  A',  lirown,  Appendix,  105. 


tBooK  V. 


Chap.  II.]       MASSACRE  AT  GiNADENHUETTEN.— SKENANDO. 


29 


uiiswer 


..,  "heiiig 


"  owing 


Easton,  wiiich  eveiitimtecl  in  a  treaty  of  peace.  Tadeuakund  pretended  tliat 
this  treaty  liud  been  agreed  to  on  condition  that  government  should  build  a 
town  ou  the  Susquehauuali  lor  the  Indians,  and  cause  those  living  with,  tlie 
Bretliren  to  remove  to  it.  This  his  enemies  denied.  There  was  some  foun- 
dation, from  tluiir  own  account,  tor  Tadeitskund's  ()reteuding  to  have  received 
full  commission  to  conduct  all  the  Indians  within  certain  limits,  which 
included  those  of  Bethlehem,  to  Wajomick ;  and  therefore  demanded  their 
compliance  with  his  commands.  He  was  liberal  in  his  promises,  provided 
they  would  comply ;  saying,  the;,'  should  have  fields  cleai'ed  and  ploughed, 
houses  built,  and  [)rovisions  provided :  not  only  so,  but  their  teacliers  should 
attend  them,  to  live  there  unmolested,  and  the  believers  entirely  by  them- 
selves. But,  through  the  influence  of  their  priests,  they  would  not  com|)ly, 
which  occasioned  some  threats  fiom  Tadeuakund,  and  he  immediately  set 
oft'  for  Philadelphia,  considerably  irritated. 

Tadeuskund  went  to  riiiladelphia  in  consequence  of  an  intended  general 
congress  of  tiie  Lidians  and  English,  including  all  those  who  did  not  attend 
at  Easton.  When  he  returned,  he  demanded  a  positive  answer,  and  they 
replied  that  they  would  not  remove  unless  the  governor  and  all  the  chiefs  so 
determined,  for  tiiat  they  could  not  without  the  greatest  inconvenience.  This 
seemed  to  satisfy  him,  and  ho  left  them. 

The  great  council  or  congress  of  English  and  Indians  at  Easton  above 
referred  to,  being  of  much  importance  in  Indian  liistory,  as  also  illustrative 
of  other  emuient  characters  as  well  as  that  of  Tadeuskund,  we  will  refer  its 
details  to  a  separate  chajjter. 

Tadeuskund  was  burnt  to  death  in  his  own  house  at  Wajomick  in  April, 
1703. 

Of  an  execrable  murder  at  Gnadenhuetteu  we  have  not  spoken,  as  we  have 
not  learned  the  name  of  the  leaders  in  or  instigators  of  it ;  however,  it  will 
not  be  i)ro|)er  to  pass  it  over  in  detailing  the  events  of  our  histoiy.  It  hap- 
pened in  the  time  of  the  French  and  Indian  wars,  in  1755.  Althougii  it  is 
generally  spoken  of  sis  the  massacre  of  Gnadenhuetteu,  yet  it  did  not  happen 
in  that  town,  but  in  a  small  village  on  Mahony  Creek,  about  a  half  a  mile 
from  it.  On  the  24  November,  a  band  ol"  Indians,  (their  numbers  unknown,) 
who  came  from  the  French,  fell  suddeidy  upon  the  place,  wliile  the  Brethren 
were  at  supper,  and  killed  eleven  persons ;  namely,  seven  men,  three  womeu, 
and  one  ciiild  15  months  old.  Only  two  men,  one  woman,  and  a  boy, 
escaped.  The  slaughter  would  have  been  lar  greater,  if  the  Christian  Lidians 
had  not  been  away  at  that  time  upon  u  hunting  excursion.  Had  not  a  dog 
given  the  alarm,  as  the  Indians  approached,  they  would  probably  have  taken 
all  the  whites  jirisoners ;  but  the  moment  the  dog  gave  the  alarm,  those 
within  the  house  sprung  to  the  doors  and  windows  to  secure  them,  which 
being  open,  the  Indians  fired  into  them,  killing  one  man  and  wounding 
several  other  [jcrsoiis.  The  poor  people  succeeded  in  securing  the  doors 
and  wuidows,  and  then  retreated  into  tJie  garret  of  the  house.  Ihis,  as  they 
must  have  expected,  they  found  a  >vretched  retreat !  the  roof  over  their 
heads  was  soon  in  flames,  and  the  only  persons  tliat  escaped  were  a  man 
and  his  wife,  and  a  boy,  which  they  effected  through  the  burning  roof!  One 
more,  a  man  who  had  been  confined  in  an  out-house  by  sickness,  escaped 
from  a  window.  AH  tlie  buildings  in  the  village,  the  cattle  and  other  animals 
in  the  barns,  were  consumed  in  the  flames!* 

The  leader  of  this  party,  whose  name  it  is  as  well  I  cpnnot  give,  soon  met 
with  a  re<juital  lor  his  murders.  By  the  influence  of  the  Goyernor  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  Mr.  George  Croghan,  the  hostile  Lidians  were  prevailed  upon 
to  meet  the  whites  in  a  council  at  Easton,  the  next  year,  viz.  175G.  This 
Indian  captain  set  out  to  attend  the  council,  and  in  the  way,  it  seems,  he  f(;ll 
in  company  with  Tadeuskund.  With  this  chief  he  contrived,  some  how  oi 
other,  to  g(;t  uji  a  quarrel,  in  which  Tadeuskund  killed  him.f 

SKENANDO,  though  belonging  to  a  later  age,  may  very  properly  be 
noticed  here.  He  was  an  Oneida  cliietj  contemporary  with  the  missionary 
Kirkland,  to  whom  he  became  a  convert,  and  lived  many  years  of  the  latter 


*  Ilevkewclder's  Narrative,  'H-. 

3* 


t  Ibid.  01,53. 


30 


SKENANDO.— MEMORABLE  SPEECH. 


[Book  V. 


IJ 


Iff  ' 

m 


ii  • 


?art  of  his  life  a  believer  in  Cliristiiinity.  Mr.  Kirkland  died  at  Paris,  N 
ork,  in  1808,  and  was  buried  near  Oneida.  Skmavdo  desired  to  be  buried 
near  bim  at  liis  death,  wliicli  was  granted.  lie  lived  to  b(;  1 10  years  old, 
and  was  otlen  visited  by  strangers  out  of  curiosity,  lie  said  to  one  who 
visited  hini  but  a  little  time  before  his  death,  "  i  am  an  aged  htmlock ;  the 
loinds  of  an  hundred  unnters  have  whistled  through  my  branches ;  I  am  dead  at 
the  top.     The  generation  to  which  I  belonged  has  run  away  and  lejl  me." 

In  early  life,  he  was,  like  nearly  all  of  his  race,  given  to  intoxication.  In 
l??."),  ho  was  at  Albany  to  settle  some  affairs  of  liis  tribe  with  tlie  govern- 
ment of  New  York.  One  night  he  became  dioink,  and  in  the  morning  found 
himself  in  the  street,  nearly  naked,  every  thing  of  worth  stripped  from  him, 
even  the  sign  of  his  chiofVainshij).  This  brought  him  to  a  sense  of  his 
iluty,  and  he  was  never  more  known  to  be  intoxicated.  He  was  a  powerl'ul 
chief,  and  the  Americans  did  not  tail  to  engage  him  on  their  side  in  the  rev- 
olution. This  was  congenial  to  his  mind,  lor  he  always  urged  the  rights  of 
the  prior  occupants  of  the  soil,  and  once  opposed  the  Americans  on  the 
same  principle,  for  cncroachineiits  ujion  the  red  men.  He  rendered  his 
adopted  Anglo  brethren  inij)ortant  services. 

From  the  "  Annals  of  Trjon  County,"  *  we  learn  that  Skenando  died  on 
the  11  March,  181(5.  He  leit  an  only  son.  And  the  same  author  observes 
that  "  liis  person  was  tall,  well  made,  and  robust.  His  countenance  was 
intelligeilt,  and  displayed  all  the  peculiar  dignity  of  an  Indiim  chief  In  his 
youth  he  was  a  brave  and  intrepid  warrior,  and  in  his  rij)er  years,  one  of 
the  noblest  counsellors  among  the  North  American  tribes :"  and  that,  in  the 
revolutionary  war,  by  his  vigilance  he  preserved  the  settlement  of  German 
Flats  from  being  destroyed. 

We  will  close  the  present  chapter  with  some  of  the  land  transactions  with 
the  Indians  in  Pennsylvania. 

By  his  last  will,  Oovernor  Penn  devised  to  his  grandson,  William  Penn, 
and  his  heirs,  10,000  acres  of  land  to  be  laid  out  "  in  proper  and  beneticial 
places  in  this  province,  by  his  trustees."  fVilliam  Penn,  tlie  grandson,  sold 
out  this  land  to  a  gentleman,  Mr.  William  Allen,  a  great  land-jobber.  ]iy  a 
little  management  Mien  got  this  land  located,  generally,  where  he  desired. 
One  considerable  tract  included  part  of  Minisink,  and  no  previous  arrange- 
ment had  been  made  with  those  Indians.  It  would  be  very  charitable  to 
supi)ose,  that  the  trustees  intended,  and  that  perhaps  they  did  not  doubt,  but 
the  same  course  would  be  jiursued  in  purchasing  of  the  Indians  as  had  been 
before,  by  others ;  but  no  sooner  had  the  new  proprietor  got  the  lands  sur- 
veyed to  him,  than  he  began  to  sell  it  to  those  that  would  go  on  at  once  and 
settle  it. 

Hence  we  clearly  see  the  road  opened  for  all  difficulties.  About  the  same 
time  proposals  were  published  for  a  land  lotteiy,  and  by  the  conditions  of 
these  proposals,  not  the  least  notice  was  taken,  or  the  least  reserve  made,  of 
the  rights  of  tiie  Indians.  But  on  the  contrary,  such  persons  as  had  settled 
upon  lauds  that  did  not  belong  to  them,  were,  in  case  they  drew  prizes,  to 
remain  unmolested  upon  the  lands  of  the  Indians.  By  this  means  much  of 
the  land  in  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware,  since  Easton  and  vicinity,  as  well  as 
other  pLces,  became  taken  up,  by  this  kind  of  gambling,  and  the  Indians 
were  thus  crowded  from  it.  They  for  some  time  complained,  and  at  length 
began  to  threaten,  but  the  event  was  war  and  bloodshed. 

To  still  the  clamors  of  these  injured  people,  recourse  was  had  to  as  great 
abuses  as  had  already  been  practised :  criuies  were  sought  to  be  clouded 
by  bdld  stratagem.  The  Iro()uois  were  connived  with,  and  they  came  for- 
ward, confirmed  the  doings  of  the  land-jobbers,  and  ordered  the  Delawares 
to  leave  their  country.  They  were  to  choose  one  of  two  horns  of  a  wretched 
dilemma.  The  power  of  the  Iroquois  could  not  be  withstood,  backed  as  it 
was  by  the  English.  They  ordered  the  poor  Delawares  to  remove,  or  they 
would  destroy  them,  as  in  the  life  of  Canasatego  will  be  found  related. 

A  sort  of  claim  was  obtained  to  some  of  tlie  disputed  lands,  in  a  simi- 
lar a  mamier  as  Georgia  got  hers  of  some  of  the  Creek  country  not  many 


By  W.  W.  Campbell. 


Chap.  II.] 


FRAUDS  OF  THE   WHITES. 


31 


In 


years  since.  At  one  time,  a  party  of  a  deputation  having  remained  upon 
the  ground  eleven  days  utlcr  tiie  others  liad  gone  home,  were  by  kind- 
nesses prevailed  u|iou  to  sign  a  writing,  rehntpiisliing  all  their  right  to  huida 
upon  Delaware.  The.se  were  Lidians  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  had  deeded 
lands  on  the  Susquehannah  just  before,  with  those  who  Imd  gone  home. 
Why  tlie  proprietors  did  not  include  tiie  lands  on  Delaware!  iu  their  first 
deed,  when  the  de[)utation  were  all  together,  is  a  good  deal  singular,  but 
retpiires  no  ex[)lanution.  Yet  certain  it  is,  those  who  remained  and  gave  a 
writing  (put-claiming  lands  on  Delaware,  had  no  consideration  for  so  doing. 
This  writing  expresses  only  that  they  intended  in  the  former  deed  to  m- 
chide  said  lands. 

That  the  Delawares  or  Chihohockies  (which  was  their  real  name)  were, 
until  some  time  subsecpient  to  il'M,  entirely  independent  of  the  Iroquois,  is 
beyond  a  doubt  true,  although,  i'rom  sinister  motives,  there  were  those  who 
maintained  that  they  were  always  subject  to  them.  It  is  true,  that,  when  by 
a  long  intercourse  with  the  wiiites  they  had  lost  much  of  their  energy  and 
character  as  a  nation,  the  haughty  Six  Nations  Ibimd  little  dilHculty  m  sedu- 
cing some  tribes  of  them  to  join  them,  and  of  forcing  others  to  obey  them.  A 
circumstance  which  clearly  i)roves  tiiis,  is,  that  in  the  lirst  treaties  of  sales 
of  land  by  the  Six  Nations  to  the  Pennsylvanians,  they  did  not  presume  to 
convey  any  lands  to  the  east  of  the  sources  of  the  streams  that  were  trib- 
utai'y  to  tlie  Susciuehimnah ;  the  I'ssertions  of  some  of  the  speech-makers 
among  the  Six  Nations,  to  the  contrary,  however.* 

The  celebrated  chief  Tadeuskund,  of  wiioni  wo  have  already  spoken  in 
detail,  gave  the  following  very  pointed  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
whites  had  conducted  in  getting  his  people's  laiios  fraudulently.  It  was  at  the 
conference  iu  Easton,  in  November,  175().  Tudeuskund  was  present  as  the 
representative  of  "four  nations,"  viz.  the  Chihohockies,  the  Wanamies,  the 
Munseys  and  Wapingers.  Governor  Denny  requested  the  Indians  to  state 
the  reasons  lor  their  late  hostile  movements.  Tademkund :  "  I  have  not  far  to 
go  for  an  instance.  This  very  ground  that  is  under  me  (striking  it  with  his 
foot)  Wiis  tny  land  and  inheritance,  and  it  is  taken  from  me  l)y  fraud.  [This  was 
in  the  Forlis  of  the  Delaware.]  When  I  say  this  ground,  I  mean  all  the  land 
lying  between  Tohiccon  Creek  and  Wyoming,  on  th(!  Iliver  Susquehannah. 
1  have  not  only  been  served  so  in  this  government,  but  the  same  thing  has 
been  done  to  mo,  as  to  several  tracts  iu  New  Jersey,  over  the  river."  On 
the  governor's  asking  him  what  he  meant  by  fraud,  he  answered :  "  When 
one  man  had  formerly  liljerty  to  purchase  lands,  and  he  took  the  deed  from 
the  Indians  for  it,  and  then  dies;  after  his  death  his  children  forge  a  deed 
like  the  true  one,  with  the  same  Indian  names  to  it,  and  thereby  take  landa 
from  the  Indians  which  they  never  sold  ;  this  is  fraud.  Also  when  one  king 
has  land  beyond  the  river,  and  another  king  has  land  on  this  side,  both 
bounded  by  rivers,  mountains  and  springs  which  cannot  be  moved ;  and  the 
proprietaries,  greedy  to  purchase  lands,  buy  of  one  king  what  belongs  to 
another ;  this  likewise  is  fraud." 

Then  the  governor  asked  Tadeuskund  whether  he  had  been  served  so  ? 
He  said,  "  Yea.  I  have  been  served  so  in  this  province  ;  all  the  land  extend- 
ing from  Tohiccon,  over  the  great  mountain,  to  Wyoming,  has  been  taken 
from  me  by  fraud  ;  for  when  I  had  agreed  to  sell  land  to  the  old  pnoprietary, 
by  the  course  of  the  river,  the  young  proj)rietaries  came  and  got  it  run  by  a 
ttraight  course,  by  the  compass,  and  by  that  means  took  hi  double  the  quantity 
intended  to  be  sold:"  t 

The  meaning  of  Tadeuskund  will  be  fully  explained  in  what  we  are  about 
to  lay  l)efore  the  reader.  The  lands  above  the  Kittatinny  Mountains  were 
not  intended  to  be  sold  by  the  Delawares,  but  the  whites  found  means  to  en- 
croach upon  them,  and  by  the  aid  of  the  Iroquois,  as  before  noted,  were  able 
not  only  to  maintain  but  to  extend  their  encroachments.  It  will  be  well  to 
bear  in  mind  that  the  lands  conveyed  to  William  Penn  ui  1685,  included  the 
country  from  Duck  Creek,  or  Quingquingus  to  the  Kittatinny  Hills ;  and  to 
bear  in  mind,  also,  how  purchases  were  made,  so  as  to  admit  of  contention ; 


*  See  Proud'*  Pa.,  ii.  334. 


t  Ibid.  ii.  333. 


33 


LNDIAN  DEED  TO  WILLIAM  PENN. 


[Book  V. 


fiotiiPtiuics,  doubtless,  for  the  secret  intention  of  tiikinj^  mlvnntnge,  and  nt 
others  from  inability  to  fill  certain  blanks  in  tiie  deeds  at  the  time  they  were 
given.  As  lor  exanii)le,  when  u  tract  of  land  was  to  extend  in  a  certain 
direction  n|)on  a  straight  line,  or  by  a  river,  "as  fiir  as  a  man  can  walk  in  a 
«Jay,"  the  point  to  he  arrived  at  must  necessarily  he  Icll  blank,  initil  at  some 
fntnre  time  it  should  he  walked.  This  maimer  of  giving  and  recr-iving  deeds, 
it  is  easy  to  see,  threw  into  the  hands  of  sordid  i)urchasei*s,  every  advantage 
over  the  In<lians.  In  one  instance  they  complain  that  the  "walker"  run;  hi 
anotlier,  that  "ho  walked  after  it  was  night,"  and  so  on. 

The  Indians  had  deeded  huuis  in  this  way  to  William  Penn,  and  no  advan- 
tage was  taken  c«i  his  ])art ;  but  when  he  was  dead,  and  others  became  pro- 
prietors, the  ditticuliies  arose,  of  which  Tadeitskund  reminded  the  whites  at 
Easton  ;  and  this  will  illustrate  what  has  just  been  given  from  his  speech  to 
Governor  Dennii  at  that  time. 

The  deed  to  nilliam  Penn,  to  winch  we  in  particular  refer,  was  given  in 
1685,  and  ran  thus : — 

"  This  Indenture  witnksskth,  that.  We,  Packcnali,  Jarckhan,  SUcals,  PaH- 
quesoit,  Jervis  Essepenavfc,  Fdklroi/,  Ilekellappan,  Econus,  Macldoha,  Mdtkconga, 
Wissa  Poicey,  Indian  Kings,  Sachemakers,  right  owners  oi'  all  lands,  irom 
Quingquingus,  called  Duck  Creijk,  unto  Upland  called  Chester  Creek,  all 
along  by  the  west  side  of  Delaware  river,  and  so  between  tlie  said  creeks 
backwards  as  far  as  a  man  can  ride  in  two  days  ttnlk  a  horse,  ibr  and  in  con- 
sideration of  these  following  goods  to  us  in  hand  paid,  and  secured  to  be 
paid,  by  William  Penn,  proprietary  and  governor  of  the  jirovince  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  t(!rritories  thercoij  viz.  20  guns,  20  fiithoms  match-coat,  20 
fathoms  Stroudwater,  20  blankets,  20  kettles,  20  pounds  powder,  100  bars  of 
lead,  40  tomahawks,)  100  knives,  40  pairs  of  stockings,  1  barrel  of  beer, 
20  jiounds  red  lead,  100  fathoms  wam|tum,  80  glass  bottles,  MO  j)ewter  sjjoons, 
100  awl-blades,  300  tobac(!0  pipes,  100  hands  of  tobacco,  20  tobacco  tongs, 
20  steels,'  300  flints,  30  i)air  of  scissors,  30  combs,  (iO  looking-ghisses,  200 
needles,  one  skipple  of  salt,  30  jiounds  sugar,  5  gallons  molasses,  20  tobacco 
boxes,  100  jews-liar})s,  20  hoes,  30  gimblets,  30  wooden  screw  boxes,  100 
string  of  beads. — Do  hereby  acknowledge,  &c.  given  under  our  hands,  &c. 
at  New  Castle,  second  day  of  the  eighth  mondi,  1G85." 

We  will  now  proceed  to  take  iln-ther  notice  of  Tadeuskund^s  charges  at 
the  Easton  conference,  before  sj)oken  of.  The  manner  of  William  Mlen^s 
becoming  proprietor  has  been  stated.  In  173(),  deputies  from  the  Six 
Nations  sold  the  proprietor  all  the  "  lands  lying  between  the  mouth  of  Sus- 
quehauuah  and  Kittatiuny  Hills,  extending  eastward  as  far  as  the  heads  of 
the  branches  or  springs  which  run  into  the  said  Susquehannah."  Hence 
this  grant  did  not  interfere  at  all  with  tlie  lands  of  the  Delawares,  and  may 
be  urged  as  an  evidence,  that  the  Six  Nations  had  no  right  to  them  ;  for,  if 
they  had,  why  were  they  not  urged  to  sell  then»  before  the  breaking  up  of 
the  conference  .'  and  not,  as  we  have  before  mentioned,  waited  eleven  days, 
until  all  the  head  men  had  gone,  and  then  to  have  got  a  release  Ironi  the  few 
that  remained  !  It  is  therefore  veiT  evident  that  tiiis  could  not  be  done  when 
all  were  present,  or  the  latter  course  would  not  have  been  resorted  to.  Not- 
withstanding the  proprietor  had  grasped  at  the  lands  on  Delawai'e,  by  a 
partial  transaction  with  a  few  of  a  de|)utation,  he,  nevertheless,  soon  man- 
ifested that  he  considered  his  right  as  not  beyond  question,  by  his  assembling 
the  Delaware  chiefs  the  next  year,  1737,  to  treat  further  ujion  it.  The  names 
of  these  chiefs  were  Monokykickan,  Lappaioinzoe,  Tishekunk  and  JVuUmus.* 
At  this  conference  a  release  was  obtauied  from  them,  the  preamble  of  which 
set  forth, 

"That  Tishekunk  and  JVidimus  bad,  about  three  years  before,  begun  a 
treaty  at  Durham  with  John  and  Thomas  Penn ;  that  fron*  thence  anotlier 


'  His  name  signified,  a  striker  offish  with  a  spear,  Heckcwelcler.  He  was  generally 
called  PoiUius  Nutamaeus — an  cxcellenl  man,  wlio  never  drank  liquor.  He  was  born  on  the 
spot  where  Philadelphia  now  stands,  removed  to  Ohio  about  1745,  died  on  the  Muskingum  in 
1780,  aged  about  ICX)  years.  He  had  a  brother  who  was  called  Isaac  Nutimus,  and  like  him 
was  a  very  amiable  man,  and  died  about  the  same  time,    lb. 


[Book  V. 


given  jii 


•Chap,  n.] 


TITLES  TO  INDIAN  LANDS. 


tire,  by 


meeting  wns  appointed  to  ho  at  Pennsbury  tlio  next  Bpring,  to  which  they 
re])aire(i  with  Lctppawinzoe,  and  several  otlKjrs  of  the  Delaware  IndianH : 
that,  ut  thia  niectinjr,  several  deeds  were  shown  to  them  for  several  tracts  of 
land  wiiicli  their  lbrefatii(!rs  had  more  than  50  years  ago  sold  to  WilUam  Penn ; 
and,  in  particniar,  one  (\wa\,  i'roiu  MaykeerikkUho,  Sayhoppey  and  Tanvh- 
haughsey,  tiie  chiefs  or  kings  of  the  Northern  Indians  on  Delaware,  who  for  a 
certain  (luantity  of  goods,  had  granted  to  IVilliam  Penn  a  tract  of  land,  begin- 
ning on  a  line  drawn  from  a  certain  spruce-tree  on  the  River  Delaware,  by 
a  west-north-west  course  to  Neslianieny  Creek,  from  thence  back  into  the 
woods  as  far  as  a  man  could  go  in  a  day  and  a  half,  and  bounded  on  the  west 
by  Newluuiieny,  or  the  most  westerly  branch  thereof,  so  fiir  as  the  said  branch 
(lotli  extend,  and  from  thence  by  a  lino  [blank]  to  the  utmost  extent  of  the 
day  and  half's  walk,  and  Iroin  thence  [blank]  to  the  aforesaid  River  Delaware, 
iiiid  HO  dosvn  the  courses  of  the  river  to  tiie  first  mentioned  sprite  tree;  and 
that  this  appeared  to  be  true  by  H'illiam  Biles  and  Joseph  fVood,  who,  ujjon 
their  nffirniaiion,  did  dechire,  that  tliey  well  remembered  the  treaty  held  by 
the  agents  of  H''!Uiam  Penn  and  those  bulians ;"  "  that  they  were  now  come  to 
Philadelphia  with  their  chief  Munokyhicknn,  and  several  other  old  men,  and 
ii])on  a  Ibrnier  treaty  held  uj)on  the  same  subject,  acknowledge  themselves 
satisfied  that  the  above  described  tract  was  granted  by  the  persons  above 
mentioned,  for  which  reason,  they  the  said  Monokyhickan,  Lappamnzoe,  Ti- 
shekunk  and  J^xdimus,  agree  to  release  to  the  proprietors  all  right  to  that  tract, 
and  desire  that  it  may  be  walked,  travelled,  or  gone  over  by  persons  ap- 
pointed for  that  pur|»ose." 

Now  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  by  former  treaties  the  Lechay  Hills, 
vvhicii  I  take  to  mean  the  Leliigh  Mountains,  were  to  be  the  boundaries,  in 
all  time  to  come,  on  the  north :  meanwliile  we  will  proceed  to  describe  the 
manner  tiio  land  was  walkeil  oiU,  of  which  we  have  been  speaking. 

"  The  relation  which  Tlwmes  Fumiss,  sadler,  gives  concerning  the  day  and 
a  half's  toalk,  made  between  the  proprietors  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Delaware 
Indiajis,  by  James  Yeates  and  Edward  Marshall.'" 

"  At  the  time  of  the  walk  I  was  a  dweller  at  Newton,  and  a  near  neighbor 
to  James  Yeates,  My  situation  gave  him  an  easy  opportunity  of  acquainting 
me  with  the  time  of  setting  out,  as  it  did  me  of  hearing  the  different  senti- 
ments of  the  neighborhood  concerning  the  ivalk ;  some  alleging  it  was  to  be 
made  by  the  river,  others  that  it  was  to  be  gone  upon  a  straight  line  from 
somewhere  in  Wright's-town,  opposite  to  a  sjjruce-tree  upon  the  river's  bank, 
said  to  be  a  boundary  to  a  former  purchase.  When  the  walkers  started  I 
was  a  little  behind,  but  was  informed  they  proceeded  from  a  chestnut-tree 
near  the  turning  out  of  the  road  from  Durham  road  to  John  Chapman's,  and 
being  on  horseback,  overtook  them  before  they  reached  Buckingham,  and  kept 
company  for  some  distance  beyond  the  Blue  Mountains,  though  not  quite  to 
the  end  of  the  journey.  Two  Indians  attended,  whom  1  considered  as  depu- 
ties ap|)oinied  by  the  Delaware  nation,  to  see  the  walk  honestly  performed. 
One  of  them  repeatedly  expressed  his  dissatisfiiction  therewith.  The  first 
day  of  the  walk,  before  we  reached  Durham  creek,  where  we  dined  in  the 
meadows  of  one  (f'tlson,  an  Indian  trader,  the  Indian  said  the  ivalk  was  to 
liave  been  made  up  the  river,  and  com[)laining  of  the  mifitnijss  of  his  shoe- 
packs  for  travelling  said  he  expected  Thomas  Penn  would  have  made  him  a 
present  of  some  shoes.  Afler  this  some  of  us  that  hud  horses,  walked,  and 
l(;t  tiie  Indians  ride  by  turns ;  yet  in  the  afternoon  of  tiie  same  day,  and  some 
hours  before  sunset,  the  Indians  left  us,  having  often  called  to  Marshall  that 
afternoon  and  forbid  him  to  run.  At  parting  they  appeared  dissatisfied,  and 
(said  they  would  go  no  fiuther  with  us ;  for  as  they  saw  the  walkers  would 
pass  all  the  good  land,  they  did  not  care  how  far  or  where  we  went  to.  It 
was  said  we  traveled  13  hours  the  first  day,  and  it  being  in  the  latter  end  of 
September,  or  begirming  of  October,  to  complete  the  time,  were  obliged 
to  walk,  in  the  twilight.  Timothy  Smith,  then  siierifT  of  Bucks,  held  his 
watch  for  some  minutes  before  we  stopped,  tmd  the  walkers  having  a  piece 
of  rising  ground  to  ascend,  he  called  out  to  them,  telling  the  miinites  behind, 
and  bid  them  pull  up,  which  they  did  so  briskly,  that,  inunediately  upon  his 
raying  the  time  was  out,  Marshall  clasped  his  aims  about  u  saplin  to  support 


34 


THE  \VALKIXG  PURCHASE. 


[Rook  V. 


himself,  and  thereupon  the  slierift"  askinfr  him  what  was  the  matter,  ho  said 
he  was  ahnost  gone,  and  that,  it"  ho  liad  proceeded  a  lew  poles  iVirthcr,  lie 
inust  have  fallen.  We  lodjred  in  the  woods  that  niffht,  and  heard  tlie  siiout- 
ing  of  tiie  Indians  at  a  cantico,  whieli  tiiey  were  said  to  liold  that  evening  in 
a  town  hard  hy.  Next  morning  the  Indians  were  sent  to,  to  know  if  they 
would  accompany  us  any  I'artlier,  but  tiiey  declined  it,  although  I  believe 
some  ot'  them  came  to  us  before  we  started,  and  drank  a  dram  in  the  com- 
l)any,  and  then  straggled  oft"  about  their  liunting  or  some  other  amusement.  In 
our  return  we  came  through  this  Lidian  town  or  plantation,  IHmathj  Smith  aud 
myself  riding  Ibrty  yards  more  or  less  before  the  coin|)any,  and  as  wc  ap- 
proached within  about  150  paces  of  the  town,  the  woods  being  open,  we  saw 
an  Indian  take  a  gun  in  his  hand,  and  advancing  towards  us  some  distance, 
placed  himself  behind  a  log  that  laid  by  our  way.  Timothy  observing  his 
motions,  and  being  somewhat  surjuised,  as  1  apprt'ieiuled,  looked  at  nie,  and 
asked  what  I  thought  that  Indian  meant.  I  said,  [  hoped  no  harm,  and  that 
I  thought  it  best  to  keep  on,  which  the  Indian  sei  ing,  arose  and  walked  beibnj 
us  to  the  settlement.  1  think  Smilh  was  siuprised,  as  I  weil  remember  I  was, 
through  a  consciousness  tiiat  the  Indians  were  dis.-atisfied  vvitii  the  walk,  ^ 
thing  the  whole  company  seemed  to  be  scn^iibh;  ot^  and  upon  the  way,  in 
our  return  home,  frefpiently  exjuefsed  tlicmsclves  to  that  purpose.  Aiid 
indeed  tiie  unfairness  practised  in  liie  walk,  boili  in  regard  to  tlie  way  wliere, 
and  the  manner  how,  it  was  perlormod,  and  the  dissatistiiction  of  the  Indians 
concerning  it,  were  the  conmion  subjects  of  conversation  in  our  neighitor- 
liood,  for  some  considerable  time  after  it  was  done.  When  the  walk  was 
performed  I  was  a  young  man  in  the  })rinie  ol'lile.  The  novelty  of  the  thing 
inclined  me  to  be  a  spectator,  and  as  I  had  been  brought  up  most  of  my 
lime  in  Burlington,  thp  whole  transaction  to  me  was  a  series  of  occurrences 
almost  entirely  new,  and  which  thcreibre,  I  ai)prehend,  made  the  more  strong 
mid  lasting  impression  on  my  memory. 

Thomas  Fumm."  * 

As  wc  have  already  observed,  the  end  of  these  affairs  was  war.  The 
Delaware's  were  driven  back,  and  they  joined  the  French  against  the 
English. 

CHAPTER  III. 

Of  Sfteriil  chi'fs  spoken  ofhij  Washinirloii,  in  tii.i  jiiurnitl  of  an  r.mltas.iij  to  the  French 
of  Ohio — Ualllc  near  (irciil  Meailows,  and  death  of  Jamonrille — Siiinuis — Mona- 

CATOOCIIA — HaLK-KiNG Jl  SKAKAKA Will  I  K-TlU  NDKK AlI.I(IU1>>A CaP- 

TAIN  Jacobs — Hkniiiiick — Hi.s  hisloni — Curioim  aniediitc  <f — Looan — Crrsap's 
IVar — liattlc  of  Point  Pleasant — Logan  s  famous  sjieirh — Counstock — His  hisU.rij 
— Rkd-iiawk — Er.i.iNir'sKo — The  barharoiis  nian/tr  of  these  thr(r — Melaneholij 
death  if  Logan — Poniia( — .7  renniriieil  irnrrior — Colonel  Rogirs's  areoiait  <f  hii:i. 
—  His  polirij — /•'((//  of  Mirhilimaliiniih — Mi.NriiWKHNA — Si((re  of  Detroit — I'onli- 
ac's  stra/agem  to  surprise  it — Is  disrtirered — Ofjieial  aceonnt  of  the  affair  at  llloodij 
liridite — Ponliac  abandons  the  siege — lieeonirs  thefriind  of  tht  English — /.v  assas- 
sinated. 

TiiK  expedition  of  ffanhimrlon  to  the  I'rench  on  the  Ohio,  in  17.')3,  brings 
ro  our  records  inlunnation  of  several  chiefs  ot'  the  f«ix  Nations,  of  the  most 
interesting  kind,  lie  was  commissioned  and  sent  as  an  ambassador  to  the 
French,  by  (ioNcnior  />/;ii/'i(//iV  ul'  X'irtrinia.  He  kept  an  accurate  journal 
of  his  travels,  which,  on  his  return  to  Virginia,  was  published,  and,  not  long 
aller,  llic  same  was  republished  in  l.tuidon,  with  a  map;  the  substancu 
ot'  this  journal  was  copied  into  almost  every  perioilical  of  iniportaiici;  of 
that  dav. 


•  ('iiii«e»  of  llio 
iton,  m'J. 


Aliemilioii  uC  lliu  Doiaworv-  iiiul   Sliiiwancso  Imliiiiis,  &.c.,  Uvo.   I.oii- 


[Rook  V. 


Chap.  III.]     WASHINGTON'S  JOURNEY  AMONG  THE  INDIANS. 


35 


SHINGIS  was  the  first  cliief  he  visited,  who  lived  in  the  forks  of  the 
Alleghany  and  Monongahela  Rivers,  wliere  Pittsburgh  now  stands.  He  intend- 
ed holding  a  council  with  the  celebrated  Half-kin^*  already  mentioned,  at 
Loggstown,  and  such  others  as  could  be  assembled  at  short  notice,  to  strengthen 
them  in  the  English  interest.  He  theretbre  invited  Shins^is  to  attend  the 
council,  and  he  accordingly  accompanied  him  to  Loggstown,  "  As  soon  as 
I  came  into  town,"  says  I^Fashinglon,  "  1  went  to  Monakaiooclia,  (as  the  Half- 
king  was  out  at  his  hunting  cabin,  on  Little  Beaver  Creek,  about  15  miles  off,) 
and  info. -med  him  by  John  Davidson,  my  Indian  interpreter,  that  I  was  sent  a 
messengt'i  to  the  French  general,  and  was  ordered  to  call  upon  the  sachems 
of  tlie  Six  Nations  to  acquaint  them  with  it.  I  gave  him  a  string  of  wampum 
and  a  twist  of  tobacco,  and  desired  him  to  send  for  the  half-king,  which  he 
])romised  to  do  by  a  runner  in  the  morning,  and  for  other  sachems.  I  in- 
vited him  and  the  other  great  men  present  to  my  tent,  where  they  stayed 
about  an  hour,  and  returned."  This  place  was  about  140  miles,  "as  we  went, 
and  comi)uted  it,"  says  the  great  writer,  "Irom  our  back  settlemenis,  where 
Wi^  arrived  between  sunsetting  and  dark,  the  twenty-fifth  day  after  I  lef\ 
VViliiamsb\irgh." 

Hnlf-kint^,  it  seems,  had,  not  long  before,  visited  the  same  i)lace  to  which 
Washin^on  was  now  destined ;  lor  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  his  town,  Wash- 
ington invited  him  privately  to  his  tent,  "and  desired  him  to  relate  some  of 
tlic  i)articulars  of  his  journey  to  the  French  commandant,"  the  best  way  for 
him  to  go,  and  the  distance  from  that  jilaco.  "He  told  me,"  says  Washington, 
"thit  tlie  nearest  and  levelest  way  was  now  imimssable,  by  reason  of 
many  large  jniry  savannas;  that  we  must  be  obliged  to  go  by  Venango,  and 
."^liould  not  get  to  the  near  fort  in  less  than  five  or  six  nights'  sleep,  good 
trjiveilinii."  Half-king  further  informed  him  that  he  met  with  a  cold  recep- 
tion ;  that  the  French  oliicer  st(M-nly  ordered  him  to  declare  his  business, 
which  he  did,  he  ?aid,  in  the  following  speech: — 

"Fathers,  1  am  come  to  tell  you  your  own  speeches ;  what  your  own  mouths 
have  di'dared.  You,  in  former  days,  set  a  silver  basin  before  us,  wherein 
tliere  was  the  leg  of  a  beaver,  and  desired  all  tlie  nations  to  come  and  eat  of 
it ;  to  eat  in  jieaee  and  j»lenty,  and  not  to  be  churlish  to  one  another :  and  that 
if  any  sncli  person  should  be  found  to  bo  a  disturbi  r,  I  here  lay  down  by  the 
edge  of  the  dinh  a  rod,  which  you  mu.st  s(;oinge  them  with;  and  if  your  fiither 
••^liould  get  foolish,  in  my  old  days,  I  dfsiro  you  may  use  it  upon  me  as  well 
as  others. — Now,  fathers,  it  is  you  wlio  lue  tlie  (listurb(>rs  in  this  land,  by 
coming  and  building  your  towns ;  and  taking  it  away  unknown  to  ns,  and  by 
force. — We  kindled  a  lire,  a  long  time  ago,  at  a  place  called  Montreal,  where 
v,e  desired  you  to  stay,  (uid  not  to  coniC!  and  intrude  upon  our  land.  1  now 
desire  yon  may  despatch  to  that  plact;;  t'or,  \m  it  known  to  you,  ttitliers,  that 
this  is  om*  land,  and  not  yours. — I  desire  you  may  hear  me  in  civiiness;  if 
not,  we  MUist  handle;  that  rod  wiiicii  was  laid  down  f()r  the  use  of  the  obstrep- 
erous. If  you  had  come  in  a  peaceable  manner,  like  our  brotlicrs  tin;  i'lnglish, 
we  would  not  have  been  against  your  trading  with  us,  as  tiieydo;  but  to 
come,  liith(M-s,  and  build  houses  ujion  our  land,  and  to  take  it  by  force,  is 
what  we  cannot  submit  to." 

Half-king  then  repeated  what  was  said  to  iiim  in  reply  by  tin;  French, 
wiiich,  wiu>n  he  had  done,  Wasliiiigton  made  a  spiM'cli  to  him  mid  iiiscoimcil. 
111!  actpuiintiul  thitm  with  the  riMison  of  his  visit,  and  told  them  he  was  in- 
structed to  call  U|)on  them  by  the  governor  of  Virginia,  to  advise  witii  them, 
to  nssm°e  them  of  the  lovi;  of  the  Knglisli,  and  to  ask  the  assistance  of  some 
of  their  young  men,  to  conduct  him  through  tiie  wilderness,  to  the  French, 
to  whom  he  had  a  letter  fi-om  his  governor.     Half-king  made  this  renly: — 

"In  regard  to  what  my  brother  the  governor  liacl  desired  of  mo,  1  return 

•  He  it  rallril  n  Huron  by  Lonkifl,  Hist.  Missions,  iii.  123.  Ho  wiis  nillrd  liy  (lie  Dclix- 
WBrcii  I'omoiinm,  which  in  Knjflisli  inpnti»  tiirrrt-hniuf,  HirkfiicHfr,  Nnr.  it.').  In  llw 
Ifller,  or  S[MH'i"h,  lis  Wnxhitislon  vnWni  i(,  wliirli  this  rhioC  sent  to  the  (jovcrnors  of  \  irifiriia 
nnd  IVinisvlviiniii,  in  17.')t,  liis  niiiiir  is  set  dnwii  Si'miiiijiilllni.  Sfc  1  Ciill.  Mn.ix.  Hist.  Soc, 
vi.  11.1. — I'will  licre  note,  Ihnl  my  frirnd,  Jamkd  SpAKits,  K!<i|..  vcrl>nlly  informs  me,  that  he 
i)  of  o|iinioii,  llmt  this  is  not  lh»  game  Uttlf-kiiirr  nii'miuned  in  l.otkitl.  i  am  now  of  lh«r 
lamo  bcliof,  although  it  is  po»iblo. 


36  HALF  KING.— BATTLE  NEAR  GREAT  aiL'ADOWri.        [Huok  V 

you  this  answer.'*  "I  rely  upon  you  as  a  brotlier  oujflit  to  do,  us  you  say  we 
ure  brotliors,  and-  one  people."  "  Brotlier,  as  you  liavc  asked  my  advice,  I 
hope  you  will  he  ruled  by  it,  and  stay  until  I  ean  provide  a  eonipnny  to  ffo 
with  you.  The  French  speech  belt  is  not  here;  I  liavo  it  to  go  (or  to  my 
hunting  cabin.  Likewise  the  i)eople,  whom  I  liave  ordered  in,  are  not  yet 
come,  and  cannot  until  the  third  night  irom  this;  until  which  time,  Inother, 
1  must  beg  you  to  stay." 

When  Washington  told  him  that  his  business  would  not  admit  of  so  much 
delay,  the  chief  si;cined  displeased,  and  said  it  was  "a  mailer  of  »io  small  mo- 
vmnt,  and  mttst  not  be  entered  withoid  due  consideration."  I'tM-hajts  it  will  not 
be  too  much,  to  give  this  Indian  chiei' credit  for  some  of  that  (iiiaracter  which 
Mas  so  well  exemj)lified  by  H'ashiiurlon  in  all  his  after-liie.  And  "as  1  iound 
it  iin|)ossihle,"  says  the  narrator,  "to  pet  off,  witliout  allionting  them  in  the 
most  egregious  manner,  I  consented  to  stay."  Accordingly,  HalJ'-kins;  gave 
orders  to  King  Shingis,  who  was  i)resent,  to  attend  on  We(iiiei<day  niglit  with 
the  wampum,  and  two  men  of  their  nation,  to  he  in  readiness  to  set  out  with 
us  next  morning."  Tliere  was  still  a  delay  of  another  day,  as  the  chiefs 
could  not  get  in  their  wampum  and  young  men  which  were  to  he  sent ;  and, 
alter  all,  but  three  chiefs  and  one  himter  accomjmnied.  "  We  set  out,"  says 
Washington,  "about  1)  o'clock,  with  the  Half-king,  Juskakaka,*  Kliite-thtnder, 
and  the  hunter;  and  travelled  on  the  road  to  Venango,  wlieri^  we  arrived  the 
4th  of  J)ecember."  This  place  is  situated  at  tin;  junction  of  French  Creek 
with  the  Oliio.  Here  the  French  hud  a  garrison,  and  another  a  short  distance 
above  it,  which  was  the  extent  of  our  discoverer's  ])cregrinations  northward. 
The  couHiianders  of  these  posts  used  all  means  to  entice  Half-kin«;  to  desert 
tiie  English,  and  it  was  with  great  dilHculty  that  Washington  succeeded  in 
preventing  them.  They  endeavored  to  weary  him  out  by  making  the  chiefs 
delay  their  departure  from  day  to  day,  by  means  of  litpior,  so  that  they  should 
be  left  behind.  At  length,  having  out-generalled  his  con'.plutters,  and  "got 
things  ready  to  set  off,  J  sent  for  tlie  Half-king"  continues  the  narrator,  "to 
know  whether  ho  int(!nd(!d  to  go  with  us,  or  by  water.  He  told  me  that 
White-thunder  had  hurt  himself  nnich,  and  was  sick,  and  unable  to  walk ; 
therefore  he  was  obliged  to  carry  him  down  in  a  canoe;"  so,  notwithstanding 
the  delays,  Washington  was  oblig(!d  to  go  without  liiin ;  but  he  cautioned  him 
strongly  against  believing  Monsieur  Jonraire^s  pretiMisions  of  friendship,  and 
representations  against  the  English.  Here  ends  hashington^s  account  of 
Half-king. 

And  before  closing  our  account  of  the  termination  of  Washington's  journey, 
we  will  close  oar  account  of  this  chid"  nU'.o.  Jn  1754  he  accom))anied  Wash- 
ington in  his  excursion  to  dislodge  the  French  from  th(!  disi)Uted  territory 
upon  the  Ohio,  and  was  his  constant  counsc^llor,  until  ui'lrr  flu;  surrender  of 
Fort  Necessity  at  the  (Jreat  Meadows,  on  the  4  July.  At  the  sur|>rise  of  M. 
de  Jumonville,  f»n  the  5J8  May  previous,  he  led  a  company  of  his  warriors, 
and  piloted  the  English  under  ff'ashington  to  the  place  wiien;  he  was  en(!amped, 
which  was  but  a  few  miles  from  (ireat  Meadows,  Jumonvltle's  force  was 
small,  consisting  of  but  about  'M  men.  Tlu^  night  previous  to  the  attack, 
Half-king,  who  was  encamped  six  miles  from  CJreat  !\lea(lo\\s,  having  made 
a  discovery  of  the  a|)proMch  of  the  French  force,  sent  an  express  to  Hashing- 
ton,  to  inliirm  him  that  the  f-'rench  w^re  discovered  in  an  obscure  retreat. 
The  colonel  inunediately  marched  out  \  ith  40  men  and  reached  H(df-king\i 
quarters  a  liule  before  sunrise.  A  coun  il  was  now  held  by  tlie  chiefs  of  the 
jmrties,  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  English  and  Indians  slioidd  march  togetlier 
and  attark  the  French.  They  marched  in  single  file  through  the  woods,  in 
the  Indian  tnanner,  in  a  most  distnal  storm  of  raui ;  and  fullowing  the  track 
just  explorc'd  by  Half-hing^a  spies,  .suon  foutid  themselves  neiu"  the  party. 
Junwnvtile  was  in  a  secure  place,  half  a  mile  from  a  road,  and  surrounded 
by  rocks,  and  had  he  not  bijcn  tidlen  u|>on  by  surprist?,  it  is  doubtful  whether 
the  attacking  party  had  not  found  it  ditlicuft  to  have  contended  auccesBfully 


•  We  hcBr  nsfnin  of  this  rliiof  in  1794,  when,  with  68  others,  he  siffned  b  Irenly  with  the 
Unili'il  Suites  iil  Fori  Stuiiwix.  lim  iiinne  i«  Ihcre  written  Jhlikanga,  wiiich  ttignlliod  agreen 
grasshopper.    Ho  wiu  loiiietiincs  called  LitlU-BiHij. 


fUuOK    V- 

you  say  we 
ly  advico,  I 
HJiiiiy  to  go 
(or  to  my 
nro  not  yet 
lie,  lnotlier, 

oi'  so  much 
10  sinn'd  mo- 
lt will  not 
uctur  w  liicli 
"  IIS  1  found 
licm  in  the 
f-liins;  gave 
y  niglit  with 
set  out  with 
s  the  chicts 
!  sent ;  and, 
L't  out,"  says 
hite-Uiunder, 
arrived  the 
onch  Creek 
lort  distance 
<  nortlMvard, 
?!"•  to  desert 
iicce(;d('d  in 
ig  tlic  chiels 
tliey  should 
rs,  and  "  got 
narrator,  "  to 
itld   me   that 
)le  to  walk ; 
ivitlistanding 
iitioned  him 
i-ndship,  and 
account  ot' 

in's  journey, 
anii'd  H'ash- 
cd  territory 

uri'uder  of 
nrjirise  of  M. 

s  warriors, 
s  en(;am|)ed, 
s  i'orce  was 

the  atUick, 
laving  made 
to  Hashing-^ 
vwrv  retreat, 
I  Hitlf-hinff's 
duels  of  the 
nil  together 
he  woods,  in 
nu  the  track 
lir  tilt!  party. 

siirroiUHh>d 
tl'ul  whether 

successfully 

Irenty  with  Itie 
igiiilioil  a  green 


Chap.  111.] 


SHINGIS— KUSTALOGA. 


m 


against  him.  But  not  heing  di.scovorcd,  Washington  made  a  good  disposition 
of  his  men  ;  himself  with  the  English  formed  tlie  right  wing,  and  Ha(f-king 
lit  the  head  of  the  Indians,  the  left.  The  French  were  found  without  their 
arms  in  their  hands,  hut  they  flew  to  them,  and  a  fight  of  ahout  J 5  minutes 
ensued.  None  of  the  party  esca|)ed.  Eleven  of  the  French  were  killed, 
among  whom  was  M.  de  JuvwnviUe ;  one  wounded,  and  'il  taken  jirisoncrs. 
Washington  lost  but  one  man,  and  two  or  three  only  were  wounded.* 

We  now  retm*n  to  the  narrative  of  Washington,  wliich  we  had  found  it 
necessary  abruptly  to  interrupt 

He  now  set  out  for  the  frontiers  with  all  expedition.  ITo  had,  he  says,  the 
"  most  iiuiguing  journey  jiossible  to  cojiceive  of.  From  tlu;  1st  to  the  l.'ith 
December,  there  was  bin  one  day  on  wliich  it  did  not  rain  or  snow  inces- 
wmtly;  and  through  the  whole  journey,  we  met  with  nothing  but  one  tiontin*. 
tied  scries  of  cold,  wet  weather." 

This  expedition  of  Washington  has  in  it  great  interest,  more  especially  from 
his  sujierior  eminence  afterwards.  It  is  |)leasing  to  coiitem]ilate  the  "savior 
of  his  country"  in  every  adventure  and  circumstance  of  his  life;  and  even 
gratifying  to  view  him  with  a  gun  in  one  hand,  a  staff  in  the  other,  and  a 
]iack  ujion  his  back;  wading  through  rivers,  oncoimtering  storms  of  sleet  and 
snow,  and  sleeping  upon  the  ground,  thus  early,  for  his  country's  good.  He 
had  sonu;  very  narrow  es(-a|)es,  and,  diu'ing  part  of  the  way  on  his  return,  he 
)iad  but  one  attendant.  One  day,  as  they  vfbre  passing  a  |»laee  called  Mur- 
dering Town,  tli(;y  were  fired  Uj)On  by  one  of  a  war-party  of  French  Imlians, 
who  had  waited  in  ambush  for  them;  and  although  tliey  were  withiii  filtecn 
paces  of  him,  yet  they  esca|)ed  unhurt.  Tln-y  captured  the  fellow  that  fired 
upon  them,  and  kept  him  until  nine  at  night,  then  dismissed  him,  and  trav- 
elled all  night,  "without  makhig  any  stoj),"  fearing  they  sliould  l)e  pursued 
the  next  moniing  by  his  party.  Continuing  their  course  all  the  next  day, 
lliey  came  to  the  river  where  they  intended  to  cross.  Here  tlie  firmness  of 
Washington  and  his  coiniianioii  was  thoroughly  tri(»d.  The  river  was  very 
high,  and  filled  with  floating  ice,  and  there  was  no  way  to  pass  it  but  by  a 
iiilt.  They  had  "but  one  poor  hatclK^t,"  with  the  assistance  of  which,  alter 
laboring  fiom  morning  till  sunset,  they  had  a  raft  ready  to  launch  ;  on  this 
they  set  out,  but  it  was  soon  crushed  between  the  lloatiiig  ice,  and  they  very 
narrowly  escajicd  perishing.  Washington  was  himself  precipitat(;d  into  the 
river,  where  tlie  water  was  ten  f<M't  deep.  Fortunately,  howi-ver,  he  catched 
by  a  fragment  of  the  rafl,  and  saved  liims<df.  'j'liey  linallv  extricated  them- 
selves fhnn  th»!ir  jieriloiis  situation,  by  getting  upon  the  ice  which  confined 
their  liail  bark,  anil  from  thence  to  an  island,  and  finally  to  the  opposite  shore. 
The  cold  was  so  intense,  that  Mr.  Gist  fi*o/.e  his  hands  and  fi'ct.  This  place 
was  about  thrcit  niilt>s  below  the  mouth  of  the  V'ohogany,  where  an  Indian 
<pieen,  as  Washington  calls  her,  lired.  He  went  to  see  her,  he  observes,  she 
having  "cxpressetl  great  ctincern  that  we.  passed  her  in  going  to  the  l()rt.  1 
made  li(>r  a  present  of  a  watcli  coat,  and  a  bottle  of  rum,  which  latter  was 
thought  iiiiKrh  the  best  present  of  the  two."  Her  niuue  was  .illicjvi/tpa.  From 
this  iilace,  he  pursued  his  journey  home  without  Hirtlier  .MCcident. 

VV(!  have  un'ntioncil  the  friendly  attention  of  .S'/iiHi!7",i  to  onriidventuror,  who 
had  probably  evpicti'd  he  would  have  attended  him  ou  his  journey;  but  Shin- 
gis  went  to  collect  in  his  men,  and  did  not  return.  The  liiiliHiis  said  it  was 
owing  to  the  sickness  of  his  wifh,  but  Washington  thought  it  was  fear  of  the 
I'leuch,  which  prevented  him.  But  this  conjecture  does  not  sciMn  wt'll 
liHuideil,  fiir  he  ordered  Krtstalogn,  who  lived  at  Venango,  to  j)roceed  to  the 
Fntnch  and  return  the  wampum,  which  Was  as  much  as  to  tell  them  they 
wished  no  Hirther  li'llowship  with  them. 

The  iim.ssacreH  which  followed  Uraddork^s  defeat  were  horrible  l»eyond 
description.  Sliingis  and  Caplniu  Jnrolis  were  siijiposed  to  have  been  the 
principal  instigatoi's  of  tliein,  nn<l  7(K)  dollars  were  olfeied  for  their  bead8.t 
Captain  Jiinths  did  not  long  escape,  although  the  reward  did  not  hafiten  his 
t'lid.    The  hostile  Indians  had  their  hend-tpiarters  at  Kitnuning  mi  the  Allegha- 

'  f'l'MiKi','*  Wriiiii!r«  or  Winliiiislmi.  ii.  151,  ilfi, 

t  \y,tiik>ii'$  Aiiiiuiii  urnuia<ii-ipiiiH,  ioo. 


38 


KITTANNINC,  DESTROYED.— DEATH  OF  CAPT.  JACOBS.    [Book  V. 


ny  River,  44  miles  al)ove  its  confluence  witli  the  Mononj^ulielu.  line  tlicy 
retired  with  their  prisonei-s  and  l)ooty  alter  their  e.\i)edition8  into  tlie  iVontier.s. 
In  175G,  Colonel  John  Armslrong  was  sent  with  about  300  men  against  Ki- 
tunning.  "On  3  September  he  joined  the  advanced  party  at  the  Beaver 
Dams,  near  Frankstown ;  and  on  the  7th  in  the  evening,  bchig  witiiin  G  miles 
of  Kitaiming,  the  scouts  discovered  a  tire  in  tlie  road,  and  reported  tliat  there 
Were  but  3  or  ut  most  4  Indians  at  it.  It  was  not  thought  proper  to  attempt 
Mirprisiug"  them,  as  it  might  be  a  means  of  alarming  the  town,  if  any  should 
(scape.  Hence  Lieutenant  Hop^g,  w  ith  a  file  of  12  men,  was  ordered  to  watch 
them,  while  the  main  body  proceeded  to  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Kitaiming. 
The  night  being  warm,  many  of  the  Indians  lodged  in  a  cornfield  upon  the 
Diargin  of  the  river,  about  100  rods  below  the  town.  Here  at  day-break  the 
attack  began,  vSeveral  Indians  were  killed  in  the  field,  and  the  town  was  im- 
mediately entered.  As  they  advanced,  Ca|)tain  Jacobs  gave  the  war  whoop, 
retired  to  his  log-cabin,  and  detended  himself  with  great  braveiy.  Ins|)ired 
by  his  intrei)i(lity,  his  men  refiised  quarter,  saying,  "  If'e  are  men,  and  ivill  not 
be  prisoners."  'I'he  whites  being  unable  to  drive  them  from  their  wigwams, 
Colonel  Ariiistrong  ordered  these  to  be  set  on  fire.  At  the  same  time  he  re- 
ceived a  mnsket-sliot  in  the  shoulder.  "  When  the  Indians  were  told  that  they 
would  be  burnt  if  they  did  not  surrender,  one  ol'  them  replied,  he  did  not  care, 
as  he  coiUd  kill  4  or  5  be/ore  fie  difdJ"  When  the  fire  approached  tiieni,  some 
began  to  sing,  and  othei-s  burst  from  their  houses,  and  were  killed  ui  their 
flight.  Captain  Jacobs,  when  defiMice  could  no  longer  avail  him,  endeavored 
to  escape,  with  his  wife,  though  a  window  of  his  house.  This  was  his  last  act 
— he  was  .shot  down, and  his  wift;  also.  A  lad,  called  the  King^s  Son,  was  killed 
with  them.     As  at  Nerigwok,  nlany  were  killed  in  the  river  its  they  tied. 

The  Indians  were  siiid  to  have  Jtad  their  houses  stored  with  spare  arms  and 
aimiuinition ;  for,  when  they  were  burnt  up,  their  guns  discharged  from  the  heat, 
and  tpiantities  of  powder  blew  uj)  Irom  time  to  time,  which  threw  some  of 
their  bodies  to  a  great  height  ui  the  air.  I'^leven  prisoners  were  recovered  at  this 
time,  who  infi)rmed  their  dclivenu's  that  a  great  quantity  of  goods  were  also 
consumed,  which  had  but  ten  days  before  been  sent  them  by  the  French  ;  and 
that  the  Indians  had  boasted  that  they  had  powder  enough  ti)r  a  ten  years'  woi* 
with  the  English.  They  also  learned  that  the  party  which  Lieutenant  Hogg 
had  been  left  to  watch,  instead  of  being  but  3  or  4,  consisted  of  24  warriors, 
who  were  on  their  way  to  attack  Fort  Shirley,  having  been  sent  forward  by 
Captain  Jacobs,  while  Ire  was  to  have  followed  with  a  strong  force  the  next 
day-  Hence  the  fate  of  tin;  licuitenant's  party  was  suspected.  On  returning 
to  the  place.  Colonel  .Irnislrong  found  that  Lieutenant  Jlogg  had  attacked  the 
Indians  at  gi-eat  di.sad vantage,  in  point  of  nundxrs,  and  liad  been  def(>at(Hl, 
himself  and  (Captain  Mercer  (aiterwards  General  ATcrctr,  who  ii;ll  at  Priucc^ton) 
-severely  wounded.  At  the  lii"st  fire  Hogg's  party  killed  3  of  the  Indians,  wlio, 
after  maintaining  the  fight  l«)r  an  hour,  killed  but  3  of  the  whiti-s.  Hogg, 
being  now  wounded,  was  abandoned  by  his  men,  hut  was  Ibrtnnate  enough  to 
iti'  tiumd  by  the  army.*  It  was  at  this  period,  that  tin;  dead  bodies  of  M)nie 
that  had  been  nnirdered  and  muugleil  were  sent  fnun  the  (iontiers  to  I'hila- 
delphia,  and  luuded  about  the  streets,  to  intlanie  thi^  people  against  the 
Indians,  and  also  against  the  (.inakers,  to  whose  mild  forbearance  was  attiili- 
nfed  ;i  laxity  in  sending  out  troOps.  TIk^  mob  siurouiided  the  lionst^  of 
assemi)ly,  having  ])laccd  the  dead  bodies  at  its  enlrauee,  and  demanded  im- 
mi-diate  succor.     At  this  tinu-  the  above  reward  was  otfered. 

"SXr.  Heckewvlder  V.\w\\  Shingis,  ov,  n»  he  wrote  his  naiue,  .S7(i«gn,5A,  f  and 
gave  him  a  good  character.  He  was  brother  to  King-benver,  and  in  tht;  French 
war  was  consid<'red  the  great(!st  Indian  warrior  of  the  day.  H(!  was  a  tt-rror 
to  the  whole  frontier  of  I'enn.sylvania.  "  Passing  one  day  with  him,"  says  Mr. 
Heckeweider,  "in  the  suunner  of  i7(i"2,  near  by  wliere  his  two  prisontjr  boys 
(alioiit  12  yeai^s  of  age)  were  annming  tliemrelves  with  his  own  boys,  and  he 
ohHcrving  me  looking  that  way,  imiuiifd  what  I  was  looking  at.  Oii  my 
replying  that  1  was  looking  at  his  prisoners,  he  said.  When  I  first  took  them 


•  Cofl.  IV.  y.  IHsi.  fi.'c.  ill.  398—9. 
t  Leui'l,  or  //('jj-mtKi/oic. 


3  Coll.  Mass.  nut.  Soc.  iv.  298—0. 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  III.) 


SHINGIS.— IlKNDmcK. 


they  ivere  such;  l)iit  tliey  are  now  mij  diildreu;  cut  their  victuals  out  of  oiiu 
and  the  same  l)ovvl !  wliich  was  saying  as  niucii  as,  that  they,  in  all  respects, 
were  on  an  eciual  looting  witli /lisoion  ciiikh'tn — alike  detu*  to  him."  Though 
of  small  stature,  the  same  author  ohscrves,  he  had  a  great  mind. 

The  wife  of  this  chief  died  in  17(i2.  HJie  was  of  the  highest  I'aiik  and  re- 
spectability; and  the  ceremonies  at  her  I'uneral,  and  manner  of  decoration 
and  interment,  described  liere,  would  occnipy  several  jjages.* 

In  the  time  of  the  Frencli  war,  when  tlu^  governor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  C 
F.  Post  to  the  distant  tribi  s  to  per-uade  them  fiom  aiding  the  French,  men- 
tion is  often  made  in  tiic  journal  a  l.icli  he  kept,t  of  Shingi^,  and  uniformly  to 
his  advantage.  Tiie  Reverend  r.lc.  Po«/ perlbrmed  two  missions,  the  first  at 
the  close  ot  ITHS,  and  the  second  in  175!).  Under  date  of  28  August,  1758, 
he  writes,  "We  set  out  from  Sawcuuk  in  company  with  20,  for  Kushcushkec; 
on  the  road  Shins^as  addressed  himself  to  me,  and  asked,  if  I  did  not  think, 
that  if  he  came  to  tiio  Ihiglisli  tiiey  would  hang  him,  as  they  hud  offered  a 
great  reward  for  his  head.  1  told  him  that  was  a  great  while  ago,  'twas  all 
Ibrgotten  and  wiped  away  now."  An  Indian  in  the  company,  called  Skamo- 
kin  Daniel,  who  had  been  tampered  with  by  the  French,  underatanding  what 
was  said,  intorruptod  and  said,  "Don't  l)elieve  him,  he  tells  nothing  but  idle 
lying  stories,"  and  asked,  "  Why  then  did  the  English  hire  1200  Indiujis 
[meaning  the  Cherokecs]  to  kill  us  ?  "  Mr.  Post  protesting  it  was  false,  IJanitl 
vociferat.'d,  G — d  d — n  you  for  .-i  fool ;  did  you  not  set;  the  woman  lying  in  the 
road  that  wi'iS  killed  In' the  Indians  that  the  English  hired  .5"'  After  a  tow 
other  harsh  exi)ressioiis,  Shingis  told  him  to  be  still,  tor  he  did  not  know  what 
he  sdid." 

Mr.  Post  dined  with  Sldnffis  on  the  2!>  August,  at  which  time  he  observed  to 
him,  that  although  the  Knglish  had  offi'red  a  great  reward  fordiis  head,  yet  he 
had  never  tliought  to  revenge  himself,  but  was  always  vi'ry  kind  to  such  i)ris- 
oncrs  as  were  brought  in,  and  that  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  bring 
obont  u  peace,  and  wished  he  could  bo  sure  the  English  were  in  earnest  for 
peace  also. 

Although  die  name  of  Shlns^s  has  }iot  generally  been  as  conspicuous  as 
that  of  Caj)tain  Jacobs,  yet  he  is  said  to  have  been  ""the  greatest  Delaware 
warrior  of  his  time,"  aiid  tiiat,  "wen;  his  war  exploit.s  on  record,  they  would 
ibrm  an  interesting  doi-ument,  thougli  a  shocking  one."t 

Hmdrick  was  a  gallant  Mohawk  cliietj  who  took  part,  with  many  of  his 
men,  against  tiie  I'rench,  in  the  year  175.^.  The  French  were  encouraged 
bv  the  dt;feat  of  (iemsral  liraddock,  imd  were  in  high  expectation  of  carrying 
afl  before  them.  //em/nV/^  Joined  ihe  English  army  at  flu'  'criuest  of  (leneral 
Johnson,  and  met  the  Fren<-li,  consisting  otfiOOO  men,  nnd'  r  (Jeiieral  Dieskau 
at  Lake  (ieorge.  Wiiiie  the  lOnidish  and  Indians  were  encamped  in  a  slight 
work,  their  scouts  broiiglit  news  of  the  apiiroach  of  the  rrench,  with  a  great 
body  of  Indians  upon  ijicir  Hanks.  (General  Johnson  despatched  Colonel 
I'illuuns  of  ;\la:isaclMi.»i'tls,  wirli  1000  men,  and  Hvii'lrii!;  witii  '200  of  his  war- 
rior.-*, )o  give;  them  battle ;  but  iidliiig  in  with  them  aliont  (imr  miles  from  camit 
nnex|ieetedly,  Colom  Is  ICillinins  and  Hvnilrirk  were  killed,  with  many  other 
ofiicers  luid  privatesof  tlu;  detaclniient.  The  rest  iled  to  tiie  main  bod\  with 
great  pn-cipitation,  infusing  constrniation  into  the  whole  army.'5  The  I  rejich 
(blloweil  closi'ly,  and  jionred  in  a  tremendous  fire,  which  did  very  little  e.xe- 
cnliiin,  from  tlic  prccanli(vn  of  the  En;:lish  in  (idling  Hat  upon  their  fiices. 
'i'hey  soon  reco\('iTd  fnim  th(  ir  snrpris!',  and  limglit  with  bravery,  having 
advaiitiigi'  not  only  in  niinibers,  lint  artillery,  of  whicii  the  I'Vi'iich  had  none.|| 
At  leii;:i!i  the  bi.ive  /Jicshttu  Was  wonndi'd  in  iIk^  thigh,  and  his  Indians,  be- 
ing tei'ritied  at  the   havoc  made   by  the  camion  of  the   Englisii,  tied  to  the 

by  their  g 
III   in  tin; 
Supposing  plunder  to  be  the  first  objf'ct  of 


woods,  and  the  regulars  were  ordered  to  retreat  by  their  general,  which  they 
did  in  gri  at  disorder.     (Jenend  Dirshtn  was  found  in  Ihe  pursuit,  supportinjj 


Jiiniselfby  the  s!nmj>  of  a  tree, 


*  Fur  wliicli  Bci'  ({rrtrirdili'f's  Hist.  bid.  .Nntinns,  21)4,  &c, 

t  Ur|>iiiii»il  ill  ••  T'lr  Ciiisi.':  i-j'/ltc  .ItiiiKttioti,''  iic,  Biicl  ProwVa  Pn.,  vol.  2(1. 

I    I  f' (■/,,■  r,  1,1.  !■'.<:  \;,inill\c.  ill. 

kS  'I'll  ■  llji';l'r-li  i.i-l  aipciil  J'K.1  in  l)i:<  nialni.ili.     (liillirii-'n  Universal  Ibstorv,  x.  III. 
I)  lliiil. 


40 


IIENDRK'K— KILLED  IN  BATTLE.— ANECDOTE. 


fBooK  V. 


liis  captors,  as  he  was  attciiii)tin<r  to  draw  his  watcli  to  present  to  tliem,  some 
one,  suppo.'iiiig  him  to  be  searciiiii'^  lor  his  pistol,  discharged  his  gun  into 
his  hips.  Notvvitiistaiuliiig  lie  was  tiiiis  twice  wounded,  he  lived  to  reach 
England,  liut  he  died  soon  alter.    The  Fi-cuch  lost  800  men  in  the  attack. 

When  General  jGhnson  was  about  to  dctuch  Colonel  Williams,  he  asked 
Hendricli's  opinion,  whether  the  Ibrcc  was  sutKcieiiL  To  which  he  replied, 
"  If  they  arc  tojigld,  lltey  are  too  few.  Iftliey  are  to  be  killed,  they  are  too  manyP 
And  when  it  wa.s  proposed  to  divide  the  detachment  into  three  parts,  Hen- 
drick  objected,  and  tbrcibly  to  exjness  the  impracticability  of  the  j)lan.  picked 
up  three  sticks,  and,  i)utting  tiiem  together,  said  to  the  general,  "  You  see  now 
that  ihese  cannot  be  easily  broken ;  but  take  them  one  h/  one,  and  you  may  break 
them  at  once."  But  Irom  this  valuable  counsel  very  little  advantage  seems  to 
have  been  derived. 

It  was  reported  at  the  time,  that  38  of  Hendrick^a  men  were  killed,  and  Vi 
wounded.*  Few  historians  mention  the  loss  of  the  Indians ;  probably  con- 
sidering tliem  as  unworthy  of  record!  Such  historians  may  be  forgotten.  At 
least,  they  cannot  expect  to  pass  under  that  name  in  another  age. 

The  Indians  were  greatly  exasperated  against  the  French,  "  by  the  death 
of  the  Jamous  Hendrick,"  says  the  same  writer,  "a  renowned  Indian  warrior 
among  the  Mohawks,  and  one  of  their  sachems,  or  kings,  wlio  was  slain  in  the 
battle,  andSvhose  son,  upon  being  told  that  his  father  was  killed,  giving  the 
usual  Indian  groan  upon  such  occasions,  and  suddenly  putting  his  hand  on 
his  left  breast,  swore  his  father  was  still  alive  iuthat  place,  and  stood  there  in 
his  son :  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  ditliculty.  General  Johnson  prevented  the 
ItU'y  of  their  resentment  taking  place  on  the  body  of  the  French  generak"t 

As  soon  as  the  battle  was  over,  the  Indians  dispersed  themselves  in  various 
directions,  with  thd  trophies  of  victory ;  some  to  their  homes,  to  condole 
with  the  friends  ol"the  slain,  and  some  to  the  English,  to  carry  the  welcome 
news  of  victory.  The  different  runners  brought  into  Albany  above  80  scalps 
within  a  very  short  time  after  the  fight.J  And  thus  we  are  furnished  with  an 
early  record  of  the  wretched  custom  which  appears  to  have  been  fostered, 
and  actually  encoiu'aged  by  all  who  have  employed  the  Indians  as  auxiliaries 
in  war.  Indeed  to  employ  them,  was  to  employ  their  practices — they  were 
inseparabh;.  To  talk,  as  some  have  done,  of  ei^ploying  them,  and  prevent- 
ing their  barbarous  customs  with  the  unfortunate  captives,  all  experience 
shows,  is  but  to  talk  one  thing  and  mean  another. 

Soon  alter  Sir  If'illiam  Johnson  entered  ui)on  his  duties  as  superintendent 
of  Indian  aliiiirs  in  North  America,  he  received  from  England  some  richly 
endiroidcred  suits  of  clothes.  Hendrick  was  present  when  they  were  re- 
ceived, and  coidd  not  help  expressing  a  great  desire  lor  a  share  in  them.  He 
went  away  very  thoughtful,  but  returned  not  long  after,  and  called  upon  Sir 
William,  and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a  dream.  Sir  IVilliam  very  con- 
ceriuidly  desired  to  know  what  it  was.  Hendrick  very  readily  told  him  ho 
had  dreamed  that  Sir  William  Johnson  had  i)resented  him  with  one  of  his 
new  suits  of  uni1()rm.  Sir  William  coulil  not  refuse  it,  and  one  of  the  elegant 
suits  was  li»rtliwith  presented  to  Hendrick,  who  went  away  to  show  his 
present  to  his  countrymen,  and  left  Sir  lillliam  to  tell  the  joke  to  his  friends. 
Some  time  atler,  the  general  met  Hendrick,  and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a 
dream.  Whether  the  sachem  mistrusted  that  he  was  now  to  be  taken  in  his 
own  net,  or  not,  is  not  certain :  but  he  seriously  desired  to  know  what  it  was, 
as  Sir  William  had  done  before.  The  general  said  he  dreamed  that  Hendrick 
had  presented  iiim  with  a  certain  tra(!t  of  land,  which  he  described,  (consist- 
ing of  about  500  acres  of  the  most  valuable  land  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk 
Iliver.)  H< ndn'rk  n\\Hwvrv{\,  " 7<  is lyonrs ; "  but,  shaking  his  head,  said,  "Sir 
William  Johnson,  1  will  never  dream  with  you  again." 

John  Konkapol,  a  Stockbridge  Indian,  was  grandson  to  Hendrick,  and  ho 
hifornis  us  that  his  gnindtiither  was  sou  of  the  ff'olf,  a  Mohegan  cliief,  and 
that  his  iiMillier  \\ms  a  iMnhnwk.^  l{everend  Gideon  HitwUi/,  in  a  letter  to 
Governor //i(/f/ii'/iso«  (1770)  about  the  31arelipee  Indians,  has  this  passtige : 


Oenl.  .Wi/uji/ii'  for  IT-W. 
Coll  .l.''t.v.v.  lli.l.  >'or, 


t  Ibid. 


}  lbi<l. 


fBooK  V. 

tliem,  some 
liis  giai  iuto 
ed  to  reacJi 
le  ultack. 
IS,  lie  asked 

he  replied, 
e  too  many.^ 

parts,  Hen- 
plan.  picked 
You  set  now 
>it  may  break 
ige  seems  to 

Died,  and  1^2 
obably  coii- 
jrgotten.    At 

l)y  the  death 
liaii  warrior 
)  slain  in  the 

giving  the 
MS  hand  on 
ood  there  in 
•evented  the 
,'enerak"t 
!8  in  various 
,  to  condole 
jje  welcome 
ve  80  8cul[)8 
hed  with  an 
en  fostered, 
s  auxiliaries 
— they  were 
md  preveut- 

experienco 

)erintendent 
some  richly 
^y  were  re- 
i  them.  He 
ed  upon  Sir 
I  very  con- 
:old  him  he 
I  one  ol'  his 
"the  elegant 
)  show  his 
his  frifiids. 
I  dreamed  a 
taken  in  his 
rthat  it  was, 
lat  Hendrick 
ed,  (consist- 
lie  Mohawk 
,  said,  "  Sir 

let,  and  ho 
I  cliief,  and 
a  letter  to 
is  passage : 

X  Ibi.l. 


Chap.  HI] 


LOGAN.— CRESAP'S  MURDERS. 


41 


"  Among  Johison's  Mohawks,  Abraham  ajid  Hendrick  were  the  oldest  of  their 
tribe,  when  they  died,  and  neither  of  them  was  70,  at  their  deaths.  I  saw  a 
sister  of  theirs  in  1765,  who  ap[)eared  to  be  several  years  above  70.  At 
Stockbridge,  Captain  Kunkapot  was  for  many  years  the  oldest  man  in  his 
tribe."  *  '\V&  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  moat  noted  chiefs  in  Indian  stoiy. 
Logan  was  called  a  Mingo  f  chielj  whose  father,  Shikellimusf  was  chief 
of  the  Cayugas,  whom  he  succeeded.  ShikeUimus  was  attached  in  a  remark-^ 
able  degree  to  the  benevolent  James  Logan,  from  which  circumstance,  it  is 

firobable,  his  son  bore  his  name.  The  natne  is  still  perpetuated  among  the 
ndians.  For  magnanimity  in  war,  and  greatness  of  soul  in  peace,  few,  if  any, 
in  any  nation,  ever  surpassed  Logan.  He  took  no  part  in  the  F'rench  wars 
which  ended  in  1760,  except  that  of  a  peacemaker ;  was  always  acknowl- 
edged the  friend  of  the  white  people,  until  the  year  1774,  when  his  brother 
and  several  othei-s  of  his  family  were  murdered,  the  particulars  of  which 
follow.  In  the  spring  of  1774,  some  Indians  robbed  the  people  upon  the 
Ohio  River,!  who  Avere  in  that  country  exploring  the  I{mds,  and  preparing  for 
settlements.  These  land-jobbers  were  alarmed  at  this  hostile  carriage  of  the 
Indians,  as  they  considered  it,  and  collected  themselves  at  a  place  called 
W^iieoliug  Creek,  the  site  on  which  Wheeling  is  now  built,  and,  learning  that 
there  were  two  Indians  on  the  river  a  little  above,  one  Captain  Michael  Cresav, 
belonging  to  the  exploring  party,  propo.sed  to  liill  upon  and  kill  them.  His 
advice,  although  opposed  at  first,  was  followed,  and  a  party  led  by  Cresap 
proceeded  and  killed  the  two  Indians.  The  same  day,  it  being  reported  that 
some  Indians  were  discovered  below  Wheeling  upon  the  river,  Cresap  and 
his  party  immediately  marched  to  the  place,  and  at  first  appeared  to  show 
themselves  friendly,  and  suffered  the  Indians  to  pass  by  th(!m  unmolested, 
to  encamp  still  lower  down,  at  the  mouth  of  Grave  Creek.  Cresap  soon 
followed,  attacked  and  killed  several  of  them,  having  one  of  Ins  own  men 
womided  by  the  fire  of  the  Indians.  Here  some  of  the  family  of  Logan 
were  slain.  The  circumstance  of  the  affair  was  exceeding  aggravating,  inas- 
much us  the  whites  pretended  no  provocation. 

Soon  alter  this,  some  other  monsters  in  human  shape,  at  whose  head  were 
Daniel  Gredthouse  and  one  Tomlinson,  committed  a  horrid  mnrder  ujion  a 
company  of  Indians  about  thirty  miles  above  Wheeling.  Greathouse  resided 
at  the  same  place,  but  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from  the  Indian  en- 
campment. A  party  of  thirty-two  men  were  collected  for  this  object,  who 
secreted  themselves,  while  Greathouse,  under  a  pretence  of  friendship,  crossed 
the  river  and  visited  them,  to  ascertain  their  strength ;  on  counting  them, 
he  found  they  were  too  numerous  for  his  force  in  an  open  attack.  These 
Indians,  having  heard  of  the  late  murder  of  their  relation.s,  had  determined 
to  be  avenged  of  the  whites,  and  Greathouse  did  not  know  the  danger  he  was 
in,  until  a  scpiaw  advised  him  of  it,  in  a  friendly  caution,  "to  go  home."  The 
sad  recpiital  this  poor  woman  met  with  will  presently  appear.  This  aljomi- 
nable  fellow  invited  the  Indians  to  come  over  the  river  and  drink  rum  with  him ; 
this  being  a  part  of  his  plot  to  separate  them,  that  they  might  l)e  the  easier  de- 
stroyed. The  ojtportunity  soon  offered  ;.a  number  being  collected  at  a  tavern  in 
the  wiiite  settlement,  and  considerably  intoxicated,  were  fallen  upon,  and  all 
murdered,  except  a  littU;  girl.  Among  the  murdered  was  a  brotlier  of  Logan, 
and  liis  sister,  whose  delicate  situation  greatly  aggravated  the  horrid  crime. 
The  remaining  Indiiuis,  upou  the  other  side  of  the  river,  on  hearinjr  the 
firing,  s(!t  off  two  canoes  with  armed  warriors,  wiio,  as  they  ap|)roaeh<il  the 
shore,  were  fired  upon  by  the  whites,  who  lay  concealed,  awaiting  their 
a|)proach.  Nothing  prevented  their  taking  deadly  aim,  and  many  were 
killed  and  wounded,  and  the  rest  were  obliged  to  return.  This  affair  took 
place  May  24th,  1774.§    These  were  the  events  that  led  to  a  horrid  Indian 

*  Coll.  .lA/.v«.  Hist.  Nor.  3.  i.  iril. 

t  Mrufvi'.  MaqiMs,  Maqiui.nt  Iroqiws  all  mean  tlie  same, 

t  '•  111  ilie  inonlli  o(  April,  1774,  a  riimnr  wiis  rirculiUed,  llial  tiin  liidinns  liail  sIdIcii  scvoral 
horses  Iroin  some  lan(l-jol>l)rrs  on  llio  Oliio  anil  KoiiUicky  Rivers  ;  no  evidoiico*  of  llio  fact 
having  iM-tii  adduced,  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the" report  was  false."  Doddridi^e't 
Notcn,  2Syj--(), 

{  Facts  publislipil  in  Ji]fftr»mCs  Notes. 


42 


LOGAN.— SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  A  CAPTIVE. 


[Book  V, 


war,  in  which  many  innocent  families  were  sacrificed  to  satisfy  the  ven- 
geance of  an  incensed  and  injured  ])eo|)le. 

A  cahn  followed  these  trouhles,  but  it  was  only  such  ns  goes  before  the 
storm,  and  lasted  only  while  the  tocsin  of  war  could  be  sounded  aiqong  the 
distant  Indians.  On  the  12  July,  1774,  Logan,  at  the  head  of  a  small  party 
of  only  eight  warriors,  struck  a  blow  on  some  inhabitants  upon  the  Muskin- 
gum, Avhere  no  one  expected  it.  lie  had  left  the  settlements  on  the  Ohio 
imdisturbed,  which  every  one  supposed  would  be  the  first  attacked,  in  case 
of  war,  and  hence  the  reason  of  his  great  successes.  His  first  attack  was 
upon  three  men  who  were  ])ulliug  flax  in  a  field.  One  was  shot  down,  and 
the  two  others  taken.  These  were  marched  into  the  wihleriiess,  and,  as 
they  approached  the  Indian  town,  Logan  gave  the  scalp  halloo,  and  they 
^vere  met  by  the  inhabitants,  who  conducted  them  in.  Running  the  gantlet 
was  next  to  be  performed.  Logan  took  no  delight  in  tortures,  and  he  in  the 
most  friendly  manner  instructed  one  of  the  captives  how  to  ])rocced  to 
escape  the  severities  of  the  gantlet.  This  same  captive,  whose  name  was 
Robinson,  was  afterwards  sentenced  to  be  burned ;  but  Logan,  though  not 
able  to  rescue  him  by  his  eloquence,  with  his  own  hand  cut  the  cords  that 
bound  him  to  the  stake,  and  caused  him  to  be  adopted  into  an  Indian  family. 
He  became  afterwards  Logaii's  scribe,  and  wrote  the  letter  that  was  tied  to  a 
wai*  club,  the  |)aiaicuhns  of  which  we  shall  relate  fiirther  onward. 

There  was  a  chief  among  the  Shawanese  more  renowned  ns  a  warrior 
than  even  Logan  himself  at  this  time.  CORN  STOCK  *  was  his  name,  and 
to  him  seems  to  have  fallen  the  chief  din^ction  of  the  war  that  was  now 
]>egun ;  the  causes  of  which  were  doubtless  owing  to  the  outrages  already 
detailed,  committed  by  Crcsap  and  Greathouse,  but  there  can  l)e  but  litth;  if 
any  doid>t,  that  the  several  tribes  engaged  in  it,  had  each  been  sufficiently 
injured  to  justify  thMr  participation  also.  The  history  of  the  nnnder  of 
Bald  Eagle  is  more  than  sufficient  to  account  for  the  part  acted  by  the  Dela- 
wares.  What  this  man  had  been  in  his  younger  days  is  unknown  to  history, 
but  at  this  time  he  was  an  old  inoffensive  Delaware  chief,  who  wandered 
harmlessly  up  and  down  among  the  whites,  visiting  tlinsi;  most  frequently 
who  would  entertain  him  best.  Having  been  on  a  \isit  to  the  fort  at  the 
mouth  of  Kanhawu,  he  was  met,  as  he  was  asceiuling  alone  upon  the  river 
in  his  canoe,  by  a  man,  who,  it  is  said,  had  sufi'ered  much  tiom  the  Indians. 
It  was  in  the  evening,  and  whether  any  thing  happened  to  justify  violence  on 
the  part  of  either,  we  have  no  evidence,  but  certain  it  is,  the  white  man 
killed  the  chief,  and  sculped  him,  and,  to  give  his  abominable  criino  pub- 
licity, set  the  dead  body  upright  in  the  canoe,  and  in  this  maimer  caused  it 
to  drift  down  the  river,  where  it  was  beheld  by  many  as  it  jtassed  them. 
From  the  appearance  of  the  old  chief,  no  one  susi»ectt'd  he  was  dead,  but 
very  naturally  concluded  he  was  upon  one  of  his  ordinary  visits.  The  truth 
of  the  affair,  however,  soon  got  to  his  nation,  and  they  (piickly  avowed  ven- 
geance for  the  outrage,  f 

The  Virginia  legislature  was  in  session  wlieu  the  news  of  an  Indian  xmi' 
was  received  at  the  seat  of  govermnent.  Governor  Dnnmore  imnnMlifttely 
gave  orders  for  the  assembling  of  3000  men ;  one  half  of  whom  were  to 
march  for  the  mouth  of  the  great  Kanhawa  under  the  commaml  of  (Jenenil 
Andrew  Lenn8,\  and  the  remainder,  under  the  governor  in  person,  was  to 
proceed  to  some  point  on  the  Ohio,  aliove  the  former,  in  order  to  fall  U]»on 
the  Indian  towns  between,  while  the  warriors  shotdd  be  drawn  off  by  the 
approach  of  Lexeia  in  the  opposite  direction.  He  was  then  to  proceed  down 
the  Ohio,  and  form  a  junction  with  General  Leuis  at  Point  Pleasant,  from 
whence  they  were  to  march  according  to  circumstances. 

*  Generally  writton  Cnrrulalk,  but  in  our  oldest  printed  account,  it  is  as  in  llie  text.  There 
is  no  liarm  in  chan);iiig  llie  orthography  of  a  word,  when  we  use  it  for  a  projjer  instead  of  a 
common  substantive. 

t  At'Clwig. 

j  His  rank  was  that  of  colonel,  but,  beingcommander-in-chief  of  that  division,  was  properly 
called  general,  to  distinguish  him  from  his  brother,  who  was  also  a  colonel,  and  as  having 
the  chief  command. 


Chap.  III.] 


LOG  AN. -BATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT. 


On  the  11  September,  the  forces  under  General  Leiois,  amotniting  to 
1100  men,  connnonced  their  march  I'roni  Camj)  Union  for  I'oint  Pleasant  on 
the  Great  Kanhuway,  distant  ItJO  miles.  The  country  between  was  a  truck- 
less  wilderness.  The  army  was  piloted  by  Captahi  Matthew  ^'hbuckle,  by 
the  nearest  practicalilc  route.  The  baggage  was  all  traiiKported  on  pack- 
horses,  and  their  juarch  took  U|»  W  days.* 

Having  arrived  there  upon  the  last  day  of"  the  month,  an  encampment  was 
commenced  on  the  *first  of  October.  Here  General  Lewis  waited  with 
anxiety  to  get  some  tidings  of  Dunmore,  for  eight  or  nine  days.  At  the  end 
of  this  time,  no  prospect  of  a  junction  appearing,  news  was  brought  into 
camp  in  the  morning  of  the  10  Octolier,  by  one  of  two  pei"sons  who  had 
escaped  the  rifles  of  a  great  body  of  Indians  about  tvt^o  miles  up  the  Ohio, 
that  an  attack  would  be  innaediately  made.  These  two  men  were  upon  a 
detu"  hunt,  and  came  u|)on  the  Indians  without  observing  them,  when  one 
was  shot  down,  and  the  other  escaped  to  the  camp  with  difficulty.  Ho  re- 
portetl  "  that  he  had  seen  a  body  of  the  enemy,  covering  four  acres  of  ground, 
as  closely  as  they  could  stand  by  the  side  of  each  other,"  \ 

Ufion  this  intelligence,  (ieneral  Lewii,  "uller  having  delil»erately  lighted 
his  pipe,"  X  gave  orders  to  his  brother.  Colonel  Charles  Lewis,  to  march  with 
his  own  regiment,  and  another  under  Colonel  fVUlinm  Fleming,  to  recon- 
noitre the  enemy,  wiiile  ho  put  the  remainder  in  a  posture  to  support  them. 
These  marched  without  loss  of  time,  and  about  400  yards  from  camp  met 
the  Indians  intent  upoir  the  same  object.  Their  meeting  was  somewhere 
between  sun's  rising  and  sun  an  hour  high,§  and  the  fight  in  a  moment 
began.  The  V^irginians,  like  their  opponents,  covered  themselves  with  trees 
■or  whatever  else  offered,  but  the  latter  were  more  than  a  mutch  for  them, 
and  put  them  to  flight  with  great  slaughter.  Colonel  Lewis  was  in  full  uni- 
form, and  being,  from  the  nature  of  his  duties,  exposed  at  every  point,  soon 
fell  mortally  wounded.||  There  was  no  result  for  which  the  commander-in- 
chief  was  not  jirepared ;  for  at  this  critical  moment  he  had  ordered  up 
Colonel  Field  with  his  regiment,  which,  coming  with  great  resolution  and 
firnmess  into  action,  saved  the  two  retreating  regiments,  and  efTectually 
checked  the  impetuosity  of  the  Imlians,  who,  in  their  turn,  were  obliged  to 
retreat  behind  a  rough  breastwork,  which  tlioy  had  taken  the  precaution  to 
construct  from  logs  and  brush  for  the  occasion. 

The  i)oiiit  of  land  on  which  the  battle  was  fought  was  narrow,  and  the 
Indians' breastwork  extended  from  river  to  river  :  their  plan  of  attack  was  the 
best  that  toidd  be  conceived  ;  for  in  the  event  of  victory  on  their  part,  not  a 
Virginian  could  have  escaped.  They  had  stationed  men  on  both  sides  of 
the  river  to  prevent  any  that  might  attempt  flight  by  swinmiing  from  the 
apex  of  the  triangle  made  by  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers. 

Never  was  ground  maintained  with  more  obstinacy ;  for  it  was  slowly,  and 
with  no  precipitancy,  that  the  Indians  retired  to  their  breastwork.  The  divis- 
ion under  Lewis  was  first  broken,  although  that  tinder  Fleming  was  nearly 
at  the  same  moment  attacked.  This  heroic  oflicer  first  received  two  balls 
through  his  lefl  wrist,  but  continued  to  exercise  his  command  with  the  great- 
est coolness  and  presence  of  mind.  His  voice  was  continually  heard,  "  Don't 
lose  an  inch  of  ground.  Advance,  outflank  the  enemy,  and  get  between 
them  and  the  river."  But  his  men  were  about  to  be  outflanked  by  the  body 
that  had  just  «lefeated  Lewis ;  meanwhile  the  arrival  of  Colonel  IHeld  turned 
the  fortune  of  the  day,  but  not  without  a  severe  loss ;  Colonel  Fleming  was 
again  wouuded,1I  by  a  shot  through  the  lungs ;  **  yet  he  would  not  retire^ 
and  Colonel  Field  was  killed  as  he  was  leading  on  his  men. 


I  propcrlj 
I  as  having 


Doddridge,  280. 


t   Withers,  126. 


t  M' Clung,  321. 


6  At  siui-rise,  Burk,  iii.  393.— Sun  an  hour  high,  Royal  Amer.  Magatinefor  NovemSer,  lTf4. 
—A  little  after  .sunrise,  Doddridge,  231.— Tiie  sun  was  just  rising,  M'Clung,  322.— Sunrise, 
Withers,  127. 

^He  waliced  into  camp,  and  cxnired  in  his  own  tent.    Doddridge. 
Mr.  M'Clung  says  no  was  killed,  l)Ut  wo  cannot  find  any  authority  to  agree  with  him. 
Mr.  Withtrt  sayg  he  was  "  aa  active  governor  of  Virginia  during  the  revolutionary  war." 
Chronicles,  130. 
••  Burk,  iii.  394.  . 


44 


LOGAN.— BATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT. 


[Book  V. 


The  whole  Ihie  of  the  hrcastwork  now  became  as  a  blaze  of  fire,  which 
lasted  nearly  till  the  close  of  the  day.  Here  tiie  Indians  muler  Logan,  Corn- 
stock,  Eknipsico,  Red-Eaak,  and  other  mighty  chiefs  of  the  tribes  of  the 
Shawuuese,  Delavvares,  Minjjoes,  VVyandots  and  Cuyugas,  amounting,  as  was 
supposed,  to  1500  woi'riors,  fouglit,  a.s  men  will  ever  do  for  their  country's 
wrong,s,  with  u  bravery  which  could  only  be  equalled.  Thd  voice  of  the 
mighty  Cornstock  was  oiteu  heard  during  the  day,  above  the  din  of  strife, 
calling  on  his  men  in  these  woriis :  "  Be  strong !  Jjc  strong ! "  And  when  by 
the  repeated  charges  of  the  whites,  some  of  his  warriors  began  to  waver,  he 
is  said  to  have  sunk  his  tomaliawk  into  the  head  of  one  who  was  cowardly 
endeavoring  to  desert. 

General  Lewis,  fmding  at  length  that  eveiy  charge  upon  the  lines  of  the 
Indians  lessened  the  number  of  his  ibrces  to  an  alarming  degree,  and  rightly 
judging  that  if  the  Indians  were  not  routed  before  it  was  dark,  a  day  of 
more  doubt  might  follow,  iie  resolved  to  throw  u  bodv,  if  possible,  into  their 
rear.  As  the  good  fortune  of  the  Virginians  turned,  the  bank  of  the  river 
fuvorud  this  project,  and  Ibrthwith  three  companies  wore  detached  upon  the 
enterprise,  under  the  three  captains,  Isattc  Shtlby,  (alterwards  renowned  in 
the  revolution,  and  since  in  the  war  with  Canada,)  George  Matthews,  *  and 
John  Sleuart.  These  companies  got  unobsei*ved  to  their  i)lace  of  destination 
upon  Crooked  Creek,  which  runs  into  the  Kanhawa.t  From  the  high  weeds 
ui)on  the  banks  of  this  little  stream,  they  rushed  upon  the  backs  of  the 
Indians  with  such  fury,  as  to  drive  them  Irom  their  works  with  precipitation. 
The  day  was  now  decided.  The  Indians,  thus  beset  from  a  quarter  tiiey  did 
not  expect,  were  ready  to  conclude  that  a  reinforcement  had  arrived.  It 
was  about  sunset  when  they  fled  across  the  Ohio,  and  unmediately  took  up 
their  miu'ch  for  their  towns  on  tlie  Scioto. 

As  is  common,  in  reviewing  past  events,  we  find  much  difference  of 
opinion  in  regard  to  many  of  the  facts ;  the  loss  of  the  whites  in  this  battle 
is  vei-y  variously  stated,  but  that  of  the  Indians  no  one  has  presumed  to  set 
down  but  by  inference.  The  morning  alter  the  battle.  Colonel  Christiant 
marched  to  the  battle-ground ;  where  his  men  found  and  scalped  §  21  of 
their  dead,  and  12  others  were  found  in  places  where  they  were  placed  for 
concealment ;  that  many  were  also  thrown  into  tiie  river  is  said  to  have  been 
at  the  time  known.  In  an  account  puidished  at  the  time,  it  is  set  down  that 
the  killed  of  the  Virginians  were  "Col.  Cliarles  Lewis,  Major  John  Field, 
Capt.  John  Murray,  Robert  Mc  Clenechan,  Samuel  WUson,  James  Ward,  Lieut. 
Hugh  Allen,  Ensigns,  Candiff,  Baker,  and  44  privates ; "  making  tlie  whole 
number  of  the  killed  5.5.  "  VVounded,  Captain  fV,  Fleming,  since  dead, 
Y.  Dickinson,  Thomas  Blucford,  John  Stidman,  Lieuts.  GooAman,  Robeson, 
Lavd-,  Vannes,  and  79  Ptivales  ; "  making  in  all  87  wounded.  We  are  awai'e 
that  neither  the  names  or  numbers  agree  with  accounts  since  published,  but 
we  have  taken  the  above  from  the  Royal  American  Magazine,  which  was 
published  the  following  month  at  Boston,  into  which  it  seems  to  have  been 
copied  from  a  Philadelphia  print.{| 

There  was  a  kind  of  stratagem  used  by  the  whites  in  this  battle  which 
reminds  us  of  that  practised  at  the  Pawtucket  fight,  related  in  Book  III.  of 
our  history.  The  soldiers  in  Colonel  Fteming''s  regiment  would  conceal 
themselves  behind  a  tree  or  some  other  shelter,  and  tlien  hold  out  their  hats 
from  behind,  which  the  Indians  seeing,  would  mistake  as  covering  the  heads 


*  Prol)ably  the  .same  who  was  a  colonel  in  the  Virgmia  line  during  iho  revolulicu,  and 
once  a  prisoner.    See  Contin.  Burk,  107,  358,  also  VVilliers,  130. 

t   VVilhers,  127. 

j  He  was  not  present  at  tl)e  fight,  but  arrived  with  a  reinforcement,  which  he  had  raised 
from  Hoiston,  immediately  after  it  was  over.  It  was  this  force,  it  is  supposed,  that  the 
Indians  expected  were  surrounding  them  in  the  rear.  They  were  said  to  nave  been  ac- 
quainted with  all  circumstances  connected  with  the  operations  of  the  Virginians. 


ft  Royal  Amer.  Mas:azine  for  November,  1774. 
I"     "    ■•••       ^- 


Pr.  Doddridrp,  ^3] ,  sets  down  the  killed  at  75,  and  the  wounded  at  140,  and  he  is, 
doubtless,  Mr.  Williers^s  authority,  who  says  the  same.  His  list  of  killed  and  wounded  are 
also  verbatim  from  Doddridge.  Burk,  who  wrote  twenty  years  before  either,  agrees  with 
the  Royal  American  Magazine  very  nearly. 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  Ill] 


LOGAN.-.DATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT. 


45 


of  their  enemies,  and  slioot  at  them.  The  hat  being  at  once  dropped,  the 
Indian  would  run  out  from  liis  covert  to  scalp  his  victim,  and  thus  met  a 
sure  death  from  the  tomahawk  of  his  adversary. 

The  chief  of  the  men  raised  lor  this  service,  were,  as  Burk  expresses  him- 
seltj  "  prime  riflemen,"  and  the  "  most  expert  woodsmen  in  Virginia."  They 
were  principally  fi*om  the  counties  of  Augusta,  Botetourt,  Bedtord  and  Fin- 
castle,  and  from  the  enraged  settlers  who  had  fled  irom  their  frontier  settle- 
ments to  escape  the  vengeance  of  the  injured  Indians.  For  reasons  which 
were  not  perfectly  understood  at  that  time.  Lord  Dunntore  divided  the  army 
into  two  parts,  as  already  stated.  The  part  which  Dunmore  soon  alter  took 
in  the  revolutionary  eventa,  discovered  the  real  cause  of  his  preposterous  pro- 
ceedings. His  pretence  of  falling  upon  the  backs  of  the  Indians,  and  coop- 
erating with  General  Lewis,  was  soon  detected  as  such ;  for  it  needed  only 
to  be  known  that  he  was  moving  no  less  than  75  miles  from  him,  and  that, 
thcretbre,  no.  cooperation  could  be  had.  The  imputation,  however,  of  the 
historian  Burk*  "that  the  division  under  Leiins  was  devoted  to  destruction, 
for  the  pur|)ose  of  breaking  the  si)irits  of  the  Virginians,"  to  render  his  own 
influence  and  reputation  brighter  and  mori)  efficieiit,  is  unnatural,  and  with- 
out liicts  to  warrant  it.  To  our  mind  a  worse  policy  to  raise  himself  could 
not  have  been  devised.  There  are  two  other,  far  more  reasonable  conclu- 
sions, which  might  have  been  offered:  The  governor,  seeing  the  justness 
of  the  Indians'  cause,  might  have  adopted  the  plan  which  was  followed,  to 
bring  them  to  a  peace  with  the  least  possible  destruction  of  them.  This 
would  have  been  the  course  of  a  humane  philosophy ;  or  he  might  have 
exercised  his  abilities  to  gain  them  to  the  British  interest,  in  case  of  a  rup- 
ture between  them  and  the  colonies,  which  the  heads  of  government  must 
clearly  have  by  this  time  Ibreseen  wouhl  pretty  soouxfoUow.  Another  ex- 
traonfinary  manoBuvre  of  Governor  Dunmore  betrayed  either  a  great  want 
of  experience,  generalship,  or  a  far  more  reprehensible  charge  ;  lor  he  had, 
before  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  sent  an  express  f  to  Colonel  Lewis,  with 
orders  that  he  should  join  him  near  the  Shawuuee  towns,  with  all  possible 
despatch.  These  instructions  were  looked  upon  asisingularly  unaccountable, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  considered  a  thing  almost  im])ossible  to  be  accomplished, 
had  there  not  been  an  enemy  to  fear ;  for  the  distance  was  near  80  miles, 
and  the  route  was  through  a  country  extremely  difiicult  to  be  traversed,  and, 
to  use  the  words  of  Mr.  Burk,  "  swarming  with  Indians."t  The  express  did 
not  arrive  at  Point  Pleasant  until  the  evening  aflcr  the  battle ;  §  but  that  it 
had  been  fought  was  unknown  to  the  governor,  and  coidd  in  no  wise  excuse 
his  sending  such  orders,  although  the  power  of  the  Indians  was  now  broken. 

The  day  after  the  battle.  General  Lewis  caused  his  dead- to  be  buried,  and 
entrenchments  to  be  thrown  up  about  his  cunij)  for  the  protection  of  his 
sick  and  wounded ;  and  the  day  following,  he  took  up  his  line  of  march,  in 
compliance  with  the  orders  of  Governor  Dunmore.  This  march  was  attended 
with  great  privations  and  almost  insurmountable  difficulties.  Meanwhile 
Governor  Dunmore  descended  with  his  forces  down  the  river,  from  Fort  Pitt 
to  Wheeling,  where  he  halted  for  a  few  days.  He  then  proceeded  down  to 
the  mouth  of  Hockhocking,  thence  over  land  to  within  8  miles  of  the  Shaw- 
anee  town  Chilicothe,  on  the  Scioto.  Here  he  made  preparations  for  treat- 
ing with  the  Indians.  Before  reaching  this  place  lie  had  received  several 
messages  from  the  Indians  with  otters  of  peace,  and  having  now  determined 
to  comply,  he  sent  an  express  to  General  Lewis  with  an  order  that  he  should 
immediately  retreat.  This  was  entirely  disregarded  by  the  general,  and  he 
continued  his  march  until  his  lordship  in  ])erson  visited  the  general  in  his 
camp,  and  gave  the  order  to  the  troops  hunself.    Lewis's  troops  complied 


*  Hist.  Virginia,  iiii  .'59G. 

t  The  famous  pioiioer,  Siiium  Kenton,  alias  Butler,  was  tlie  person  sent  !)>"  Dunmore  at 
thiii  lime. 

%  Hist.  Virginia,  iii.  .IM. 

\  This  is  not  a^jreeablo  lo  the' statement  of  Dr.  Doddridjre,  wlio  says  their  arrival  was  be-. 
(ore  tlu!  Iieilllo,  nnd  Mr.  Witliers  follows  him  ;  but  1  follow  Mr.  Uiirk,  who  doubtless  had  the 
best  means  of  giving-  the  truth.     Marshall  [Ky.  i.  W]  agrees  with  the  former. 


46 


CORNSTOCK  TREATS  WITH  DUNMORE. 


[Book  V. 


Ci 


with  great  reluctance,  for  they  had  detcrniined  on  a  general  destruction  of 
the  Indians. 

A  treaty  was  now  commenced,  and  conducted  on  tlio  part  of  the  whites 
with  great  dititrust,  never  {idniitting  but  a  small  number  of  Indians  within 
their  encampment  at  u  time.  Tlie  business  was  connnenced  by  Cornatock 
in  a  speech  of  great  length,  in  the  course  of  wliich  he  did  not  fail  to  charge 
upon  the  whites  the  whole  cause  of  tiio  wai" ;  and  n)aiidy  in  consequence 
of  the  murder  of  LogarCs  limiily.  A  treaty,  however,  was  the  result  of  this 
conference  ;  and  this  confercntu)  was  the  residt  of  the  far-fimied  speecli  of 
LOGAN,  the  Mingo  chief;  since  known  in  every  hemisphere.  It  was  not 
delivered  in  the  camp  of  l^ord  Dunmore,  Tor,  altiiougli  desiring  peace,  Lo^an 
would  not  meet  the  whites  in  council,  but  renuiined  in  his  cabin  in  sullen 
silence,  until  a  messenger  was  sent  to  him  to  know  whether  he  would 
accede  to  the  proposids  it  contained.  What  the  distance  was  irom  the 
treaty-ground  to  Logan^ s  cn\m\,  we  are  not  told  ;  but  of  such  importance  waw 
his  name  considered,  tluit  he  was  waited  on  by  a  messenger  *  from  Lord 
Dunmore,  who  requested  his  assent  to  the  articles  of  the  treaty.  Logan  had 
too  much  at  heart  tlie  wrongs  lately  done  him  to  a(!cede  without  giving  the 
messenger  to  understand  fully  the  grounds  uj)on  which  ho  acceded ;  ho 
therefore  invited  hun  into  an  adjacent  wood,  where  they  sat  down  together. 
Here  he  relate<l  the  events  of  butchery  which  had  deprived  him  of  all 
his  connections;  and  here  lie  pronounced  that  memorable  speech,  which 
follows:  .  . 

"  /  appeal  to  any  white  to  say,  if  ever  he  entered  Logan's  cabin  hungry,  and  he 
gave  him,  not  meat ;  if  ever  he  came  cold  and  naked,  and  he  clothed  Him  not. 

"  During  the  course  of  tfi£  last  long  bloody  war,  Logan  remained  idle  in  his  cabin, 
an  advocate  for  peace.  Such  was  my  love  for  the  zvhiles,  that  my  countrymen 
pointed  as  they  passed,  and  said, '  Logan  is  the  friend  of  lohite  rnen^ 

"  /  had  even  thought  to  lutve  lived  tcith  you,  bid  for  the  injwies  of  one  man. 
Col.  Cresap,  the  last  spring,  in  cold  blood,  and  unprovoked,  murdered  all  the  rela- 
tions of  Logan ;  not  even  sparing  my  women  and  children. 

"  There  runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  yeins  of  any  living  creature.  This 
called  on  me  for  revenge.  I  have  sought  it.  I  have  killed  many.  I  have  fully 
glutted  my  vengeance.  For  my  country,  I  rejoice  at  the  beams  of  peace.  But  do 
not  harbor  a  thougid  tluit  mine  is  tlie  joy  of  fear.  Logan  never  felt  fear.  He  will 
not  turn  on  his  keel  to  save  his  life.     Who  is  there  to  mourn  for  Logan  ? — JVot 


of 
th 
of 
of 
of 


one 


in 


When  Mr.  Jefferson  published  his  "  Notes  on  Vu'giuia,"  the  facts  therein 
stated  implicating  Cresap  as  thennu'derer  of  Ziog-an's  family,  were  by  Cresap^s 
friends  called  in  question.  Mr.  Jefferson  at  first  merely  stated  the  lacts  as  pre- 
liminary to,  and  the  cause  of,  the  " Speech  of  Logan"  which  he  considered 
as  generally  known  in  Virginia ;  but  the  acrimony  discovered  by  his  enemies 
in  their  endeavors  to  gainsay  his  statement,  led  to  an  investigation  of  the 
whole  transaction,  and  a  })ublicatioii  of  the  res\iit  was  the  immediate  conse- 
quence, in  a  new  edition  of  the  "  Notes  on  Virginia." 

There  are  perhaps  still  some  who  'doubt  of  the  genuineness  of  Logan^s 
speech  and  indeed  we  must  allow,  that  there  are  some  circnnistances  laid 
before  us  in  Dr.  Barton's  Medical  and  Physical  Journal,  for  the  year  1808 ; 
which  look  irreconcilable.  Without  impcuichiug  in  tlie  slightest  degree  the 
character  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  such  liicts  are  there  compareil,  and  disagreements 
pointed  out,  as  chanced  to  come  in  the  way  of  the  writer.  It  appears  from 
the  French  traveller  Robin,  that,  in  the  time  of  our  revolution,  a  gentleman  of 
Williamsburg  gave  him  an  Indian  speech,  which  bears  great  resemblance  to 
the  one  said  to  be  by  Logan ;  but  differing  verj'  essentially  in  date,  and  the 
person  implicated  in  nuu'dering  the  family  of  Logan.  The  work  of  Robin  is 
entitled  "  New  Travels  in  America,"  and  we  have  only  an  English  translation 


*  Mr.  John  Gibson,  llicii  an  officer  in  Dunm')re's  army,  and  afterwards  ainian  of  consider- 
able disliiiclion. 


Chap.  III.] 


LOGAN'S  SPEECH  QUESTIONED. 


41* 


of  it.*  It  is  therefore  possible  tlmt  some  mistakes  nuiy  lmv<'  rre])t  info  it,  or 
tliat  Robin  liimself  miijlit  have  misunderstood  the  date,  uiid  cviii  other  |iHri 
of  the  aftiiir;  however,  the  probability  is  ratlier  strong  that  either  lh«  spcecli 
of  Logan  had  l)etip  perverted  for  tlie  purpose  of  cleuiiia'  Cresap't  rh/inieter 
of  the  foul  blot  wliich  entirely  covered  it,  by  wilfully  chargm^f  it  uj)on  another, 
or  thut  some  old  speech  of  his  upon  another  occasion,  hud  betii  remodeled  to 
suit  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  used.  Upon  these  questions  we  iiiUHt  leave 
the  reader  to  decide.  Robin  has  the  name  of  the  chief,  Lonun,  Some 
Frenchmen  may  write  it  thus,  but  I  have  before  me  those  that  do  not,t  and 
more  probably  some  English  pronounced  it  so,  and  so  Robin  heard  it  The 
way  he  introduces  the  speech,  if  the  introduction  be  fact,  forever  destroys 
the  f,'enuineness  of  the  speech  of  Logan  of  1774.     It  is  thus: 

"  Speech  of  tlie  savage  Lonan,  in  a  General  Assembly,  as  it  was  sent  to 
the  Gov,,  of  Virginia,^  anno  1754." 

Now  it  is  certain,  if  the  speech  which  we  will  give  below  loas  delivered  in 
the  JlsscmbUj  of  Virginia,  in  the  year  1754,  it  could  not  have  been  tndv  deliv- 
ered, as  we  have  given  it,  to  I^ord  Ihmmore  in  1774.  That  the  reader  may 
judge  lor  himself,  that  of  1754  follows. 

"  Lonan  will  no  longrr  oppose  making  the  proposed  peace  with  the  white 
men.  You  are  sensible  he  never  knew  what  fear  is — that  he  never  turned 
his  back  in  tiie  day  of  battle — No  one  has  more  love  for  the  white  men  than 
I  have.  The  war  we  have  had  with  them  1ms  been  long  and  bloody  on  both 
sides.  Ri\(  IS  of  blood  have  ran  on  all  parts,  and  yet  no  good  has  resulted 
therefrom  to  any.  I  once  more  repeat  it — let  us  bo  at  peace  witii  these  men. 
I  will  forget  our  injuries,  the  interest  of  my  country  demands  it.  I  will  Ibrget 
— but  difiiculr  indeed  is  tlie  task!  Yes,  I  will  forget — that  Major  Rogers^ 
cnielly  and  inlunnanly  murdered,  in  tiieir  canoes,  my  wife,  my  ciiildren,  my 
liitiier,  my  motiier,  and  ,-dl  my  kindred. — This  roused  me  to  deeds  of  ven- 
geance! I  was  cruel  hi  despite  of  myself  I  will  die  content  if  my  country 
IS  once  more  at  ])eace ;  but  when  Lonan  shall  be  no  more,  who,  alas,  will 
drop  a  tear  to  the  memory  of  Lonan ! " 

With  a  few  incidents,  and  reflections,  we  will  close  our  account  of  events 
connected  with  the  history  of  Cresap's  War. 

On  the  evening  l)efore  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  Comstock  proposed  to 
his  warriors  to  make  peace  with  General  Lewis,  and  avoid  a  battle,  but  his 
advice  was  not  accepted  by  the  council.  "Well,"  said  he,  "since  you  have 
resolved  to  fight,  you  shall  fight,  although  it  is  likely  we  Bliall  have  hard 
work  to-morrow ;  but  if  any  man  shall  flinch  or  run  from  the  battle,  I  will 
kill  him  with  my  own  hand."  And  it  is  said  he  made  his  word  good  by  put- 
ting one  to  death  who  discovered  cowardice  during  the  fight,  as  has  been 
mentioned. 

Aller  the  Indians  had  retreated,  Cornstock  called  a  council  at  the  Chilicothe 
town,  to  consult  on  what  was  to  be  done.  Here  he  reflected  upon  the  rashness 
tliat  hiid  been  exercised  in  figliting  the  whites  at  Point  Pleasant ;  and  asked, 
"  IVhat  shall  we  do  now !  the  Long-Knives  are  coming  upon  ns  by  tioo  routes. 
Shall  we  turn  out  and  fight  tltem'^^' — No  answer  was  made.  He  then  inquirerl, 
"  Shall  we  kill  all  our  smiaws  and  children,  and  then  fight  %intil  we  shall  all  be 
killed  oiirselves?" — As  before,  all  were  silent.  In  the  midst  of  the  council- 
house  a  war-post  had  been  erected ;  with  his  tomahawk  in  his  bond,  Comstork 
turned  towards  it,  and  sticking  it  into  the  ])ost,  he  said,  "  Since  you  are  not 
inclined  to  fight,  I  will  go  and  make  peace;"  and  he  forthwith  repaired  to- 
Dunmore^s  cainp.|| 


*  Since  ihe  above  was  written,  I  have  met  with  the  French  edition ;  and,  from  its  imprint, 
1  presume  both  editions  were  published  under  the  supervision  of  the  author.  "  A  Phuadel- 
phie  el  se  troiive  (I  Paris,  1782." 

t  Sec  Rerlierches  sur  les  Etats-Utiis,\v. '153 — 5.  The  authors  of  this  well-wrilten  work 
should  not  have  wiililield  their  names.    It  was  printed  at  Paris,  in  8vo.,  1788. 

^  "11  A'<?< "  is  found  in  Ihe  French  copy,  and  this  marginal  note  toitj  "  ce  mot  signifit 
apparemment  le  mois  Lutwire  ou  tiolaire." 

^  In  the  French  copy  no  person  is  mentioned.  After  Major,  a  blank  is  left.  In  other 
respects  the  speech  is  tolerably  correctly  translated. 

II  Doddridge's  Notes,  23i>-^. 


f 


is 


MATH  OF  LOGAN— CORNSTOCK. 


{Book  V, 


We  have  been  more  minute  and  particular  in  ihcse  events,  in  which  Logan 
and  Cornstock  were  engaged,  than  in  many  others ;  but  I  trust  the  reader  of* 
this  history  will  not  be  displeased  with  sucli  minuteness  upon  so  iniportant  an 
event ;  especially  as  no  work  with  w  hich  I  am  acquainted  does  the  subject 
justice.  It  was  truly  a  great  event,  l)oth  in  res|ject  to  tiic  j)urties  engaged, 
and  the  consequences  necessarily  growing  out  ot'  it,  and  it  has  been  passed 
over^too  slightly  by  historians. 

In  respect  to  the  speech  of  Logan,  it  would  be  highly  gratifying  if  a  few 
matters  connected  with  it  could  bo  si;ttled ;  but  whether  they  ever  will,  time 
only  can  determine.  From  the  statement  of  Dr.  Barton,*  before  cited,  we 
are  led  to  expect  that  he  had  other  docutnents  than  those  he  at  that  time 
))ublished,  going  to  show  that  Cresap  was  not  the  nuirderer  of  Lo;"";!?!'*  family, 
but  he  never  })ublished  tliem,  as  I  can  learn,  and  he  has  led  us  to  conjecture 
upon  such  as  we  have.  Another  author,  j  upon  the  authority  of  an  officer 
who  was  at  the  time  with  Lord  Dunmorc,  states  that  lie  heard  nothing  ol^ 
Logan's  charging  Vresap  with  the  nnirder  of  hife  kindred  during  tiie  whole 
campaign,  nor  until  a  long  time  ailer.  That  it  was  not  publicly  talked  of 
among  the  officc^-s  is  in  no  wise  strange,  as  Cresap  himself  was  one  of  them; 
therefore,  that  this  is  evidenire  that  no  such  charge  was  made  by  Logan,  we 
think  unworthy  consideration. 

Among  other  j>roofs,  that  the  chief  guilt  lay  upon  the  head  of  Cresap  of 
bringing  about  a  bloody  war,  since  well  known  by  his  name,  Judge  Lines  of 
Frankfort,  K(mtucky,  wrote  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  2  March,  17!H),  that  he  Was,  hfi 
thought,  able  to  give  him  more  particidars  of  that  affair  than,  jierhap.s,  any 
other  person ;  that,  in  1774,  while  at  the  house  of  Colonel  Preston,  in  Fin- 
castle  county,  V^a.,  there  arrived  an  ex|)re»s,  calling  upon  hini  to  order  out 
the  militia,  "for  the  pi,"otection  of  the  inhabitants  residing  low  down  on  the 
north  fork  of  Holston  River.  The  express  brought  with  him  a  war  club, 
and  a  note  tied  to  it,  which  was  left  at  the  house  of  one  lioherison,  whose 
family  were  cut  off  by  tlie  Indians,  and  gave  rise  for  the  application  td 
Colonel  Preston."  Here  lollows  the  letter  or  note,  of  which  Mr.  Inncs  then 
made  u  copy,  in  Lis  ineniorandum-book: — 

"  Captain  Cresaj),  IVkat  did  you  kill  my  people  6n  Yelloiv  Creek  for  ?  Tlie 
white  people  killed  my  kin  at  Conestoga,  t  a  great  while  ago ;  and  I  thoiigfit  noth- 
ing of  that.  But  you  killed  my  kin  again,  on  Yellow  Creek,  and  took  my  cousin 
Then  t  thought  I  must  kill  too;  and  1  have  been  three  times  to  teaf 


jn-isoncr 
since 


rce  ;  but  the  Indians  are  not  angiy ;  only  myself." 
It  was  signed,  "  Captain  Joh.t  Loums. 


Not  long  ailer  these  timi's  of  calamities,  which  we  have  recorded  in  the 
life  of  Logan,  he  was  cruelly  nuinhavd,  as  he  wns  on  his  way  home  froirt 
Detroit.  l''or  a  time  |)revi()iis  to  his  death,  he  gave  himself  up  to  infoxica* 
tioii,  which  in  a  short  time  ni>arly  oiiliterated  all  marks  of  the  great  man  ! 

The  fate  of  Cornstock  is  erpially  deplorable,  although  in  the  contcMUjtlation 
of  which,  his  character  does  not  suH'er,  as  docs  that  of  Logan.  He  wan 
cnudly  murdered  by  some  white  soldiers,  while  a  hostage  among  them. 
Aiul  there  is  as  much,  nay,  liir  more,  to  carry  down  his  remembrance  to  pos- 
te-ity,  as  iini  of  tin-  tragical  death  of  ^hrhimedes.  lie  was  not  murdered 
while  actually  drawing  geometrical  (igiu'cs  upon  tin;  ground,  but,  while  ho 
was  explaining  the  g(vigrii|ihy  of  his  country  bv  drawings  U|)on  th«^  floor,  an 
alarm  was  given,  which,  in  d  h'W  minut<>s  alter,  eventuated  in  his  death. 
We  will  now  go  into  an  explanation  of  the  caus<'  and  manner  of  the  nuirdel* 
of  Com.'itork.  It  is  well  known  that  the  war  of  the  revolution  had  involved 
nil,  or  nearly  all,  of  the  Indians  in  drtadliil  calamities.  In  couHccpii^nce  of 
murders  committed  by  the  liulians  on  the  fi'outiers  of  Virginia,  several  coiin 
iianics  marched  to  I'oint  IMiasant,  where  there  had  been  a  l()rt  since  tho 
irnttle  there  in  1774.  Most  of  the  tribes  of  the  north-west,  except  the  Shaw- 
ancM-s,  were  determined  to  light  against  the  Americans.     Cornstock  wished 


•  Mill,  ami  Phijs.  Jour,  pnrt  ii.  p.  \<V1.  t   W'ilher.i,  riirniiicles,  136. 

X  Ailudiiifi^,  I  suppose,  to  ilic  ninssacre  of  the  Cuncatogg  Iiulinns  in  1703. 


Chap.  III.] 


MURDER  OF  CORNSTOCK  AND  OTHERS. 


49 


to  preserve  peace,  and  therefore,  as  the  only  means  in  his  ])ower,  as  ho  had 
used  his  powerful  eloquence  in  vain,  resolved  to  lay  the  Btato  of  aflairs  be- 
fore the  Americans,  that  they  might  avert  the  threatened  storni.  In  the 
spring  of  1777,  he  came  to  the  fort  at  Point  Pleasant,  upon  this  liiendly  mis- 
fiion,  in  company  with  another  chief,  called  Red-hawk.  After  explaining  the 
situation  of  things  with  regard  to  the  confederate  tribes,  ho  said,  in  regard 
to  his  own,  the  Shawanese,  "  The  current  sets  [witii  the  Indians]  ao  strong 
rt^ainst  the  Americans^  in  consaquence  of  the  agcnctj  »/  the  Jintish,  that  thcj/  [the 
.Slia\vanese]  will  float  with  it,  I  fear,  in  spite  of  all  my  crcWioJis."  U|)on  this 
intelligence,  the  commander  of  the  garrison  thought  proper  to  detain  him 
and  Red-hawk  a-s  hostages  to  prevent  the  meditated  calamiticvs.  WJien  Cap- 
tain Arhuckle,  the  connnaiuler  of  the  garrison,  ha<l  notiliud  the  new  govern- 
ment of  Virginia  of  tiie  situation  of  affairs,  and  wh«t  he  had  dune,  forces 
marched  into  that  (country.  A  pu'-tof  them  having  arrived,  vvaited  tor  others 
to  join  them  under  Citmcral  Hand,  on  whom  these  deiM'iidod  (or  jirovisions. 

Meanwhile  the  othcers  held  frequent  conversations  witii  Conutork,  wiio 
took  pieasui*o  in  giving  tiieni  miinite  descriptions  of  hi.s  country,  and  espe- 
cially of  that  jjortion  between  the  Mississippi  and  Missomi.  (lit(>  diiy,  an  he  was 
delineating  a  map  of  it  upon  the  floor,  for  tiie  gratification  of  those  ])rcsent,  a 
call  was  heanl  on  th(!  opi»osit(!  side  of  the  Ohio,  whicli  he  at  oiico  recognized 
as  the  voice  of  liis  son,  Ellinlpsico,  who  had  ibught  at  his  r^.wle  in  the  himons 
battle  of  P»)int  Pleasant,  in  1774,  of  which  we  have  spoken.  At  the  request 
of  his  fiither,  Ellinipsim  cam<!  to  the  Ibrt,  where  they  jiad  an  afrectionate 
.meeting.  This  son  had  become  uneasy  at  his  Mither's  long  absence,  and  had 
at  length  sought  him  out  in  his  e.xilc  here;  prompted  by  those  (('(dings  wliich 
so  much  adorn  human  nature.  The  next  day,  two  men  crossed  the  Kan- 
hawa,  upon  a  hunting  e.xpeditioii.  As  they  were  returning  to  their  boat  aftci" 
their  hunt,  and  w.nv  the  side  of  the  riv(}r,  they  were  finil  upon  .by  soiiie  In- 
dians, and  one  of  tla;  two,  n-.inied  Gilmorc,  was  killed,  lint  the  otiun-  esraped. 
A  party  of  Capt.iin  Hairs  nicn  went  over  and  brought  in  the  body  ol'  Cilmorc; 
whereu|)on  a  cry  \v'as  raised,  "Z.(<  us  go  and  kill  lite  Indians  in  the  fort"  An, 
mfuriated  };ang,  with  Captain  //.//  at  their  head,  set  out  willi  this  nefarious 
'•esohition,  and,  .against  every  remonstrance,  iiroiceded  to  counnit  llu^  deed 
of  blood.  W'itli  their  gnns  cuckid,  they  swore  dcatii  to  any  avIio  shotdd  op- 
nose  them.  In  the  mean  time,  some  ran  to  ;i])pn/e  tlie  devoted  eliiels  of 
their  flansrer.  As  the  murderers  approacluKl,  Klliiiipsiro  discovered  agita- 
tion, which  whim  Conistork  saw,  he  said,  ".1/iy  .wa,  ^18  Curo.l  Spirit  has  seen 
lit  that  ire  should  die  together,  (rut  has  sunt  jioit  to  that  end,.  It  is  his  villi,  ami 
let  ?;.?  suhmit,"  The  imu'dcnis  had  now  arn\ed.  aiid-ilke  old  chief  tnrjird 
around  ami  met  tiieni.  Tliey  sliot  him  tlirougli  with  seven  bull  ■t.-'.  Uo  fell, 
•uid  died  without  a  struggle! 

Ellinipsiro,  though  having  at  first  ap[ieared  disturbed,  met  his  death  with 
tfrcat  composnre.  He  was  shot  upon  the  seat  on  which  lie  was  sitting  when 
his  ti^f(^  was  fu'st  (lisclo.-cd  to  him. 

Uhl-hawk  was  a  young  Delaware  chief,  and,  Wm  EUimpstco,  had  fought 
mder  Cktrnstoek.  lie  ditMl  with  less  I'ortitiule :  having  tried  to  secrete  hiuistelf, 
'\v  was  Hoon  discovered  and  slain.  Another  Indinn.  whose  nanur-'*'nOt 
menti.ined,  'vvhs  mangled  and  mnrdered  in  iIk!  most  barbarous  luanjie^. 
Sudice  if  hore  to  say,  that  this  wu.s  all  that  WUJ*  cdected  by.  t.jio  expedWoifc", 
and  the  forces  so(ui  alter  returned  home.  „   . 

I''ew,  if  any,  chiefs  in  history  are  spoken  of  in  tt^rnis  of  h^^lu  ;•  coumtjiHW^- 
tion  than  Conutotk.    Mr.  // tVAc/w,  ii « riier  <ui  iniiiim  utliiir>i.'>Hpeaksn8  f'JIowg 
«»t'him: 

"Thus  perished  the  mighty  Cornstalk,  sachem  of  tin;  f^li'AVnn(^(«a,'>»ui}T"kih» 
of  the  nortlKMii  conli-deracy,  in  177-4,— a  chief  remarkable  for  inaii5*gmjt  auf 
good  qnalitie.s.     He  was  disposed  to  be  at  all  tinuK  lh(«  liiend  n,-"  n-|iif(>  me/ 
as  he  ever  was  ih--  advocate  of  hoiii»rable  peace,     itnt   wlici  Ms  countr? 
wrongs  'called  aloud  (or  battle,' he  became  the  thimderbult  (»f  war.  and  mo' 
Iier  o|ipressorH  (i^el  the  weight  of  bis  uplilhd  arm."     '•ills  nnble'  bearui/ 
liiH  generous  tuid  disinterested  nttaclnnent  to  tla^  colonicH,  when  tlio  Ikur 

•  In  Ml  "  CItrowIrs,"  a  work,  it  is  our  (iiit;r  to  remnrk,  written  wiili  cnudor  wiil  judnp 


I 
It 

do 
.der 

BttU 


il 


50 


WOLF— PONTIAK. 


[Book  V. 


of  British  cniinoTi  wns  reverberating  tiiroiigli  tlio  land — his  anxiety  to  preserve 
the  frontier  ol"  \'iryi!iiii  from  desojation  and  dcatli,  (the  object  of  his  visit  to 
Point  Pleasant,)  ail  cons])iri d  to  win  for  liini  the  esteem  and  respect  of  otli- 
ers;  while  tlie  iintiuiely  and  perfi(Hons  manner  of  his  death,  caused  a  deep 
and  lasting  regret  to  j)prvade  the  bosoms  even  of  tI;ose  who  were  enemies  to 
his  nation ;  ami  excited  the  jiist  indignation  of  all  towards  his  inhuman  and 
barbarous  murderers." 

.Colonel  fVilson,  |)reseut  at  tlie  interview  between  the  chiefs  and  Governor 
Dunmore  in  1774,  thus  sjieaks  of  Cormtock: — "  Wlien  he  arose,  he  was  in  no 
wise  confused  or  daiuitcd,  but  spoke  in  a  distinct  and  audible  voice,  without 
Vtannnering  or  rcjietition,  and  witli  jx-culiar  eni})liasis.  His  looks,  while  ad- 
dressing Diinmore,  wero  truly  grand  and  majestic;  yet  gracefiii  and  attractive. 
1  have  lieard  the  first  orators  in  Virginia, — Patnck  Hsnn/  and  Richard  Henrt/ 
Lee, — but  never  iiave  f  lieard  one  whose  powers  of  df.hvery  surpassed  those 
of  Cornstalk." 

Ten  years  after  the  bloody  affair  above  related,  an  able  writer*  up«)n  tjiof^^e 
times  says,  "Tlie  blood  of  the  great  Cor.nstock  and  of  his  gallant  son  wiva 
mingled  Avitb  the  dust,  but  their  memory  is  not  lost  in  oblivion."  But  how 
few  at  this  day  know  of  his  flite,  or  even  that  such  a  chief  ever  existed !  and, 
at  the  same  time,  the  same  ))ei"sons  woidd  be  indignant,  were  we  to  suppose 
them  ignorant  of  the  fiite  of  the  monster  Pizarro. 

We  hear  of  one  sOn  who  survived  Comslock,  who  was  conspicuoiis  in  some 
early  events  of  the  revolution.  Hi;  was  a  chief,  and  known  among  the  whites 
by  the  name  of  the  Woi.k.  He  wan  a  hostage,  with  thn^e  others,  at  Williams- 
l)urgli,  M'heii  (Jovernor  Dunmore  fled  on  board  a  man-of-war  to  escape  the 
fury  of  the  risvohitionists.  Aiier  the  governor  had  gat  off,  he  sent  for  the 
Indians  to  come  to  jiim,  whi<'h  fliey  did.  He  then  exjdained  to  them  fli(? 
reason  of  his  flight,  and  directed  them  to  fly  also,  or  they  would  surely  be 
nun-deretl  tlie  next  day.  They  fled  into  the  woods,  and  owmg  to  th(^  dju'kness 
of  the  night,  lost  on<!  of  their  companions,  and  the  ff'olf  and  another  soon 
after  returned  to  WJIliaiTisburgb,  and  were  well  i-eceived  by  the  iidiabitants. 
The  object  of  the  gov(!rnor  was  V(  ry  obvious. 

As  great  a  warrior,  perhaps,  as  any  who  have  lived  among  the  nations  of  the 
west,  we  shall  in  the  next  place  proceed  to  give  an  account  of!     This  was 

PONTIAK,  a  chief  of  the  (Jttoway  nation,  whose  tiime,  in  his  time,  wa^:not 
alone  confined  to  his  own  contiiu'ut ;  but  the  ga/cttes  of  Europe  spreail  it  also. 

(.)ue  v,ho  knew  this  chief,  and  tlie  tribes  over  whom  he  had  sway,  thus 
speaks  of  them  in  17V}ii: — "The  Indians  on  flu;  lakes  are  generally  at  ])eace 
with  one  another,  having  a  wid(?  extended  and  liMiiffid  country  in  their 
posscfision.  They  are  fiirnied  imo  a  sort  of  emi>ire,  and  the  emperor  i.'. 
elected  from  t!i(!  eldest  trilc,  which  is  the  Ottawawas,  some  of  whom  inhabit 
near  our  liirt  at  Detroit,  but  are  mostly  t'urther  westward,  towards  lli(>  i\iissl>;- 
sippi.  Pontmrk  is  their  pn  s(>ut  kingoreui|)eror,  who  has  certaiidy  (lie  large^:t 
eiii|iir(!  and  greatest  authority  of  any  Indian  chief  that  has  ajijienred  on  ll!i> 
;  ontineut  since;  om-  ae(iuaijitance  with  it.  [[c.  ))uls  on  an  air  of  uiajesiy  and 
p'iiicely  trrandeur,  and  is  irr.'aJly  honored  and  revered  by  his  suliiects."f 

In  17(10,  IMajor  Rotrtrs  marched  into  his  country,  in  fiillilling'  his  orders  of 
tiiFldacing  the  Freiudi,  al^er  (lie  fidl  of  Uueliec.t  A))pri/ed  of  his  approach. 
Foi  link  sent  ambassadors  to  inlorm  him  that  their  chief  was  not  liir  ofli  and 
desired  him  to  halt  until  he  could  see  him  "wi(h  his  own  eyes,"  and  (o  in- 
form him  that  lu^  was  the  king  an<l  lord  of  the  coimtry. 

PonVvtk  soon  met  tiie  l",nglisli  officer,  an<l  dmaiuh'd  his  business  into  his 
country,  luid  how  it  ciuiie  about  that  he  dared  e.itir  it  without  his  permission. 
V\  hen  the  colonel  told  luin  he  had  no  design  against  the  Indians,  and  only 
V  islied  to  iiMuovc  (ho  I'reiicli,  their  common  enemy,  and  <'ause  of  all  their 
trouble,  delivering  him  at  the  same  time  several  belts  of  wamjxim,  Pnntink 
replied,"!  stimil  in  (he  path  you  travel  in,  (uitil  to-morrow  morning,"  and 
gave  him  a  belt.  This  communication  was  understood,  and  "was  as  much 
;is  to  SUV,"  sayw  the  actor,  "I   nmst  not  march  (iirther  without  his  leave," 


*  In  Ciirni'f  Muswiti,  iv.  14(1  t  Koicrrt'ii  Arrniint  nf  Sorlh  Amtrica,  240. 

}  Hiirlif is' i-i  au  Ali^.'iiijiiin  «.  ril,  figiiifying  a  (^Iruit.    CliurUvoir, 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  Ill  ] 


PONTIAK. 


^ 


The  colonel  continues:  "When  he  departed  ibrtlie  night,  he  inquired  whetlier 
I  wanted  any  thing  that  his  country  afforded,  and  [if  I  did]  lie  would  send 
his  warriors  to  (etch  it.  I  assured  him  that  any  provisions  they  brought 
should  be  paid  for ;  and  the  next  da^  we  were  supplied  by  tiieiu  with  several 
bags  of  parched  corn,  and  sonic  otlier  necessaries.  At  our  second  meeting, 
he  gave  me  tlie  pipe  of  peace,  and  both  of  us  by  turns  smoked  with  it;  and 
he  assured  me  he  had  made  peace  with  me  and  my  detachment ;  that  1  might 
pass  througii  his  country  uiiinok.sted,  ;md  relievo  the  French  garrison;  and 
that  he  would  j)rotect  me  and  my  jiaity  Irom  any  insults  tliat  might  he  offered 
or  intended  by  the  Indians ;  and,  ;^-  an  earnest  of  his  friendship,  lie  sent  100 
warriors  to  protect  and  assist  ii.s  in  driving  100  ikt  cattle,  which  we  had 
brought  for  the  use  of  the  detacliment  from  Pittsburgh,  by  the  way  of  Presijue- 
Isle.  He  likewise  sent  to  the  several  liulian  towns  on  the  south  side 
and  west  end  of  Lake  Eric  to  iniijrm  them  that  1  Iiad  Iiis  consent  to  come  into 
the  country.  Me  iitt.'iided  me  cuiistanlly  after  tliis  iiUerview  till  [  arrived  at 
Detroit,  and  while  I  remained  in  tlic  coimtry,  and  was  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing the  detaciunent  from  the  fury  of  the  Indians,  wiio  had  assembled  at  the 
moutii  of  the  strait,  witli  an  intent  to  cut  us  off.  I  iiad  several  conferences  with 
him,  ill  whicii  he  tliscovcred  great  strength  of  judgment,  and  a  thirst  after 
knowledge." 

This  same  officer  observes,  that  he  discovered  much  curiosity  at  their  equi- 
page, and  w'i/hed  to  kiiow  liow  their  clothes  \v<,'re  made,  luid  to  learn  tlieii 
mode  of  wur.  Ho  expressed  a  willingness  to  ackno\vk'dg(!  the  kingof  I'higland, 
tIi()U,i;Ii  not  as  his  suitiuior,  but  as  his  uncle,  which  lie  woidd  acknowledge, 
as  he  \vas  able,  in  iurs.  England  was  much  in  his  thoughts,  and  ho  olteu 
expressed  a  disire  to  see  it.  lie  told  Colonel  Rollers  that,  if  he  would  conduct 
him  th(!re,  he  would  give  him  a  part  ol'his  country. 

He  was  w  illing  to  grant  tin;  English  fiivors,  an<l  allow  them  to  settle  in 
his  dominions,  but  not  unless  Ik;  could  he  viewed  as  sovTereign;  and  he  gave 
them  to  understand,  that,  unless  they  conducted  thenuselve-  agreeably  to  his 
wishes,  "he  would  shut  up  the  way,"  and  keep  them  out.  Hence  it  is  fair, 
within  the  scop;-  of  the  most  reasonable  conjecture,  to  conclude,  that  his  final 
disafrectioii  to  the  Ijiiglish  was  owing  to  their  haughty  carfiage, and  maltreat- 
ment of  him  and  his  |jeople. 

The  jirinciiial  scenes  of  his  prowess  were  at  Michilimakinak  and  Detroit. 
The  French  finally  gave  u\)  jiossession  in  Canada,  in  17(i0  ;  but  many  of  the 
Indian  nations  who  hud  ln'come  attached  to  iht.-m  were  taught,  at  the  same 
time,  to  hate  the  English.  Poidiuk  was  most  conspicuous  in  his  enmity,  al- 
thougii,  until  he  had  united  the  strength  of  many  tribes  to  his,  he  siiowed 
great  kindness  and  friendslrp  towards  them.  The  Miamis,  Otfawas,  Clii|)|)e- 
was,  Wyandots,  I'ottowat'  nies,  AIissi^sagas,  Shawanese,  Ottagamies,  and 
Winnebagoes,  constituted  his  power,  as,  in  atler-time,  they  did  that  of  TV- 
cumstlu 

There  was  more  system  employed  by  this  distinguished  man  than,  jierhaps, 
by  JUiy  otiier  of  his  countrymen  upon  any  similar  undertaking,  not  excepting 
even  .MiidcoiiKl  or  Tecaiimli,  In  his  war  of  17(i;t,  uliich  is  justly  dcuioininated 
"  l'onluic\'j  war,"  he  appointed  a  e»)nnnissary,  and  began  lo  make  and  issue 
hills  of  credit,  all  of  which  he  at'erwards  careU.ily  rcdciMued.  He  made;  his 
bills  or  notes  of  hark,  on  whicii  was  drawn  I  lie  lij:ure  of  tia;  rommodity  he 
wanted  li)r  it.  The  shape  <i|' an  utter  was  drawn  undi  r  that  of  the  article 
wanted,  and  an  otter  was  the  insignia  (U*  arms  of  his  nation.  Me  had  also, 
with  great  sagariiy,  lu'gcul  upon  his  peoph;  the  necessity  of  dispeiLsing  alto- 
gether with  European  commodities,  to  have  no  intercourse  with  any  whites, 
and  lo  depend  entirely  upun  their  ancient  modes  of  procuring  sustenance.* 

Major  (llndirin  hehi  pussession  of  Detroit  in  I7(>t.  Having  been  despatched 
thither  by  (iencral  .  Iinlnryt,  he  had  b< ci  iiili'rmed  by  connnissioiiers  ^vllo  had 
been  explorini.'  the  countiy,  tiial  hostile  feerm;;s  were  miiiiili'sied  among  'ho 
Indians,  and  In-  sent  mer  on  purpom-  lo  ascertain  the  (l»ct,  who,  on  their  re- 
turn, dissipated  all  (i-art. 
"In  l/tn,"  says  .Major /fo;crr«,  "wlieiil  went  to  throw  provisionH  into  the 


Jiojri^'t  Coiiriti'  ArrouKt  of  Xortli  Amrricu,  .11. 


I 


52 


PONTIAK  CAPTURES  MICHILIMAKINAK. 


{Book  V 


garrison  at  Detroit,  I  sent  this  Indian  a  bottle  of  brandy  by  a  Frenchman. 
His  counsolloi-s  advised  him  not  to  taste  if,  insinuating  that  it  was  poisoned, 
and  sent  with  a  design  to  i<iii  him  ;  l)nt  Pqnteack,  witli  a  nobleness  of  mind, 
laughed  at  tjjcir  suspicions,  saying  it  was  not  in  my  power  to  kill  hiin,  who 
had  so  lately  saved  mjf  lift'."  *  ' 

Several  tnuU'rs  had  brought  news  to  the  fort  at  Michilimakinak,  that  the 
Indians  were  iiostile  to  the  English.  Major  Elheringlon  coimnanded  tiie  gar- 
ri^-on,  and  would  believe  notliing  of  it.  A  Mr.  Duchurlne  conunnnicated 
the  iidbnnution  to  the  major,  wJio  was  m\ich  displeased  at  it,  "  and  threatened 
to  send  the  next  person  who  should  bring  a  slory  of  the  same  kind  a  prisoner 
to  Detroit."! 

The  garrison,  at  this  time,  consisted  of  DO  men,  besides  two  subalterns  and 
the  connnander-in-chief.  There  were  also  at  the  fort  four  English  merchants. 
Little  regard  was  paid  to  the  assembling  of  sundry  bands  of  Indians,  as  they 
appeared  friendly;  but  when  nearly  4G0  of  them  were  scattered  up  and  down 
throughout  the  place,  "I  took  the  liberty,"  says  Mr.  Henn/,  "of  obsei-ving  to 
Major  iLV/icring'/o??,  that,  in  my  judgment,  no  confidence  ought  to  be  placed 
in  them  ;  in  return,  the  major  only  rallied  me  on  my  timidity." 

On  the  fnnrth  of  June,  the  king's  birth  day,  the  Indians  began,  as  if  to  annise 
themselves,  to  j)lay  at  a  favorite  game  of  ball,  which  they  called  baggatiicay, 
which  is  thus  described  by  I\Ir. //cnny; — "It  is  played  with  a  bat  and  ball, 
the  bat  being  about  four  feet  in  length,  ciu'ved,  and  terminated  in  a  sort  of 
racket.  Two  posts  are  placed  in  the  groimd,  at  a  considerable  distance  from 
each  other,  as  a  mile  or  more.  l*'ach  party  has  its  post,  and  the  game  con- 
sists in  throwing  the  ball  ii[t  to  the  jiost  of  the  adversary.  The  bull,  at  the 
beginning,  is  jilaced  in  the  middle  of  the  course,  and  each  i)arty  entleavors  as 
well  to  throw  the  ball  eut  of  the  direction  of  its  own  jjost,  as  into  that  of  the 
adversary's.  This  farce  drew  many  off  their  guard,  and  some  of  the  garrison 
went  out  to  witness  the  sport. 

"  The  game  of  baggatiway,  (he  continnes,)  as  froui  the  description  above 
will  have  been  perceived,  is  necessarily  attended  with  nnich  noise  and  vio- 
lence. In  the  arilor  of  contest,  the  ball,  as  has  been  suggested,  if  it  cannot 
be  thrown  to  the  goal  desired,  is  struck  in  any  direction  l)y  which  it  can  be 
diverted  from  that  designed  by  the  adversary.  At  such  a  monicnt,  therefore, 
nothing  could  be  less  liable  to  excite  prematin-e  alarm,  than  that  the  ball  shouhl 
be  tossed  over  the  ])ickets  of  the  Ibrt,  nor  that,  having  fallen  there,  it  should 
))e  fbUowed,  <)n  the  instant,  by  all  engaged  in  the  game,  as  well  the  one  party 
as  the  other,  all  eager,  all  striving,  all  shouting,  all  in  the  imrestraiued  jiursuit 
of  a  rude  athleti<'  exercise."  yXnd  this  was  their  plan,  while  in  the  height  of 
tluiir  game,  to  throw  their  ball  within  the  pickets  of  the  fort,  and  then  all  to 
rush  in,  and,  in  the  midst  of  their  hubbub,  to  murder  the  garrison;  and  it 
succeeded  to  tiieir  wishes.  They  struck  tin;  ball  over  the  stockade,  as  if  by 
accidezit,  an<l  reiieated  it  several  times,  riinning  in  and  out  of  tlu?  fort  with  all 
fntedom,  "to  inakt;  the  deception  more  conij)lete  ;"|  and  th(;n,  rushing  in  in 
every  direction,  took  possession  of"tli('  placi;  without  the  least  resistance. 

They  murdered  the  soldiers,  imtii  tliiir  nund>ers  were  so  diminished,  that 
they  npprelii'udi  (I  nothing  from  their  resistance  ;  many  of  whom  were  ran- 
somed at  .'Montreal  afh'rwards,  at  a  great  |)rice.  Seventy  were  put  to  death, 
and  the  other  twenty  r(  s(>i;ved  fiir  slaves.  A  few  ihiys  alh>r,  a  boat  from 
Montreal,  without  knowing  what  had  ha|)|)eiied,  came  ashore  with  Knglish 
j)assengers,  wUn  all  till  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  Poiiliak  was  not  per- 
sonally concerned  in  this  affair,  but  it  was  a  ])art  of  his  design,  and,  there- 
fore, is  \ery  properly  here  related.  A  chief  named  Menehwehna  was  the 
commimiler  in  that  afiiiir.  § 

It  was  oidy  l.l  days  from  the  time  the  first  blow  was  struck,  before  Pontiak 
had  taken  p<>ssession  of  every  garrison  in  the  west  exctspt  three.     No  loM 

*  Till-  AMii-  It'iiinnl.  wliimi  wt-  rullciwcd  in  llu-  (ornicr  ('dilioiH,  (not  then  posiscMing  Rogers's 
own  ii<-iiiiiiil.)  (IcM's  not  niirralr  lliis  circiMnsliinic  lailliliilly, 

t  TrincK  in  Ciiiiiiilii,  l)y  .Mfimid  r  lliiini,  \',st\.,  lVi)in  wlilcli  llio  following  acconnl  of  the 
<K"<iriii'ii<in  lil'  Micliilinuikiiiiik  is  liikcn. 

J  (.'.tni'i-'.i  'I'rinrN,  i;(,  ,'(),  cmIiI.  !Ko.  LoikI.  178k  ^  Ilatnj's  Travels,  ut  supra. 


[Book  V 


Chap.  III.]        PONTIAK.— STRATAGEM  TO  TAKE  DETROIT.  53 

Ihun  10  were,  in  this  short  apace,  reduced  Detroit  alono  remained  in  tliat 
distant  region,  and,  as  will  presently  be  seen,  this  was  brought  to  tlic  very 
brink  of  the  most  awful  precipice  of  which  the  imagination  can  conceive. 
The  names  of  those  captui'ed  at  this  time  were  Le  Boeuf,  Venango, 
Presq'lsle,  on  or  near  Lake  Erie  ;  La  Bay,*  upon  Lake  Michigan  ;  St.  Joseph's, 
upon  the  river  of  that  name:  Miamis,  upon  the  Miami  River;  Ouachtanon, 
upon  the  Ouabache;  Sundusky,  upon  Lake  Juuundat;  and  Michilunakinak.f 

The  garrison  at  Detroit  was  closely  besieged  by  Pontine,  in  person,  before 
the  news  of  the  massacre  of  Fort  Michilimakinak  arrived  there.  It  was 
j];arrisoned  by  about  300  men,  and  when  Ponliac  came  with  his  warriors, 
ulihough  in  great  immbers,  they  were  so  intorinixed  with  women  and  children, 
and  Itrought  so  many  conunodities  for  trade,  that  no  suspicion  was  excited, 
either  in  tlie  mind  of  Majoi-  Glculwin,  or  the  irdml)itants.  He  encamped  a 
little  distance  from  the  fort,  and  sent  to  the  major  to  inform  him  that  lie  was 
conii!  to  trade,  and,  preparatory  thereto,  wished  to  hold  a  talk  with  iiim  for 
the  pin'|)osc  of  "  brightening  the  chain  of  peace  "  between  the  English  and 
his  people.  No  suspicion  was  yet  entertained,  and  the  major  readily  con- 
sented, and  the  next  morning  was  fixed  upon  for  the  council. 

The  same  evening,  a  circumstance  transpired  which  saved  the  gaiTison 
from  II  dreadful  massacre.  An  Indian  woman,  who  had  made  a  pair  of 
moccasins  for  IMujor  Gladwin,  out  of  a  curious  elk  skin,  brought  them  to  him, 
and  returned  the  remainder  of  the  skin.  Being  much  pleased  with  thetn, 
the  major  wished  her  to  take  the  skin  and  make  another  pair,  as  he  had  con- 
cluded to  give  the  others  to  a  friend,  and  what  was  left  to  make  into  shoes 
for  herseiil  She  was  then  paid  for  her  work,  and  dismissed.  But  when 
those  wiiose  duty  it  was  to  see  that  the  fort  was  clear  of  stranger?,  and  to 
close  the  gates  for  the  night,  went  upon  their  duty,  this  woman  was  found 
loitering  in  tiie  area,  and,  being  asked  what  she  wanted,  made  no  reply. 
Tiio  major,  being  informed  of  her  singular  demeanor,  directed  her  to  be  con- 
ducted into  his  presence,  which  being  done,  he  asked  her  why  she  did  not 
depart  before  the  gates  were  shut.  She  replied,  with  some  hesitation,  that 
slie  ditl  not  wish  to  take  away  the  skin,  as  lu;  set  so  great  a  value  upon  it. 
This  answer  was  delivered  in  such  a  manner,  that  the  major  was  rathm*  dis- 
satisfied with  it,  and  asked  her  why  she  had  not  made  the  same  objection  on 
taking  it  in  the  first  place.  This  rather  confiised  lier,  and  she  s-aid  that  if 
she  took  it  away  now,  she  never  should  be  able  to  return  it 

It  was  now  evident  that  she  withheld  something  which  she  wished  to  com- 
municate, but  was  restrained  through  four.  But  on  being  assured  by 
Major  Gladwin  that  she  should  not  be  betrayed,  but  should  be  protected  and 
rewcinled,  if  the  infbrniation  was  valuable,  she  said  that  the  chiefs  who 
wen;  to  meet  him  in  council  the  next  day  had  contrived  to  murder  him,  and 
take  the  garrison,  and  put  all  the  inhabitiuits  to  death.  Each  chief,  she 
said,  would  come  to  the  council,  with  so  nmch  cut  oft"  of  his  gun,  that  he 
could  conceal  it  under  his  blanket ;  that  Pontine  was  to  give  the  signal, 
while  delivering  his  speech,  which  was,  when  he  should  tiraw  his  peace 
belt  of  wampum,  and  present  it  to  the  major  in  a  certain  maimer ;  and 
iliiit,  while  the  council  was  sitting,  us  many  of  the  warriors  as  could  should 
assemble  within  the  fort,  urmod  in  the  same  manner,  under  the  pretence  of 
trading  with  the  garrison. 

Having  got  all  the  information  necessary,  the  woman  was  dischurge<l,  and 
Major  iiladmn  hud  every  precaution  taken  to  put  the  garrison  into  the  best 
possible  state  for  defence.  He  imparted  the  discovtiry  to  his  men,  and 
instructed  them  how  to  act  at  the  ap|»roaching  council ;  at  the  same  time 
sending  to  all  the  traders  in  ditl'erent  directions  to  be  upon  their  guard. 

The  next  mtniiing  having  iirrived,  every  countenance  wore  a  dilferort 
aspect ;  the  hour  of  the  council  wiw  fiist  approaching,  and  the  ipiick  step 
and  nervous  exercise  in  every  evolution  of  the  soldiers  were  expressive  of 

*  So  cttlloil  Uy  llio  I^rt'iu'li,  wlio  built  it,  liccauso  it  stood  at  llio  cxtrcinitv  ol'a  hnv  in  Mlriii- 
gaii,  called  "  I,e  Hairdos  I'liuiils,'"  now  (irRcn  Hay.  It  wn«  Inltcii  l)y  llic  .Munoniiiro') ;  ilic 
garrison  runsistcd  ol.Tt)  men.     .Srn  Carter's  Travels,  21,  2'2. 

\  Uoiiqiiil's  Ohio  Kxpi'dilion,  Int.  iii. 


54 


PONTIAK.— SIEGE  OF  DETROIT. 


[Book  V. 


an  approaching  event,  big  with  their  destiny.  It  was  heightened  in  the  past 
night,  wlien  a  cry  was  heard  in  the  Indium  encampment  different  from  what 
was  nsiial  on  peace  occasions.  Tlic  garrison  fires  were  extingnished,  and 
every  man  repaired  to  his  post.  But  the  ciy  being  heard  no  more,  the  re- 
mainder of  the  night  was  passed  in  silence. 

The  appointed  honr  of  tcni  o'clock  arrived,  and  also  as  pnnctiial  arrived 
Pontine  and  his  .'}(>  chiefs,  followed  by  a  train  of  warriore.  When  the  stip- 
ulated number  had  entered  the  garrison,  the  gates  were  closed;  The  chlels 
observed  attentively  the  troops  under  arms,  marching  from  place  to  place  ; 
two  columns  nearly  inclosing  the  council  house,  and  both  facing  towards  it. 
On  Pontiiic's  entering  it,  lie  demanded  of  Major  Gladwin  tlie  cause  of  so 
nnich  parade,  and  why  his  men  were  under  arms ;  lie  said  it  was  an  odd 
manner  of  liolding  a  council.  The  major  told  him  it  was  only  to  exercise 
them.  The  Indians  being  seated  u[)on  the  skins  iirepared  for  them,  Pontiac 
commenced  his  s[)eech,  and  when  he  came  to  the  signal  of  [iresenting  tiie 
belt,  the  governor  and  his  atKMidants  drawing  their  swords  half  out  of  their 
scabbards,  and  tlu;  soldiers  ctiiiching  their  guns  with  firnniess,  discovered  to 
the  chiefs,  !)y  their  i)ieuiiar  attitudes,  tiiat  their  plot  was  discovered.  Pontiac, 
with  all  his  bravery,  turned  pale,  and  every  chief  showed  signs  of  astonish- 
ment. To  avoid  an  ojjen  detection,  tlie  signal  in  passing  the  belt  was  not 
given,  and  Po«/jac  cIos;}d  his  speech,  which  contained  many  professions  of 
respect  and  affei-tion  to  the  English.  But  when  Major  Gladwin  commenced 
his,  be  did  not  iiul  directly  to  re|)roach  Pontiac  with  treachery;  told  him  he 
could  not  do  any  t)iing  to  insnai'e  the  English,  and  that  be  knew  his  whole 
diabolical  plan.  Pontiac  tried  to  excuse  hiniselt)  and  to  make  Major  Gladivin 
believe  tluit  hv.  had  Iai(^  no  plot ;  upon  which  the  major  step|)ed  to  the  cin'ef 
nearest  hinisolf,  and,  drawing  aside  his  blanket,  exposed  his  short  gun,  whicii 
completed  their  confusion. 

The  governor,  for  such  was  I\Iajor  Gladwin,  ordered  Pontine  to  leave  the 
fort  innnediateiVj  ibr  it  would  be  with  difficulty  he  could  restrain  his  men 
from  cutting  jiim  in  pieces,  should  they  know  the  circinnstances.  The  gov- 
ernor was  adcrwards  blamed  ii)r  thus  suffering  them  to  witiidraw,  witiiout 
retaining  several  of  them  as  hostages  for  the  quiet  behavior  of  the  rest ;  liiit 
he,  having  passed  his  word  tliat  they  should  come  and  go  without  binderanco 
or  restraint,  merit(  d,  perhaps,  less  censure  for  keeping  it,  and  respecting  his 
honor,  than  tiiose  who  reproached  him. 

A  furious  attack  was  the  next  day  made  upon  the  fort.  Eveiy  stratagem 
wiLs  resorted  to.  At  one  time  they  filled  a  cart  with  combustibles,  and  run 
it  against  the  pickets,  to  set  them  on  fire.  At  another,  they  were  about  to  set 
fire  to  the  church,  by  shooting  f.ery  arrows  into  it;  but  religious  scruples 
averted  tlu;  execution, — a  Ercnch  priest  telling  Pontiac  that  it  v/ould  call 
down  the  anger  of  God  upon  him.  They  had  frequently,  during  th(!  siege, 
endeavored  to  cut  down  the  pickets  so  as  to  make  a  breach.  3Iajor  Gladwin 
ordered  his  men,  at  last,  to  cut  on  the  inside  at  the  same  time,  and  assist  them. 
This  was  done,  and  when  a  breach  was  made,  there  was  a  rush  upcn  the 
outside  towards  the  breach,  and  at  the  same  instant,  a  brass  fbur-])oinider, 
whicli  had  Imen  levelled  for  the  purpose,  was  shot  off,  which  made  a  dread- 
fid  slaughter  imiong  them.  Aller  this  they  merely  blockaded  the  fort,  and 
cut  ort"  its  supplies,  and  the  I'.nglish  were  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress, 
and  for  some  time  subsisted  upon  half  rations. 

There  was  great  ditHi'ulty  in  throwing  succor  into  the  gamson  at  Detroit, 
as  there  was  smdi  an  extent  of  country  h^-tween  it  and  the  other  most  west- 
ern posts,  in  jiossessiiin  of  the  I'^iUglish.  !''ort  Pitt  and  Niagara  had  been 
besii'ged,  and  all  connnimieation  for  a  long  time  cut  off;  the  former  biul  been 
reduced  to  great  extninities,  but  they  were  at  length  relieved  by  Colonel 
Bouqud.  Captain  l)ali)cll  was  at  the  same  time  sent  tor  the  relief  of  Detroit, 
wheni  he  ariived  on  'iH  .Inly,  17(IH.*  A  blood^'  scene  was  shortly  to  Ibllow. 
Captain  Ihilmll,  with  'i  17  men,  went  out  of  the  Ibrt  to  surprise  Pontiac  in  hia 
canqi ;  but  tlie  wary  cliitif  had  runners  out,  who  gave  him  timely  notice,  and 


Bouquet's  Expedition,  Iiitrod,  iv. 


Chap.  111.] 


PONTIAK.— BATTLE  OF  BLOODY  BRIDGE. 


\ 

55        \ 


he  met  them  in  an  advantageous  place,  and,  lieing  vastly  superior  m  numbers, 
and  concealed  behind  a  picket  fence,  near  a  bridge  where  the  Englisli  were 
to  pass,  poured  in  upon  thcni  a  dreadful  fire.  Ulany  fell  at  the  first  onset, 
but  they  kept  tiieir  order,  and  exerted  themselves  to  regain  the  bridge  they 
had  just  passed.  They  effecfcd  their  purpose,  but  many  icll  in  the  attempt, 
among  whom  was  Captain  DiihjdL  I'hc!  famous  INIujor  Rvgtrs,  the  second 
in  command,  and  Lieutenant  Brelnn,  with  about  200  others,  recovered  the 
fort.  This  bridge,  wjierc  so  many  brave  men  were  slain,  is  called  to  this  day 
Bloody  Bridge. 

Pontiac  ordered  the  head  of  Ca|)tain  Dali/ell  to  be  cut  off  and  set  upon  a 

Cost.  Between  eighty  and  a  hundred  (hjad' bodies  were  counted  upon  the 
ridge  the  next  morning,  which  entirely  blocked  up  its  passage. 
We  have  tliought  proper  to  give  tliis  account  as  it  is  generally  found  in 
Qur  histories,  but  liaving  been  put  in  po.^SiJssion  of  the  olHcial  return  of  Sir 
J''Jjenj  JlmhcTstf  ujimUely  detailing  tliis  important  affair  of  liloody  Bridge, 
we  will  lay  it  before  the  reader,  as  it  appeared  at  the  time.  From  which  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  common  report  \a  probably  erroneous  in  some  of  its  most 
important  features. 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  -jOth  of  July,  Captain  Daljell,  aid-de-eamj)  to  Gen- 
eral Amherst,  being  arrivwl  here  with  the  detachment  sent  under  his  command, 
and  being  fully  persuaded  that  Pontiac,  the  Indian  chief,  with  his  tribes,  would 
soon  abaiulon  his  design,  and  retire,  insisted  with  the  commandant,  that 
thoy  might  easily  be  surprised  in  their  canip,  totally  routed,  and  driven  out 
of  the  settlement;  and  it  was  thereupon  ilefermined,  that  Ca])tain  Dalyell 
should  mai'ch  out  with  247  men.  Accordi^igly,  we  marched  about  half  an 
hour  after  two  in  the  morning,  two  deep,  along  the  great  road  by  the  river 
eide,  two  boats  up  the  river  along  shore,  with  a  patt.-raro  in  each,  with  orders 
to  keep  up  with  the  line  of  march,  cover  our  retreat,  and  take  off  our  killed 
and  wounded  ;  Lieutenant  Bean,  of  the  Qtieen's  Independents,  being  ordered, 
with  a  rear  guard,  to  convey  the  dead  and  wounded  to  the  boats.  About  a 
mile  and  a  half  from  the  fort,  wc  had  orders  to  form  into  platoons,  and,  if 
attacked  in  the  front,  to  fin;  by  street-brings.  We  then  advanced,  and,  in 
about  a  mile  further,  our  advanced  guard,  connnanded  by  Lieutenant  Brown, 
of  the  .')5th  reginiv  ',  VtxA  been  fired  upon  so  close  to  the  enemy's  breastworks 
and  cover,  that  the  fire,  being  very  heavy,  not  only  killed  and  wounded  some 
of  his  jiarty,  but  reached  the  main  body,  which  put  the  whole  into  a  little 
confusion ;  but  they  soon  n  covered  their  order,  and  gave  the  enemy,  or 
rather  their  works,  it  biing  \  ery  dark,  a  discharge  or  two  fi*om  the  front, 
connnanded  by  Captain  Grmj.  At  the  same  tinte,  the  rear,  coumlanded  by 
Captain  Grant,  were  fired  upon  froui  a  hou-sc,  and  some  fences  about  twenty 
yards  on  his  left;  on  which  he  ordered  his  own  and  Captain  Hopkins's  com- 
panies to  face  to  the  left,  and  give  a  fiili  fire  that  way.  After  which,  it 
appearing  that  the  enemy  gave;  way  every  where.  Captain  Dahjcll  sent 
orders  to  Captain  Grant,  to  take  possi;ssion  of  the  above-said  houses  and 
fences;  whicii  he  inunediatcly  did;  and  found  in  one  of  the  said  houses  two 
men,  who  told  him,  the  enemy  had  been  there  long,  and  were  well  apprized 
of  our  design.  Captain  Grant  then  asked  them  the  nundiera;  they  said, 
above  300;  and  tiuit  they  intended,  as  soon  as  they  had  attacked  us  in  the 
front,  to  get  bctwcM-n  us  and  the  fort ;  which  Captain  Grant  told  Captain  Dal- 
yell,  who  came  to  him  when  the  firing  was  over.  And  in  about  an  hour  after, 
"lie  cai.  1  to  liiui  again,  and  told  Captaui  Grant  lie  was  to  retire,  and  ordcsred 
him  to  march  in  tlu;  front,  and  ()ost  himself  in  an  orchanl.  lie  then  march- 
ed, and  about  half  a  mile  farther  on  his  retreat,  he  had  some  shots  fired  on 
his  flank;  but  got  possession  of  the  orchard,  which  was  well  fenced;  and 
jus'  as  h(!  got  there,  he  heard  a  warm  firing  in  the  r<>ar,  having,  at  the  same 
tijiie,  a  firing  on  his  own  post,  from  the  fences  and  corn-fields  behind  it.  Lieu- 
tenant .WDoutral,  who  acted  as  adjutant  to  the  detachment,  came  up  to  him, 
(("a|)tain  Grmi/,)  and  told  him,  that  Captain  Wa/i/cM  was  killed,  anci  Captain 
Gniii  very  nnicli  woumh-d,  in  making  a  push  on  the  enemj, and  forcing  them 
out  ol'u  strong  bn^astwork  ot'eord-wood,  and  an  intrenchment  which  they  had 
taken  possession  of;  and  tliat  the  cnrmnand  then  de vol  »'((d  upon  him.  Lieu- 
tL'uant  Bean  inunediately  came  up,  and  luld  him,  that  Captain  Rogers  had 


\ 


Tie 


PONTIAK  ATTACKS  A  VESSEL  AND  IS  REPULSED.     [Book  V. 


desired  him  to  tell  Captain  Grant,  that  he  had  taken  possession  of  a  house, 
and  that  ho  had  better  retire  with  what  numbers  he  had,  as  he  (Ca])tain  Rogers) 
could  not  get  ()(?■  without  the  boats  to  cover  him,  he  being  hard  pushed  by  the 
enemy  from  the  enclosures  behind  him,  some  of  which  scoyred  the  road 
through  which  he  must  retire.  Captain  Grant  then  sent  Ensign  Pauli,  with 
20  men,  back  to  attack  a  part  of  the  enemy  which  annoyed  his  own  [)08t  a 
little,  and  galled  those  that  were  joining  him,  fi'om  the  place  where  Captain 
Dalijell  was  killed,  and  Captain  Gray,  Lieutenants  Broim  and  Luke,  were 
wounded ;  which  Ensign  Pauli  did,  and  killed  some  of  the  enemy  in  their 
flight.  Captain  Grant,  at  the  same  time,  detached  all  the  men  he  could  get, 
and  took  possession  of  the  enclosures,  barns,  fences,  &c.  leading  from  his 
own  post  to  the  fort,  wliich  posts  he  reinforced  with  the  officers  aud  men,  as 
they  came  up.  Thinking  the  retreat  then  secured,  he  sent  back  to  Captain  Rog- 
ers, desiring  he  would  come  off;  that  the  retreat  was  quite  secured,  and  the 
<lifferent  parties  ordered  to  cover  one  another  successively,  until  the  whole  had 
joined  ;  but  Captain  Rogers  not  finding  it  right  to  risk  the  loss  of  more  men,  he 
chose  to  wait  tor  the  armed  bouts,  one  of  which  appeared  soon,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  Brehm,  whom  Captain  Grant  had  directed  to  go  and  cover  Captain 
Rogers's  retreat,  who  was  in  the  next  house.  Lieutenant  Brehm  accordingly 
went,  and  fired  several  shots  at  the  enemj'.  Lieutenant  Mbolt,  with  the 
other  .boat,  wanting  ammunition,  went  down  with  Ca))tain  Graij.  Lieuten- 
ant Broum.  and  some  wounded  men  returned  also,  which  Captain  Grant  sup- 
poses the  enemy  seeing,  did  not  wait  her  arrival,  but  retired  on  Lieisteiiant 
Brehni's  filing,  and  gavi;  Cnptain  Rogers,  with  the  rear,  an  opportimity  to 
come  off:  so  that  the  whole  from  the  different  posts  joined  without  any  con- 
fusion, and  maiched  to  the  Ibrt  in  good  order,  covered  by  the  armed  boats 
on  the  water  side,  and  by  om*  own  i)arties  on  the  country  side,  in  vicnv  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  all  joined,  and  were  much  stronger  than  at  the  begimiing  of 
the  afiiiir,  as  was  afterwards  told  us  by  some  prisoners  that  made  Ihciir  escape ; 
many  having  joined  thern  from  the  other  side  the  river,  and  other  places. 
The  whole  arrived  at  the  fort  about  eight  o'clock,  commanded  by  Captain 
Grant,  whose  al)le  aud  skilful  retreat  is  highly  conuuendcd. 

"Return  of  killed  and  womided  of  the  .several  detachments  near  the  Detroit, 
July  31, 1763. 

"  Of  the  55lh  Regiment: — 1  Sergeant,  13  rank  aud  file.  Jailed;  1  captain,  2 
lieutenants,  1  drummer,  28  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

"  Of  the  Royal  Americans: — 1  rank  and  file,  killed;  1  rank  and  file  tvounded. 

"  Oftlie  80th  Regiment : — 2  rank  and  file  killed ;  3  rank  and  file  wounded, 

"  Of  the  Qtieen's  Rangers: — 2  rank  and  file  killed ;  1  rank  and  file  wounded. 

^^JVames  of  the  officers: — 55(h  Regiment:  Ca[)tain  Gra^i/,  Lieutenant  Luke,  and 
Lieutenant  Brown,  wounded. 

"N.  B. — Captain  Dahjell,  killed,  not  included  in  the  above." 

Hence  it  appears  that  but  li)  were  killed  and  42  wounded  in  the  celebrated 
"Battle  of  Detroit,"  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  this  retiuui  was  made  out 
belbre  the  exact  state  of  the  troops  engaged  in  it  was  ascertained.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  Captain  Dab/ell  was  found  to  he  among  the  killed  after  the  return 
was  finished,  or  nearly  so.  It  is  unnecessary  to  apprize  the  reader,  that  re- 
turns were  ofleu  made  more  favorable  than  strict  scrutiny  would  warrant, 
from  obvious  motives. 

About  this  time  several  small  vessels  fell  into  the  hands  of  Pontiac,  which 
were  flestined  to  supply  the  garrison,  and  the  men  were  cruelly  treated. 
The  garrison  was  in  great  straits,  both  from  the  lu;avy  loss  of  men,  iis  well 
as  iVom  want  of  provisions  and  continual  watching.  In  this  time  of  despon- 
deucy,  there  arrived  near  the  fort  a  schooner,  which  brought  them  sup|)lies 
of  provisions,  but  nothing  of  this  kind  could  be  landed  without  Pontiac^s 
knowledge,  and  he  determined,  if  possible,  to  seize  the  schooner:  a  detachment 
made  the  attempt,  and,  to  save  herself,  the  vessel  was  obliged  to  tack  short 
aboiU,  and  procee<l  in  an  opposite  direction.  The  Indians  followed  lu^r  in 
canoes,  and,  by  continually  firing  into  her,  killed  almost  every  man,  and  at 
length  boarded  her.  As  they  wore  climbing  u])  the  sides  aud  shrouds  in 
every  quarter,  the  captain,  havuig  determined  not  to  ftill  into  their  hands  alive, 
ordered  the  gunner  to  set  fire  to  the  magazine,  and  blow  all  up  together. 


BV, 


;.»' 
«i'> 


C«AP.  III.] 


PONTIAC. 


«7 


This  was  heard  by  a  Huron  chief,  who  understood  enough  Euffhsh  to  koow 
what  was  goinjr  forward,  and  instantly  communicated  it  to  Lis  followers. 
They  disengaged  themselves  irom  the  vessel  as  fust  as  possible,  and  fled  from 
her  in  a  great  fright,  at  considerable  distance.  Meantime  tlie  crew  took  the 
advantage  of  a  wind,  and  arrived  safe  at  the  fort.  In  the  pursuit  of  the  vessel, 
the  Indians  discovered  extreme  temerity,  often  coming  so  close  to  the  schooner 
as  to  be  severely  burned  by  the  discharge  of  her  guns. 

■  This  vessel  had  been  sent  from  Niagara,  and  was  manqgd  with  18  men,  12 
Q'f  whom  were  Blohawk  Indians.  They  arrived  at  Detroit  on  the  3  Septem- 
ber; and  thus  was  the  garrison  saved  U'om  certain  destruction.  So  sensible 
was  Major  Gladwin  and  liis  officers  of  their  escape  from  a  dreadful  iiite  by  the 
bravci-y  of  the  crew  of  this  vessel,  that  they  caused  silver  medals  to  be  struck 
and  presented  to  each  descriptive  of  the  event.* 

Jlany  other  circumstances  are  related  of  this  famous  siege,  but  it  is  believed 
the  ])recoding  ai'e  all  that  are  well  authenticated. 

Pontiac  having  invested  Detroit  now  for  about  twelve  months,  and  the 
news  of  his  operations  having  hue  ii  carried  to  various  parts  of  the  British 
empire,  extensive  ])reparations  ^vcre  made  to  put  down  the  Indian  power. 
Aware  of  the  movements  of  General  Bradslreet,  who  was  proceeding  for  De- 
troit witli  an  army  of  300Q  incii,  ho  gave  up,  and  sued  for  peace,  wifiich  was 
granted  him,  and  his  warriors  retired  to  their  hunting-grounds.  By  some  it 
is  reported  that  he  was  killed,  with  many  others  of  his  chief  men,  Ijy  the 
loway.s,  in  the  year  1779,  in  u  war  which  at  that  time  raged  between  the 
Ottowas  and  that  nation.  It  is  also  said  that  he  had  a  son  named  Shegana- 
BY,  who  was  also  a  distinguished  chief,  and,  who,  after  the  death  of  his  father, 
revenged  his  niurder  by  the  destruction  of  almost  the  entire  nation  of  the 
loways.  \Vhcn  the  revolution  commenced,  the  Americans  sent  messages  to 
Pontiac  tq  meet  them  in  council.  lie  was  inclined  to  do  so,  but  was  prevented 
from  time  to  time  by  Governor  Hamilton  of  Detroit.  He  seems  now  to  have 
laid  aside  all  resentment  against  the  English,  and  became  their  friend ;  and 
to  reward  his  attachment,  the  government  granted  him  a  liberal  pension.  It 
Ijitis  also  been  reported  that  lie  became  inspected  in  the  time  of  the  war,  and 
as  he  was  going  to  hold  a  council  among  die  Indians  in  Illinois,  as  an  agent 
for  the  English,  a  spy  attended  him  to  observe  his  conduct ;  and  that,  in  a 
s[)eech,  he  betrayed  the  English,  and  discovered  his  former  enmity  against 
them.  When  he  had  finished,  the  Indian  who  had  accompanied  him, 
plunged  a  knife  into  his  breast,  and  thus  ended  the  days  of  a  chief  who  has 
been  renowned  for  singular  sagacity,  daring  courage,  great  spirit  of  connnand, 
and  indeed  numerous  other  qualities,  found  only  in  those  born  with  such 
elementary  organizations  as  j)roduce  them  by  their  peculiar  school  of  cir- 
tjumstanccs. 


*  Holmes's  Annals,  ii.  122. 


58 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


TBooK  V 


CHAPTER   IV.  I 

Captain  Five.— Situation  of  affairs  on  the  frontiers  tit  thcpcriod  of  the  revolution — Sad 
condition  of  the  Moravian  Indians  at  this  period — Ilulf-liiiig'  engages  to  take  them 
to  Canada — His  speech  to  than — Thetj  remonstrate — half-king  indines  not  to  mo- 
lest them,  but  Captain  Pipe's  counsel  prevails,  and  theij  are  seized — Pipe's  conduct 
thereupon — Missionaries  taken  to  Detroit  and  examined — Pipe  went  to  accuse  them — 
Changes  his  conduct  towards  them,  and  they  are  acquitted — Remarkable  dclinerancc 
— Captain  Wiiite-i;vf.s  opposes  the  conduct  of  Pipe — His  speech  to  his  people — 
ColonelBroadhead's  expedition — Brutal  wassacie  of  a  chief — Pac  hg  antscuiiiit.as — 
Surprises  the  missionaries — Gklelemtond — Bvokonoaiielas — Muruier  of  Major 
Trucman  and  others — In  the  battle  of  Presque-Isle — His  death — ///*  great  intrepid- 
ilij — Further  particulars  of  Captain  Pipe — His  famous  speech — Expcdilionund  defeat 
of  Colonel  Crairford,  icho  is  burnt  at  thestake,  and  nianij  more — Chiktojimo — Tom 
LEWIS — Messhawa — King-  •rank — Litti.i:  turtle — Defeats  General  St.  Clair's 
army — Incidents  in  that  off  a.  i- — Litth-tnrllc's  opinion  of  General  Wayne — Visits 
Philadelphia — His  interview  with  C.  F.  Volney — Aneedotes — Blue-jacket — De- 
feated by  General  Wayne  in  the  battle  of  Prcsquc-Isle. 

PIPE,  or  Captain  Pipe,^  as  he  is  usually  railed,  from  Iiis  having  been  a 
most  conspicuous  war-captuin  among  tlio  Delawares,  duriiisr  the  )icn(id  of 
the  revolution,  in  particular,  was  chief  of  the  Wolf  tribe.  His  character  is  a 
very  jtrominent  one,  in  the  memorable  troubles  among  the  frontier  scttlc- 
nieuts,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.  SituiUcil  r.s  were  the  Delawares 
between  the  English  of  Canada  and  the  Americans,  it  was  hardly  to  be  ex- 
pected hut  that  they  should  be  drawn  into  that  war.  They  could  not  well 
weigh  its  merits  or  demerits  ujion  either  side.  A  speech  of  the  renowned 
Corn-plant  contains  the  best  commentary  upon  this  matter.  The  English 
stood  much  the  best  chance  of  gaining  the  Indians  to  their  interest,  inasmuch 
as  they  were  profuse  in  their  ])resents  of  what  was  useiiil  to  them,  as  well  fs 
ornamental,  whereas  the  Americans  reipiired  all  their  resources  to  carry  c» 
the  war.  The  commanding  officer  at  Detroit,  believing  that  the  Moravia''. 
Indians  upon  the  Susquelmnnah  favored  the  Americans,  ordered  them,  dead 
or  alive,  with  their  priests,  to  be  brought  into  Canada.  The  Iroquois  agreed 
that  it  should  be  done,  but,  unwilling  to  do  it  themselves,  sent  messengers  to 
the  Chi|)pevvays  and  Ottawas,  to  intimate  that,  if  they  would  do  it,  "they 
/should  liuve  them  to  make  soup  of."  These  two  tribes,  however,  refused, 
and  the  Half-king  of  the  llurons  undertook  it  himself.  He  had  been  forpierly 
very  friendly  to  the  believing  Indians,  and  now  pretended  that  he  only  con- 
cluded to  seize  upon  then),  to  save  them  from  (le,-:truction ;  and,  Mr.  Loshid 
adds,  "even  the  Half-king  would  certainly  never  have  agreed  to  commit  this 
act  of  injustice,  had  not  the  Delaware,  Captain  Pipe,  a  not' d  enemy  of  the 
gospel  and  of  the  believing  Indians,  instigated  him  to  do  it."  Pipe  and  his 
conqmny  of  Delawares,  joined  by  Half-king  and  his  warriors,  and  some  Slia- 
wautise,  held  a  war-least,  roasted  a  whole  ox,  and  agreed  u])on  the  manner 
of  proceeding.  The  captains  only  of  this  exjjeditiim  knew  fully  its  destina- 
tion. AVith  such  secrecy  did  they  proceed,  that  the  Moravian  settlements 
knew  nothing  of  their  approach,  until  they  were  in  their  vicinity.  They  bore 
an  English  flag,  and  an  Englisli  officer  was  among  them.  It  was  now  10 
August,  17dl.     Half-king  sent  in  a  tnessagc  to  Salem,  reipiesting  the  inhab- 


*  His  Iiidinn  name,  nccordinp  to  Ilrckewelder,  was  Hoi'ocan.  ninl  signified  a  Tohacrn- 
pipc.  This  iiaiiir  ho  liori!  mail  ahoiit  17()3,  when  (hat  of  KooiKSciKiUANoiiEl.  was  snbsli- 
lulcd.  'I'his  meant,  Maki'r  of  l)aif-IJs:lit.  Of  the  word  pijn',  a  more  exlojidcd  nolirc  should 
be  taken.  The  French  writers  genorallv  use  tlic  r.ume  calumet,  wliich  means  the  same  thing-, 
and,  oC  its  origin,  Baron  l.ithmitr'},  "  Voyatjcs  dans  l/.'Nmcriqnc,"  i.  401.  observes  a.s  fol- 
lows:— "  It  is  a  Norman  word,  wliich  ror.ces  from  rhahimeiru,  and  was  introduced  into  Canada 
by  the  people  of  that  nation,  on  their  nrst  oominp  into  this  country,  by  whom  it  has  ever  since 
been  used.  The  Iroquois  call  \i  (i(iiimi<l'ici\  au(\  the  odier  Indian  nations,  I'oAtiAN  ;"  this, 
nllowinff  f"r  ;ln;  (iillerence  liclwceii  llic  I'Veiich  and  lOnplish  idioms,  will  a?:rce  tolerably  with 
V.i.  ilrrkrii'ridi'r'ii  IIopocAN.  A  chief  named  /'//;c  sif;ncd  a  treaty  at  Fort  Greenville,  in  1814, 
willi  112  others,  by  which  it  i^oems  the  Delawares  iicrpctualcd  it.   It  followed  that  of  Wliile-njcs. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


59 


itants  not  to  be  alarmed,  for  tliey  should  receive  no  iiijiiiy,  and  that  he  had 
good  words  to  speak  to  tlieni,  and  wislied  to  know  at  which  of  the  settle- 
ments tiiey  migiit  hold  a  council  with  them.  Gnadenhuctten  being  fixed 
upon,  all  assembled  there  upon  11  August. 

Meanwhile,  the  numbers  of  Pipe's  ex[)edition  had  increased  from  140  to 
300,  and  about  10  days  after.  Half-king  made  the  following  speech  to  the 
believing  Indians  and  their  teachers : — 

"  Cou.sins :  ye  believing  Indians  in  Gnadcnhuetten,  Schoenbrunn,  and  Salem, 
I  am  much  concerned  on  your  account,  perceiving  that  you  live  in  a  very 
(lau'Torous  s|)ot.  Two  powerful,  angry  and  merciless  gods  stand  ready, 
opemng  tiieir  jaws  wide  against  each  other:  you  are  sitting  down  between 
i)otli,  and  tiius  in  danger  of  being  devoured  and  ground  to  powder  by  tiie 
tectii  of  either  one  or  the  other,  or  l.'oth.  It  is  therefore  not  advisable  for  you 
to  .stay  here  any  longer.  Consider  your  young  i)eopie,  your  wives,  and  your 
ciiildren,  and  preserve  their  lives,  for  here  they  must  all  perish,  I  therefore 
take  you  by  tlie  liantl,  lift  you  up,  anil  place  you  in  or  near  my  dwelling, 
where  you  will  be  safe  and  dwell  in  peace.  Do  not  stand  looking  at  your 
j)]untutious  and  houses,  but  arise  and  follow  me!  Take  also  your  teachers 
[priests]  with  you,  and  worehip  God  in  the  place  to  which  I  shall  lead  you, 
as  you  have  been  accustomed  to  do.  You  shall  likewise  find  i)rovisions,  and 
our  father  beyond  the  lake  [the  governor  at  Detroit,]  will  care  for  you.  This 
is  my  message,  and  I  am  come  hither  purposely  to  deliver  it." 

The  bretliniu,  after  taking  this  into  consideration,  remonstrated,  in  feeling 
language,  against  such  an  innnediatc  removal ;  sayuig  they  did  not  conceive 
that  the  dangtu'  was  so  great,  as,  moreover,  they  were  at  peace  with  all  men, 
and  took  no  part  in  the  war,  and  that  it  would  bring  famine  and  di.stress  upon 
thcMi,  to  set  out  before  their  harvest  with  nothing  in  their  hands,  but  that  they 
wouki  keep  and  consider  his  words,  and  would  answer  hhn  the  next  winter.- 
Ir.  was  supp(\<ed  that  Half-king  was  willing  to  comply,  but  for  the  importunity 
of  Pipe  and  tlie  English  ca])tain. 

Thisaftiiir  eventuated  in  the  seizure  of  the  missionaries  and  their  removal 
to  Sandusky,  as  has  been  written  in  the  account  of  Glikhikon. 

Captain  Pipe  now  ])ublicly  boasted  of  his  exploit,  and  said  the  Indians  and 
their  priests  were  his  slaves.  They  had  had  but  a  moment's  repose  at  San- 
dusky, when  the  governor  at  Detroit  ordered  Captain  Pipe  to  conduct  them  to 
him.  They  w;'re  glad  of  an  o|)portunity  of  seeing  the  governor  face  to  liice, 
believing  tlicy  could  convinr.i  him  that  they  had  never  assisted  the  Americans, 
and  accordinglj''  attended  Pipe  thither.  Here  the  missionaries  Zcisbergci; 
i^enscman,  Hecktwelder  and  Edwards  had  to  await  a  kind  of  trial,  and  Pipe 
was  the  evidence  against  them.  On  the  9  November,  this  trial  or  cxan)ina- 
tion  came  on,  and  Ca])tain  P/;?e  appeared,  and  spok(!  as  fi)llow9:  "  Father,  i/oit 
have  commanded  its  to  brinrr  the  believing  Indians  and  their  teachers  from  the  Miis- 
kijigum.  This  luui  been  done.  When  loe  Jmd  brought  tlvem  to  Sunduskij,  you 
ordered  us  to  bring  their  teachers  and  some  of  their  chiefs  unto  j/om.  Here  you 
see  them  before  you :  now  you  may  speak,  tvith  them  yourself  as  you  have  desired. 
But  I  hope  you  xcill  speak  good  words  unto  them,  yea  1  tell  you,  speak,  good  words 
unto  them,  for  they  arc  my  friends,  and  I  should  be  sornf  to  see  tliem  ill  lued." 
The  governor  then  repeated  to  Pipe  the  charges  he  had  formerly  urged 
against  the  brethren,  and  called  on  him  to  prove  his  assertions.  The  chief 
seemed  now  evidently  confused,  and  said  such  things  might  have  haj»pened, 
but  they  would  do  so  no  mon;,  for  they  were  now  at  Detroit.  This  did  not 
satisfy  the  governor,  and  he  peremptorily  demanded  that  Pipe  should  answer 
positively  to  the  ))oint.  This  caused  him  still  greater  embarrassment,  and  ho 
asked  his  counsellors  what  ho  should  say,  but  each  held  down  his  head  in 
silence,  and  this  occasioned  his  choosing  the  only  wise  course,  and  he  thus 
ingenuously  spoke  :  ^^  I  said  before,  that  some  such  thing  might  lutve  happened, 
but  now  I  ttnll  tell  you  the  plain  truth.  The  missionaries  are  innocent.  They 
have  done  iwthing  of  themselves :  ivhat  they  have  done,  tlmj  tverc  compelled  to  do. 
I  am  to  blame,  and  the  chiefs  that  xvere  with  me  in  Goschacliguenk  :  we  have  forced 
them  to  do  U,  wlwn  they  refused."  The  governor  now  declared  them  innocent, 
in  the  presence  of  the  court,  and  they  were  permitted  to  return  to  their 
brethren. 


^ 


CAPtAtl^  PII*fi: 


[Book  V. 


One  circiinistaiice,  illustrative  of  savage  superstition,  avo  will  notice  Jiere. 
When  Pipe's  warriors  were  about  to  three  the  hrethren  to  leavi^  their  dwell- 
ings, it  was  almost  unanimously  eoncluded  at  one  time  l)y  the  ehicfs,  that 
the  white  brethren  should  be  put  to  death.  They,  however,  would  not  ad- 
Venture  upon  such  a  deed  without  the  advice  of  one  of  their  common  war- 
riors, who  was  considered  a  great  sorcerer.  His  answer  was,  "  lie  could  not 
understand  what  end  it  would  answer  to  kill  them."  Upon  this,  the  chiefs 
held  a  council,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  kill  not  only  the  white  brethren 
and  their  wives,  but  the  Indian  assistants  also.  When  they  iTiiide  this  reso- 
lution known  to  the  sorcerer,  he  said  to  them,  "  Then  you  have  resolved  to 
kill  my  friends;  for  most  of  their  chief  ])eople  are  my  Irienrls :  but  this  I 
tell  you,  that  if  you  hurt  any  one  of  them,  I  know  what  I  will  do  ! "  This 
threat  deterred  tlicni:  thus  were  the  missionaries  as  well  ns  many  others 
Saved. 

It  is  stated  by  Mr.  Heckewdckr,  that,  notwithstanding  Captain  Pipe  was  so 
eager  for  the  war  before  its  commencement^  he  soon  became  sorry  for  it 
afterwards.  This  might  have  been  the  case ;  and  yet  he  was  one  of  the 
most  efficient  enemies  of  the  Americans  after  the  peace,  as  will  elsewhere 
np[)ear.  Cajjlain  fFhitc-cijes,  or  Koqudhagaeehlon,  which  was  his  Iiulian 
name,*  was  his  particular  friend,  and  they  were  both  great  men  of  the  Dela- 
Ivare  nation,  having  been  nearly  alike  distinguished  by  their  courage  on 
many  occasions.  No  one  could  have  more  at  heart  the  weHiu-e  of  their 
country,  than  Captain  While-eyes  had  that  of  the  Delaware  natioUj  iuid  it  is 
not  pretended,  but  that  as  much  should  be  said  of  Caj)tain  Pipf ;  but  they 
were  differently  circumstanced,  and  the  former  was  open  and  fearless  in  his 
declarations  in  faVor  of  the  Americans,  while  the  latter  secretly  flivoreil  the 
British.  Thus  they  ycrc  unwillhigly  opposed  to  each  other,  and  for  about 
two  years,  one  by  his  frankness  and  the  other  by  his  clandestine  operations, 
strove  to  unite  and  strengthen  their  respective  parties. 

Meanwhile  a  circumstance  liapi)ened,  wiiicli  Captain  Pipe  seized  upon  for 
declaring  war.  M'Kee,  Elliot,  GirUj,  and  several  others,  had  been  held  at 
Pittsburg  as  tories.  Early  in  the  sjtring  of  1778,  they  made  an  escape,  and 
ifled  into  the  Indian  country,  and,  as  they  went,  proclaimed  to  that  i)eoj)le, 
that  the  Americans  had  determined  to  destroy  them;  thati  therefore  their  only 
Safety  tionsisted  in  rcpcHing  them  ;  that  they  must  fly  to  arms,  and  fight  them 
in  every  place.  Pipe,  being  rather  inclined,  to.  war,  believed  all  that  those 
exasperated  fugitives  said ;  while,  on  tlie  other  hand.  White-eyes  Avould  give  no 
credit  to  them.  Having  got  many  of  his  men  together,  Captain  Pipe  atldress' 
ed  them  with  great  earnestness,  and  with  great  force  of  oratory  said,  "  Every  man 
is  an  enemy  to  his  country,  who  endeavors  to  persuade  us  againstjigiding  the 
Americans,  and  all  such  ought  surely  to  he  put  to  dcat}i"  Captain  White-eyes 
Was  not  idle,  and  at  the  same  time  had  assembled  the  people  of  his  tribe,  and 
the  substance  of  What  he  said  \\i\s,^^  that  if  they  [any  of  his  warriors]  ?nenni 
in  earnest  to  go  out,  aS  he  oh&eiijed  Some  of  them  tveix  preparing  to  do,  they  should 
not  go  ivithoid  him.  He  had,  he  said,  taken  peace  measures  in  order  to  save  the 
nation  from  idler  destruction.  But  if  the\]  believed  that  he  was  in  the  urong,  and 
gave  more  credit  to  vagabond  fugitives,  ivhom  he  knew  to  he  such,  than  to  himself 
tvho  was  best  acquainted  with  the  real  state  of  things ;  if  they  had  delei-mined  to 
follow  their  advice,  ahd  go  otd  against  the  Americans,  he  would  gb  out  with  them; 
out  not  like  the  bear  hunter,  who  sets  the  dogs  on  the  animal  to  be  beaten  about  with 
his  paws,  while  he  keeps  at  a  safe  distance ;  no !  he  ivould  lead  them  on,  place 
himself  in  the  front,  and  be  the  first  tvho  should  fall.  They  only  had  to  determine 
on  what  they  meant  to  do ;  as  for  his  own  mind,  it  was  fully  made  up,  not  to  sur- 
vive  his  nation ;  and  he  Would  not  spend  the  remainder  of  a  miserable  life,  in 
betcailing  the  total  destruction  of  a  brave  people,  whb  deserved  a  better  fate." 

This  speech  was  spoken  with  a  pathos  and  in  a  manner  calculated  to  touch 
the  hearts  of  all  who  listened  to  it,  and  its  impression  was  such,  that  all 
unanimously  came  to  the  determination  to  obey  its  instructions  and  orders, 
and  to  hear  or  receive  directions  from  no  other  pereon,  of  any  nation  or  color, 
but  Captain  White-eyes. 


According  to  Mr.  Heckewelder.    His  residence  was  at  llie  moulli  of  Uie  Big  Beaver, 


Chap.  IV] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE.— COSHOCTON  EXPEDITION. 


Gl 


At  tho  wimo  tiine,  C(i|)tuin  JVhUe-eyis,  in  order  to  (HJMnti'nict,  ns  iniicli  as 
possible,  tli(i  (!vil  counsel  of  the  white  men  just  mentioned,  de*|»atche(l  rini- 
ners  to  the  Shiiwanese  towns  on  the  Heioto.  wIktc  these  imi)ost<jrs  had  gone, 
with  the  following  speetih:  "  Grandcliitdnn,  i/c  Shnwmusfi,  some  li.iiifs  it<r<),a 
Jlock  of  bints,  that  had  cnmc  onj'rom  thr  c(t>.i,  lit  at  iioschochkin^,  imposing  a 
sons;  of  theirs  upon  us,  whirh  sonic  had  niix  proved  our  ruin.  Should  these  birds, 
which  on  leavin<r  us,  took  their  Jlis;ht  totciir.is  Scioto,  endeavor  to  impose  a  song 
on  1J0U  likewise,  do  not  listen  to  them,  for  they  lie!  " 

A  knowledge  of  the  pioeeedings  of  Captain  Whiic-eycs  liuving  reachevl 
Pipe,  he  knew  not  what  eonrso  to  take,  and,  while  thus  eonlbnnutwl,  a  kind 
and  eonciliatory  message  was  reeeived  in  the  Delaware  nation,  from  the  Amer- 
iean  agent  of  Indian  affairs  at  l'ittsl)urg.  It  particularly  cautioned  tlu;  people 
of  tliatiiation  ^^ not  to  hearken  to  those  wicked  and  ivortldcss  men,  who  had  run 
nwajifrom  their  friends  in  the  ni^ht,  and  to  be  assured  of  the  real  friendship  of 
the  United  Stales."  This  completed  Pipers  confusion.  But  ntu;r  i)ond('nng 
a  while  upon  the  wrongs  to  which  his  countninen  hud  for  ix  long  time  heea 
8id)ject<Ml,  like  the  sachem  of  th(j  VVami)anoags,  he  permitted  his  warriors 
to  go  out,  nnd  surprise,  and  nnu'der  all  the  Americans  they  coidd  lay  their 
hands  u|)nn. 

lllood  having  now  begun  to  flow,  barbarities  followed-in  quick  sucx;es- 
«ion.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1781,*  Colonel  Jiroadhead  arrived  near  the  Mora- 
vian town  of  Sulem,  and  notiried  the  inhabitants  that  he  was  on  un  expedi- 
tion against  the  liostilc  Indians,  anfl  gave  them  that  timel'^  notice  that  they 
*night  colli.'ct  their  people,  if  any  were  abroad,  that  they  jiiight  not  bo  taken 
lor  enemie.s.  "However,"  says  Mr.  Heckeweldcr,  "whilst  tho  colonel  was 
assiu-ing  me  that  our  Indians  had  nothing  to  fear,  an  oHicer  came  with  great 
speed  Ij-om  one  quarter  of  the  cam)),  an<l  reported  that  a  |)artieular  division 
of  the  mihtia  "were  preparing  to  break  off  for  the  piu'pose  of  destroying  the 
Moravian  settlements  up  the  river,  and  be  feared  they  could  not  be  restrained 
■from  so  doing.'"  They  were,  however,  by  the  exertions  of  the  conu)iander- 
hi-cliief,  allied  by  Colonel  Sh^herd,  of  Wheeling,  jmrtially  prevented  from 
tln.'ir  nuu'dcrous  design.  Thus  these  Christian  Indians  were  situatfid  pre- 
cist'ly  like  many  of  those  of  N.  E.  in  Philip's  war.  But  we  have  no  instance 
tQ  record,  of  the  latter,  equal  in  extent,  for  diabolical  atrocity,  to  that  of  tho 
■massacre  of  GnadenlMietton,  elsewhere  mentioned. 

Meanwhile  Colonel  Broadhead  proceeded  to  Coshocton,  a  hostile  settlc- 
meiit  near  the  forks  of  the  Muskingum  ;  and  wiih  such  secrwy  did  he  pro- 
ceed, that  not  a  person  escaped.  How  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  tho  army 
is  not  mentione<l ;  but,  not  long  after,  IG  warriors  were  put  to  death  with 
shocking  manifestations  of  depravity.  There  accompanied  Colonel  Rroad- 
Jtead's  army  a  Delaware  chief  named  Pekillon.\  Sixteen  of  the  captive 
warriore  were  designated  by  him  as  perpetrators  of  nnuHlers,  and  they  were 
forthwith  tomahawked  and  scalped.  Tliey  wbre  executed  pursuant  to  the 
decree  of  a  coiu-f-martial. 

Some  extenuation  has  been  urged  for  this  revolting  transaction,  and  that 
alone  in  which,  perhaps,  the  mind  can  find  any  relief!  But  a  short  time  be- 
fore BronAhead's  expedition,  a  large  Indian  force,  called  by  the  whites  an 
•army,  collected,  and  set  out  for  tlic  destruction  of  North-western  Virginia. 
This  anny  was  divided  into  two  parts,  and  their  expectations  were  wrought 
up  to  a  very  high  degree,  which,  when  suddenly  blasted,  were  «hanged  into 
rage  and  furj'.  Having,  in  their  march,  taken  a  large  nimiber  of  captives, 
tliey  retreated  to  a  place  of  safety,  and  there  tied  them  to  trees  and  put  them 
to  death  in  their  barbarous  manner.  This  massacre  was,  however,  confined 
to  their  male  prisoners.  Fathers,  in  presence  of  their  families,  were  lea 
forth  to  execution,  amid  tears  an<l  lamentations,  whicli  no  creature  but  infu- 
riated man  could  withstand.  This  barbarity  was  the  rnor9  aggravating 
when  it  was  conter  'nlated  that  those  who  fell  into  their  haiKJs  had  made  no 
resistance !  Nothing,  therefore,  like  just  retribution  was  to  be  expected 
from  an  army  of  frontier  militia,  when  vengeance  was  the  only  pursuit. 

*  DoddriJi>-e,  Notes.  291,  says,  this  "  campaign  "  was  in  the  siimniRr  of  17(i0. 
t  Tho  same  wlio,  aCterwards,  as  I  conclude,  was  a  parly  to  VVaijne's  treaty. 
6 


62       MASSACRE  OF  INDIAN  PRISONERS.— PETCHENANALAS.     [Book  V. 

After  every  thin;?  had  been  destroyed  in  the  Indian  conntry  throngh  wliich 
the  Americans  i)assed,  tliey  retiirneil  to  Pittshiirfr.  Bilbrc  leaving-  Coshoc- 
ton, a  shocking  circinnstanco  occnrrcd,  which  alone  was  snfficiciit  to  liave 
taniisiied  flie  most  brilliant  exploits.  An  Indian  came  to  the  side  of  the 
river  over  aji;ainst  the  ciieanipmcnt,  and  called  to  the  sentinels,  who  asked 
him  what  he  wanted.  He  answcrcfl  that  he  wished  to  see  the  "big  captain  " 
(the  name  by  which  Indians  commonly  designate  the  commander-in-chief). 
Colonel  Broadhead  appeared,  and  ask(>d  him  w  hat  he  wanted,  who  replied, 
"  To  make  peace."  Then,  saitl  the  colonel,  send  over  some  of  your  chiefs. 
The  Indian  interrogatively  atiul,  "  .Uuij  be  you  kiU'^"  No,  said  the  colonel, 
they  shall  come  and  go  in  safety.  Hereupon  a  chief  of  most  elegant  appear- 
ance crossed  to  the  encampment,  and — I  hesitate  to  relate  it — while  this 
chief  was  conversiiig  with  the  colonel,  a  monster,  of  the  militia,  came  np, 
and  with  a  tomahawk,  which  he  had  concealed  in  his  clothes,  laid  him  dead 
with  a  single  stroke !  *  The  name  of  this  fiend  was  fFttzel.  The  army  soon 
began  its  retreat,  apd  Colonel  Broadhead  having  put  his  prisoners,  (about  20 
in  miniber,)  into  the  care  of  the  soldiers,  they  immediately  began  to  mas- 
sacre them !  all  except  a  few  women  and  children  were  killed.  These  were 
taken  to  I'ittsbm-g,  and  afterwards  exchanged  ic)r  an  ecpial  mnnber  of  white 
prisoners.f  Thus  the  peace  which  might  have  been  concluded  wasunha])pily 
suspended,  and  the  wur  athu-wanls  might  well  have  been  expected  to  exhibit 
scenes  no  less  bloody  than  before. 

A  chief,  called  Pachoantscmiiiilas,  distinguished  himself  upon  the  fron- 
tiers, inmiediatcly  upon  the  retreat  of  Colonel  Brondlicad^s  nriny ;  not  as  many 
others  have,  bnt  by  magnanimity  and  address.  And  subsequently  his  name 
was  set  to  many  treaties  between  his  nation  and  the  United  States,  fi'om  that 
of  Ceneral  JVame  at  (Greenville  to  that  of  St.  Mary's  in  1818:  if,  indeed, 
Pclchenanalax,  BokongcheJas,  and  several  other  variations,  stand  for  the  same 
person.  His  name,  according  to  Hcckewclder,  tih^inihd  a  ftdjiller,  iiv  one  icho 
imcceeda  in  allhe  undcrlakes.  He  was  a  son  of  a  great  chief  whose  name  is 
written  ti'ewanduchivalciid,  which  signified  one  einploi/cd  on  important  mt.isagcs ; 
and  who  in  the  French  war  was  a  great  captain,  and  in  jieace  a  great  coun- 
sellor. He  had  n|)on  his  under  lip  and  chin  tatooed  the  iignre  of  a  water 
lizard,  on  which  account  he  was  often  called  Tivecgachscluisu.  Bitokonixaliilas 
was  head  warrior  of  all  the  Delawares  who  lived  on  the  Miami  and  White 
Rivers. 

Pr.T('HF.>A.\AiiAs,  at  the  head  of  80  warriors,  appeared  suddeidy  at  (ina- 
denhut,'tt(Mi,  siu'ronnding  it  before  day,  allowing  no  one  a  chance  for  escape. 
Not  knowing  his  object,  the  peo|)le  u(;re  filled  with  terror.  Kut  he  soon 
dis|>elle(l  their  fears,  by  telling  them  that  he  cam(!  to  take  the  chief  Gdelc- 
mend,  and  a  few  other  head  men,  whom  he  woidd  have,  either  dead  or  alive. 
As  it  ha|)|)ened,  mtt  f)n(!  ot'  those  he  sought  afler  was  there  at  the  lime. 
Having  satisfied  himself  of  this  fact,  the  chief  dennuided  that  deputies  from 
the  three  Christian  towns  should  nwet  to  hear  what  he  iiad  to  say  to  them. 
When  the  deputies  and  others  had  met,  h(^  s])ok<!  to  them  as  fidlows: — 

"  Triends  and  kinsmen,  listen  to  w  hat  I  say  to  you.  You  see  n  great  and 
powerftil  nation  divided.  Voti  see  tlu^  fiither  fighti?ig  against  the  son,  and 
the  sou  against  the  tiitlier. — The  fiither  has  calhui  on  his  Indian  children  to 
assist  him  in  |>unishing  his  children,  thi'  Americans,  who  have  become  re- 
fractory, f  took  time  to  consider  what  I  should  do;  whether  or  not  I  shotdd 
receive  the  hatchet  of  my  father,  to  assist  him.  At  first  I  looked  n|)ou  it  as 
a  family  (piarrel,in  which  I  wiis  not  interested.  At  length  it  appeared  to  me, 
that  the  father  was  in  the  ''(lit,  and  bis  children  deserved  tf)  be  |tunished  a 
little. — 'I'hat  this  must  hi;  the  case,  I  coiicIikUmI  from  the  many  cruel  acts  his 
nft'spring  had  rommitted,  from  time  to  time,  on  his  Indian  children — in  on- 
crnacbing  on  their  lands,  stealing  their  property — shooting  at  and  murdering 
without  catise,  men,  women,  and  children: — yes,  even  murdering  those,  who 
ttt  all  times  liud  been  friendly  to  them,  and  were  placed  for  protection  uiuler 


•  ChroiiiplMof  Wrsmm  !9etllenicnt8,  pa«tiM. 

t  Dmldiidgr'i  Notes,  293. 


Chap.  IV.] 


BUOKONGAHELAS. 


63 


wliich 
Jo.shoc- 
•  liave 
of  the 
asked 
tptain  " 
iliief). 
cplied, 
cliiefs. 
oloiiel, 
I)[)ear- 
e   this 
lie  up, 
II  dead 
ly  .soon 
loiit  20 
iiias- 
!0  were 
'  wliito 
lmpj)ily 
exhibit 


the  roof  of  their  fatlier's  house  ;  *  the  father  himself  standing  sentry  at  tlie  door, 
at  the  time ! — Friends  and  relatives,  often  has  the  father  heen  obliged  to  settle 
and  make  amends  for  the  wrongs  and  mischiefs  done  us,  by  his  refractory 
children;  yet  tiiese  do  not  grow  better.  No!  they  remain  the  same, and  will 
continue  to  be  so,  as  long  as  we  have  any  land  left  us  !  Look  back  at  the 
murders  committed  by  the  Long-Knives  on  many  of  our  relations,  who  lived 
peaceable  neighbors  to  them  on  the  Ohio  !  Did  tiicy  not  kill  them  without 
the  least  provocation? — Are  they,  do  you  tliiiik,  better  now,  than  they  were 
then.'  No!  indeed  not;  and  iiiuny  days  are  not  <  lapsed,  since  you  had  a 
number  of  these  very  men  near  yoia-  doors,  wiio  jianted  to  kill  you,  but  for- 
tunately were  prevented  from  so  doing,  by  the  Great  Sun,f  who,  at  that  time, 
had  by  the  Great  Spirit  lieen  ordained  to  protect  you ! " 

The  chief  tiien  sjioke  with  resjiect  of  tlieir  peaceable  mode  of  life,  and 
commended  tlifir  desire  to  live  in  friendsliip  with  all  mankind;  but  said,  they 
must  be  aware  of  their  exposed  situation — living  in  the  very  road  the  hostile 
parties  must  pass  over,  in  going  tn  figlit  each  other ;  that  they  had  just  es- 
caped destruction  iroiii  one;  of  these  parties  ;  that  therefore  no  time  should 
be  lost,  but  they  should  go  to  the  country  on  the  Miami,  where  they  would  be 
entirely  out  of  danger. 

The  Christian  Indians  replied,  that,  as  they  had  never  injured  the  Amer- 
icans, tiiey  thought  they  need  not  fear  injury  from  them;  that  if  their 
friends  at  war  wished  tli(!iii  well,  in  truth,  they  would  not  make  their 
settlement  upon  the  patli  they  took  to  go  tn  war,  as  it  would  lead  their 
antagonists  tlie  same  wnj';  and  that  they  coidd  not  remove  witliout  great 
detriment ;  and  therefore,  as  they  were  then  situated,  they  could  not  consent 
to  go. 

PnchiranlschiliUn.t  consulted  in  the  mean  time  with  his  chief  men,  and 
answered  very  feelingly  to  what  the  brethren  had  said.  He  obser\'ed  that  he 
was  sorry  tiiat  they  should  differ  fiom  him  in  opinion,  but  that  he  had  no 
intention  to  use  compulsion,  and  only  requested  that  those  might  be  permit- 
ted to  go,  wiiose  fears  prompted  them  to  it.  This  was  readily  assented  to, 
and  the  council  broke  up,  and  the  warriors  departed.  At  Salem  they  made  a 
Bhort  stay,  where  they  conducted  tlieiiL-seives  as  they  had  done  at  Gnaden- 
huetten.  Here  a  family  of  old  people  joined  diem,  tln-oiigh  f<>ar  of  what  Pach- 
gantschihilaj)  had  ju'edictr  I,  and  the  event  justified  the  jiroceeding!  The 
inassacn-  of  Giiadenhuettcii  will  ever  be  remendiered  with  the  deejiest  regret 
and  indignation. 

Nothing  was  li'aied  from  the  good  Pdchmmutlaa ;  hut  the  prowling  mon- 
Bters  APKic,  (lirti/,  EHlut,  and  jieihaps  others, calling  tliemselves white,  were 
the  plotters  of  the  ruin  of  the  innocent  people  at  Gnadenhuetten,  wliich  fol- 
lowed not  long  after. 

Our  present  design  makes  it  expedient  thiit  we  pass  over  numy  events  in 
tlie  chronicles  of  the  fVonil  r  wars,  that  we  may  be  enaliled  to  jnocei'd  with 
more  minuteness  of  detail,  in  the  lives  of  the  einiMeiit  cliiefs.  Although 
>ve  cannot,  by  any  rule  known  to  us,  derive  liwjkim'.;iihilnn  (roiii  Parhirnntsci- 
hilas  w  Prlrlitnantilit.t,  \ct,  lift  liiey  have  a.^*  niiieh  aflinlty  a^:  Poinclnnna  mid 
Mdnniiml,  we  shall  lot  them  pass  tiir  the  same  piMsun,  and  thus  continue  our 
mnrative. 

limln))\<jriilivUts  was  not  only  a  great,  but  a  iiohle  warrior.     He  look  no  de- 
light in  shedding  blood  ;  and  when  he  raised  the  batehet  on  tlie  side  of  the 
British  In  the  r 'Vidinloii,  it  was  for  the  be^t  of  reasons  ;  a'ld  \\'onld  that  nume- 
rous other  allies  we  cuiiid  ntinie  had  acted  tiom  as  pure  motives!     Our  next 
notice  of  H:t()l,(iiiij;iihil(iii  is  In  17n'2,  w  hen  he  s!io\ve(l  himself  ii')  less  niagnan 
imoiis  th;in  at  (Jiiad  nliuetten  and   SmIimii.     Colonel  Hnrliii,  Major  'f'lKimnii 
Olid  several  others,  were  sent,  in  May  of  tills  year,  by  fl'd.tliiimltm,  with  a  flag 
of  truce,  to  the  Indian  nations  of  the  west,  partii'ularly  the  Manuiee  towns 
They  having  arrived  near  the  Indian  town  of  An  (illai/e  on  tlio  south-wcs 


*  Alliiiliiijj  lo  ilii-  iiiiirdcr  (ifiliR  CunRsioffn  Imliitiis,  wliicli  wii.i  a.i  airocioiii  ns  tlinl  at  OnB 
deilliili'lli'ii.  mill  MJ  vnIiIcIi  wc  '■IiiiII  in  due  ciiiirsi'  );lvc  n  rcliilioii. 
t  KclLTriiiji;  lu  wliui  nu  have  jii^i  rululcd  uf  C'uloiiui  Daiud  Uroadhtad  and  iii-*  nrmy. 


64 


BUOKONGAIIELAS.— MURDER  OF  COL.  HARDIN. 


[Book  V. 


branch  of  tlic  Miami  of  tlic  Lake,  fell  in  with  sonic  Indians,  who  treated 
them  well  at  lirHt,  and  made  many  i)rofe!<.--ions  of  IViondshii),  hnt  in  the  end 
took  advantage  of  thi'iii,  while  oil"  their  gnani,  and  nnn'dered  nearly  all  of 
them.  'I'hehiterpreter  made  his  rscaiie,  alter  some  time,  and  gave  an  oc- 
eonnt  ol"  the  transaction.  Hi.s  name  was  William  Smallij ;  and  he  had  been 
some  tiine  before  with  the  Indians,  and  had  learned  their  manners  and  cus- 
toms, which  gave  liim  some  advantage  in  Ix^mg  al)le  to  sa\e  himself  He  was 
at  lirst  conducted  to  Au  Glai/.e,  and  soon  after  to  "  Buokungahda,  king  of  the 
Delawari!s,  by  his  cai)tor.s."  'ihe  chiei'told  those  that  committetl  the  murder, 
he  was  verij  sumj  llwif  had  killed  the  men.  Thai  instead  of  so  doinj:^,  thci/  should 
have  hrou<rhl  them  to  the  Indian  towns ;  and  then,  if  what  thcij  had  to  sai/  hud  not 
been  liked,  it  would  have  been  time  enough  to  have  killed  them  then.  .\'othing,  he 
.said,  could  justifj/  them  fur  pidting  them  to  death,  as  there  was  ho  chance  for  them 
to  escape.  The  "truth  was,  they  killed  them  to  jdunder  their  efl'ects.  Buokon- 
gahelas  took  Mr.  Snialli/  into  his  cabin,  and  showed  him  great  kindness;  told 
him  to  stay  there  wllile  he  could  go  safely  to  his  I'ormer  Indian  friends. 
(He  having  been  adojjled  into  an  Indian  family,  in  place  of  one  who  had 
be(!n  killed,  in  his  former  eai)tivity.)  While  here  with  Buokongahelas, 
which  was  near  u  month,  Mr.  iimalhj  .saiil  the  chief  would  not  ])eruut 
him  to  go  abroad  alone,  for  fear,  he  said,  that  the  young  Indians  would 
kill  him. 

From  another  soiu-co  wc  learn  the  names  of  severid  of  the  uiurdi'rcd.  "  A 
letter  from  Paris  (in  the  new  French  settlement),  dated  Jtdy  17,  states,  that 
iiitelligence  had  been  received  at  Fort  Jefferson,  of  tin;  death  of  Major  True- 
man,  Mr.  IVecman,  Debachi  ami  Jarrat.  That  this  intiirmation  was  brought 
by  two  jirisoners,  who  w.-re  laboring  in  a  cornfield,  and  made  their  escape. 
The  one  had  been  takeli  prisoner  at  tli(!  time  General  Harmer  was  defeated — 
the  other  is  ff'illiam  Duer,  of  Capt.  Buchauan\'i  company  of  levies.  They 
fiM'tlier  infitrm,  tliat  on  the  jilth  June  a  party  of  Indians  took  8  men  |)risoner9, 
who  were  making  hay  near  Fort  Jefferson  ;  that  when  they  had  moved  the 
prisonei-s  some  distance!  from  the  fort,  tiiey  divided  them — lour  wei'c  given 
to  the  Cliippewas,  and  four  To  the  Shawanese — that  the  Sha\\an«  ■  burnt  the 
four  unfortunately  assigncsd  to  them — that  the  Chip|ie\vas  took  theirs  home, 
to  the  hitent  of  making  laborers  of  them — that  the  Indiims  lu-e  determined 
for  war,  and  will  not  treat,  but  will  kill  every  wU'itv  j)er.son  that  attempts  to 
go  to  them,  either  with  or  without  a  flag — that  their  i)resent  |i!an  i«  lo  cut  otF 
th(!  escorts  of'  provisions  destined  to  tin;  outposts,  and  by  that  means  oblige 
the  troops  slationcNl  tlu-re  to  siirreiuler;  aiul  that  ft)r  this  jjiirpose  they  kept 
two  spies  constantly  out."* 

It  is  said  that  the  conduct  of  the  llritish,  at  the  battle  of  Presf|ne-lsle,  Ibr- 
eviM'  changed  the  mind  of  this  chief,  as  it  did  that  of  many  others,  in  regard 
to  th('in.  Buokongahelas  siM  he  would  iK'iicefbrth  trust  tiiem  no  more.  The 
fort  at  Mauniee  was  critically  .  ituated,  but  by  its  own  imprudence.  The  ofH- 
cers  of  it  had  told  the  Indians  that  if  the  batth^  turned  against  thcin,  they 
should  have  |trolection  in  the  fiat.  Immediately  afhu',  (ieiieral  flat/nc  in- 
f()rmed  them,  that  if  they  did  protect  the  Indians  in  that  eviMit,  he  wf)nld 
treat  them  as  though  fi)und  in  arms  against  him ;  therefore,  thinking  their 
own  safety  of  more  eonsiMpience  than  keejiing  their  tiiilli  with  the  Indians, 
they  liarre'd  liie  gates,  and  were  idle  s|»ectators  of  those  they  lia<l  basely  be- 
tiaye<l,  cut  down  in  great  mimbers  by  the  swords  of  the  horsena  n,  under 
their  very  ramparts! 

It  wiiiild  seem  from  a  passa^i-  in  the  Memoirs  of  (Jeneral  Ilarrisnn,^  that 
Buokon^xaheliis  die<l  soon  "after  the  treaty  of  IHOI ;"  that  if  lie  had  Iteeii 
alive,  iMr.  Dawson  thiid<s,  when  IWumseh  and  the  I'rufihrt  eidisted  so  many 
nations  against  tlus  Americans,  he  would  not  have  snflt'red  their  plans  to 
have  b.'cii  matured.  Tile  same  author  relates  an  incident  of  peculiar  interest, 
concernini'  our  snliject.  wliicli  is  as  follows: — Aller  the  fight  with  Uai/m^s 
ariuv  heliii 


('  mentioned,  Buokongahelas  collected  the   remniuit  of  his  band 
and  einliMrkiHJ  with  them  in  canoes,  and  passed  up  tint  river,  to  Hcnd  a  Hag  of 


.t 


Carn/.i  Miisi-um,  xii.  13. 


t  lly  Mr.  Uawsoti,  pngo  02. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE.— GELELE:\IEND. 


6S 


truce  to  Fort  fVamw,  VVlien  the  chief  ai-rivcd  against  the  British  fort,  he 
was  requLstecJ  to  laud,  which  he  (hd.  When  lie  Imd  approached  the  sentinel, 
he  demanded,  "  JVIiat  luivt  you  to  say  to  me ')  "  He  was  answered  that  th.e 
commaudant  desired  to  speak  with  him.  "  Then  lie  may  come  here,"  was  the 
reply.  Tlic  sentry  tiieu  said  the  officer  would  not  do  that,  and  that  he  would 
not  he  allowed  to  pass  the  fort,  if  he  did  not  comply  with  its  rules.  "  (i'liat 
shall  prevent  me  ?  "  said  the  intrepid  chief.  Poititing  to  the  cannon  of  the  fort, 
the  seutiy  said,  "  Those."  The  chief  replied  indignantly,  «  /  fear  not  your 
cannon :  after  sufferiw  the  Americans  to  defile  your  spring,  wiiliovt  daring  to  fire 
on  them,  yuu  cannot  expect  to  frighten  Buokongehelas."  He  reiimbarked,  mid 
passed  the  fort,  without  molestation.  By  "  defiling  their  spring,"  he  meant 
an  ironical  reproach  to  the  British  gan-ison  for  their  treachery  to  the  Indians, 
which  has  been  mentioned. 

It  is  said  that  Btwkongalidas  was  present  at  Fort  M'Intosli,  at  the  treaty 
of  1785;  but  as  his  uanie  is  not  among  the  signers,  we  suppo.se  he  was 
opposed  to  it.  General  George  R.  Clark,  Arthur  Lee,  and  Richard  Butler,  were 
the  American  commissioners ;  the  former  had  been  a  success! ill  warrior  again^^t 
the  Indians,  whicli  had  gained  him  tiie  respect  of  Buokongakelas ;  and  wiiea 
he  had  an  opportunity,  he  passed  the  others  without  noticing  them,  but  went 
and  took  General  Clark  by  the  hand,  and  said,  "/  thank  the  Great  Spirit  for 
having  this  day  brouglU  together  two  such  great  warriors,  as  Buokongahelas 
and  Gen.  Clark." 

A  separate  article  in  the  treaty  just  named,  illustrates  the  history  of  several 
chiets  already  mentioned.  It  is  in  these  words:- — "It  is  agreed  that  the  Del- 
aware cliiefs  Kelelamand,  [Gelelenund,  Killbuck,]  or  Colonel  Henry;  Hengue- 
pu^ltees,  or  the  Big-cat ;  ff'icocallnd,  or  Captain  White-eyes ;  who  took  up  the 
liatchet  lor  the  United  States,  and  their  iamilies,  shall  be  received  into  tho 
Delaware  nation,  in  the  same  situation  and  rank  as  betbre  the  wai',  and  enjoy 
their  due  portions  of  the  lands  to  the  Wyandot  and  Delaware  nations  in  thi» 
treaty,  as  fully  as  if  tiny  hed  not  taken  part  with  America." 

Gej-elemeni),  one  of  tlie  most  cou.spicuous  of  those  noticed  in  the  provision 
of  the  treaty  of  Fort  Al'lutosh,  we  will  procei'd  to  consider  in  Uiis  place. 
His  ntmie  signified  Jl  leader,  but  he  was  called  Kil'ijuck  because  the  whites 
had  so  called  his  father,  and  to  di.stiuguish  him,  junior  was  added.  Upon 
the  death  of  White-eyes,  he,  as  that  chief  had  done,  accepted  the  office  of 
chief,  until  the  young  heir  should  be  old  enough  to  fill  the  important  place. 
He  contiiuied  the  (;ourse  ot'  measures  carried  on  by  his  predecessor,  but  in 
spite  of  all  he  could  do,  Captain  Pipe  succeeded  in  deleating  his  designs. 
Such  was  the  power  of  Pifje,  that  Gelekmend  and  his  jmrty  were  forced 
through  fear  to  abandon  their  (•ouMoil-llou^e  at  (joscliocrliking,  and  retire 
under  the  protection  of  the  Americans  near  I'ittsburg.  Here  they  supposed 
themselves  safe,  but  they  W(!re  sddu  disiippointed ;  "for  while  the  friendly 
chiefs,  together  with  a  number  of  their  people,  were  peaceably  living  together 
on  an  island  just  below  the  town  of  Pittsburg,  they  were  suddenly  surprised 
and  attacked  by  tlie  murdering  party  which  huil  returned  from  killing  near  a 
hundreil  of  the  ChriNtiau  Indians,  and  partly  killed  and  partly  put  to  flight, 
from  whence  this  chief  (h'illbuck)  saved  his  life  only  l)y  taking  to  the 
river  and  swinnning  across  to  the  point,  or  town,  [of  Pittsburg]  leaving  all 
his  property  behind ;  among  which  was  tht)  bag  containing  oJl  the  wampinn 
speeches  and  written  documents  ol"  Hilliam  Pcnn  and  his  «iu;cesHorH  for  n 
great  number  of  ycins,  which  had  for  so  long  a  time  Immui  carefully  pn-served 
by  them,  but  now  hud  lidlen  into  the  hands  of  a  nnirdering  band  of  white 
savages,  who  killed  at  the  same  time  the  promising  yixmg  Delawan-  cliiet' 
above  mentiouetl."  Tho  many  services  he  reiidertul  to  Poniisylvania  were 
known  and  appreciated ;  which  services,  however,  being  obnoxious  to  the 
enemy,  drew  their  hatred  ii|H)n  him,  so  nnich  so,  that  they  ordennl  any  that 
should  meet  with  him  to  shoot  him  dead.  He  therefitre  remained  conciuled 
Home  timeut\er  the  peace  with  the  hidinns,  with  his  family  at  Pittsburg,  lie 
filially  joined  the  Christian  liidiiuis  and  lived  uiid<  r  llieir  protection;  iicmt 
venturing  tin'  11*0111  home,  lest  the  IMuiiseys  should  inert  with  ntid  kill  liiui 
He  was  baptixed  by  the  name  of  Hilliam  Henry,  a  name  he  liad  been  long 
knuwu  uuder,  and  which  was  that  of  a  diatingiiishtd  member  of  coiigresal 


66 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V. 


conferred  by  himself.    Killhuck*  died  in  the  faith  in  Jannun',  1811,  aged 
abont  80.t 

At  tlie  time  these  peaceable  Indians  were  mtirderonsly  driven  from  their 
island,  as  just  noticed,  Jiifi;-catX  narrowly  escaped  the  slaughter.  He  retired 
to  the  Miami  country,  where  lie  atterwards  died.  He  had  been  an  able 
counsellor,  and  allerwanls  a  chief  of  the  Turtle  tribe.f  Hut  to  return  to 
Ca])t!iin  Pipe. 

At  one  time  after  an  expedition  against  the  Americans,  Captain  Pipe  went 
to  Di'troit,  ^vhere  ho  was  received  with  respi-ct  by  the  British  commandant, 
who,  with  his  attendants,  was  invited  to  th(!  council-house,  to  give  an  account 
of  j)ast  transiictions.  He  was  seated  in  front  of  his  Indians,  facing  the  chitjf 
(i)iii-er,  and  held  in  his  left  hand  a  short  stick,  to  which  wasliistened  a  scalp. 
After  a  usual  pause,  be  arose  and  spoke;  as  f <)llows : — 

"  Father,  [thvu  he  stoo|)ed  u  little,  and,  turning  towards  the  audience,  with 
a  cotintenance  full  of  great  expression,  and  a  sarcastic  look,  said,  in  a  lower 
tone  of  voice,]  "  //wTi'e  smd  father,  although,  indeed,  I  do  not  know  aviiy  /  am 
to  call  HIM  so,  having  never  known  any  other  father  than  the  French,  and  consider- 
ing the  English  only  as  urothkrs.  Bid  as  this  iiame  is  also  imposed  npon  ns, 
I  shall  make  vsc  of  it,  and  say,  [at  tiie  sjime  time  fixing  his  eyes  upon  tlu;  com- 
nia'ndauf,]  Father,  so7ne  time  ago  you  jnd  a  uw  hatchet  into  my  hands,  saying, 
'  Take  this  weapon,  and  try  It  on  the  heads  of  my  enemies,  the  Long-Knives,  and 
let  me  afterwards  know  if  it  wai  sharp  and  good.'  Father,  at  the  time  n-hen  you 
gave  mc  this  weapon,  1  had  neither  cause  nor  inclination  to  go  to  war  against  a 
people  who  had  done  mc  no  injury ;  yet  in  obedience  to  you,  who  say  you  are  my 
father,  and  call  mc  your  child,  I  received  the  hatchet ;  well  knomng,  that  if  I  did 
not  ohe^i,  you  would  withhold  from  me  the  necessaries  of  life,  without  which  I  could 
not  subsist,  and  wliich  are  not  elsewhere  to  be  procured,  bnt  at  the  house  of  my 
father. —  You  tnay  perhaps  think  me  afnohfor  risking  my  life  at  your  bidding,  in 
a  cause  too,  by  u-tnch  I  have  no  prospect  of  gaining  any  thing ;  far  it  I'syonr  cause 
and  not  mine.  //  is  your  concern  to  fight  tlw  Long-Knives ;  you  have  raised  a 
quarrel  amongst  yourselves,  and  you  oiight  yourselves  tofght  it  out.  You  should 
not  compel  your  rhildren,the  Indians,  to  erjiosc  themselves  to  danger,  for  yoiu- ,w/,y,7. 
— Father,  )nany  livrs  have  already  been  lost  on  your  account ! — ^Yations  have  suf- 
fered, amt  been  weakened! — children  have  lost  parents,  brothers,  and  relatives ! — 
wives  have  lost  husbands ! — It  is  not  known  how  many  more  ma >f>  perish  before 
your  war  will  be  at  an  end ! — Father,  I  havcsaiil,  that  you  may,  perhaps,  think  me 
a  fool,  for  thus  thoughtlessly  rushing  on  yom*  enemy ! — Do  not  believe  this,  father : 
^hink  nut  th(d  I  want  sense  to  convince  me,  that  althimgh  you  now  pretend  to  keep 
vp  a  perpetual  enmity  to  the  Long- Knives,  you  may  before  long  conclude  a  peace 
with  them. —  Father,  you  .say  you  love  your  children,  the  Indians. — This  you  have 
oflm  told  them,  and  indeed  it  is  your  interest  to  say  so  to  them,  thai  you  mai/  have 
iher,:  at  your  .•service.  But,  father,  who  of  us  can  believe  that  you  can  love  a  people 
of  a  dijflrent  color  from  your  own,  better  than  those  who  have  a  white  skin  like 
yoursilvcs  /  Father,  pay  attention  to  what  I  am  going  to  say.  If'hile  you,  father, 
are  selling  mr  [nieanmg  th(!  Indians  in  general]  on  your  enemy,  much  in  the 
same  manner  as  a  hunter  sets  his  dog  on  the  game  ;  while  I  am  in  the  act  of  rushing 
on  that  enemy  of  yours,  with  the  bloody  destructive  weapon  you  gave  mc,  I 
miy,  perchance,  happen  to  look  back  to  the  place  from  whence  you  started  me  ;  and 
what  shall  I  see  'J  Perhaps  I  may  see  my  father  shaking  hands  with  the  Long- 
Knives  ;  yes,  with  these  ven/  people  he  now  calls  his  enemies.  I  may  then  see  him 
laugh  at  my  folly  for  having  obeyed  his  orders  ;  and  yet  lam  now  risking  mi)  life 
at  his  command!  Father, keep  what  I  have  .said  in  rrmembrance. — JVow,  father, 
here  is  what  has  been  doiw  with  the  hatchet  you  gave  me.  [With  these  woVds  ho 
handed  the  stick  t(i  the  conunaiulant,  with  the  seal]!  Uj)on  if,  above  nien- 
tioned.]  J  have  done  with  the  hatchet  what  you  ordered  me  to  do,  and  found  it 
sharp.     JVevertheless,  I  did  not  do  all  tluit  I  might  have  done.   ,Vo,  I  did  not.     My 


*  Aiiiiilicr  ofllie  sumo  iiiimc  is  mentioned  fiy  Mr.  Lnlroht,  Rnniiiloa,  ii.  118,  wliom  he  saw 
at  New  t'liirliflil  in  1332}  "  a  voncriible  "  innn  "  wuti-liing  llio  bod  oC  his  dying  duiigiilcr,  the 
last  ori'2  rhildrcM." 

f  //frtfincW^r'*  Hin(fii|>tiy  of  iho  DrinwHrcs,  4[C,  iu  y/ilVo*.  TVaiM.    ■ 

I  Machiiigiic  I'limhlh,  ucinrding  lo  Hiikiweldcr. 


Chap.  IV.]         CAPTAIN  PIPE.— CRAVVIORD S  EXPEDITION. 


67 


heart  failed  uithin  me.  I  fell  compassion  for  your  enemy.  Innocence  [lielpless 
women  and  diildren]  had  no  pari  in  your  quarrels ;  therefore  I  distin^uislii:d — / 
spared.  I  took  some  live  flesli,  which,  while  I  tvas  bringing  to  you,  I  spied  one  of 
your  large  cnnoes,  on  which  I  put  it  for  you.  In  a  few  days  you  will  recover  this 
nesii,  andfmd  that  the  skin  is  of  the  sarne  color  with  your  owt;.  Father,  I  hope 
you  will  not  destroy  wliat  I  have  saved.  You,  father,  have  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing that  which  tvith  me  woidd  perish  for  icant.  The  warrior  is  poor,  and  his  cabin 
is  (dways  empty ;  but  your  house,  falher,  is  always  full." 

After  a  hijrli  eucoiuiniii  npoii  tliLs  t-'[)oecli,  wliich  need  not  be  repeated,  Mr. 
Ileckewelder  .says,  "It  i.s  but  justice  liere  to  say,  tiiat  Pipe  was  well  acciuaint- 
cd  witii  tli(!  nol)le  and  {,'cueroiiH  clianicter  of  tbu  British  officer  to  wliom  this 
H|>"('cFi  was  addressed,  lie  is  still  livinjr  in  liis  own  country,  au  honor  to  the 
l^riiisli  name.  He  obeyed  the  orders  oi"  his  superiors,  in  employing  the  In- 
dians to  tight  a<i;ainst  us;  but  he  did  it  witli  reliictaiice,  and  soflcnetl  as  niucii 
i\s  was  in  his  power  the  horrors  ol'  that  aboniinal»le  warfare.  He  esteemed 
(Ji'.ptain  Pipe,  and,  I  have  no  doubt,  was  well  ])leased  with  the  humane  cou- 
durt  of  this  Indian  chief,  whose  sagacity  in  tiiis  instance  is  no  less  deserving 
of  }iraise  than  his  elo(|Mei!C('." 

The  name  of  Captain  Pipe  is  unfortunately  associated  with  the  histoiy  of  the 
lauKMitcd  Colonel  William  Crawford,  who  perished  at  the  stake,  after  suf!(;ring 
the  most  horrible  and  excruciating  tortures  ])ossible  for  Indians  to  inflict.  He 
was  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  from  having  been  many  years  a  successful 
eounuander  against  them.  Hi!  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians  not  fiu'  from 
Upjier  .''andnsky,  in  the  latter  end  of  .May,  1783.  At  tliis-timi!  he  was  arrivt'd 
there,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  about  .500  volunteers,  who  were  attacked  and 
put  to  flight,  without  having  acMpntted  themsiilves  like  soldiers  in  any  degree  ; 
except,  ind'cd,  some  individual  instances.  At  least  ii  hiuidrcd  were  killed 
and  taken,  and  of  the  latter,  but  two  are  said  ever  to  have  esca[)ed. 

Captain  Pipe,  if  not  the  priucipid,  was  probably  one  of  the  chief  lead(vs  of 
the  Indians  at  this  time.  When  the  rout  ol"  the  army  bcigan,  instead  of  re- 
treating in  a  body,  they  fled  in  small  parties,  and  thus  fell  an  easy  prey  into 
t!  ■  hands  of  their  pursuers.  Colonel  Crawford  became  seiiarated  from  the 
main  body  of  his  soldiers,  by  his  extreme  anxii'ty  lor  his  sou,  and  two  or  three 
other  relations,  whom  he  suspected  were  in  the  rear,  and  tlierell  re  waited 
for  them  an^mreasonablt!  time.  Heat  length  fled,  in  company  with  a  l)r. 
Knight  and  two  others.  IJnfortimately,  afler  travelling  nearly  two  days,  they 
\v(M-e,  \vith  several  otlier.--,  surprised  by  a  party  ol"  Dtdawares,  and  conducted 
to  the  Old  Wyandot  Town.  Hen;  Captain  Pipe,  witii  his  own  hands,  painted 
Crawford  and  Knight  black  in  every  part  of  their  bodies.  A  place  called 
the  New  Wyandot  'l\>wn  was  not  f"ar  offl  To  this  ])lace  they  wen;  now 
ordered,  and  Pipe  told  Crawford,  that  when  he  arrived  there,  his  head  should 
be  shaved ;  of  vvliicb,  it  seems,  he  did  not  imder.stand  the  import.  These  mis- 
erable men  were  accomi)anied  by  Pipe  and  another  noted  Delaware  chielj 
named  It'ingenim.  Several  other  captives  iiad  been  sent  forward;  an<l  in  the 
way,  as  Knigid  and  Crawford  ])assed  along,  they  saw  fiiur  of  the  maiigled 
Ixxlies  of  their  friends,  lying  tipon  the  ground,  <l(!ad  and  scalped.  Nine  others 
liiul  been  picked  uj)  at  the  same  time  the  two  just  named  were,  and  four  of 
these  were  those  nnirdered  in  the  way.  The  other  five  met  ti  \\\w  iiite,  from 
the  baiiils  of  Indian  s(|uaws  and  boys  at  the  (h^stined  village,  lien;  Craufora 
and  Knight  saw  Simon  Girty,  of  whom  no  Inunan  being  since,  we  apprehend, 
bus  spoken  or  written  witnout  indignation.  He  is  represented  to  have  wit- 
nessed the  torture  of  Crawford  with  much  satisfaction  ! 

After  the  colonel  was  tied  to  the  fiual  post.  Captain  Pipe  addressed  the  assem- 
l>led  Indians  in  an  earnest  speech,  wlii(>li  when  he  had  cloned,  they  all  joined  in 
a  bi<leous  yell,  and  fell  to  lorttiring  the  iirisoncr,  which  contiiuied  lor  about 
three  boin-s,  when  he  sunk  down  u|)on  Ins  face,  and  with  a  groan  exi»ire(l. 

Dr.  Knight  was  reserved  for  the  same;  fate,  Und  was  presi-nf,  and  obliged  to 
hear  the  agonizing  ejaculations  of  his  friend,  and  at  fast  to  see  him  ("xpire- 
without  being  able  to  render  him  even  the  assistance  of  a  consoling  word  !— 
Indeed  the  tVioughts  of  bis  own  condition,  and  the  end  that  awaited  him, 
were  as  much,  iiav,  more,  perhaps,  than  a  nitional  mind  could  bear.  There 
vcemed  no  po.ssibility  of  a  deliverance ;  but  it  came  in  an  unexi>ectcd  hour 


68 


WINGENUXD'S  INTERVIEW  WITH  COL.  CRAWFORD.         [Book  V- 


He  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Suwiiiiee  Town,  and  for  tlii.s  purpose  was  inti'usted 
to  a  young  warrior,  who  watched  liini  incessantly.  The  distance  was  a!)Out 
40  miles ;  and,  during  their  murch,  he  found  means  to  knock  down  his  driver 
and  make  good  his  escape.  He  was  21  days  in  the  wilderness  alone,  and  was 
nearly  famished  when  he  arrived  at  Foit  M'Intosh.  At  the  place  to  which 
lie  was  destined  by  the  Indians,  Colonel  Crawford's  son,  son-in-law,  and  sev- 
eral others,  were  put  to  death  about  the  same  time. 

Wingenund,  Winganoond,  or  U'ingaijnoond,  had  an  interview  with  Colonel 
Crawford  immediately  before  his  exe(Uition,  and  as  the  substance  of  what 
pass-ed  between  the  victim  and  the  chief  has  been  preserved,  it  shall  here 
be  given,  not  merely  for  the  history  which  it  contains,  but  as  it  strikingly 
brings  to  view  the  manner  in  which  an  Indian  exercises  his  views  of  justice 
in  an  extraordinary  case. 

This  chief  had  been  known  to  Crawford/,  some  time  before,  and  had  been 
on  terms  of  true  friendship  witli  him,  and  kindly  entertained  by  him  at  his 
own  house ;  and  such  acts  of  kindness  all  red  men  remember  with  gratitude. 
Wingenund  does  not  appear  to  have  been  present  when  the  fii"st  preparations 
were  made  for  burning  the  prisoner,  but  resided  not  far  from  the  fatal  spot,  and 
had  retired  to  his  cabin  that  he  migiit  not  see  the  sentence  of  his  nation  exe- 
cuted ujion  one  calling  him  his  friend  ;  but  Crawford  requested  that  he  miglit 
be  S'.nt  Ibr,  cheering  his  almost  raylcss  hiiud  with  tlie  faint  hope  that  ho 
would  interpose  and  save  him.  Accordingly,  Wingenund  soon  appeared  in 
the  presence  of  the  bound  and  naked  white  man.  He  was  asked  by  Crawford  if 
he  knew  him,  who  said,  he  believed  he  did,  and  asked,  "Are  you  not  dolonel 
Crawford?"  " I  am,"  replied  the  colonel.  The  chief  discovered  much  agi- 
tation and  embarrasr-ment,  and  ejaculated — "So! — Yes! — Indeed!"  "Do 
you  not  recollect  the  friendship  that  always  existed  between  us,  and  that  we 
were  always  glad  to  seeeach other?" said  Crauford.  "Yes,"  said  the  chiefj  "i 
remember  all  this,  and  that  we  have  oilen  drank  together,  and  that  you  have 
been  kind  tome."  "Then  I  hope,"  added  Crauybrrf,  "  the  same  friendship 
still  continues."  "  It  v/ould  of  cour.se,"  said  Wingenund, "  were  you  where  you 
ought  to  be, and  not  here."  "And  why  not  here  ?"  said  the  colonel ;  "I  hope 
you  would  not  desert  a  friend  in  time  of  ncied.  Now  is  the  time  for  you  to 
exert  yourself  in  my  behalf |  as  I  should  do  for  you,  were  you  in  my  place." 
"Colonel  Crawford,"  replied  Wingenwid,  "you  have  placed  yourself  in  a  sit- 
uation which  puts  it  out  of  my  power  and  that  of  others  of  your  friends  to 
do  any  thing  for  you."  "How  so.  Captain  Wingenund?"  s&iA  the  colonel. 
He  added,  "  By  joining  yoursilf  to  that  execiabli)  man,  Williamson  and  his 

Jiarty.  The  man  who  but  the  other  day  murdered  such  a  number  of  the 
iloravian  Indians,  knowing  them  to  be  frimids ;  knowing  that  he  ran  no  ri.sk 
in  murdering  n  people  who  would  not  fight,  and  whose  only  business  was 
praying."  ''  But  I  assure  you,  H'ingenuml,"  said  Crawford, "  that  had  I  been  with 
him  ut  the  time,  this  would  not  liave  liappeiied.  Not  I  alone,  but  all  your 
friends  and  all  good  men,  wherever  they  are,  reprobate  acts  of  this  kind." 
"That  may  be,"  said  Wingenund,  "yet  tliese  friends,  these  good  men  did  not 
prevent  liitn  from  going  out  again,  to  kill  the  remainder  of  those  inottensive, 
yet  foolish  Moravian  Indians!  I  my  foolish,  because  they  believed  the  whites 
in  preference  to  us.  Wo  had  oflen  told  them  that  they  would  he  one  day  so 
treated  by  those  people  who  called  themselves  their  friends !  We  told  them 
that  there  was  no  fiiitli  to  bo  placed  in  what  the  white  men  said ;  that  their 
fair  promises  were  only  intended  to  allure  us,  that  they  might  the  more  easily 
kill  us,  as  they  have  done  many  Indians  before  they  killed  these  Moravians." 
"I  am  sorry  to  hear  you  speak  thus,"  said  Crauford:  "as  to  WUliamaon^a  going 
out  again,  when  it  was  known  that  he  was  determined  on  it,  I  went  out  with 
him,  to  prevent  him  from  committing  fresh  murdera."  "Tliis,"8iud  Winge- 
nund,  "  the  Indians  would  not  believe,  were  even  I  to  tell  them  so."  Crauford 
then  asked,  "And  why  would  they  not  believe  it?    "Because,"  raplied  Win- 

f^enund,  "it  would  have  Itetni  out  of  your  power  to  prevent  his  doing  what 
le  pleased."  "Out  of  my  power?"  exclaimed  the  colonel,  and  asked,  "Have 
any  Moravian  Indians  been  killed  or  hurt  since  we  came  out?"  "None," 
answered  the  chief;  "but  you  went  first  to  their  town,  and  finding  it  oinptT 
and  deserted,  you  turned  on  tiic  path  towards  U8.    If  you  Itad  been  in  searou 


Chap.  IV] 


COL.  CRAWFORD  BURM'  AT  THE  STAKE. 


of  Avarriors  only,  you  would  not  have  gone  tliithor.  Our  spies  watched  you 
closely.  They  saw  you  wliile  yon  were  embodying  yourselves  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Ohio.  They  saw  jon  cross  that  river — they  saw  where  you  encamped 
at  night — they  saw  yon  turn  off  from  the  jiatli  to  the  deserted  Moravian  town — 
they  knew  you  were  going  out  of  your  way — your  steps  were  constantly  watch- 
ed, and  you  were  suffered  quietly  to  proceed  until  you  reached  the  spot 
where  you  were  attacked." 

Crawford,  douhtless,  witii  this  sentence,  endedjiis  last  rays  of  hope.  He  asked, 
with  ftmit  emotion, "What  do  they  intend  to  do  with  me?"  when  fVingenund 
frankly  replied, "  I  tell  you  with  grief.  As  Williamson,  with  his  whole  cowardly 
host,  ran  off  in  the  night  at  the  whistling  of  our  warriors'  halls,  bt'ing  satisfied 
that  now  he  had  no  Moravians  to  deal  with,  but  men  who  could  figlit,  and  with 
.such  he  did  not  wish  to  have  any  thing  to  do — I  say,  as  he  escaped,  and  they 
liave  taken  yon,  tiiey  will  take  revenge  on  you  in  his  stead."  "And  is  there 
no  possibility  of  jjreventing  this?"  said  Crawford — "Can  you  devise  no  way 
to  get  me  off?  You  shall,  my  friend,  be  well  rewarded  if  you  arc  instrumen- 
tal in  saving  my  life."  "Had  Williamson  been  taken  with  you,"  answered  the 
chief,  "I  and  some  friends,  by  nuiking  use  of  what  you  have  told  me,  might, 
perhaps,  have  succeeded  in  saving  j'ou,  ))utns  the  matter  now  stands,  no  man 
would  dare  to  interfere  in  your  liehalK  The  king  of  England  him.seif;  were  he 
to  come  to  tiiis  spot,  with  all  his  wealth  and  treasure,  could  not  effect  this  pur- 
pose. The  blood  of  the  innocent  Moravians,  more  than  half  of  them  women 
and  children,  cruelly  and  wantonly  nuirdered,  calls  aloud  for  revenge.  The  rela- 
tives of  the  slain,  who  are  among  us,  ciy  out  and  stand  ready  for  revenge.  The 
nation  to  which  they  belonged  will  have  revenge.  The  Shawanese,  our  grand- 
children, have  asked  for  yoiu-  fellow  prisoner;  on  him  they  will  take  revenge. 
All  the  nations  connected  with  us  cry  out,  revenge !  revenge !  The  Moravians 
whom  you  went  to  destroy,  having  fled,  insfeail  of  avenging  their  brethren, 
the  offence  is  become  national,  and  the  nation  itself  is  bound  to  take  revenge!" 
"My  ftite  then  is  fixed,"  said  the  wretched  man,  "and  I  nmst  prepare  to 
meet  death  in  its  worst  form."  "Yes,  colonel,"  said  the  chief;  "I  am 
sorry  for  it,  but  cannot  do  any  thing  for  you.  Had  you  attciiuled  to  the  Indian 
l)rinciple,  that  as  good  and  evil  cannot  dwell  together  in  the  same  heart,  so  a 
good  man  ought  not  to  go  into  evil  company,  you  would  not  be  in  this  lament- 
able situation.  You  see,  now,  when  it  is  too  late,  after  Williamson  has  deserted 
you,  what  a  bad  man  he  must  Im.'!  Nothing  now  remains  for  you  but  to  n)eet 
vour  fiite  like  a  brave  man.  Fai'ewell,  Colonel  Crawford !  they  are  coming. 
1  will  retire  to  a  solitary  spot." 

Accordingly  a  host  of  executioners  were  immediately  upon  hitn,  and  ho 
died  by  their  cruel  haiuls,  as  we  have  already  written.  It  is  said  tliat  Winge- 
nund  shed  tears  at  j)arting  with  his  friend,  and  that  ever  afler,  when  the  cir- 
cumstance was  mentioned,  he  seemed  very  sensibly  affected.* 

Colonel  Crawford's  son  was  compelled  to  witness  ibis  cruel  death  of  his 
father,  and  suffered  the  same  fate  innnetliately  aller.t 

The  exjtedition  of  Colond  Crawford  was  not  so  laudably  undertaken  as 
nianv  others,  in  as  fin-  as  it  was  directed  against  the  Moravian  towns  u|)on  the 
Muskingum,  where  vutmi,  who  composed  it,  were  determined  that  the  Chris- 
TJan  LkIkuis,  which  they  there  ex]  ..'Cted  to  finil,  should  glut  their  vengeance 
by  tluur  blood,  as  those  at  CJnadenhuelten  had  doiu;  but  a  short  time  belbre.J 
'CillKATO.NlMO.  In  ]7!I0,  this  chief  snceeeehd  in  capturing  many  boats 
upon  the  Ohio  lliver,  killing  manv  of  those  in  tiicni,  and  taking  and  destroy- 
ing a  viust  amount  of  property.  Among  th(!  bonts  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Chilaitommo  wiis  one  in  which  was  a  iMr.  Cliiirtes  Johnston  of  Uotetouit 
coimty,  X'irginia,  and  several  others,  anil  (I'om  wliosi;  narrative  we  derive  nnicli 
of  thi<  information — a  book  re|ili'te  with  iuslruclion,  and  one  of  the  ?nost 
valuable  in  its  kind  J    As  this  com|)any  were  descending  the  Ohio,  in  an  un- 

*  Ifrckrirrtdi'r'.i  Iiidiiin  Nnliniis,  'J81  to  2IU.  +  Cnliimhiiiii  Mn^mUir  fi>r  17H7.  p.  64B. 

{  Our  c'liit^l'uulliority  lor  ihusc  uvciils  is  liiu  valuable  (^'ukonici.ks  liy  Mr.  Willti'is,  lirCore 
roffrrcil  lo. 

^  Tlie  iiiulior  inipcari  lo  liiivo  licrii  proiTipIci!  Iq  its  piililii'iilioii  liy  llio  inisiiitrrprrlation 
oliiis  oral  tMiiimiiMiicaliuiis  I)}  the  Duke  df  l.itiiwtn/it ;  wlioiii,  liy  the  uiiv,  wo  do  not  I'liul  lo 
(.lilVcr  so  muturiully,  ia  liis  uuruuiit,  I'ruui  tlio  auilior  as  uuu  iiiigiit  npprefiLMiii  from  his  stale- 


70         CHIKATOMMO—NARRATIVE  OF  CIIARrjW  JOHNSTON.       [Bc.ok  V- 

wielily  flnt-bottoined  boat,  in  which  wen;  a  niiiiihi'r  of  hoiBCH  uiul  ronsiili'iu- 
ble  luoichandisc,  two  whito  iiicii  ai)poai('(l  upon  the  sliorc,  and  called  to  thom, 
uflcctiiig  pvat  tlistrcss,  aiid  hcfrgcd  to  he  taken  oti  hoai'd.  J!e('oro  these  two 
whites  showed  tlicMuselves,  however,  a  «rnoke  was  seen  abovo  the  trees,  and 
lor  some  tinit!  heUl  them  in  doubt  on  which  siilo  of  the  river  it  was.  They 
wisluid  to  asc(!rtain  this  fact,  us  thereby  they  might  keep  elos(!  in  upon  the 
opposite  shore,  and  so  escape  mischief  in  tiie  event  of  an  ambushment  of 
Indians.  They  were  thus  wary,  as  the  Indians  W(u-o  constantly  doinL'  mis- 
chief upon  the  rivers,  un<l  bad  but  u  short  time  lu^line  destroyed  u  Sv,ttlenieut 
at  a  place  called  Kennedy's  Jlottom,  iu  Kentucky. 

It  was  btjfore  smniso  on  the  20  March,  that  the  two  white  men  l>eforo  men- 
tioned hailed  the  boat,  which  was  salely  out  of  the  reach  of  fire-anns,  having 
discovenxl  the  jmoko  to  be  upon  the  N.  VV.  shore,  and  tlierefore  they  kept 
upon  the  S.  W.  These  white  men,  the  more  eflectually  to  decoy  the  boat's 
crew,  said  they  had  been  taken  prisoners  by  the  Indians  at  Keimedy's  IJot- 
tom,  and  bail  just  escaped  from  tiiem,  and  mdess  they  would  take  them  on 
board  they  must  perish  liom  hunger  and  cold.  The  truth  was,  one  or  both 
of  them  were  abimdoned  wretches,  who  had  leagued  with  a  band  of  (h  preda- 
tors under  Chikatomnw,  aiul  thus  were  the  uaians  of  destroying  many  inno- 
cent lives  in  the  most  atrocious  manner.  V/htMi  hailed  by  tiiem,  as  we  have 
i'ust  saitl,  some  in  die  boat  were  for  listening  to  them,  uial  some  against  it. 
n  the  mean  time,  the  boat  floated  fast  down  the  current,  and  left  those  on 
Bliore  considerably  in  tlu;  rear,  although  they  exerted  themselves  to  kee() 
abn-ast  of  the  boat.  Those  who  were  agaiiLst  taking  them  on  board  had  their 
objections  well  gromided ;  for  when  these  men  wine  asked  the  occasion  ol' 
the  smoke  upon  their  side  ol"  tlu;  river,  they  deniiul  that  there  had  been  any, 
or  said  they  knew  of, no  such  tiling ;  and  this  was  urged  as  a  sufficient  reason 
why  they  sliould  reject  the  other  (lartof  tiioir  story.  Still,  as  the  boat  glided 
down,  those  on  board  debated  tlie  subject,  and  at  length  concluded,  that  if 
there  were  Indians  where  they  first  saw  the  men,  they  must  then  bo  fiir  up 
the  river,  as  it  was  thought  impossible  that  tiiey  could  liavi;  got  through 
the  woods  so  fiist  as  tiiey  iiad  floated  d«)wn ;  and  one  of  the  company,  a  Mr. 
F^inn,  whose  kindness  of  heart  brought  upon  them  this  calamity,  proposed 
hazarding  bis  own  person  on  short!,  without  in  the  least  endangering  the 
rest.  His  plan  W(w  as  follows:  tiiat  whereas  they  must  be  now  »>ut  of  the 
reach  of  the  Indians,  they  should  haul  in,  and  barely  touch  njioii  the  shore, 
and  be  would  Jump  out,  and  the  boat  should  at  the  same  time  haul  olF;  so 
that  if  Indians  siiould  be  coming,  the  boat  would  have  time  to  get  ofl' safe, 
and  as  to  Inmself,  la;  could  well  outrun  tliiuii,  and  woiilil  get  on  boafd  the 
boat  again  at  a  certain  point  below.  And  thus  was  the  hiinia.ie  |)laii  laid  of 
relieving  supposed  distress,  the  sad  recompense  of  which,  we  now  proceed  to 
relate. 

One  circumstance  bad  not  been  taken  into  aceoniit  l)y  this  devoted  com- 
pany. The  current  being  ra|)id,  it  took  them  much  longer  than  they  had 
uiiticipati'd  to  gain  the  shore  ;  and  this  gave  soiik;  of  the  iiio^t  swil't-l'ooted  of 
Chlkatommo^s  party  time  to  arrive  at  the  point  at  the  same  time  with  tliein. 
Having  arrived  close  to  the  shore,  Mr.  Rlnn  had  but  barely  cleared  himself 
from  the  boat,  when  a  large  ntmiber  of  Indians,  painted  in  tlu^  most  frightful 
manner,  canit!  rushing  upon  them.  Some  of  tlie  boat's  erew  s(  i/.ed  their 
guns,  and  determined  to  resist,  while  thi!  others  used  every  mkmiiis  to  get 
their  boat  from  the  shore;  but  every  thing  seemed  to  eoiis|»ire  against  tluuu. 
Their  boat  became  entangled  in  tla;  branches  of  a  large  tnse,  and  the  wholu 
liody  of  Indians,  having  arrived,  being  .')1  in  mimber,  gavi;  a  horrible  yell, 
and  poured  in  their  whole  fuv  upon  the  boat.  I'rom  the  pre'eetioii  afliirded 
by  the  side  of  the  boat,  one  only  was  killed,  Doll;/  Flcmiii>r,  and  Mr.  Skylcs 
wounded.  All  resistance  was  vain,  and  tlii!  others  lay  down  upon  the  bot- 
tom of  the  boat,  to  prevent  being  imiiK-dialely  killed.  'I'he  Indians  kept  tip 
their  lire  until  all  the  horses  w<;re  shot  down,  which  additd  iiiiieh  to  the 


mciil.     Till!  ('Iii(^ri'isiii>i'i'i'i.ii'iil  n|ini'iiis  ill  Midi  iiiiiKir  (loinls  as  (lie  spollin;;  of  iianirs:   '.hill, 
(lie  |)iT'.<'ii<  in|>iiMiii'(l,  (iir  .'Skvirs  li(!  wriU's  >'/,»;// ,  lor  DiilTv  I'U'iniiifr,  Ihty 


III    iiiiiiiiii'.;    (lie  mT'.<Mi<  in|>li\iilivl 
t'iaminiiij; :  lor  I'liiiii,  I'hlijii,  \;c. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CIIIKATOMMC-^OIINSTON'S  CAPTIVITY. 


71 


horror  of  tho  sitimtion  of  tlioso  upon  tho  bottom  of  tlio  liont,  as  tJicy  were 
ill  great  (lunger  of  huing  tnini|)l(!il  to  deatli  by  tlioni  before  tbisy  fell,  and 
uflervvnnia  from  tbeir  t^trivingH.  Wbon  tliin  wiik  finiHbod,  the  firing  eeuHed, 
and  Mr.  May  Htood  up,  and  held  n|i  ii  white  cup  in  token  of  Hurreudor;  but 
lie  fell  in  a  moment  utter,  with  u  ball  t^liot  through  IiIh  heud.  Several  oj'  tho 
Indiurm  now  HWam  to  the  boat,  and  were  helped  into  it  hy  thoHe  within. 
Having  now  got  jiosHessiiiii  of  it,  they  niMMia-d  well  phuisid,  und  olfered  no 
tbrthe:'  violenei;.  All  things  were  now  U\ko,i\  on  nliore,  und  an  immense  fire 
kiiKUed;  the  deud  were  Hcalped,  and  thrown  into  the  river,  und  the  ea|Uiveti 
divested  of  moHt  of  tlitiir  elothcH.  As  sevoral  indiaMS  were  gathered  uround 
Mr.  Jolimlon  wUvii  ho  was  8tii|)|)ed,  one,  observing  that  he  hud  una  kind 
of  red  vest,  approaehed  and  said  to  him  in  \')i\)i\iii\t,  ^^  Ok!  you  cappatin'P* 
He  Huid,  " .Vo."  Then  the  Jndian  pointed  to  his  own  breast,  und  suid,  "jMe 
vappalin — all  dcse  my  sogers."  This  was  Chicknlommo.  An  Indian,  named 
Tom  Lewis,  diseovered  much  humanity  to  Mr.  Johnston,  in  that  ho  covered 
him  with  his  own  blanket  atVer  he  hud  lost  his  elotheu. 

lieing  all  smtioned  about  tho  tire,  Chickalonuno  was  at  one  end  of  it,  (it 
being  ahont  .K)  feet  in  length,)  wiio,  rising  up,  nanle  a  sixieeh  to  the  multi- 
tude. An  old  Shawanee  ehietj  vvhosi!  name  is  not  mentioned,  made  tho 
first  speech,  at  the  end  of  which  CIdrkntommo  conducted  Johnston  to  another 
Shuwunee  chief,  whose  name  wns  Mes-slMw-a,  to  whom  he  wus  given  or 
aBsigned,  un<l  iniiinni'd  that  hi^  was  his  ti'iend.  At  the  end  of  Chkludommo'a 
Hpe(!ch,  uiiother  prisoiuu'  was  disposed  oil  Tho  sume  ceremony  wus  repeuted 
with  the  third  und  last.  Johnston,  Skyles,  and  Flinn  went  to  the  Shuwuneso, 
and  Pegiry  Flcmxng  to  the  ('herokejis.  This  bund  of  robbers  upiiears  to  have 
been  ma<le  n|;  of  advttntiirers  from  the  tribes  just  mentioned,  with  the  addi- 
tion of  a  lew  Delawares.  'I'he  latter  hud  none  of  the  prisoners,  iw  they  did 
not  wish  to  bo  known  in  tiie  business,  thinking  it  might  involvu  their  nation 
ill  a  war  willi  the  United  States. 

'i'la;  two  white  men  who  had  decoyed  the  boat  into  tla;  Indians'  hands 
wen!  still  with  them,  and  llio  next  day  ull  the  captives  were  ordered  to  tuko 
a  position  upon  the  edge  of  tla;  river,  to  decoy  the  first  that  should  bo  passing. 
A  bout  soon  up|)oure(i,  und,  re|Mignunt  as  such  an  employment  wan  to  the 
feelings  of  tlie.se  euirtivtis,  yet  they  wc-re  obligcid  thus  to  do,  or  slitter  u  horri- 
ble death.  Divine  and  Thomas  were  the  names  of  tho  two  whites  so  otteu 
mentioned :  the  former  wiw  the  voluntary  agent,  and,  us  Mr.  Johnston 
expresses  it,  tli(!  one  who  "alone  had  devised  and  curriiui  into  ettiiet  tlieii* 
tiestructioii ;"  and,'*'  ingiiiious  in  wicked  stratagems,  seemed  to  be  pertisetly 
gratified  to  aid  the  savagis  in  tlniir  views,  und  to  feel  no  scri|ples  in  suggesl- 
iiig  meuns  for  their  uccoin|ilislinient.  He  fabricated  a  tale,  that  we  were 
passengers  down  tlio  Ohio,  whose  boat  had  suffered  so  great  an  injury  tJiat 
we  were  unable  to  proceid  until  it  was  repaired ;  but  that  for  vvuiit  of  uti 
axe,  it  wus  impossibhs  lor  us  to  do  tli(!  ncccHsury  work.  These  unwiisjiecting 
cunoe-men  turned  towurds  us ;  but  the  ciirrcmt  bore  them  down  ho  fiir  below 
us,  as  to  prednilo  all  chance  of  my  putting  them  on  tlutir  guard.  [Mr.  Johns- 
ton having  intended  by  .some  sign  to  havi;  givtMi  them  wurning  of  what 
awaited  them.]  The  Indians,  us  they  hud  iicted  in  our  cuse,  run  down  tho 
river  ut  such  a  distance  from  it,  und  undi>r  cover  of  the  woods,  that  they 
were  not  discovered  until-tlie  cunoe  wus  close  to  tho  shore,  when  they  fired 
into  it,  und  shot  every  one  on  board.  As  they  tuinbled  into  the  water,  their 
little  burk  was  overset.  Two,  who  were  not  yet  dead,  kept  themselves  afloat, 
but  were  so  severely  wounded  that  they  could  not  swim  off.  The  Indians 
leaped  into  the  river,  and  utter  dragging  them  to  the  shore,  despatclied  them 
with  the  tomahawk.  The  bodies  of  tin!  lour  who  were  killed  were  ulso  brought 
to  land,  and  tho  whole  six  wen:  Hcul[ied.  All  were  then  thrown  into  the 
river.  Nothing  I  could  then  leurn,  or  which  ban  since  come  to  my  knowl- 
edge, has  enabled  ine  to  nnderstand  who  these  unfortunate  sufferers  wiire." 

Alier  various  successes  and  ijncountcrs  upon  the  rivcir,  Chickatommo  left  it, 
and  met  a  tiumber  of  bis  company  nt  un  encampment  uboiit  five  miles  from 
it.  Here  ho  lefl  tho  rest,  tuking  with  him  u  select  number  and  some  of  tho 
Cherokees,  with  Miss  Fleming;  and  tho  coni|)any  with  whom  Johnston 
remained  did  not  join  liiin  a|;ain  for  many  days.    After  much  deluy  und 


n 


kING-CRANE.— RESCUES  A  CAPTIVE. 


[Hotk  7. 


interesting  incident,  they  reached  the  Indian  town  of  U()pnr  Sandusky. 
Here  they  squandered  all  tlieir  rich  booty  tor  wliisi<ey,  and,  ns  usimi,  rioted 
in  drunkenness  for  several  days.  Cliickatommo  at  this  time  sliowed  himself 
very  savage  to  the  prisoners,  and  had  ho  not  heeu  prevented  by  the  humane 
and  benevolent  Messlmwa,*  would  iinvo  killed  some  of  them.  The  unfortu- 
nate Sk.yles  had  some  time  before  left  them,  and  gone  in  an  unknown  direction 
with  his  cruel  master. 

A  French  trader  at  Sandusky,  a  Mr.  Duckouquet,  had  used  endeavors  to 
ransom  Johnston ;  hut  his  master  for  some  time  would  hear  nothing  of  it. 
At  length,  havuig  dissij)ate(i  all  his  booty,  and  ashamed  to  return  home  in  such 
a  state,  he  concluded  to  sell  Johnston  for  the  nwist  he  could  get ;  and  accord-* 
ingly  (iOO  silver  broaches  wen;  paid  him,  equal  in  value  to  100  dollars,  the 
amount  agreed  upon.  Chickaiommo  and  his  party  then  took  up  their  march 
for  Detroit.  Not  long  filler  this,  Mr.  Johnston  returned  home  by  way  of  that 
place.  Before  he  left'  Sandusky,  he  was  informed  of  the  burning  of  the  ill- 
iated  jP/inra ;  he  sulfered  at  the  stake  at  the  Miami  village,  and  was  eaten  by 
his  tortm-crs.  Ihc  Indian  Avho  brought  the  news  to  Sandusky,  said  that  he 
himself  had  feasted  upon  him. 

King-crane,  ti  Wyandot  chief,  appears  conspicuous  in  this  narrative,  and 
illustnitcs  a  yiilnabie  trait  of  character  in  Indian  liic.  When  IVIr.  Duchow- 
quel  and  Johnston  had  arrived  at  Lower  Sandusky,  in  their  way  to  Detroit, 
the  town  was  filled  with  alarm,  and  they  soon  learned  the  occasion  to  be 
from  the  arrival  of  some  Cheroknes  in  the  neighborhood,  with  a  ft;male  cap*- 
tive.  The  traders  in  the  place  inuTicdiately  went  to  tiieir  camp,  where  they 
found  Pegffy  Fleming,  who  some  timi;  before  had  been  separated  trom  Johnston 
and  the  otlier  captives.  Among  those  who  went  to  see  her,  was  a  white 
man  by  the  name  c fj  Whitnker,  ^^  ho,  having  been  carried  into  captivity  in  liis 
youth,  had  grown  up  in  all  the  Indian  habits,  and  being  a  man  of  consider^ 
able  physical  powere  and  enter|)risc,  had  liccome  a  chief  among  the  Wyandots.f 
He  had  been  upon  the  frontiers  with  the  Indians  uj)on  trading  cxpodition.?, 
and  had  lodged  at  times  in  Pittsburg  in  the  tavern  of  Miss  Fleming^s  father. 
She  innneuiately  knew  him,  and  l)esought  him,  in  the  most  affecting  manner, 
to  deliver  her  from  bondage.  He  went  immediately  to  King-crane,  and  told 
him  that  the  woman  witli  the  Chcrokees  was  his  sister,  I  and  urged  him  to 
use  means  for  her  relief.  King-crane  went  without  loss  of  time,  and  urged 
the  Cherokees  to  restore  her  to  her  brother.  They  were  enraged  at  the 
request,  and  theivi  was  danger  of  their  murdering  her  lest  she  sho>dd  be 
taken  from  them.  He  next  tried  to  purciiase  her ;  but  his  benevolent  offers 
were  indignantly  refused,  and  their  rage  was  still  increased.  Resolved  to 
rescue  her  out  of  their  hands,  King-crane  repaired  to  their  camp  early  the 
next  morning,  accompanied  with  6  or  10  young  warriors.  They  found  the 
Cherokees  asleep,  but  the  captive^t  is  shocking  to  Inimanity  to  relate — was 
without  the  least  attire !  extended  and  lashed  to  the  stake ! — ready  to  be 
burned! — her  body  paiii^ed  all  over  with  Mack.  King-crane  silently  cut  the 
thongs  with  which  she  was  bound,  then  awa'^ened  the  murderers,  and  threw 
down  upon  the  ground  the  price  of  a  captivi  in  silver  broaches,  (which  are 
current  money  among  them,)  and  departed.  She  was  soon  after  sent  forward 
for  her  home,  disguised  in  the  attire  of  a  squaw.  The  Cherokees  prowled 
about  seeking  vengeance  upon  some  white  person  for  a  few  days,  and  then 
disappeared. 

The  reader  may  wish  to  know  what  I)ecamo  of  Sbjles : — he  was  taken  to 
a  place  upon  the  Miami  River,  where  he  was  doomed  to  be  burnt,  but  made 
his  escape  the  night  previous  to  the  day  on  which  he  was  to  have  suffered. 
After  enduring  the  most  painful  fatigues  and  hunger,  from  wandering  alone 
in  the  wilderness,  he  met  with  some  traders  who  conveyed  him  to  Detroit, 
and  from  thence  home  to  Virginia.  • 

The  sequel  of  the  life  of  the  old  hard-hearted  Chitkatommo  is  as  follows 


*  Mr.  Johnston,  tliroiiglioul  his  iiarriitive,  gives  him  nn  exrollent  character, 
after  Ihu  war  of  1812  bc>;an,  ami  was  one  of  the  followers  of  Terumsnh. 
t  Ihircus  and  WiKnuhts  are  synonyninns  terms  with  most  writers. 
\  If  ever  good  cnino  out  of  evil,  wc  sliould  expect  it  in  a  case  like  this. 


He  was  aliva 


V. 


Chap.  IV.] 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


73 


urged 


For  four  years  succeeding  the  events  above  related,  lie  followed  Ins  depreda- 
ting career,  and  was  concerned  in  tjpiiosiug  the  war  parties  of  Americans 
until  the  time  of  General  Wayne's  famous  expedition.  As  that  veteran  was 
advancing  into  the  western  n^gion,  Chickalommo  met  an  advance  i)arty  of  his 
army  at  the  head  of  a  band  of"  his  desperate  warriors,  who  were  sent  forward 
as  the  Indian  forlorn  hope.  A  sharft  skirmish  followed,  and  Chickatommo 
was  slain.  This  was  the  action  near  Fort  Defiance.  King-crane  was  also  in 
arms  to  oppose  General  fVayne;  but  in  the  last  war  against  England,  ho 
fought  for  the  Americans,  and  is  supposed  to  have  died  three  or  four  years 
after  its  close.  He  was  one  of  the  signers  of  Wayne's  famous  treaty  at  Fort 
Greenville,  and  several  others. 

We  now  pass  to  a  chief  by  far  more  prominent  in  Indian  history  than 
many  who  have  received  much  greater  notice  froni  historians.  Tliis  was 
MISIIIKINAKWA,  (a  name  by  no  means  settled  in  orthography,)  which,  inter- 
preted, is  said  to  mean  the  Littk-turtte.  To  the  different  treaties  bearing  his 
name,  we  find  these  spellings:  jT/esMujinog-A^uo/i,  Greenville,  3  Aug.  1795; 
Meshehmnoghquoh,  Fort  Wayne,  7  June,  1803 ;  Mashekanah/juah,  Vincennes, 
21  August,  1805;  Meshekenoghqua,  Fort  Wayne,  30  September,  1809;  and 
were  we  disposed  to  look  into  the  various  authors  who  have  used  the  name. 
We  might  nearly  finish  out  our  page  with  its  variations. 

LiTTLE-TURTLt  was  chicf  of  tlic  Miamis,  ana  the  scenes  of  his  Warlike 
achievements  were  upon  the  country  of  his  birth.  lie  liad,  in  conjunction 
with  the  tribes  of  that  region,  successfully  fought  the  armies  of  Harmer  and 
St.  Clair ;  and  in  the  fight  with  the  latter,  he  is  said  to  have  had  the  chief 
command ;  hence  a  detailed  account  of  that  affair  belongs  to  his  life. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Americans  inveighed  loudly  agrinst  the  English 
of  Canada,  in  most  instances,  charging  them  with  all  the  guilt  of  the  enormi- 
ties committed  on  their  frontici  by  the  Indians.  It  is  equally  well  known, 
at  this  day,  by  every  judicious  i.irjuircr,  that  they  were  not  so  blamable  as 
the  Americans  reported,  nor  so  innocent  as  themselves  and  friends,  even 
Jong  after,  pretended.  That  the  British  government  encouraged  depredations 
upon  the  frontiers  in  tinieS  of  jjcace,  should  not  too  easily  be  received  for 
truth;  still,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  who  held  inferior  offices 
tuider  it,  were  secret  abettoi-s  of  barbarities.  In  the  attack  uj)on  General  St. 
Clair's  army,  now  about  to  be  related,  there  Was  much  cause  of  suspicion 
against  the  Canadians,  as  it  was  known  that  many  of  them  even  exceeded 
in  that  bloody  affair  the  Indians  themselves.  Mr.  Wild,  the  intelligent 
traveller,  says,*  "  A  great  many  young  Canadians,  and  in  particular  many  that 
\vere  born  of  Indian  Women,  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Indians  in  this  action; 
a  circumstance  which  confirmed  the  people  of  the  States  in  the  opinion  they 
had  previously  formed,  that  the  Indians  were  encouramd  and  abetted  in 
their  attacks  upon  them  by  the  British.  I  can  safely  affirm,  however,  from 
having  conversed  with  many  of  these  young  men  who  fought  against  St. 
Clnir,  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  secrecy  they  left  their  homes  to  join  the 
Indians,  fearful  lest  the  goYernmftnt  should  censure  their  conduct" 

The  western  Indians  were  only  imboldened  by  the  battles  between  them 
and  detachments  of  General  Harmer^s  army,  in  1790,  and,  under  such  a  lead- 
er as  Mishikinakwa,  eutcrtmned  sanguine  hopes  of  bringing  the  Americans  to 
their  own  terms.  One  murder  fallowed  another,  in  rapid  succession,  attend- 
ed by  all  the  horrors  peculiar  to  their  warfare,  which  caused  President 
Washington  to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  recommending  Congress  to 
adopt  prompt  and  efficient  measures  for  checking  thoise  calamities ;  and  2000 
men  were  immediately  raised  and  put  under  the  command  of  General  St. 
Clair,  then  governor  of  the  North- Western  Territory.  He  received  his  ap- 
pointment the  4th  of  March,  1701,  and  procee<led  to  Fort  Washington,  by 
way  of  Kentucky,  with  all  possible  despatch,  where  he  arrived  15  May.f 
There  was  much  time  lost  in  getting  the  troops  imbodicd  at  this  place ;  Gen- 
eral Butler,  with  the  residue,  not  arriving  until  the  middle  of  September. 
There  were  various  circumstances  to  account  for  the  delays,  which  it  is  un- 
necessary to  recount  here. 

»  Travels  in  Canada,  iSG—T,  8vo.  London,  ( t  ed.)  ISOO.        t  St.  Clair's  Narrative,  p.  4. 


I 


74 


IJTTI,E-T(;RT!,E,— ST.  f'l.AIR'S  DEFEAT. 


[Rook  V. 


Colonel  Darke  y)rocer(lefl  iinniodiatply  on  liis  nnival,  wliicli  was  nlinnt  rlii? 
fiid  of  Aii<;nHt,  and  hnilt  Fort  Hamilton,  on  tho  Miami,  in  the  country  of 
LiUlc-lurllt ;  and  noon  after  Foft  JollirMon  was  built,  li)rty  miles  ijirtiier  on- 
ward. Tiiesc  two  ibrts  being  Icll  manned,  about  the  end  of  October  tlio 
army  advanced,  being  about  2000  strong,  militia  included,  whose  manbera 
were  not  inconsiderable,  as  will  a|)|)(;ar  by  the  miserable  manner  in  which 
they  not  oidy  confused  themselves,  but  the  regular  soldiers  also. 

General  St,  Clair  had  advanced  but  about  six  miles  in  front  of  Fort  Jeffitr- 
son,  whentJOof  his  militia,  from  ])rotended  disaflR'ction,  commenced  a  retreat ; 
and  it  was  discovered  that  the  evil  had  s|)read  considerably  among  the  rest 
of  the  army.  Being  fearful  they  v\  ould  seize  n|)on  the  convoy  of  provisions, 
the  general  ordered  Colonel  Hamtramkio  pursiii!  them  with  his  regiment,  and 
force  them  to  return.  TJio  army  now  consisted  of  but  1400  effective  men, 
and  this  was  the  number  attacked  by  Liltk-tmik  and  his  warriors,  liV)  miles 
from  the  Miami  villages. 

Colonel  Butler  commanded  the  right  wing,  and  Colonel  Darke  the  left. 
The  militia  were  posted  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  advance,  and  were  encamped 
in  two  lines.  They  had  not  finished  seeming  their  baggage,  when  they 
were  attacked  in  their  cam]).  It  was  their  intention  to  have  marched  innne- 
diately  to  the  destruction  of  the  Miami  villages.  Of  this  their  movements 
apprized  the  Indians,  who  acted  with  great  wisdom  and  firmness.  They 
fell  upon  the  militia  before  sunrise,  4  November,  who  at  once  fled  into  the  main 
camp,  in  the  most  disorderly  and  tumultuous  manner:  many  of  them,  having 
thrown  away  their  guns,  were  pnrsued  and  slaughtered.  At  the  main  camp 
the  fight  was  sustamed  some  time,  by  the  great  exertions  of  the  ofhcers,  but 
with  great  inequality;  the  Indians nnder  Little-turtle  amounting  to  about  l.TOO 
warriors.  Colonels  Darke  and  Bxdler,  and  Major  Clark,  made  several  snc- 
cessful  chargeis,  which  enabled  them  to  save  some  of  their  numbers  l)y 
checking  the  enemy  while  flight  was  more  practicable. 

Of  the  Americans,  5i)3  were  killed  and  missing,  beside  thirty-eight  officevs  \ 
and  242  soldiers  and  t\venty-one  ofiiccrs  were  wounded,  many  of  whom  died. 
Colonel  Butler  was  among  the  slain.  The  account  of  his  fidl  is  shocking. 
He  was  severely  wounded,  and  left  on  tin;  groimd.  The  well-known  and 
infamous  Simon  Girtij  came  up  to  him,  and  observed  him  writhing  under 
severe  i)ain  from  his  wounds.  GiV/// knew  and  spoke  to  him.  Knowing  that 
he  could  not  live,  the  colonel  begged  of  Girl;/  to  jjut  an.  end  to  his  mis(  ry. 
This  he  refused  to  do,  but  turned  to  an  Indian,  whom  he  told  that  the  officer 
was  the  conunauder  of  the  army;  upon  which  he  drove  his  tomahawk  into 
his  head.  A  number  of  others  then  came  around,  and  after  taking  off  his 
scalp,  they  took  out  his  heart,  and  cut  it  into  as  many  pieces  as  there  were 
tribes  in  the  action,  and  divided  it  among  them.  All  manner  of  luMital  acta 
were  conunitted  on  the  bodies  of  the  slahi.  It  need  not  be  mentioned  for  the 
information  of  the  observer  of  Indian  affairs,  tJiat  land  was  the  main  ("aiise 
of  this  as  well  as  most  other  wars  between  the  Indians  and  whites ;  and 
hence  it  was  very  easy  to  account  for  the  Indians  filling  the  mouths  of  the 
slain  with  earth  afler  this  battle.  It  was  actually  the  case,  as  re|)orted  by 
those  who  shortly  after  visited  the  scene  of  action  and  buried  the  dead. 

General  St.  Clair  was  called  to  an  accoimt  for  the  disastrous  issue  of  this 
campaign,  and  was  honorably  acquitted.  He  published  a  narrative  in  vindi- 
cation of  his  conduct,  which,  at  this  day,  few  will  think  it  required.  What 
he  says  of  his  retreat  we  will  give  in  liis  own  words.*  "  The  retreat  was,  you 
may  be  sure,  a  i)recipitate  one  ;  it  was  hi  fiict  a  flight.  The  camp  and  the 
artillery  were  abandoned ;  but  that  was  unavoidable,  for  not  a  liorse  was  left 
alive  to  have  drawn  it  off,  had  it  otherwise  been  practicable.  But  the  most 
disgraceful  part  of  the  busini^ss  is,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  men  threw 
away  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  even  after  the  pursuit,  which  continued 
about  four  miles,  had  ceased.  I  found  the  road  strewed  with  them  for  many 
miles,  but  was  not  able  to  remedy  it ;  lor,  having  had  all  my  horses  killed, 
and  being  mounted  ii|)on  one  that  could  not  be  pricked  out  of  a  walk,  I 
could  not  get  forward  myself,  and  the  orders  I  sent  forward,  either  to  halt 


renn,  Oe-eHe.  of  llint  jcar. 


Chap.  IV.] 


LITTLE-TURTLE.— tiT.  CLAlll'.S  DEFEAT. 


75 


tlio  front,  or  prevent  tlie  inon  f'-vJiii  imrtiiig  with  their  arms,  were  uiuUtend- 
ed  to." 

The  rciiiiiaht  ol"  tin;  army  arrived  nt  Fort  JoHersou  the  suiue  duy,  just 
betbre  Huimot,  the  phico  from  wliich  they  fled  beiiii,'  2!)  mii(!.s  distuut.  (Jeiie- 
rul  St.  Clair  did  every  tiiiiijf  tiiut  a  l»nive  general  eoidd  do.  lleex|iosed  him- 
self to  every  danjjer,  having,  during  tiie  action,  cigiit  bullets  HJiot  throiifrh  his 
clothes.  In  no  attack  related  in  our  rt.'cords,  did  tlie  Indians  discover  greater 
bravery  and  (Uftermination.  .Vftcr  ^'.iving  tlu!  first  fire,  th(!y  nishtid  forward 
with  tomahawk  in  iiand.  Tlieir  l.is  was  inconsiderable;  but  the  traders 
afterwards  learned  among  them  iiiat  LUtlc-turlle  had  L'iiO  killed  and  many 
wounded.**  "They  rushed  on  the  artiiiiiry,  ii(!edless  of  their  fire,  and  took 
two  ])icces  in  an  instant.  Tiiey  were  again  retaken  hy  our  troops:  and 
whenever  the  army  charged  tlii;m,  they  were  seen  to  give  way,  and  advance 
again  ns  soon  as  they  began  to  r.  treat,  doing  great  execution,  i»otii  in  the 
retreat  and  advance,  'i'lusy  are  very  dextrous  in  covering  themselves  with 
trees  ;  many  of' them  however  fell,  both  of  the  infantry  and  artillery."  "Six 
or  eight  i)i(!ces  of  artillery  tidl  into  their  hands,  with  about  400  horses,  all  the 
baggage,  aiunumition,  and  jjrovi.^ion.s."  f 

Whether  the  battle-ground  of  tJeneral  St.  Clair  were  visited  by  the  whites 
previous  to  17!>;)  I  do  not  learn  ;  but  in  Decend)er  of  that  year  u  detachment 
of  General  Jf'aijne's  army  went  to  the  place,  and  the  account  given  of  its  ap- 
pearance is  most  truly  jneluncholy.  This  detuehment  was  ordered  to  build 
a  fort  there,  which  having  done,  it  was  called  Fort  Recovery.  Within  a  space 
of  about  ;}50  yards  were  found  500  skull  bones,  the  most  of  which  were 
gathered  up  and  buried.  For  about  five  miles  in  the  direiMion  of  the  retreat 
of  tli<!  army  the  woods  was  strewed  with  skeletons  and  muskets.  'IJie  two 
brass  cannon,  which  composed  St.  Claires  artillery,  one  a  Uirce,  and  (he  other 
a  six-pounder,  were  found  in  a  creek  ailjacent.| 

The  fi>llowin<'  song  has  been  often  reprinted,  and  although  not  the  best  of 
poetry,  is  considered  a  valuable  relic  of  those  days.    It  is  heailed  thus : — 

Saincl.\ire's  Defeat. 

^  'Twas  November  the  fourth,  in  the  year  oriiiiicty-one,|| 
Wo  had  a  soro  oiijfageinoiit  near  to  Fori  JcU'er.soii ; 
Siiiclairc  wiis  our  commaiKlur,  wliicli  may  remcmhered  bo, 
For  there  we  left  nine  liuiidred  men  in  t'  VVest'n  Ter'tory. 

At  Bunker's  Hill  and  Quebcck,  where  many  a  hero  fell, 
Likewise  al  LDiip  Lslaiid,  (it  is  I  ilie  truth  caii  tell,) 
But  such  a  dreaiU'ul  cariKujo  may  I  never  see  ai;aiii 
As  hap'iied  near  St.  Mary's,  upon  the  river  plain. 

Our  army  was  attacked  just  as  tlie  day  did  dawn, 
Anil  soon  were  overpowered  and  driven  fioin  the  lawn. 
Tliey  killed  Major  Ontdliain,  Lain  and  7Jn>^-« .likewise, 
And  horrid  yells  of  sav'gos  resounded  thro' the  skies. 

JVIn.jor  liiitlci-yi  was  wounded  the  very  second  fire  ; 
His  manly  bosom  sweli'd  with  rage  when  forc'd  to  retire; 
And  as  he  lay  in  anguish,  nor  scarcely  could  he  see, 
Exdaim'd,  ■■  Ye  hounds  of  hell,  O!  revenged  I  will  be." 

We  had  not  !)een  long  broken  when  General  Utit/er  found 
Himself  so  badly  wounded,  was  forced  to  quit  the  grumid. 


*  Pemi.  Gazcttn,  of  that  year. 

t  Letter  from  Fort  IliunillDii,  diiled  s!\   ''v-i  ;i:;ri-  i!i  ■  '.ii;!.'. 

t  Massachusetts  Magazine  for  17;M.  p.  1!)I. 

i  When  I  began  to  copy  these  lines,  I  did  not  intend  to  change  a  Vvord  in  Ihein,  but  soon 
found  my  resolution  shaken  ;  the  lines  were  of  such  unequal  lengths,  and  the  rhyme  so  bad,  I 
could  not  endure  it.  and,  therefore,  when  the  syllables  were  loo  many,  some  were  dropped, 
iiiid  wlien  too  few,  some  w(-ro  added  j  !)ui  the  souse  is  i.i  no  wise  impaired.  The  copy  I  use, 
1  limiid  III  llaltimore  in  1^17.     'I'licy  were  printed  in  l;il.5. 

II  That  is,  17!n. 

\  Richard  Buthr  was  of  .\i>ll!ai^liiiin,  i.i  ?<ew  Ilanipsliiiv,  wlicre  some  of  hii  relatives  yet 
remain. 


76 


LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST.  CLAIR'S  TEFEAT. 


[Book  V. 


<'ha 


"  My  Ood  ! "  saj's  lie,  "  what  shall  we  ()o :  wc>c  woundeil  every  man  j 
Go  cliarfje  them,  valiant  heroes,  and  heat  Uiem  if  you  can." 

He  leaned  his  back  against  a  t/cc,  and  there  resigned  hi$  breath,* 
And  like  a  valiant  soldier  sunk  iu  the  arms  of  death  ; 
When  blessed  angels  did  await,  his  spirit  to  convey ; 
And  unto  the  celestial  fields  he  quickly  bent  his  way. 

We  charg'd  again  with  courage  firm,  but  soon  again  gave  ground, 

The  war-whoop  then  redoubled,  as  did  the  foes  around. 

They  killed  Major  Fenrimm,  which  caused  his  men  to  cry, 

"  Our  only  safety  is  in  flight ;  or  fighting  here  to  die."  v 

"  Stand  to  your  guns,"  says  valiant  Ford,  "  let's  die  upon  them  here 
'Before  we  let  the  sav'gcs  know  we  ever  harbored  fear.'' 
Our  cajmon-balls  exhausted,  and  artill'ry-men  all  slain, 
Obliged  were  our  musketmon  the  cn'my  to  sustain. 

Yet  three  hours  t  more  we  fought  them,  and  then  were  forc'cl  to  yield, 
When  three  hundred  bloody  warriors  lay  strelch'd  upon  the  fielcl. 
Says  Colonel  Wi/wort  to  his  men,  "My  boys,  be  not  dismay'd; 
I'm  sure  that  true  Virginians  were  never  yet  afraid. 

•'  Ten  thousand  deaths  I'd  rather  die,  than  they  should  gain  the  field ;" 
With  that  he  got  a  fatal  shot,  which  caused  him  to  yield. 
.  Says  Major  Clurk,  "  My  heroes,  I  can  here  no  longer  stand, 
We'll  strive  to  form  iu  order,  and  retreat  the  best  we  can." 

The  word,  Retreat,  being  past  around,  there  was  a  dismal  cry, 
Then  helter  skelter  through  the  woods,  like  wolves  and  sheep  they  fly. 
.  This  well-appointed  army,  who  but  a  day  before, 
.Defied  and  braved  all  danger,  had  like  a  cloud  pass'd  o'er. 

Alas !  the  dyjng  and  wounded,  how  dreadful  was  the  thought, 
To  the  tomaiftiwk  and  scalping-knife,  in  mis'ry  are  brought. 
Soma  had  a  thigh  and  some  an  arm  broke  on  the  field  that  day, 
Who  writhed  in  torments  at  the  stake,  to  close  the  dire  affray. 


To  mention  out  brave  officers,  is  what  I  wish  to  do ; 
No  sons  of  Mnrs  e'i;v  fought  more  brave,  or  with  more  courage 
To  (Captain  Bradford  1  belonged,  in  his  artillery, 
\  He  foil  that  day  amongst  the  slain,  a  valiant  man  was  he. 


true. 


It  bus  Itcon  genernlly  said,  that  liati  tlio  advice  of  Little-lurlle  been  taken 
at  tlie  disastions  lijfht  nltorwurds  with  General  Wayne,  tliert;  w  very  Httle 
doubt  but  lie  liud  met  tw  ill  success  §  as  (Jeneral  St.  Clair  ||  did  before  liim. 
He  was  not  for  fiifliting  General  Wayne  at  PresquerTsle,  and  iticliticd  rather 
to  peace  than  fi^htiiif;  biiii  at  all.  In  a  council  held  the  ni^dit  bttfore  tlie 
battle,  lie  urj(iied  as  follows:  "  We  have  beaten  the  enemy  tuncc  uniler  separate 
commanders.  We  cannot  expect  the  same  ffood  fortune  always  to  altvnd  lis.  The 
timericans  are  now  led  by  a  chief  ic/io  nei'tr  sleeps :  the  mshl  and  the  day  are 
alike  to  him.  Jhnd  durinit  all  the  time  that  he  has  1)etn  marchini^  upon 
our  villuifeSy  notwitluitandint::  the  watchfulness  of  our  youne;  /hoi,  «'e  have 
never  been  able  to  surprise  kim.  Think  well  of  it.  There  m  somethintf  whis- 
pers me,  it  would  be  prudent  to  listen  to  his  offers  of  peace."  For  holding  this 
ian^iiM^t*  he  \mis  reproached  by  another  chief  with  cowardice,  which  put  an 
end  to  all  finthcr  discourse.  Nothing  woutids  the  fi'elings  of  a  warrior  like 
the  reproach  of  c.<i\Mirdice  ;  but  Little-turtle  stiHed  his  n;senttnent,  did  his 
duty  ifi  tiie  iiattle,  and  its  issue  proved  liiiii  a  trtier  propiiet  tiiati  his  accuser 


*  This  wall  probably  n  report,  but  ii  doubtless  incorrect. 

t  This  is  not  fart. 

\  II  wouliUiave  t>oen  ogrccubli'  if  our  poet  had  yivon  us  a  kind  of  rntaloguc  of  all  such  as 
wiTo  killed  at  this  time,  of  any  note.  Captain  Xewman  was  amonf(  the  immbcr,  Elliot'* 
Works,  13."). 

\\  IMlh'-iiirtIr  told  Mr.  Viilihii  circumstances  which  gavo  him  that  opinion.  Sec  his 
Triifils  111  Amirini,  ed.  Lond.  IIUH. 

II  tiriKT.d  Arlliitr  St.  Cltiir  wiis  of  Edinburgh,  Sootlnn<l.  lie  cnuip  to  America  in  the 
fin  I  «linli  lironghl  over  \diuirnl  lUisiitmn,  in  I7.V>,  jind  having  served  lhri)Uj{h  the  revolu- 
ti'Miarv  niid  IndiiUi  \v;iri,  died  at  his  fnrui  near  (ireeMsburgli,  I'a.  ;U  Aug.  1111)1,  Anur.  Alon. 
.M.ij.ii.  it,'.),  (.\.  V.  lull!.) 


5K    V. 


C.Ukf.  IV.l 


LITTLE-TURTLE  AT  PHILADELPHIA. 


77 


believed.*  Ilis  rc«ideiice  was  upon  Eel  River,  about  20  miles  iVoni  Fort  Wuyiie, 
where  our  goveiiiiiioiit  built  him  a  house,  and  lurnislied  him  with  means  of 
living,  much  to  the  envy  ofhis  countrymen.  TlMsrefore  what  had  been  bestowed 
upon  Awn,  to  induce  others  to  a  like  mode  of  lil'e  by  their  own  exertions,  firoved 
not  only  prejudicial  to  the  cause,  but  engendered  hatred  against  him  in  the  minds 
of  all  the  Indians.  He  was  not  a  chief  by  birth,  but  was  raised  to  tiiat 
standing  by  his  superior  talents.  This  was  the  cause  of  so  much  jealousy 
and  envy  at  this  time,  as  also  a  neglect  of  his  counsel  heretofore.  The  same 
author,t  from  whom  we  get  the  facts  in  the  preceding  part  of  this  paragraph, 
says,  ^^MeshccunncujUdj  or  the  Liitk-lurik,  was  the  son  of  a  Miami  chief,  by  a 
Mohecan  woman.  As  the  Indian  maxim,  with  regai'd  to  descents,  is  precisely 
that  of  the  civil  law  in  relation  to  slaves,  that  the  condition  of  the  woman 
adheres  to  the  oflspring,  he  was  not  a  chief  by  birth,"  &c. 

LitUe-turtle  was  alike  courageous  and  humane,  possessing  gi'eat  wisdom. 
"And,"  says  my  author,  "thero  have  been  few  individuals  among  aborigines  who 
have  done  so  much  to  abolish  the  rites  of  human  sacrifice.  The  grave  of 
tills  noted  warrior  is  shown  to  visitors,  near  Fort  Wayne.  It  is  frequently 
visited  by  tiie  Indians  in  that  part  of  the  country,  by  whom  his  memory  is 
cherished  witli  the  greatest  respect  and  veneration."  if 

The  grave  of  his  great  opponent  wan  also  in  the  same  region ;  but  his 
remains  were  not  long  since  removed  to  the  seat  of  his  family.  Ever  after 
liis  successful  expedition,  the  Indians  called  him  the  Bit;-ivind  ;§  ov  Tor- 
nado ;  some,  however,  on  parlicidiu-  occasions,  culled  him  Sukach-gook, 
which  signified,  in  Delaware,  a  hiack-suake ;  because,  thoy  said,  he  pos- 
sessed all  the  art  ami  cunning  of  that  rei)tile.  ||  We  hoar  yet  of  another 
name,  which,  though  it  may  not  have  been  his  liiult  that  acquired  it,  is  less 
€oni|)limentary  than  the  two  just  named.  It  is  well  known  that  the  British 
bestowed  a  great  many  more  presents  upon  the  Indians  than  the  Americans 
did ;  hut  souie  of  the  latter  made  larg(!  pretensions  about  what  they  would 
do.  General  ffayne,  the  Indians  said,  made  great  promises  to  them  of 
goods,  but  ncvtr  got  ready  to  fulfil  them,  (proimhly  from  being  disappointed 
himself  by  tiie  failure  of  his  govermncnt  in  not  forwarding  wluit  wus 
jiromised; )  therefore  they  called  him  General  Wabang,^  which  signified 
General  To-morrow.** 

When  tiie  philosopher  and  famous  traveller  VoItk}/  was  in  America,  in 
the  winter  of  17t>7,  LitUe-turtk  came  to  I'hiladelphia,  where  he  then  was. 
I'olmy  sought  immediate  ac<]uaintunce  with  tlte  celebrated  chief,  lor  highly 
valuai)hf  purposes,  which  in  so.'iie  measure  he  effected.  Ho  made  u  vo<;abu- 
lary  of  his  language,  which  he  ]irhiteti  in  the  ap|)endix  to  his  Travels.  A 
copy  in  manuscript,  more  e.xten^'ive  than  the  pi'int(ul  oih;,  is  said  to  be  in  the 
library  of  the  Philosophical  Society  of  I'emisylvaniu. 

Having  become  convinced  that  all  resistance  to  the  whites  was  vain,  Little- 
turUe  brought  his  nation  to  consent  to  peace,  and  to  adopt  agriculturnl  |iwr- 
liuits.  And  it  was  with  the  view  of  soliciting  Congress,  and  the  benevolent 
society  of  Friends,  for  assistance  to  etlect  thiti  latter  purjiose,  that  be  now 
visited  I'hiladelphia.  While  here,  he  was  inoculated  for  the  smull-]iox,  and 
was  also  atllicted  with  the  gout  and  rheumatism. 

At  the  time  of  Mr.  Folneifs  interview  with  him  for  information,  he  took 
no  notice  of  tin?  conversation  while  the  interpreter  was  communittating  with 
Mr.  fohu;!,  for  he  did  not  inulerskuul  English,  but  walked  about,  plucking 
out  his  beard  uiul  eyebrows.  He  wus  dressed  now  in  I'Jiglisb  clothes.  His 
skin,  where  not  exposal,  Mr.  /W/icy  savs,  wus  as  white  lus  his;  and  on 
speaking  \qion  the  subject,  Litlk-turtle  tmn\,  "  I  have  seen  Spuniunis  in  Louis- 
iima,  and  li)und  no  difference  of  color  Ix^tween  them  and  m<>.  An<l  why 
«<hould  there  be  any?  In  thejn,  as  in  us,  it  is  the  work  of  the  Fallx  r  of  color.i, 
the  iSua,  that  burns  us.  You  white  people  compare  the  color  of  _\ourli»ce 
witli  that  of  your  Iwdies,"     Mr.  yolney  explained  to  him  the  notion  of  many, 

*  t^ilwolrnin'n  Travel!.  t  Dawson,  Moms.  Hiirriton.  t  Srliotilinil)'/!  'I'riivrli. 
6  Ph.  (ittiolte.                                                                        N  JItckeiielderi  piMiaUyQ. 

*  Or,  arror(liiif(  to  Mr.  IV,  J.  Sitclliiig,  it  iliould  be  wrilleii  Wtibunk, 
••    yyeUl'$  TranI,,  Ui. 


78  LITTLE-TURTLE.— HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.      [Book  V. 

that  his  race  was  cksccnded  from  the  Tartars,  aiid  by  a  niai)  showed  him  the 
supposed  coniiiiiiiiicaiiou  between  Asia  and  America.  To  tiiis  Little-turtle 
replied, "  ff'hij  should  not  these  Tartars,  who  resemble  us,  have  come  from  Jlmerka  ? 
Are  there  any  reasons  to  the  contrary  ?  Or  why  should  we  not  both  have  been 
born  m  our  own  country.'"  It  is  a  fact  that  the  Indians  give  themselves  a 
name  which  is  (Mpiivalont  to  our  word  imligene,that  ia,  one  sprung  from  the  soil, 
or  natural  to  it.* 

Buron  Lahontan,]  after  describing  the  different  dances,  or  dances  for  differ- 
ent occasions,  ninong  the  Indians  of  Canada,  adds  the  following  in  a  note  : — 
"  Toutes  CCS  danses  pcuvcnt  ilre  comparecs  h  la  pjrrhiquc  dc  Mincrve,  car  Ics  sau- 
vages  observent,  en  dunsant  d'une  gravite  singuliere,  Ics  cadences  de  certaines 
chansons,  que  Ics  miltces  Grea/ucs  d\'khilic,  apdloient  hyporchcmatiqucs.  11  n^cstpas 
facile  de  s^'avoir  si  ks  sauvagcs  Ics  onl  apriscs  des Grecs,  ou  si  les Grecs  Ics  ont  apnscs 
dts  sauvages."  It  is,  i)erli!ii)s,  Irom  such  j)assagcs  tluit  Lahontan  has  been 
branded  with  the  nanio  of  infidel  :l  but  truly  there  can  be  nothing  irreligious 
in  such  deductiDUs,  inasnnicli  as  it  is  conceded  on  all  hands  that  the  geologi- 
ical  formations  of  the  new  world  have  rcfpiired  as  nuich  time  for  their  j»cr- 
fection  as  those  of  the  old.  jMr.  Volney  comes  within  the  same  pale,  when 
Jie  compares  the  SiKutans  to  the  Five  Nations.  In  contrasting  the  states  of 
Laceda-mon  witii  modern  Franco,  he  says,  ^'Maintenant  que  fai  vu  les  sau- 
vages d'Jlmcriquc,  jc  pcrsislc  deplus  en  plus  dans  celtc  comparaison,  et  jc 
trouve  que  Ic  prcmiirc  livrc  de  Thucydidc,  ct  tout  ce  quHl  dit  dcs  mrcurs  des 
Laccdhnoniens,  cunvicncnt  ttltcmcnf  aux  cinq  nations,  que  fappellerais  volontiers 
les  Spartiates,  Ics  Iroquois  dc  Pancirn  inonde"§ 

Wlien  Mr.  J'olncy  asked  Liillv-turtle  what  prevented  him  from  living 
among  the  whites,  and  if  he  were  not  more  comfortable  in  Philadelphia  than 
upon  the  banks  of  the' Wabash,  he  said,  "  Taking  all  things  together,  you  hare 
the  advantage  ovtr  us ;  hid  hire  I  am  deaf  and  dumb.  I  do  not  talk  your  lan- 
guage; I  can  neither  hear,  nor  make  myself  heard,  ffhen  I  walk  through  the 
streets,  I  see  every  person  in  his  shop  employed  about  soiurthing:  one  makes  shocr, 
another  hats,  a  third  stlls  cloth,  and  every  one  lives  by  his  labor.  I  say  to  myself, 
If  hich  of  nil  these  things  can  you  do  J  JS'ut  one.  1  can  make  a  bow  or  an 
airow,  catch  fish,  kill  game,  and  go  to  war :  but  none  of  these  is  of  any  use  here. 
To  learn  what  is  done  here  would  require  a  long  time,"  "  Old  age  comes  o)i." 
"  /  shotdd  be  a  piece  of  furniture  useless  to  my  nation,  useless  to  the  ivhites,  and 
useless  to  myself."     '■  I  must  return  to  my  own  countrif." 

At  the  same  lime,  ( 17!  17,)  among  other  eminent  personages  to  whom  this  chief 
became  attaeiied  in  l'hiladelplii,i,  was  the  rc^uowned  Koskiusko.  This  old 
Polish  chief  was  so  well  pleasi  d  with  Little-turtle,  that  when  tli(>  latter  went 
to  take  his  tin:d  lea\('  of  liim,  the  old  "  war-worn  soldier  "  and  jtatriot  |»re- 
sonted  him  with  a  beautiful  pair  of  pistols,  and  an  elegant  rol)C  made  of  soa- 
otter's  skin,  of  the  vahu;  of  "several"  hundred  dollars. 

Little-turtle  died  in  the  snnmier  of  IHI'i,  at  his  residence,  but  a  short  time 
afb'r  the  deelaration  of  war  against  l']ngland  by  the  Cnited  States,  liisjuir- 
trait,  by  Stewart,  graces  the  walls  of  the  war-offiee  of  our  nation.  The 
following  notici^  appeared  in  the  public  prints  at  the  lime  of  his  death : 
"Fort  Wayne, ',M  .lidy,  1H1'>.  On  the  14  inst.  the  celebrated  Miami  eliiet; 
the  Liltle-turth,  died  at  this  place,  at  the  age  of  (15  years.|l — I'erha|is  there  is 
not  1(  ll  on  this  cuntiiK  nt,  one  of  Ids  color  so  distinguished  in  coinieil  and  in 
war  His  disorder  was  the  gout.  He  died  in  n  cnmp,  because  he  chose  to 
)e  in  lh(!  open  air.  ]\v  met  death  with  great  firmness.  The  agent  for  [n- 
dian  afhiirs  had  him  buried  with  the  iioiiors  of  war,  and  other  marks  of  dis- 


•  Hoc  Volttftf's  Travoli,  uf  siipra.  t  Memnirei  lU  L'  Ameriqw,  ii.  101). 

I  No  oi-  iiri'siMiH'.t  to  prniinunro  FiilliiT  Ifrnnrpin  an  iiiliilel,  iiiiil  Im»  di'uies,  (ufliT  living 
miicli  ainoiifT  llic  In  linii",)  llmt  llii-v  Iihvc  niiy  iioiioii,  or  liclipf,  of  wliiil  Cliristinm  rail  Ihilij, 
Hot  Mr.  lUrirlii  (llisl.  VirKiniii,  l(i!l.)  snvs,  "  Huron  l.tthniiliiii,  on  tin-  oiIkt  IiiiikI,  ninkrs 
then)  liiivc  siicti  ri'linrd  noiiooH.  lis  "iccni  iilmosi  In  miifiilp  his  own  lielicf  of  CliristiHiiily." 

6  (Kuvrej  •lo  <'.  F.  V,>l,„;i.  I.  d.  1'.'!».  (Purls,  ll{'.!(i.) 

II  Tlicri-  was  n  rliirf  of  llic  >aiiic  iiainc  nnioiif;  llir  IMiainiD  in  lllin,  wlio  is  incntionril  in 
llif  liciily  miiilc  with  lliosr  linllaiis  on  (i  (h'lolicr,  iit  Si.  IMarys.  Tlir  pnssafjn  in  llu"  trcul/ 
is  n*  tiillows:— To  Mmhemuftut  or  tlip  l.itllf-liirtif,  oim  nrrtinn  of  Innd  on  Ihc  south  lido  of 
Uie  \Viil)U!tli,  wiicri;  tlii'  |iiiriiijrr  [nilii  strikes  llio  miiiic.''     liiilian  Treatiet,  31'l. 


Chap.  IV.] 


BLUE  JACKET. 


70 


tinction  suited  to  liis  chnracter."  He  was,  generally,  in  liia  time,  styled  the 
Messissngo  eliicf,*  and  a  gentleman  who  saw  him  soon  atler  St.  Clnir''s  de- 
feat, at  Montreal,  says  he  was  six  feet  high,  "  ahoiit  4.')  years  of  age,  of  a 
very  sour  and  nioro,se  countenance,  and  apparently  very  crafty  aid  subtle. 
His  dress  was  Indian  moccasins,  a  blue  petticoat  that  came  half  way  down 
his  thighs;  an  European  waistcoat  and  suitotit;  his  head  was  hound  with 
on  Indian  cap  that  hung  half  way  down  his  back,  and  almost  entirely  filled 
with  plain  f^ilver  broaches,  to  the  number  of  more  than  200;  he  had  two 
ear-rings  to  each  ear,  the  upper  i)art  of  each  was  formed  of  three  silver 
medals,  about  the  size  of  a  dollar;  the  lower  part  was  formed  of  (piartcrs 
of  dollars,  and  fell  more  than  12  inches  from  his  eai-s — one  from  each  ear 
over  his  breast,  the  other  over  his  hack  ;  he  had  three  very  large  nose  jewels 
of  silver,  that  were  curiously  jKiinted.  The  account  he  gave  of  the  action 
[with  the  Americans,  4  Nov.]  was,  that  they  killed  1400  of  them,  with  the  loss 
of  nine  only  of  their  parly,  one  of  whom  killed  himself  by  accident."  The 
person  who  gave  this  account  said  this  chief  was  in  Canada  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  all  the  Indian  force  he  coidd  to  go  out  again  in  the  spring  against  the 
white.«. 

Mr.  Dawson  relates  a  pleasant  anecdote  of  Little-turtle,  which  happened 
while  h(!  was  sitting  for  his  portrait  in  Philadeli)hia.  A  native  of  the 
Emerald  Isle  was  sitting  for  his  at  the  same  time,  who  prided  himself  upon 
Ids  ability  at  joking.  Litlle-turlle  was  not  backward  in  the  same  business, 
n;id  they  pas.'jed  si-veral  meetings  very  jjleasantly.  One  morning.  Little- 
turtle  did  not  take  nuich  notice  of  his  friend,  and  seemed  rather  sedate, 
which  was  construed  by  ili"  -ibernian  into  an  ackjiowlcdgment  of  victory 
on  the  part  of  the  chief,  '  ■  oking  game,  and  accordingly  bi'gan  to 

intimate  as  nnicli.  \\'\ny  ,,  <  le  understood  him,  he  said  to  the  inter- 
preter, " //c /ai's<a^Ts  ;  I  was  ■  ..nkins;  of  proi)o.nnn;  to  this  man,  to  paint  its 
hotli  on  one  hoard,  and  llure  I  would  stand  face  to  face  with  him,  and  blackgtiurd 
him  to  ail  dvrnitij." 

Among  tli(^  chiefs  associated  in  connnand,  in  the  wars  of  which  we  have 
been  speaking  with  the  famous  J\f!shikinaliW(i,  was  anotlu  r  of  laiarly  eipial 
note,  liuniliarly  called  lilue-Jackct  by  tlit;  whit'S,  hut  by  his  own  nation,  He- 
yapicrsenwaw.  He  was  tht'  most  distinguished  chief  of  the  Shawancse,  and 
we  hear  of  him  .-it  Fort  Industry,  on  the  Miami  of  the  Lake,  as  latt;  as  IH05. 
By  SOUK!  particular  arrangi'ment,  the  chief  connnand  seems  to  have  devolved 
on  him  of  ojiposing  (ieneral  If'aijnc.  He  was  more  bloody  and  precipitate 
than  Mishiltinahtrn,  and  possessed  less  discrimination  and  judgimnt.  He 
wasauKing  the  last  i>f  the  chiefs  who  came  in  to  treat  with  (■en(  ral  If'ayne, 
The  Shawanesc  held  out  as  long  as  they  could,  and  came  in  very  slowly. 
On  the  24  .liuie,  a  hoy,  who  had  been  a  captivtt  among  them,  (having  been 
lately  retak<'n,)  confidently  asserted  thatth(^  Sliawaiiese  would  not  makep«!ace. 
Buton(!  month  alter,  2:1  .Inly,  Uluc-Jarkii  made  his  appearance,  and  it  was<luly 
noticed  by  a  genlleiiian  at  the  time,  who  kejit  a  jotu'nal  of  important  matters 
at  (ireenville.  lie  then  adds,  " deputations  from  idl  the  late  hostile  trihis 
north  of  tlie  Ohio  are,  coMsi-(|nently,  now  at  this  |dac('."t 

We  find  this  notice  of  Hhie-jackel  in  August,  17!I2.  "By  a  gentleman  im- 
mediate!) from  Montreal,  we  learn  tiait  idioiit  four  weeks  since,  the  famous 
Indian  i>intisan,  known  by  the  name  of  Captain  lilucoacket,  was  at  Dt^troit, 
with  idiout  2000  men,  waiting  li)r  the  Americans  to  come  out  intothi^  vvouds: 
it  iri  believed  at  Montreal,  that  in  case  the  Americans  do  not  go  out,  they 
will  be  divided  into  small  parties  to  harass  our  iVontiers."|  The  tribes 
which  furnished  warriors  to  oppos(>  the  Americans  wen;  the  ^VylUldr>t8, 
Miamis,  I'oilowattomies,  Delawaren,  Shawnnese,  Chippewnys,  OttawnyH, 
nnd  a  few  Senecas.  lilne-Jackrt  was  the  director  and  leader  of  this  mighty 
band  of  warriors. 

In  the  treaty  of  21)  Hepteml»pr,  1H17,  at  the  "Foot  of  the  Rajtids"  of  tlio 
Miiuni  of  tlte  Jiakes,  with  tho  Wynndots,  Henecus,  Delawares,  >Sliawnnoao, 

*  'riiiisc  ot'lliis  Irilif  in  llin  viriiiilv  of  l.nko  Oiitnrio,  nrt'  of  n  miirli  dnrkrr  coinploxion  ihan 
tho  oilier  IikIIuiis  iifllif  west.      IIV/i/,  Truveks  in  America,  ■151. 
t  Sec  Klliol's  Works,  IH.  14:.  X  Cx'-f/s  Miistimi.  .\ii.  113. 


I 


80 


WAYNES  VICTORY  AT  MIAMI. 


[Book  V. 


&c.  tliere  is  a  Jjaragraph  wJiicIi  it  is  jn-osunicd  1ms  rifereiicc  to  a  daughter 
of  tliis  cliititl  It  proposes  to  give;  "To  Xancy  Stetoart,  daugliter  of  the  late 
Bhawancc  chief  Blue-Jacket,  one  section  of  land,  to  contain  six  hundred  and 
40  acres,  on  the  Groat  Miami  river  below  Lewistowii,  to  inchide  her  present 
improvements,  three  <jiiartcrs  of  the  said  section  to  be  on  the  S.  E.  side  of 
the  river,  and  one  quarter  on  the  N.  W.  side  thereof."* 

From  the  time  General  Si.  Clair  was  defeated,  in  1791,  murders  were  con- 
tinued upon  the  frontier,  and  all  attempts  on  the  part  of  government  to  effect 
4  a  [leace,  proved  of  no  avail ;  and  lastly  tlic  ambassadors  sent  to  them  were 
iriurdercd,  and  that   too  while    the  army    was  progressing  towards    their 
country. 

Ailer  building  Fort  Greenville,  upon  the  Ohio,  six  miles  above  Fort  Jef- 
ferson, General  f Payne  took  possession  of  the  ground  where  General  St. 
Clair  had  been  defeated,  and  there  erected  a  ibrt,  to  wiiichhe  gave  the  name 
of  Recovery,  in  which  tlie  iirmy  si)ent  the  winter  of  17U3-4.  Many  censures 
were  |)asse('l  upon  the  general  for  his  slow  i)rogress ;  but  he  knew  much 
better  what  lie  was  doing  than  newspaper  writers  did  what  they  were 
writing,  when  they  undertook  to  censure  him,  as  the  event  proved. 

It  was  the  8  August,  17!t4,  when  the  imiiy  arrived  at  the  confluence  of  the 
rivers  A u  Glaize  and  Manmee,  where  they  built  Fort  Defiance.  It  was  the 
(jeneral's  design  to  have  met  the  enemy  un|)re[mred,  in  this  move ;  but  a 
Icllow  deserted  his  camj),  and  notified  the  Indians.  He  now  tried  again  to 
bring  them  to  an  ucconnnodation,  and  from  the  answers  which  he  received 
from  them,  it  was  some  time  revolved  in  his  mind,  whether  they  were  for 
peace  or  war ;  so  artful  was  the  manner  i!i  whicii  their  replies  were  fbrmed.f 
At  length,  being  fidly  satisfied.  In;  marched  down  the  Maumee,  and  arrived 
ut  the  rapiils,  18  August,  two  days  before  the  battle.  His  army  consisted  of 
tipwards  of  .'iOOO  men,  2000  of  w  hom  were  regulars.  Fort  Deposit  was 
enrted  at  this  jdace,  lor  the  scciuity  of  their  supplies.  Tiiey  now  set  out  to 
meet  the  enemy,  who  had  chosen  his  position  upon  the  hank  of  the  river, 
with  much  judgment.  They  had  a  breastwork  of  fallen  trees  in  liont,  and 
the  high  rocky  sln)re  of  the  river  gave  tliem  much  S'icurity,  as  also  did  the 
thick  wood  of  Presipic  Ishi.  Their  l<)rco  was  divided,  and  disposed  at 
stipporting  distances  i<)r  about  two  miles.  When  the  Americans  hud  arrived 
nt  proper  diHtiuice,  a  body  was  sent  oiu  to  begin  the  attack,  "  with  orders  to 
rouse  the  enemy  from  their  covert  with  the  bayonet ;  and  when  up,  to  deliver 
n  close  fire  upon  their  backs,  and  press  them  so  hard  as  not  to  give  them  lime  to 
reload."!  Tliis  order  was  so  well  executed,  and  the  battle  at  the  point  of  attack 
HO  short,  that  only  about  !)00  Americans  particijiated  in  it.  BiU  they  pursued 
the  Indians  with  great  slauglitiu-  through  the  woods  to  Fort  Maumee,  where 
the  ciu'iuige  ended.  The  Indians  were  so  uncwpcetedly  driveti  from  their 
strong  hold,  that  their  miud)ers  only  increas(!d  their  distress  and  confiision; 
and  the  cavalry  made  horrible  havoc  iimong  them  with  their  long  sabres. 
Of  the  Americans,  there  were  killed  and  wounded  about  lUO.  The  loss  of 
the  Indians  could  not  be  ascertained,  but  must  have  been  very  si^vere.  The 
Amtiiean  loss  was  chiefly  at  the  eommeneeiiHMit  of  the  action,  as  they 
advanced  upon  the  mouths  of  the  Indians'  rifles,  who  eoidd  not  be  seen  until 
they  had  discharged  u|)on  them.  They  maintained  their  coverts  but  a  short 
time,  being  forced  in  every  directimi  by  the  bayonet.  Hut  until  that  was 
effected,  tlie  Americans  Ml  flist,  and  we  only  wonder  that  men  could  he 
iiuiud  thus  to  advance  in  the  flice  of  certain  death. 

This  horrid  cat(istro|the  in  our  liulian  aimals  is  chargeable  to  certain  white 
men,  or  at  least  mainly  so;  for  some  days  b(>fore  the  battle,  (Jeiu'nd  fl'ame 
pent  a  Hag  of  truce  to  tlicin,  and  desired  them  to  come  luid  treat  w  ith  lum. 
The  letter  which  he  sent  was  tJiken  to  Colonel  AVKee,  who,  it  H))pears,  was 
their  ill-adviser,  and  he,  by  ])utting  a  fidse  constna-tion  upon  it,  increased  the 
rage  of  the  Indians:  he  then  iid()rmed  thiMu  that  they  must  li>rtliwith  fight 
the  Amtiiean  luiny.  Home  (d'the  chiefs,  learning  the  truth  of  the  letter,  were 
lor  peace  ;  but  it  was  too  late.  Liltle-tiirtlr  was  known  to  have  been  in  fiivor 
of  making  peace,  and  seemed  well  aware  of  the  abilities  of  the  American 


CiiAr.  V, 

general ; 
uients  c 
where  tl 
white  m 

The 
posed  at 
to  by  oti 

In  thii 
number, 
aller  the 
of  longei 
what  ter 
sioners  i 


•  latlian  TrcHiOB, 90.  t  3/u»»/ia//'*  Wasliiiiglon,  v.  Wl,  eil.  4lo.         \  Schoolcra/l. 


i^ 


Chap.  \  0 


TIIAYANDANECA,  OR  BRANT. 


81 


Kenerul ;  but  such  was  the  influence  of  traders  among  them,  that  no  argu- 
ments could  prevail.  Tims,  instances  without  number  might  be  adduced, 
where  these  people  have  been  destroyed  by  placing  confidence  in  deceiving 
white  men. 

The  night  iHjfore  the  battle,  the  cliiefs  assembled  in  council,  aiul  some  pro- 
posed attacking  the  army  in  its  cncami)ment,  but  the  proposal  was  objected 
to  by  othei*s;  finally  the  proposition  of  fighting  at  Presque  Isle  prevailed. 

In  this  battle  all  th^-chiefs  of  the  Wyandots  were  killed,  being  nine  in 
number.  Some  of  the  nations  escaped  tlie  slaughter  by  not  coming  up  until 
aller  the  defeat.  This  severe  blow  satisfied  the  western  Indians  of  the  folly 
of  longer  contending  against  the  Americans ;  they  therefore  were  glad  to  get 
what  terms  they  could  from  them.  The  chiel's  of  twelve  tribes  met  commis- 
sioners at  Fort  Greenville,  3  August,  17!J5,  and,  as  a  price  of  their  peace, 
gave  up  an  extensive  tract  of  country  south  of  the  lakes,  and  west  of  the  Ohio ; 
and  such  other  tracts  as  com[)rehen(!ed  all  the  military  posts  in  the  western 
region.  The  government  showed  Some  lil)erality  to  these  tribes,  on  their  re- 
linquishing to  it  what  they  could  not  withiiold,  and  as  a  gratuity  gave  them 
20,000  dollars  in  goods,  and  agreed  to  i)ay  tiuMu  9000  dcJIars  a  year  forever; 
to  be  divided  among  those  tribes  in  proportion  to. their  numbers.* 


CHAPTER  V. 

Z-t/e  of  TiiAVANDANEcA,  ca/icfZ  III/ thc  jo/((7c.<r,  Rrant — His  education — Visits  Eng- 
land— Cumtnissioned  thcrr, — Ilis  sister  a  compntiion  to  Hir  iVm.  Johnson — His 
letter  to  thc  Oiitidas — Jiffuir  with  Ihrhimcr  at  UnudiUa — Cuts  off  Herkimer  and 
200  men  at  Oriskawi — Anecdote  of  Ihrldmer — Hums  Springfield — Horrid  affair 
of  Wyoming — Incidents — Destroys  Cherry  I'allcy — Barbarities  of  the  turics — Sul- 
livan's depredations  among  the  Five  J\rati(ms — Brant  defeated  by  the  Americans  at 
Jfewtown — Destruction  of  Minisink,  and  slaughter  of  100  people— Destruction  of 
Harpersjield — Brant's  letter  to  MCausland — Marriage  of  his  'iuughtcr — Her  hus- 
band killed — Brant  becomes  the  friend  of  peace — I'isits  Philc.iclphia — His  marriage 
— Lands  granted  him  by  the  king — His  death — His  son  Jo  m — Traits  of  character 
— One  of  his  sons  killrdliy  him,  tre  an  attempt  tokill  hisfatLcr — Account  of  Brant's 
arrival  in  England — Some  account  of  his  children. 

C0LO.NEL.I0SEPI1  Bhant  was  an  Onondaga  of  the  Mohawk  trihc,  whose  In- 
dian name  was  Tlutijerulitiieca,}  or  Tajimlanair(i,\  signifying  n  hrant.ij  But  as  he 
was  seldom  called  hy  liiat  name  alhu"  he  becaiiu'  known  to  the  whites,  it  was 
generally  forgotten.  He  received  a  very  good  Knglitiii  education  at  "Moor's 
charity  school,"  at  Lebanon,  in  Coimecticut,  where  he  was  placed  by  Sir 
li'iHiam  Johnson,  in  Jidy,  17(il.     His  age,  at  this  time,  we  have  not  learned, 

'i'he  story  that  he  was  but  half  Indian,  the;  son  of  a  (iernian,  has  l)een 
widely  spread,  hut  is  denied  by  his  fou,  and  now  beilevi'd  to  lie  a  liilsehood, 
ignorantly  circidated.  Tiiis  error  might  have  arisen  cither  from  the  known 
liietof  hisbtiingof  ratlier  a  lighter  com))lexioii  than  hiscomitrymen  in  general, 
or  from  his  having  n)arried  a  woman  who  was  a  liidr-lireed.|| 

Brant  went  to  Kngland  in  177.'),  in  the  begiiming  dflhe  great  revolutionary 
rupture,  where  he  was  received  witli  attention,  anil  <lonbtlfss  had  there  his 
mind  prepared  for  thc  part  be  acted  in  the  memonilile  struggle  which  ensued. 
^  .      -       — —   .      . 

*  The  terms  of  this  treaty  were  llm  xaino  bs  were  ofTorod  to  llicin  before  the  l)alllc,  which 
Khoiild  l)c  nicnlioiicd,  as  iidiliiar  iniilcriullv  to  our  i;nnd  fouling!!  towards  its  authors.  It  in 
gt^nurally  lii'aoiiiiualt^d  \\'iiiiue'.s  IrtNily.     (l  is  worUiy  of  liiai, 

t  f'lfnv/'.v  Miisniiti,  V.  IH.  {  Antiids  Trvoa  ('ouiilv,  15. 

{1  (iriiornlly  writlcii  ISraiull  liy  tlioso  who  arc  unac<|uniatLMl  with  tlic  aioaiiini;  ot  his  In- 
dian nninc. 

II  ll  has  l)^'!!  inciilioiHMl  to  m<i  l>y  a  urcinh'iaiui,  (da;  rditor  of  \VA><niNOTON's  WaniNns,) 
tiinl  he  had  no  ih)iil)l  of  dio  Uut  ihiil  /Jniii/  was  ihc  va  ol  Sir  Willium  Joliiisim.  I  urn  iiol 
siitisficd  upon  Iho  salijccl,  and,  llicrcfdri',  aiilo  dio  (ipiiiinii  of  (iiic  which  rlaiiin  |iriinary  roa- 
fidcrnlion  on  nil  salijccis  coiniccU'd  widi  cmr  hiilnrv.  Thi"  only  inidior,  llial  I  rccollocl.  who 
htts  cirraluled  n  printod  opiaion  of  tliiM  kiail.  in  Cliiipinuii.    Sco'HIsl.  W'ljoming,  Vil, 


83 


BRANT  MEETS  THE  AJIERICANS  AT  UNADILLA.       [Book  V. 


Ilo  Imd  a  colonel's  coininissioii  in  tlio  Eiiglisli  aiiiiy  npon  tlio  I'rontiers,  which 
consisted  ol'sucli  of  the  Six  Nations  and  torios,  us  took  piu't  against  the  coun- 
try. General  Sir  JVUllam  Johnson  was  agent  of  Indian  utliiirs,  anil  hud  greatly 
ingratiated  himself  into  the  esteem  of  tlio  Six  Nations.  He  lived  at  the  place 
since  named  from  him,  upon  the  north  bank  of  tlio  Mohawk,  about  40  miles 
from  Albany.  Here  lie  had  an  elegant  seat,  and  would  olten  entertain  seve- 
ral hundreds  of  his  red  friends,  and  share  all  in  common  with  them.  They 
80  much  respected  him,  that,  notwithstanding  thoy  had  the  full  liberty  of  his 
house,  yet  they  would  take  nothing  that  did  nnt  belong  to  them.  The  better 
to  rivet  their  esteem,  he  would,  at  certain  seasons,  accommodate  himself  to 
their  mode  of  dress,  and,  being  a  widower,  took  as  a  kind  of  companion  a 
sister  of  Brant,  by  the  name  of  Molky.  He  had  received  honors  and  emohi- 
nients  from  the  British  go.  jrnment,  and  the  Indians  received  also,  tiirough 
his  agency,  every  thing  which,  in  their  opinion,  conduced  to  their  happiness. 
Hence  it  is  not  strange  diat  they  siiould  hold  in  the  greatest  reverence  the 
name  of  their  "great  tiitlier,"  the  king,  and  think  theyiiy  rebels  who  opposed 
his  autiiority,  when  tiie  revolution  began,  most  ungrutefully  wicked,  and  un- 
worthy all  mercy.  Sir  William  died  in  1774,  about  u  year  bclbre  the  battle 
oflJunker'sHill. 

The  Butlers,  John  and  Walter,  whose  names  are  associated  with  the  recollec- 
tion of  the  horrid  barbarities  upon  Clicrry-valley  and  Wyoming,  lived  at  Cangli- 
newaga,  four  miles  south-easterly  from  the  village  of  Johnston,  and  upon  the 
same  side  of  the  Mohawk. 

In  1775,  in  a  letter  to  the  Oneidas,  our  chief  subscribes  himself  "secretary 
to  Gnif  Johnson."  This  was  early  in  the  sununer  of  that  year,  and  hence  he 
wi>.s  innnediatcly  from  Enghuid.  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  was  son-in-law  of 
Sir  If'iUianu  The  Ijjtter  was  found  in  an  Indian  jmth,  and  was  suppose!  to 
have  been  lost  by  the  person  who  was  intrusted  with  it.  It  was  in  the  Mo- 
hawk language,  the  translation  of  which  connnences  tiius :  "  Written  at  Guy 
Johnson's,  JMai/,  1775.  This  is  your  letter,  you  i>;reat  ones  or  sachems.  Guy 
Joimson  says  he  will  be  g;lad  if  you  fret  this  intcllis;ence,  you  Oneidas,  how  it  goes 
with  tdm  noiv,  and  he  is  now  more  certain  concerning  the  intention  of  the  Boston 
j)eoplc,  Guy  Johnson  is  in  great  fear  of  being  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bostonians. 
We  Mohawks  are  obliged  to  ivaich  him  constantly,"  &c. 

Alh'r  tliis.  Brant  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  wJion  he  fled  to  Canada.  The 
two  Butlers  were  also  in  the  train.  Being  now  in  a  place  of  safety,  and  the 
means  in  their  hands,  plots  of  destruction  were  put  in  execution  in  rapid 
succession. 

Having  had  some  disagreement  with  Johnson,  Brant  came  again  to  the 
frontiers.  Some  of  tlie  peaceable  Mohawks  had  been  coniincMJ,  to  j)reveiit 
tlieir  doing  mischief,  as  were  some  of  the  IMassuiiliusetts  Indians  in  Philip's 
war.  Brant  was  displeasiMl  at  tliis,  l()r  he  said,  if  tlm  distant  Indians  should 
rOMie  down,  they  would  destroy  theiu  indiscriminately  whh  the  whites.  He 
was  MCCompanit>d  by  a  band  of  70  or  t^O  warriors,  who,  in  their  rundtles, 
visited  I'nadilhi,  where  tiiey  assembl(>d  the  iidialiilants,  and  told  them  tliat 
they  stcKid  in  need  of  provisions,  and  if  they  did  not  give  tiiem  some,  tiicy 
siiiMild  take  it  by  force;  a  rcliisal,  tiieref<>n!,  wouI<l  liave  be(Mi  wors<!  tliau 
useless.  Hrant  further  oiiserved,  "  that  their  agreement  with  the  king  was  strong, 
and  that  they  were  not  surh  viHains  as  to  Imak  their  covenant  with  him."  (Jeiu'ral 
Hrrliimcr  niarclied  up  to  Fnadilla,  in  July,  witli  IIHO  men,  where  he  found 
Brant  with  IJlOof  his  warriors.  Hen;  he  had  an  int(!rvi(!W  with  him,  in  which 
he  held  th(!  following  language  : — "  Tliat  the  Iiulians  were  in  concert  with  the 
king,  as  their  fathers  and  grandfathers  had  l>een.  That  the  king\<t  belts  wire  yet 
ludgCil  with  them,  and  they  could  not  falsify  their  pledge.  That  General  Herki- 
mer and  the  rest  had  joined  the  Boston  people  against  their  king.  That  Boston 
people  were  resolute,  but  the  king  would  Innnble  them.  That  Mr.  Schuyler,  or 
gemral,  or  what  you  please  to  rail  him,  u^as  very  snuirt  on  llic  Indians  at  the  treaty 
at  Giniiiin  Flails;  but  u'ns  n<il,  at  the  sanw  lime,  able  to  afford  thim  the  smallest 
article  if  clothing.  That  the  Indians  had  formerly  made  war  on  the  white  people 
all  undel ;  and  nowthnj  were  divided,  titr  Indians  werenot  friglilemd."  (Colonel 
Cor,  wild  acciiiiip.iiiied  Ihrkimer,  said,  il'  war  was  his  determination,  the 
mutter  was  ended,     liranl  then  sptike  to  his  warriors,  and  they  Bhouted,  and 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT.— BATTF.E  OF  ORISKANA. 


83 


ran  to  their  place  of  einrnnipnient,  seized  their  nrins,  fired  several  ^ins,  and, 
after  giving  the  war-whooj),  returned  in  wariikt;  array.  Genera!  Herkimer 
tlien  told  Brant  lie  did  not  come  to  fight,  and  the  chief  motioned  for  his  men 
to  remain  qiiiet.  Perhaj)s,  as  a  worthy  author  observed  upon  a  transaction 
in  Philip'a  war,  it  is  better  to  omit  the  cause  of  tho  conduct  of  Herkimer, 
tlian  too  critically  to  inciuire  into  it.  His  men  vastly  outnumbered  the  Indians, 
a.nd  his  authority  was  ample ;  but  his  motives  were  no  doubt  pure,  and  his 
courage  must  not  now  be  called  in  question,  as  will  appear  from  what  is  to 
bo  related.  To  put  the  most  fiivorable  construction  upon  his  neglecting  to 
break  down  the  power  of  Brant,  is  to  suppose  that  he  was  impressed  with 
the  belief  that  the  Indians  would  not  join  with  the  English  in  committing 
hostilities;  if  this  were  the  case,  ho  too  late  discovered  the  error  of  liis 
judgment. 

Aih;r  the  general  had  said  that  he.  didnot  come  tojlght,  Brant,  with  an  air  of 
importance,  waid,  "  If  your  purpose  is  war,  I  am  ready  for  you.'"  A  tempest, 
wiiicii  came  u|)  suddenly,  scijiarated  the  [)arties,  and  each  retired  peaceably. 
This  is  said  to  be  the  last  talk  held  by  any  of  the  Americans  with  the  Six 
Nations,  ])revious  to  hostilities,  except  with  th(!  Oneidas ;  all,  except  a  very 
few,  of  whom  remained  neutral. 

Towards  the  autumn  of  this  year,  (1777,)  Bra)il  was  under  the  direction  of 
General  St.  Legcr,  who  detached  him  with  a  considerable  body  of  warriors 
for  the  investment  of  Fort  Stanwix.  Colonel  Butler  was  commander-in-chief, 
witii  a  band  of  tories.  The  inhabitants  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  dt.'ter. 
mined  to  inarch  for  the  relief  of  Colonel  Ganesvoort,  who  commanded  tho 
Ibrt,  which  tliry  did,  in  two  regiments,  with  General  Herkimer  at  their  head. 
As  is  usual  with  militia,  they  marched  in  great  disorder, and  when  tiic  gene- 
ral ordered  scouting  parties  to  marcii,  as  security  against  surprise,  upon  tho 
flanks  of  the  main  body,  they  accused  him  with  cowardice,  which,  most 
unwarrantably,  hail  more  iiifluenee  iii)on  his  mind,  than  the  safety  of  his 
army.  A  critaslrophe  ensued,  which,  though  not  so  momentous  in  tiiat  day, 
as  was  that  of  Lnthrop  in  1()7(),  nor  so  com|)lete  a  victory  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians,  yet  it  was  a  severe  fight,  in  whicli  200  Americans  were  slain.*  The 
place  of  attack  was  selectiid  by  Brant  or  Butler,  and  was  a  ravine  of  u  broad 
bottom,  nearly  im])assabl(>,  except  a  rough  track  covered  with  logs  of  from 
VI  to  1,5  feet  in  length,  laid  trniisvcrsely,t  which  extended  across  it.  Gem  nil 
Herkimer  arrived  at  this  plnce  nbout  two  hours  before  mid-day,  August  (5. 
He  might  reasonably  have  ex|)ecti'il  an  jiiubiish,  but  his  first  intimations  of 
the  vicinity  of  an  enemy  were?  the  terrifying  ycdls  of  the  Indians,  and  the 
still  more  lasting  impressions  of  their  rifles.  The  advanced  guard  were  all 
cut  off!  Such  as  survived  the  first  firt;,  wcjre  hewn  down  with  thetomahiiwk. 
The  fiital  causeway  was  semicircular,  and  Brant  and  his  i()rceH  occupii'd  the 
siUTounding  heights.  Th(!se  are  tiie  principal  (ivents  in  the  battle  of  Oriskana. 
A  siu-geon.  Dr.  Moses  Yonn<<;lovc,  was  tak(!U  prisoner  in  this  battle,  and  aiVer 
his  return  from  captivity,  ho  wrote  a  poem  upon  the  affair,  from  which  we 
extract  tho  following: — 

"  The  time  nnd  place  of  our  nnli.nppy  fiKht, 
To  you  lit  Inrp"  wen;  needless  lo  recilo: 
When  in  the  wood  our  fierce  inhumHn  foes, 
With  pierrin<;  yell  from  circling  nmbush  rose, 
A  sudden  volley  rends  the  vnulled  sky ; 
Their  pninted  bodies  hideous  to  the  eye, 
They  rush  like  hellish  furies  on  our  l).nnd», 
Their  slaughter  weapons  brandishVI  in  their  hands." 

Riiuning  down  from  every  direction,  they  prevented  the  two  regiments 
from  forming  a  junction,  one  of  tliotn  not  having  entered  the  causeway ; 
and  a  part  of  the  assailants  fell  upon  those  without,  and  the  remainder 
upon  those  within  it.    The  fiirmer  fared  worse  than  the  latter,  for  in  such 


*  Their  whole  loss  wns  nbout  100.  snys  Mnmhnll,  f.lfe  Wushiniflon.  v.  2fil. 

t  All  who  Imve  Iravellect  even  williiu  n  few  years,  in  this  pari  of  ilii-  sinte  of  New  York, 
cannot  but  well  remember  the  "  Corduroy"  ronds.  8uch  was  the  nnui  over  this  memorable 
ravine. 


84 


BttANT.-^BATTLE  OF  0R13KANA; 


[Book  V.^ 


cases  a  flight  has  almost  always  been  a  dismal  defeat.  It  was  now  the 
case.  The  other  regiment,  Iiemmed  in  as  they  were,  saw,  in  a  moment,- 
that, 

To  fight,  or  not  to  fight,  was  death. 

Tiiey,  therefore,  back  to  back,  forming  a  front  in  every  direction,  fought  like 
men  in  despair.    This,  Dn  Younglove  thus  forcibly  depicts : — 

"  Now,  hand  to  hand,  the  contest  is  fiar  Hfe, 
With  bay 'net,  lom'hawk,  sword,  and  scalping  knife:  ^ 

Now  more  remote  llie  work  of  dealii  wo  ply, 
And  thick  as  hail  the  show'rin^  bullets  fly ; 
Full  many  a  hardy  warrior  sinks  supine  ; 
Yells,  shrieks,  groans,  shouts  and  thund'ring  volleys  join ; 
The  dismaJ  din  the  ringing  forest  fills, 
The  sounding  echo  roars  along  tlie  hills." 

"The  poet  thus  presents  to  our  view  the  attacking  parties : —      • 

"  Of  two  departments  were  the  assailinff  foes ; 
Wild  savage  natives  lead  the  first  of  those ; 
Their  almost  naked  fi-ames,  of  various  dyes. 
And  rings  of  black  and  red  surround  their  eyes : 
On  one  side  they  present  a  shaven  head ; 
The  naked  half  ot  the  vermilion  red  ; 
In  spots  the  party-color'd  face  they  drew. 
Beyond  description  horrible  to  view ; 
Theif  ebon  locks  in  braid,  with  paint  o'erspread ; 
The  silver'd  cars  depending  from  the  head ; 
Their  gautlry  my  descriptive  power  exceeds, 
In  Illumes  of  feathers,  glitt'ring  plates  and  beads." 

He  thus  speaks  of  the  lories : — 

"  These  for  the  first  attack  their  force  unite. 
And  most  sustain  the  fury  of  the  fight ; 
Their  rule  of  warfare,  dcxmstation  dire, 
By  undistinguish'd  plunder,  death  and  fire  ; 
They  torture  man  and  beast,  with  barbarous  rage^ 
Nor  tender  infant  spare,  nor  rev'rend  sage." 

And  Butler  is  noticed  as  follows : — 

"  O'er  them  a  horrid  riionstcr  bore  command. 
Whose  inauspicious  birth  disgrai  i'  our  land  j 
By  malice  urg'd  to  ev'ry  baro'rous  art ; 
Of  cruel  temper,  but  of  coward  heart.'' 

With  such  bravery  did  they  fight  in  this  forlorn  condition,  that  the  Indtant^ 
began  to  give  way ;  and,  but  for  a  reinforcement  of  tories,  under  Major  fVat-' 
son,  they  would  have  been  entirely  dispersed.*  This  reinforcement  is  thus 
characterized  by  the  surgeon  :-- 

"  The  second  was  a  renegado  crew, 
Who  aifm  and  dress  as  Christian  nations  do, 
Led  by  a  chief  who  bore  the  first  command  ; 
A  bold  invader  of  his  native  land." 

The  sight  of  this  reinforcement  greatly  increased  the  rage  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. It  was  composed  of  the  very  men  who  had  left  that  part  of  the  coun- 
try at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  were  held  in  abhorrence  for  their 
loyalty  to  the  king.  Tlic  figiit  was  renewed  with  Vigor,  and  the  reinforcement 
fought  also  with  bravery,  until  about  thirty  of  their  number  were  killed. 


*  Dr.  OorJnn  says  the  lories  and  tndinns  got  into  a  most  wretched  confusion,  and  fought 
one  niiothcr;  niul  lliiil  tlic  liiiicr,  nl  l:Kt.  iIium^Im  it  wiis  a  plot  of  the  whites  on  both  aides,  to 
get  them  into  that  situation,  lliat  llicy  mijjiil  cut  them  nlT. 


Chaf.  V.l 


BRANT.— ANECDOTE  OF  GEN.  HERKIMER. 


85 


Major  JVatson,  their  leader,  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner,  but  left  upon 
the  battle-ground. 

In  the  mean  time,  General  Herkimer  had  got  forward  to  the  fort  an  express, 
which  informed  Colonel  Gane»voort  of  his  situation.  He  inmiedintoly  de- 
tached Colonel  Marinus  WUlet  with  207  men,  who  succeeded  in  rescuing  the 
remnant  of  tliis  brave  band  from  destruction.  He  beat  the  enemy  from  the 
ground,  and  returned  to  the  fort  with  considerable  plunder.  Such  were  the 
events  of  the  battle  of  Oriskana. 

General  Herkimer  died  of  a  wound  which  he  received  in  this  fight.  Near 
its  commencement,  he  was  severely  wounded  in  the  leg,  and  his  horse  was 
killed.  He  directed  his  saddle  to  be  placed  upon  a  little  knoll,  and  resting 
himself  upon  it,  continued  to  issue  his  orders.  On  being  advised  to  remove 
to  a  place  of  greater  safety,  he  said,  "  J^o — /  iinll  face  the  enemy ; "  and,  adds 
the  historian  of  Tryon  county,  "  In  this  situation,  and  in  th«  heat  of  the 
battle,  he  very  deliberately  took  from  his  pocket  his  tvnderbox,  and  lit  his 
pipe,  which  he  smoked  with  great  composure." 

The  Indians,  as  well  as  the  Americans,  suifered  dreadfully  in  this  fight. 
And  our  poet  writes, 

"  Such  was  llie  bloody  fight ;  and  such  the  foe: 
Our  smaller  force  return'il  them  blow  for  blow ; 
By  turns  successfully  their  force  defy'd. 
Aid  conquest  wav'ring  seem'd  from  side  to  side." 

BranVs  loss  "being  about  100  men  ;  We  are  inclined  to  think  the  loss  of  the 
Indians  exaggerated  in  these  lines : — 

"  Not  half  the  savages  relumed  from  fight ; 
They  to  their  native  wilds  had  sped  tlieir  flight." 

The  Senecas  alone  lost  30,  and  the  tories  about  100.  The  regiment  which 
fled  suffered  severely,  but  would  have  suffered  still  more,  had  not  their  pur- 
suers been  apprized  of  the  desperate  case  of  their  fellows  engaged  in  the 
ravine,  which  caused  them  to  abandon  the  pursuit.  The  commanding  officer, 
Colonel  Cox,  was  killed,  and  tlie  command  devolved  upon  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Campbell  and  Major  Clyde,  who  conducted  the  retreat. 

The  scene  in  the  night  following  the  battle  is  thus  strikingly  presented  by 
Dr.  Younglove,  the  eye-witness: — 

"  Those  that  rcmain'd  a  long  encampment  made, 
And  rising  fires  illumin'd  all  the  shade  : 
In  vengeance  for  their  num'roug  brothers  slain, 
For  torture  sundry  prisoners  they  retain ; 
And  three  fell  monsters,  horrible  to  view, 
A  fellow  pris'ner  from  the  sentries  drew  j 
The  guards  before  received  their  chief's  command, 
To  not  withhold  from  the  slaught'ring  band  ; 
But  now  the  suflerer's  fate  they  sympathize. 
And  for  him  supplicate  with  earnest  cries. 
I  saw  the  general  *  slowly  passing  by. 
The  sergeant  on  his  knees,  with  tearful  eye, 
Implor'athe  guards  might  wrest  him  from  their  hands, 
Since  now  the  troops  could  awe  their  lesseu'd  bands. 
With  lifted  cane  t)ie  gcn'ral  thus  replies, 
(While  indignation  sparkles  from  his  eyes: ) 
'  Go  !  sirrah !  mind  your  orders  glv'n  before  ! 
'  And  for  infernal  rebels  plead  no  more ! ' 
For  help  the  wretched  victim  vainly  cries. 
With  supplicating  voice  and  ardent  eyes ; 
With  horror  chill'd,  I  turn  away  my  (ace, 
While  instantly  they  bear  him  from  the  place.  , 

Dread  scene ! — wilh  anguish  slung  I  inly  groan, 
To  think  the  next  hard  Tot  may  be  my  own." 

The  poet  next  describes  Ins  dream,  in  which  he  was  carried  to  the  battle- 
ground ;  and  then  thus  opens  the  morning  scene  :— 


1 


8 


•  BiUltr. 


86  BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  CHERRY-VALLEY.  [Book  V. 

"  When  savages,  for  horrid  sjKirt  prepar'd, 
Demand  anoihcr  pris'iier  tiom  the  guard, 
We  saw  Iheir  fear'd  approach,  witli  morlal  fright, 
Their  scalping-klifvcs  they  sharpcit'd  in  our  siglit, 
Beside  the  guard  they  sat  them  on  tlic  ground, 
And  view'd,  with  piercing  eyes,  the  prisoners  round." 

"  At  length,  one  rising  seized  me  by  the  hand  ; 
'  By  him  drawn  forth;  on  trembhng  knees  I  stand; 

1  hid  my  fellows  all  a  long  adieu, 
With  answering  grief,  my  wretched  case  they  view. 
They  led  me  bound  along  the  winding  flood,  ^ 

Far  in  the  gloomy  bosom  of  the  wooci ; 
There,  (horrid  sight!)  a  pris'nor  roasted  lay, 
The  carving-knife  hud  cut  his  flesh  away." 

After  eiKhn-iiig  cvcrj  thing  but  death  in  liis  captivity^  Dr.  Younglove  returned 
home  in  sulety. 

In  1778,  a  Ibrt  was  built  at  Cherry-valley,  where  families  for  considerable 
extent  about  took  up  their  abode,  or  retired  occasionally  for  safety.  Brant 
intendeil  to  destroy  tliis,  and  came  into  the  neighborhood  for  the  purpose. 
It  happened  that,  at  the  time  he  chose  to  make  the  discovery  of  the  strength 
of  the  garrison,  the  boys  were  assembled  in  n  training,  with  wooden  ginis, 
for  amusement:  not  having  a  clear  view  of  them  from  the  foliage  of  the  trees 
which  intervened.  Brant  thought  them  to  be  men.  It  was  his  design  to  have 
made  the  attack  the  following  night ;  but  on  this  discovei-y,  he  gave  up  the 
design.  Ho  still  remained  in  the  neighborhood ;  secreted  behind  a  large  rock 
near  the  main  i\md  lo  the  Mohawk,  and  about  two  miles  north  of  the  Ibrt  in 
the  valley.  Here  he  waited  to  intercept  some  unwary  passenger,  and  gain 
more  certain,  intelligence.  Near  this  place  is  the  little  cascade  called  by  the 
natives,  Tekaharnwa.  Tlie  inhaiiitants  of  the  valley  were  in  expectation  of  a 
cofnpany  of  soldiers  froiri  the  Mohawk,  to  reinforce  them,  and  the  same  day 
Lieutenant  Wormwood  came  from  thence,  and  informed  them  that  Colonel 
Klockwm\{t\  annve  the  next  day  with  the  party.  Near  night  he  set  out  to 
retinu),  aneoinfmnicd  by  one  Pder  Silz,  the  ijearer  of  sonie  despatches.  He 
was  a  young  i^cer,  of  fine  personal  appearance,  and  was  to  return  the  next 
day  with  one  ((¥  the  companies  of  soldiers.  He  had  been  out  of  sight  but  a 
few  minutes,  A\lie)i,  as  he  passed  the  ambush  of  Brant,  his  warriors  fired 
upon  him,  and  he  fell  from  his  horse.  The  chief,  springing  from  his  hiding- 
place,  tomaliawked  him  with  his  own  liands.  if'ormwood  and  his  companion 
were  ordered  to  stand,  but  not  obeying,  occasioned  their  being  fired  upon. 
Brant  was  acquainted  \vith  Lieutenant  Wormwood  before  the  war,  and  after- 
wards expressed  sorrow  at  his  i'ate,  pretending  that  lie  took  hitn  to  be  a  con- 
tinental officer.  His  hor.^e  immediately  running  back  to  the  fort,  with  blood 
uj)oii  the  saddle,  gave  some  indication  of  what  had  happened.  His  compan- 
ion, Sitz,  wiis  taken  iirisoner. 

I  1  June,  the  same  summer,  Bmnt  ctune  upon  Sjiringfield,  which  ho  burned, 
and  carried  off  a  lunnber  of  prisoners.  I'he  women  and  children  were  not 
maltreated,  but  were  left  in  one  house  unmolested.  About  this  time,  great 
pains  were  taken  to  seize  the  wary  c4iief,  but  there  was  no  Captain  Church, 
or,  unlike  Philip  of  Pokanoket,  Brant  had  the  reUiote  nations  to  fly  to  without 
fear  of  being  killed  by  them.  Ca])tain  M'Kean  liunted  liim  for  some  time, 
and,  not  being  able  to  find  him,  wrote  an  insulting  letter  for  him,  and  left  it 
in  an  Indian  jiatli.  Amdng  other  things,  he  challenged  him  to  single  combat, 
or  to  meet  him  with  an  equal  number  of  men;  and  "that  if  he  would  come  to 
Cherry-valley,  and  have  a  fair  fight,'  they  would  chdiige  him  from  a  Brant 
into  fl  Goos.'"  This  letter,  it  is  sujiposed.  Brant  received,  from  an  intimation 
*'<}»tained  i!i  one  which  he  ^vTote  about  the  same  time  to  a  tory.  To  this  man 
iPardftr  Can;  of  EdinRpton)  he  writes  from  Tuhadilla  [Unadilla]  under  date 
(J  July  1778, — ^  Sir :' I  understand  bi/tfie  Indians  that  ivas  at  your  house  last 
week '  thai  ow  Silfiith  lives  ft'ear  initli  you,  has  little  more  com  to  spare,  I  shoidd  be 
mwh  vbUscd  to  ^mi,  if  you  would  be  so  kind  as  to  trjf  to  get  as  much  corn  as 
Smith  can  spared;  ht  has  sent  me  five  skipples  already,  of  which  lam  much  oblige 
e.d  to  him,  and  will  see  him  paid,  and  would  be  very  glad  if  you  could  spare  one 
or  two  your  men  to  join  ut,  especially  Elias,    /  would  be  glad  to  see  him,  and  1 


Chap,  v.] 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OP  WYOMING. 


87 


wish  you  could  sent  me  as  many  guns  you  have,  as  I  linoiv  you  have  no  use  for 
them,  if  you  any ;  as  I  mean  now  tofghl  the  cruel  rebels  as  well  as  I  can ;  ivhai- 
erer  you  tvill  able  to  senVd  me,  you  must  sent^d  by  the  hearer,  I  am  your  sincere 
friend  and  humble  ser'l.  Joseph  Brant.  P.  S.  I  heard  that  Cliemi-valley 
people  is  very  bold,  and  intended  to  make  nothing  of  us  ;  they  called  us  loild  geese, 
ovi  I  know  the  contrani."    This  we  suppose  to  be  u  fair  specituen  of  the  corn' 


position  of  tlie  cliief  who  afterwards  translated  the  Gospel  according  to  John 
into  the  Mohawk  language,  also  the  l?ook  of  Counuon  Prayer;  copies  of  which 
are  in  the  library  of  Harvard  college. ' 

The  next  event  of  importance  in  Aviiich  Brant  was  engaged,  was  the  destruc- 
tion of  Wyoming,t  one  of  the  most  heart-rending  records  in  the  annals  of  the 
x-evolutionary  war.  In  that  horrid  affair,  about  300  settlers  v\ere  killed  or 
carried  into  captl'ity ;  from  the  greater  part  of  whom  no  intelligence  was  ever 
obtained. 

It  was  known  early  in  the  spring  of  1778,  that  a  lai'ge  force  was  collecting 
at  Niagara  for  the  object  of  laying  waste  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania,  Vir- 
ginia and  New  York,  and  even  as  early  as  February,  General  Schuyler  wrote 
to  congress  to  inform  them  that  such  waa  his  belief.    In  March  he  wrote 
again  to  congress,  saying,  "A  number- of  Mohawks,  aiid  many  of  the  Ononda- 
goes,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas,  will  commence  hostilities  against  us  as  soon  as 
they  can;  it  would  be  prudcjut,  therefore,  early  to  take  moasnros  to  carry  the 
^var  into  their  country;  it  would  require  no  greater  body  of  troops  to  destroy 
their  towns  than  to  |)rotect  the  frontier  inhabitants."  |    Hut  congress  had  more 
tlian  their  hands  full  in  other  diroctiony,  and  nothing  was  done.    In  the  bf- 
ginning  of  July,  the  toiy  and  Indian  force,  amountiug  together  to  about  1600 
men)  were  discovered  in  possession  of  Fort  Wuitermoot,^  a  short  distance  from 
the  villfige  of  Wyoming.     Here  was  also  a  fort,  at  which  were  collected  near 
400  men  for  the  defence  of  the  country,  who  were  mider  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Zebulon  Buller.\\     On  the  3  July,  a  council  of  war  was  held 
upon  the  propriety  of  inarching  out  and  attacking  the  tory  and  Indian  army, 
and  it  was  finally  agreed  that  the  enemy  should  be  sought.    Accorduigly  the 
Americans  marclied  out  upon  this  expedition  the  same  day.    Having  sent 
forward  spies,  they  had  not  proccedi^d  fiir,  when  they  were  discovered  by  two 
Indians,  who  were,  doubtless,  upon  the  same  business.    The  scouts  fired  each 
upon  the  other,  and  then  hastened  to  their  respective  head-qum-ters.    Both 
parties  were  immediately  in  motion,  and  joined  battle  near  a  thick  swamp. 
The  Indians  and  tories,  being  the  more  numerous,  outflanked  the  Americans, 
and  Brant,  at  tho  head  of  his  furious  warriors,  issuing  from  the  swamp,  turned 
their  lell  fiank,  and  creating  thereby  a  confusion,  which  greatly  fayored  his 
kind  of  warfare,  and  enabled  him  to  make  dreadfiil  havoc  among  them. 

The  Americans  were  in  two  lines,  and  it  was  the  line  commanded  by  Col- 
onel Dennison  that  Brant  successfully  encountered.  Butler,  at  the  same  time, 
was  gaining  sonio  advantage  over  tin;  other  line,  under  his  cousin  Zebulon, 
Avhicli,  added  to  the  raging  disaster  in  the  left,  heciune  immediately  a  flight. 
Colonel  jDendisou's  order  to  fall  back,  by  which  he  tlesigned  to  make  an  ad- 
vantageous evolution,  was  distorted,  by  the  terrified  troops,  into  an  order  for 
flight ;  and  all  \vas  in  a  kw  moments  lost.  And  from  Judge  Marshall  we  add 
as  follows: — "The  troops  fled  towards  the  river,  which  they  endeavored  to 
pass,  in  order  to  enter  Fort  Wilkesbarre,  [in  the  village  of  that  name  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Sustpiehannali.]     The  enemy  pursued  '  with  the  fury  of 

*  It  would  sopin  from  i\lr.  Wel^l,  (Tr.ivoU  in  Anioiica,  lv5,)  lliat  lie  traiisliUed  tliose 
works  l)cl'()re  llic  war ;  hut  I  have  heard  it  said  that  th<'y  were  the  production  of  the  chief 
John  Nnrlnii ;  my  authority,  however,  I  <lo  imt  rcnienilicr. 

+  This  name  is  said  to  sig^iiily  afield  of  Ji/noil,  (mm  a  fj^reat  battle  fought  there  by  the 
Indians  heliirn  its  selilement  hytlic  Whites.  'J'his  doiivation.  however,  is  not  according  to 
Uecke.u-.fldcr,  but  1  must  refer  the  curious  |iliihdoi;isl  to  Clwpinan's  IIUL  Wijomiiix,  [>■  10, 
or  to  liis  authority,  ^ince  iiriiitcl  in  the  Trmis.  Amur.  Vhilois.  Soc. 

i  (t'ordon's  American  Uevolulion,  iii.  ISl. 

^  This  was  a;arrisoiipd  by  a  (iiuiiiaiiy  of  men,  who  had  been  suspected  of  loryi-wi,  anil  it 
now  appeared  lliat  llicy  liad  not  only  >;"iveii  up  the  fori,  lull  joined  the  liostile  parly,  ilior- 
slmll'.t  Wdnliin'rloii,,  iii.  "w7. 

II  lie  wa.s  cousin  to  Juhn  Iiiii.hr.\\\v.  leader  of  die  lories,  'ifarshall,  ibid.  55G,  and  iv. 
Appendix,  13, 


88 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  WYO.AIINCi. 


[Book  V. 


Chap. 


devils ; '  and  of  tlie  400  who  had  marched  out  on  this  unfortunate  parley, 
only  about  20  cscajicd,"  anion:,'  whom  were  the  commanding'  officers. 

Tlic  fort  at  Wyoming  w.is  now  closely  bcsioged,  and  scemg  no  chance  of 
escape,  Colonel  Butler  proposed  a  parley  with  hiHyneH</and  namesake,  which 
was  assented  to.  The  place  of  meeting  was  ap]>ointeil  at  some  distance  from 
the  fort,  and  the  Americans  marched  out  in  considerable  force,  to  prevent 
treachery,  to  the  place  ai)poiiitcd ;  Iwit  when  they  crrived  there,  they  found 
nobody  with  whom  to  parley.  The  commander  of  the  tories  has  been  brand- 
ed with  gross  infamy,  for  this  piece  of  treachery  with  his  kinsman;  for  he 
feigned  fcur  from  his  approach,  and  had  retired  as  they  advanced,  displfiying 
meanwhile  the  Hag  of  truce.  The  unwaiy  Americans  were,  by  this  ti'eacher- 
oiis  stratagem,  led  into  an  ambush  in  nearly  the  same  manner  as  were  Hutch- 
inson and  tVlicdtr,  at  Wickabaug  Pond,  in  Philip's  war.  They  were,  in  a 
moment,  neiirly  surroimded  by  BvanVs  warriors,  and  the  work  of  deatli  raged 
in  all  its  fury.*  The  tories  "  were  not  a  whit  behind  the  very  chiefest "  of  them 
in  this  bloody  day.  A  remnant  only  regained  the  ibrt,  out  of  several  hundreds 
that  went  forth.  They  were  now  more  closely  besieged  than  before ;  and 
the  more  to  in.sult  the  vanquished,  a  demand  was  sent  in  to  them  to  surrender, 
"  accompanied  by  196  bloody  scalps,  taken  from  those  who  had  just  been 
slain."  When  the  best  terms  were  asked  of  the  besiegers,  the  "infamous 
jBu//er  "  replied  in  these  two  words,  "  <fe  hatchet."  This  was  the  only  (ntiA 
we  hear  of  his  uttering.  It  was  the  hatchet,  indeed — a  few  only  fled  to  the 
surrounding  wilderness,  there  to  meet  a  more  lingering  death  by  famine. 
These  were  chiefly  women  and  children. 

Thus  jjassed  the  fourth  of  July,  1778,  in  the  before  flourishing  settlement 
of  Wj^^oming,  on  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Susquehannah.  Barlow  knew 
well,  m  his  early  day,  who  was  forever  to  be  branded  with  infamy  for  the  acts 
of  this  memorable  ti-agedy.    He  says, — 

"  His  savage  hordes  the  murclcrous  Johnson  leads, 
Files  (lirough  the  woods  and  treads  llie  tangled  weeds, 
Sliuns  open  combat,  teaclies  wiiere  to  run, 
Skulkj  couch  the  ambush,  aim  the  hunter's  gun, 
.^   Whjrl  the  sly  toujEiliawk,  the  war-whoop  sing, 
Divide  tlie  spoils,  ^ud  pack  the  scalps  lliey  bring." 

ColumMad,  vi.  389,  &c. 

Having  now  got  liill  possession  of  Wyoming,  and,  observes  Dr.  Thachei; 
"after  selecting  a  few  prisoners,  the  remainder  of  the  people,  including 
women  and  children,  were  enclosed  in  the  houses  and  barracks,  which  were 
immediately  set  on  fire,  and  the  wjiole  consumed  together.  Another  fort  was 
near  at  hard,  in  which  were  70  continental  soldiers ;  on  surrendering  without 
conditions,  these  were,  to  a  man,  butchered  in  a  bai'barous  manner ;  when 
the  remainder  of  the  men,  women  and  children  were  shut  up  in  the  houses, 
and  the  demons  of  hell  glutted  their  vengeance  in  beholding  their  destruction 
in  one  general  conflagration."  The  houses  of  the  tories  were  spared.  As 
though  they  could  not  exercise  tlieir  cruelty  enough  upon  human  beings, 
they  fell  upon  the  beasts  in  the  field — shooting  some,  woimding  and  man- 
gling others,  by  cutting  out  their  tongues,  &c.  and  leaving  them  alive.  Well 
does  Campbell  make  his  Oneida  chief  to  say,  (who  comes  as  a  friend  to 
warn  the  settlement  of  the  approach  of  the  combined  army  of  tories  and 
Indians,) 

"  '  But  this  is  not  a  time,'— he  started  up, 
>  And  smote  his  breast  with  woe-denouncing  hand— 

'  This  is  no  lime  to  fill  thy  joyous  cup : 
The  mnminoth  comes — llie  foe — the  monster  Braiidt, 
With  all  his  howling  desolating  band ; — 
These  eyes  have  seen  their  blade,  and  burning  pine, 
Awake  at  once  and  silence  half  your  land. 

lied  is  the  cup  they  drink  ;  but  not  with  wine:  , 

Awake  and  watch  to-night !  or  see  no  morning  shine. 

*  Tlicrc  is  much  incoiigruily  in  relation  to  the  affairs  of  Wyoming.  Chapman  distinctly 
states  that  linnit  cmninaii'lud  the  right  wing  of  the  army  under  liiUler,  when  lie  was  met  by 
the  forces  that  marrlicd  out  to  meet  liiom ;  but  it  has  laloly  boeii  denied  ibat  Brant  was  even 
at  Wyoming  during  these  alluirs. 


name. 


Chap.  V.]  BRANT.— CRUELTIES  AT  WYOiHiNG.  89 

'■'Scornine  to  wield  llie  hntcliet  for  liis  bribe, 
'Gainst  lirarull  liimself  I  wcjit  to  battle  forth  : 
Accursed  Brandt !  he  lejl  of  all  viy  tribe 
Nor  man,  nor  child,  nor  thing  of  living  birlli : 
No !  not  the  do^,  that  watched  my  household  hearth, 
Escaped,  that  night  of  blood,  upon  our  plains ! 
All  perished ! — 1  alone  am  left  on  earthl 
^  To  whom  nor  relative  nor  blood  remains, 

No ! — not  a  kindred  drop  that  runs  in  human  veins  I '  " 

Gertrude,  of  Wyoming. 

The  lories,  as  wna  often  the  case,  were  attired  like  Itidians,,ancl,  frotii  tvtrij 
account,  it  appears  that  they  exceeded  tliem  in  ferocity. 

Dr.  Thcuhtr  gives  us  the  following  examples  of  horror,  which  were  of  no- 
toriety at  the  time,  and  "  promulgated  Iroiii  authentic  sources.  One  of  die 
prisoners,  a  Captain  Bamock,  was  committed  to  torture,  by  having  his  body 
stuck  full  of  splinters  of  pine  knots,  imd  a  fire  of  diy  wood  made  round  him, 
when  his  two  companions,  Captains  Ramon  and  Durkec,  were  thrown  into 
the  same  fire,  and  held  down  with  pitchforks,  till  consumed.  One  Partial 
Terry,  the  son  of  a  man  of  respectable  character,  having  joined  the  Indian 
party,  several  times  sent  his  father  word  that  he  hopfd  to  wash  his  tiands  in  his 
fieart's  blood.  The  monster,  with  his  own  hands,  mvrdered  his  father,  mother, 
brothers  and  sisters,  stripped  off  their  scalps,  and  cut  off  his  father's  head!"  * 

It  was  upon  such  scenes  as  these,  that  the  mind  of  the  poet  just  cited  had 
dwelt,  which  caused  him  to  wield  the  pen  of  denunciation  with  such  effect 
upon  the  memory  of  Brant.  Tliat  Butler  was  tlie  far  greater  savage,  none 
Clin  dispute,  and  Mr.  Campbell  has  long  since  acknowledged  his  too  great 
severity  upon  the  character  of  the  former.  We  should  exjjlain  here,  t^at  a 
son  of  Colonel  Brant,  a  chief  Mohawk,  of  the  name  of  Jthyonwaeghs,  called 
by  the  English  John  Brant,  was  in  London  in  1822,  and  furnished  Mr.  Camp- 
bdt  with  documents,  which,  in  the  poet's  own  words,  "  changed  his  opinion 
of  his  fathef."  This  passage  was  contained  in  a  long  and  interesting  letter 
tipon  the  subject,  to  Ahyonwaeghs,  which  appeared  at  that  time  in  the  news- 
papers. 

With  Wyoming  were  destroyed  Wilkesljarre  and  Kingston,  upon  the  other 
side  of  the  Susquehannah.  Though  Wyoming  is  generally  understood  to  be 
the  place  destroyed,  it  should  be  remembered  that  in  the  valley  bearing  that 
name,  there  were  three  other  towns,  which  were  all  destroyed,  as  well  as 
Wyoming.f  These  towns  were  settled  by  emigrants  from  Connecticut,  and 
■when  destroyed  contained  more  than  1000  families,  and  had  fiirnisherl  the 
continental  army  with  more  than  1000  men,  who  were  generally  the  young 
and  active  part  of  the  population.}:  The  opposite  sides  which  the  inhabitants 
took  in  the  great  ••evolutionary  question,  created  the  most  violent  rancor  in 
the  bosoms  of  both  parties,  and  hence  the  barbarities  which  ensued. 

In  November  following.  Cherry- valley  met  with  a  fate  similar  to  Wyoming. 
At  this  time.  Brant  was  returning  to  winter-quarters,  when  he  was  met  by  u 
tory  captain,  and  persuaded  to  engage  in  one  expedition  more.  This  was 
Walter  Butler,  son  of  John,  the  Iiero  of  Wyoming.  He  went  to  Canada  with 
Chiy  Johnson,  in  1775,  as  has  been  mentioned ;  and  now  some  circumstnnces 
brought  him  among  the  frontier  settlements  of  New  York.  What  his  ooject 
was,  we  are  not  informed;  but  it  was,  doubtless,  that  of  a  spy,  Iv^vever, 
he  was  taken  up  on  suspicion,  at  least,  and  confined  in  jail  at  Albany;  falling 
sick,  he  was  removed  to  a  private  dwelling,  from  whence  he  goon  found 
means  to  escape.  Joining  his  f&ther  at  Niagara,  he  succeeded  in  detaching  a 
part  of  his  regiment  upon  an  incursion.  Meeting  with  Brant,  as  was  just 
mentioned,  they  returned  to  the  frontier.    It  is  said  that  Brant  was  at  first 


in 


*  7Viae/ier'*  Journal. 

t  The  settlement  of  Wyoming  consisted  of  eight  townsWps,  each  five  miles  square.  Annual 
Reg.  for  1779,  pag*  9.  "  Ilach  containing  a  square  of  five  miles,"  is  the  language  of  the 
Register;  but  it  is  thought ' unlikely  that  tliese  towns  were  so  small.  Writers,  and  good 
writers  too,  often  commit  mathematical  errors  of  this  kind ;  not  distinguishing  between  miles 
square,  &tid  square  miles:  Thus,  the  diflTerence  between  five  square  miles,  and  five  miles 
square,  i.  e.  5» — 5^20  square  miles,  the  true  difference  between  the  two  quantities. 

1  Manhdt,  iii.  555. 
8» 


00 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  CHERRY-VALLEY 


[Book  V. 


displensed  witli  tlio  project,  understanding  that  Captain  JValter  had  been  put 
in  office  over  him  by  liis  ohi  general,  ff'aiter^a  fatlier,  but  stifled  his  resent- 
ment. Th(;ir  whole  Ibrco  was  700  men,  500  of  whom  were  the  warriors  of 
Brant. 

Colonel  Ichahod  Mden,  of  Massachusetts,  was  in  command  at  Clieriy- 
valley,  and  to  his  misguided  judgment  is  to  be  attributed  the  disaster  whicli 
ensued.  But,  like  Waldron  of  Cochecho,  he  was  doomed  to  escape  the  dis- 
grace, lie  was  early  a|)prizcd  of  the  march  of  Brant,  and  when  urged  to 
receive  the  inhabitants  into  the  fort,  observed  that  there  was  no  danger,  as 
lie  ^vould  keep  out  scouts  who  would  apjirize  them  of  the  approach  of  an 
enemy  in  sctuson  to  remove.  Scouts  were  accordingly  sent  out;  one  of 
which,  either  forgetting  the  business  they  wore  upon,  or,  what  was  equally 
reprehensil)le,  made  a  large  fire  and  lay  down  to  sleep.  BranTs  warriors 
were  not  misled  by  so  luminous  a  beacon,  and  tlic  whole  were  made  prison- 
ers. This  was  oii  the  night  of  tlie  0  November,  1778.  The  prisoners  now 
in  the  hands  of  Bra)it  were  obliged  to  give  the  most  exact  intelligence  con- 
cerning the  garrison.  On  the  morning  of  the  11,  favored  by  a  thick  and  hazy 
ntniosi)here,  they  approached  iJie  fort.  Colonels  Jllden  and  Stada  (juartered 
at  the  house  of  a  31r.  JFclts.  A  Mr.  Hamble  was  finid  upon  as  he  was  coming 
from  his  house  to  the  fort,  by  a  scout,  which  gave  the  first  notice  of  tho 
enemy.  He  cscaixid,  and  gave  the  alarm  to  Colonel  Alden,  who,  strange  an 
it  may  appear,  whs  still  incredulous,  and  said  it  was  nothing  more  than  some 
straggling  Indians.  The  last  sfiaco  of  time  was  thus  lost ! — and,  in  less  than 
half  an  hour,  all  parts  of  the  place  were  invcstctl  at  once.  Such  of  the  sol- 
diers as  were  coIlcrtL-d  being  inunediatcly  all  killed  or  taken,  the  poor  inJiab- 
itants  fell  an  easy  prey.  Colonel  Alden  was  among  the  first  victims.  Like 
Clwpart,  in  the  massacre  at  Natchez,  he  fled  from  his  house,  and  was  |)ur- 
6UCU  by  an  Jndian  with  his  hatchet,  at  whom  tho  colonel  endeavored  several 
times  to  disclKUge  his  jiistol ;  but  it  missing  fire,  and  losing  time  in  facing 
about  for  this  iiurpose,  the  Indian  was  sufliciently  near  to  throw  bin  toma- 
Jiawkwitli  deadly  cfi'ect.  He  did  so.  Colonel  .'7/rfcrt  fell  upon  his  face,  and 
liis  scalp  was  in  a  moment  born(;  ofl' in  triumi)h.  "Atory  boasted  lliat  he 
killed  Mr.  K'dls  while  at  jirayor."  His  daughter,  a  young  lady  of  great 
amiablent:ss,  fled  from  the  hougc  to  a  i)ile  of  wood  for  shelti!r ;  but  an  In- 
dian pursued  her,  who,  coming  near,  composedly  wiped  his  long  knife, 
already  bloody,  upon  Ins  Icggins,  then  returnmg  it  to  his  belt,  seized  her  by 
the  aiMu,  and  witli  a  blow  of  his  tomahawk  ended  her  existence.  She  could 
speak  some  Indiim,  and  begged  her  nuirderer  to  spare  her  life,  and  a  lory 
interceded,  who  htooil  near,  mging  that  she  was  his  sister;  but  he  woidd 
liear  to  neithcM-.  Other  transactions  iu  this  affair,  of  still  greater  horror,  wo 
nuist  pass  in  sileiKV, 

Ik'twiM'M  .'iU  anil  40  prisoners  were  carried  off;  but  tho  fort,  containing 
about  200  sohiiers,  was  not  taken,  although  several  triids  were  made  upon  it. 
Brant  was  the  oidy  person  engaged  in  this  tragedy  of  whom  we  hear  any 
nets  ol'  clennncy ;  one  of  which  was  the  preservation  of  a  {roor  woman  ami 
her  <'hil(lr(-n,  who,  hut  lor  him,  would  havi^  met  the  tomahawk.  He  irKpiinid 
li)r  Captain  .U'A'mji,  (who  wrote  him  the  letter  before  mentioned,)  saying  he 
had  now  come  to  accept  his  challengt;.  lieing  answered  that "  Capt,  .M  Kcnn 
would  not  turn  his  back  u|>on  an  einmiy,"  he  rephed,  "1  know  it.  He  is  u 
brave  man,  and  1  would  have  given  more  to  have  taken  him  than  any  othct 
man  in  Cliei  ry-vallcy  ;  but  I  woidil  not  have  liurt  u  hair  of  his  heiui." 

Brnnt  had  seen  and  ht'aril  so  much  of  what  is  called  civtiizid  warfare,  that 
he  was  afraid  of  the  traduction  of  his  character,  and  always  said  that,  in  his 
cotmcils,  he  had  tried  to  tnake  his  warriors  humane  ;  and  to  bis  honor  it  is 
said,  (but  in  proportion  as  his  character  is  rai.sed,  that  of  the  white  man 
must  -ink,)  that  where  he  had  the  chief  command,  finv  barlmrities  were 
couunittt^d. 

The  night  before  Brant  and  Bxdltr  fell  upon  Cherry- valley,  some  of  tho 
tories  who  had  friends  there,  nupicHted  lilterty  to  go  in  xecretly  and  advise 
them  to  retire.  Hiilhr,  though  some  of  his  ovvn  friends  were  among  tho 
iidiabitants,  reliised,  saying,  "that  there  were  so  muny  fiuuiliett  connected, 
that  the  one  would  inform  the  others,  mid  all  would  escape.    He  tlius  aacri 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT.— DEFEATED  BY  COLONEL  WILLET. 


01 


ficed  his  friends,  for  the  suite  of  punisliiiig  liis  enemies."  Tliis,  wliethor 
reported  by  Brant  to  niugnily  liis  own  liuuianity,  by  a  contrast  witli  iho 
dej)ravity  of  Wis  asbociate,  is  not  Ituown,  but  it  may  have  been  the  fiict. 

But  this  midniglit  assassin  did  not  escape  liis  retribution ;  he  was  k'lUcd 
by  an  Oncidu  Indian,  on  30  October,  1781,  under  the  followin^f  circumstances : 
Colonel  h"Ukt  having  been  ordered  with  about  400  men  to  make  an  expedi- 
tion into  l)ie  country  of  the  Mohawk,  he  sm'prised  a  party  of  (100  toriu^!, 
and  130  Iiuiians  at  Johnston,  and  drove  thein  into  the  woods,  and  severely 
distressed  them  by  cutting  off  tiieir  retreat  to  their  boats.  About  this  time 
Colonel  ff''iUet  was  joined  l)y  (iO  Oneida  Indians,  and  he  shortly  after  came 
uj)  with  a  party  which  formed  the  rear  of  the  British  and  Indians,  and  killed 
and  took  jirisoncrs  the  most  ol'  them.  fValter  Bidkr  was  among  the  van- 
<iuisiir(!,  aiid  being  womi(l(!d  by  one  oi' WillcCs  Indians,  cried  for  quarter ; 
upon  which  the  Indian  screamed  out  with  a  dreadful  voice, "  Sherry  Valley," 
at  tlie  same  time  cleaving  his  head  with  his  totnalmwk!  * 

Whether  the  following  interesting  atliiir  belongs  to  Walter  or  John  Bulla; 
or  whether  it  happened  at  Wyoming  or  at  Cherry-valley,  it  equally  idlects 
tiic  character  of  Brant.  It  is  said,  that  Butler,  on  entering  a  house,  ordered 
a  woman  and  child  to  be  killed,  whom  they  found  in  a  bed ;  but  Brant  said, 
"Jfliat"^  kill  a  woman  and  child!  JVo !  Uuit  child  is  not  an  enemy  to  the  king, 
nor  a  friend  to  the  coni^ress.  Long  before  /te  will  be  big  enough  to  do  any 
mischief,  the  dispute  wilt  be  settled."} 

The  depredations  of  the  Indians  and  tories  at  Wyoming  and  other  places 
in  that  region,  cause<l  General  IVashinglon  to  order  General  Sullivan  with 
2500  men  into  the  Indian  country.  Considerable  delay  was  experienced, 
and  the  forces  were  not  concentrated  at  Wyoming  until  a  year  alter  it  was 
destroyed.  On  22  July,  a  couipany  ol'  Pennsylvania  militia  who  had  inarched 
from  this  place  to  Lackawaxen  to  protect  the  settlers  there,  were  attiieked 
by  140,  and  40  or. 10  of  them  were  killed  or  made  |)risoners.^ 

It  was  said  that  this  summer,  (177M,)  100,000  bushels  of  their  corn  was 
destroyed.  As  socni  as  it  was  known  that  Sullivan  was  advancing  into  the 
country,  Branl  and  Butler,  with  (iOO  Indians,  and  Johnson,  with  200  tories, 
took  a  position  on  his  route,  to  cut  him  off,  Sidlivan  came  upon  them, 
August  29,  at  a  place  called  jVewtown,  on  Tioga  Rivcr,§  where  they  had  en- 
trenched themselvcB,  and  immediHtely  attacked  them.  The  battle  lasted 
about  two  hours,  when,  by  a  successful  nunement  of  General  Poor,  at  the 
head  of  his  New  llamnsliire  regiment,  BranCa  warriors  were  thrown  into 
confusion,  and  the  whole  were  put  lo  flight.||  Few  were  killed,  ami  they 
made  no  other  stand  against  the  Americans  during  the  cx|)edition.1[  The 
historiim  adds,  "They  utt<Tly  destroyed  40  villages,  and  left  no  single  trace 
of  vegetation  upon  the  surltici;  of  the  ground."* '  All  their  cattle  were  either 
killed  or  brought  off,  many  of  which  they  had  before  taken  fi-om  the  Ameri- 
cans. "  None  of  tin;  bounties  of  nature,  none  of  the  products  of  human 
industry,  escaped  tlio  fury  of  the  Ainericaiu'."tt  Upon  this  business  the 
same  author  writes,  that  "the  otHcers  charged  with  the  execution  of  these 
doviu-ftations,  were  themselves  asiiamed  of  them;  some  even  ventured  tu 
remonstrate  that  they  were  not  accustomed  to  exercise  the  vocation  of  Xmix- 
dilli."  General  Poor,  doiditless,  was  the  etliciont  man  in  tiiis  expedition, 
but  the  ostentation  of  Sullivan  gained  him  the  honor!  of  it.    Thus  were  tlie 


*  Mnr.ilmtl'.i  Wiisliiiigton,  iv.  Appenilix,  13,.— Alkn'a  Biog.  Diet.  Arliric,  Butler,  John. 

t  Allen,  ibid. 

t  ChapiiMn,  131.  J  Chapiium'*  !Iisl.  Wyoniinff,  1.32. 

{{  Nino  nuly  of'lhn  Iiiilians  were  killed  ;  r/f  tlie  .\moriraii!«,  four,  ft  is  said  to  lieowiiif;^  to 
t^io  snruriiy  of  /Irani,  that  his  whole  force  escapud  falling  into  Ui«  liiuKht  of  the  AoicrieaiM 
Annal»  Tn/oH  Co.  12H. 

V  lioUd,  Hill.  Rev.  ii.  2(W. 

**  ll)id.  i^oino  of  till-  olti(!t<r»  (hoiiKlit  it  too  ui  grading  lo  Uio  army  to  l>o  cmployiHl  in 
dealroyiiii;  fruit-traos,  and  reniou^itrulud  to  (ion.  Sidlimn  against  Ibu  order.  He  replied, 
"  Tlin'indiaiia  nhidl  aer  that  Ihcro  \*  nmliro  enmii^h  in  our  hearll  to  deslrsy  every  thing  that 
contrilxilc!)  to  tlirir  siiiiport."     (iuriion,  Anwr.  R«v.  iii.  %\, 

tt  Gordon,  Aincr.  Ilov.  iii.  2U7. 


m 


miANT.— DESTROYS  MIMSlMv. 


[Book  V. 


I'ivc  Nulioiis  cluistised  for  nctiiig  as  tliey  Imd  been  laiiglit  by  tho  white 
peo|(l(; ;  yi'ii,  by  the  Aiiicriciiiia  tbeniHolves.* 

Tbi!  Ibllowiiig  siiiHiiier,  (iW  July,  177!>,)  Colonel  Brant,  with  (iO  of  his  war- 
riors iiiid  a?  whito  iiuni,  rnmo  suddenly  upon  Minisink,  in  Orongc  county, 
Kew  York,  where  they  killed  sundry  of  the  inlmbitants  and  niude  others 
captives.  They  burnt  ten  liouses,  twelve  barns,  a  garrison  and  two  mills, 
uud  then  connnenced  their  retreat.  TIk;  militia  from  Goshen  and  places 
adjacent,  to  th«!  number  of  M!>,  collected,  pursued,  and  came  up  with  them, 
when  a  most  bloody  battle  was  fought.  TIks  Indians  were  finally  victorious, 
and  .'JO  only,  out  ot  tho  14!)  whites,  escaped.  Some  were  carried  into  caj)- 
tivity,  antl  the  rest  were  killed.  Not  being  suliiciently  cautious,  they  It'll 
into  an  (ind)ush,  and  so  Ibuglit  at  great  disadvnntage.f 

In  1821,  a  county  meeting  was  held,  by  which  it  was  voted  that  tho  bones 
of  the  slain  should  be  odlected,  and  deposited  under  a  suitable  monument 
at  the  same  time  ordere<l  to  be  erect(^d.|  In  18iJ'i,  the  committee  appointed 
to  collect  the  liones  "which  had  been  expctsed  to  tlie  suns  and  snows  for  4.'J 
years,"  had  Ibuud  those  of  44  persons,  which  were,  with  much  formality, 
publicly  int(!rre(l.'5 

III  the  spring  t)f  17H(),  Braut  surprised  Ilarpersfield,  with  a  company  of 
his  warriors,  and  a  iiiw  tories.  He  took  1!)  prisoners,  and  killed  several 
others.  On  '2  August  following,  he  fell  upon  (Junajoliiu-rie,  with  about 
400  mixed  warriors,  killed  i(»  people,  took  about  55  prisoners,  chiefly  women 
and  children ;  they  killed  and  drove  away,  at  the  same  time,  about  tiOU  cattle 
and  horses,  burnt  5^i  houses,  tuid  as  many  barns,  besides  otit-houscs,  a  new 
and  elegant  church,  a  grist-mill  and  two  garrisons. 

Doubtless  there  were  many  other  warlike  sct;nes  in  which  Brant  was 
engaged  personidly;  but  we  have  already  dwelt  longer  upon  them  than  we 
intended.  i 

European  writei-s,  for  a  long  lime,  <-ontende(l  that  the  N.  American  Indians 
bad,  naturally,  no  beards.l|  A  Mr.  jWVausland  took  the  trouble  of  writing 
to  lirani,  after  the  revolution,  to  get  the  truth  of  the  matter.  The  fiillowiiig 
is  7irrt«<'j»  letter  to  his  iii(|uiiy:. — "  .ViV/g-((r«,  IK  Jlirril,  1783.  The  men  of  tJve 
Six  JVations  hav<^  all  henrH-t  hi/  nature  ;  a.t  have  likewise  all  other  Indian  nations 
of  JVorth  Jlmerica,  which  I  have  seen.  Some  Indians  allow  a  part  of  the  heard 
tipon  the  chin  and  upper  lip  to  a^row,  and  ajhv  of  the  Mohawka  shave  tvith  razors, 
in  the  same  tminner  as  Europeans;  but  the  freneraliti/ uluck  out  the  hairs  of  the 
beard  Inj  the  roots,  as  soon  as  Ihei/  liei^in  to  appear ;  ami  as  tluy  continue  this  prac- 
tice ail  their  lives,  the;/  appear  to  have  no  heard,  or,  at  most,  only  a  few  stra}!:f;lintc 
hairs,  which  they  h<ive  neijlected  to  pluck  out.  1  am,  huivever,  of  opinion,  that  if 
the  Indians  were  to  shtre,  they  would  never  have  beards  alto^ethfr  so  thick  as  the 
Europeaiui ;  and  there  are  some  tn  b*  met  with  who  have  artxtally  very  little  hetml,^ 

Jos.  Brant  Thayendaneoa." 

A  diuight«>r  of  Colonel  Brant  married  a  Frenchman,  who  in  June,  1780, 
was  killed  by  a  jiarty  of  Indians,  while  peacenlily  travelling  up  the  Wabash 
lliver.  He  was  in  company  with  nine  others,  four  of  whom  were  killed  and 
three  woiuided.     When  Uie  hostile  party  came  up  to  them,  and  discovered 


•  See  the  spoecli  ol"  Hig-lree,  Coni-plaiit,  niul  Ilulf-tmut,  to  which  nolhing  need  l>c  nddcd 
by  wiiy  ol' roniincntiiry  iiimu  such  uHiiirs. 

t  (i'ordoriM  Aincriio,  in.  »'i.  \  (ipaffonVs  Gat.  SiS. 

4  Hiylmes'f  Aincr.  Annnl^.  ii.  .102. 

11  Kvfii  the  (freiil  himiiiory  Vulliiiie  fi-ll  inlii  lliis  error,  lie  snys,  "  Ac*  lioi/uoit,  ttt 
iturons,  el  loiix  Ifs  pfM^/f.s'  iiimiit'ti  lit  Floridr,  parunnt  i'livMrex  ■  "nfw  attcun  poil  siir  U 
ciirpn  f  crevt^  In  leh."  'I'hi'vl  in.  nil  frtiin  llio  (ilW  nl' N.  Intitude.  Voyc/-  (Eurrft  nmpliif.t, 
iv.TW),  0(1.  PBris    11117.  (Ivo.     H«>u  iilso  ff.iffHn/.  viii.  210. 

A  p^ntleman,  Mr.  W.  J.  Snrlliii^,  who  resided  anioii|r  the  woslcni  Indians  for  some  lime, 
nay«,  l<  i«  not  hh  rrmr  thnt  the  Iiidiiiiis  hiive  no  hoard  ;  lliiil  the  "  Snques  and  Foxos  have  hut 
vorv  few  hairs  upon  their  fiires,  nor  hiive  (hry  iiny  inMriiniont  Inr  exlirpntin^  it ;  and  what 
maKCH  llie  (hcl  certain  is,  they  have  no  hair  on  the  ooncealod  parts  nf  th<  ir  ho«lle!i."  Accord- 
ing to  hsWiitH,  Arnnint  of' thr  Indium  ol'^orth  Cirnliiui,  I'NI,  t'.H,  the  mtm*  if  true  with 
rocard  to  lh(  m.     /.<iii  .ton  irnvrllcd  niiich  among  the  suutiiern  Indiaui. 

Tl  Thi^  it  the  catc  with  many  of  the  vrhitoi. 


Chap,  v.] 


BRANT.— HIS  EXERTIONS  FOR  PEACE, 


93 


llio  Hoii-in-lnw  of  Brant,  tlicy  ussiHted  in  (lriw;n|L'  the  arrows  from  the  wound- 
ed, mid  then  wont  off.* 

Wlion  tlio  Indiuns  upon  the  southern  and  western  frontier  were  Hhowing 
thenisolves  houtilc,  in  J?!-)!,  Colonel  Brant  Udod  liis  excrtiouH  to  prevent  hos- 
tilitiuH,  l)y  viHiting  hucIi  trihes  us  appeared  hostile.  His  name  uppearH  in 
many  important  transactions  of  tiiosd  times.  Tlio  Iwundary  line;  between 
the  United  Htatcs  and  the  Indian  nations  had  not  been  satisfactorily  estab- 
lished, which  was  the  cause  of  much  trouble.  A  gentleman  in  Canada  wrote 
to  another  in  the  state  of  New  York,  under  date  of  !i  August,  17!)1, 
wherciii  Colonel  Brant  is  thus  meutioncMl:  "Capt.  Joseph  Brant,  after  having 
atten<led  fijr  some  time  the  councils  of  the  western  Indians  ut  the  Miami 
River,  si.t  olf  a  ihw  days  ago  for  Quebec,  attended  with  several  of  the  chiefs 
from  that  (piarter ;  as  th(;y  avowedly  go  to  ask  Lord  Dorcli£ster^s  advice,  and 
as  we  well  know  his  and  government's  strong  desire  for  j)eace,  we  would 
gladly  h()p(!  that  it  may  be  the  means  of  bringing  on  an  accommodation." 

In  17l)'i,  bis  arrival  in  I'liiladelphia  is  thus  jmblicly  noticed  in  the  Gazette 
of  that  city: — *' Cii\tt.  Joseph  Bnnil,  the  princi|)al  warrior  chief  of  the  Six 
Nations,  arrived  in  this  city  on  Wednesday  evening  last,  (June  20.)  It  is  said 
his  errand  is  a  visit  to  a  numbe  •  of  his  a('(|iiaintauco  residing  here,  and  to 
l)ay  his  res|(ects  to  the  president  of  the  United  Stut(!S."  lie  lell  there  about 
the  begimiiiig  of  July,  upon  another  peace  excursion  among  the  western 
tribes,  which  still  nimaincd  hostile. 

When  (ieneral  fVume  was  mar(;hing  into  the  Indian  country,  in  17!)3,  many 
of  the  tribes  were  alarmed,  having  beard  that  bis  army  consisted  of  HOOO 
men.  Ii<!arniug,  also,  iliat  connnissioners  accompaiued  the  army,  authorized 
to  tniat  of  pcince,  ami  wishing  to  know  the  sireugth  of  the  Anuiricans,  thirty 
chiefs  of  (liflereut  tribes  were  despatched  upon  this  important  business. 
Colonel  Brant  was  one  of  these  HO  Indian  mnbassadors.  If  the  Americans 
woidd  make  the  Ohio  the  boundary,  tlu!y  wished  peace.  The  whole  cause 
of  (jJeneral  IFaijnc^s  war  appears  to  liave  been  about  the  lands  lying  west  of 
the  Ohio  and  Alleghany  Rivers.  We  have  no  doubt  Brant  secretly,  if  not 
opeidy,  a(l\()cat(!d  tlic  establishment  of  this  boundary;  yes.  an<l  we  nnist 
acknowledge  tiiat  if  be  diil,  it  was  from  tin;  b(!st  of  reasons.  We  know  that 
Tccumseh  labored  incessantly  for  this  boundary.  Ilightly  did  they  conceive 
of  the  mighty  wave  of  population  rolling  westward,  southward  and  north- 
ward. Truly,  they  must  have  bec'u  blind  not  to  have  seen  that  it\vas  about 
to  engulf  tluMti  forever!  WIkmi  tlu^y  had  met  th(;  conimissiomirs,  and  iltuiid 
them  iutli'xible  in  their  d(;terminatioii.  Brant,  with  most  of  th<!  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations,  gave  up  tin?  point  as  hopeless,  preii-rring  peace,  on  any  terms, 
to  war.  iJut  the  VVyandots,  Delawares,  Shawaiiees  and  Miamis  would  not 
agree  to  it. 

Meulion  will  be  foimd  in  the  account  of  Fanncrs-hrotlicr  of  a  great  council 
lield  by  tin!  chiefs  of  most  of  tin;  wesK^n  nations  at  Niagiua,  in  A|)ril,  17!>3. 
In  this  council  it  \\as  agreed  that  peace;  should  be  maititained  ;  ami  "they 
uiumimouslv  agrtied  to  meet  the  Americans  in  a  t;rand  coun(*il,  to  br  hohlen 
th(.<  June  li)llo\\ing,  npiin  the  south  side  of  Lake  iOrie ;  and  for  the  purpose; 
of  making  lla;  peace  mon;  permatuMit  and  extensive,  they  have  appointr'd 
Britnl  who  is  now  their  kinged"  kings, to  go  and  convene  all  those  tribi's  win* 
liv(!  to  the  north-west  ol"  Lake;  Ontario,  lie  aeenrdingly,  the  day  aller, 
net  out  for  that  pur|)ose."  'I'Im;  ludians  did  \w\  assemble  until  July,  from  the 
dillicidty  of  their  journeys  and  other  causes,  which  is  gtMierally  the  case  with 
m(H!lings  of  tills  kiinl.  The  council  was  held  at  Sandusky,  and  CoUtncd 
HranI  set  out  from  Niagara  liir  that  place  in  IMay.  Before  leaving,  he  liiul 
freepient  ccinversations  with  a  gentli'man  of  respeetid)ility,  to  whom  he  gave 
it  as  his  opinion,  tiiat  no  peace  could  lake  place,  mitil  the  OI<io  and  JVIuskin- 
giint  shoidd  make  the  lioimclary  bi'tween  the  Americans  and  the  red  men. 
lie  still  e\|ii<-  I'd  godd  ll'ciings  towards  tin-  United  Slates,  tnid  hopeil  that 
they  woid'i  see  it  to  be  lln^ir  interest  to  agree  to  that  boundarv,  as  he  firmly 
believed  war  woidd  ensue  should  they  refuse,  lie  even  said,  that,  in  caso 
they  would  not  consent  to  make  these  rivers  the  houiulary,  he  should  laku 


*  Carn/t  .Miui-tiin.  vi.  17S 


M 


BRANT.— CONTENDS  FOR  THE  OHIO  BOCXDARY.       [Book  V. 


part  aguinst  them.  It  was  not  agreed  to  ;  but  we  do  not  liear  tliat  the  old 
chief  was  actually  engaged  in  the  hostilities  that  followed. 

How  much  the  English  of  Canada  influenced  the  measures  of  the  Indians, 
it  is  difficult  to  determine ;  *  but  men  like  Pontiac,  Brant  and  Tecumseh  could 
easily  see  through  such  duplicity  as  was  practised  by  a  few  unprincii)led 
speculators,  as  M^Kee,  Girty  and  'Elliot.  They  had,  doubtless,  conceived  that 
if  the  Ohio  and  Muskingum  were  made  the  boundary,  it  would  be  an  easy 
matter  for  them  to  possess  themselves  of  the  country  from  thence  to  the 
lakes,  and  thus  enlarge  the  extent  of  Canada.  They  knew  well  that  if  the 
Indians  possessed  this  tract  of  country,  it  would  be  no  difficult  matter  to 
purchase  it  from  tJiem  by  means  of  a  few  trifling  articles,  comparatively  of 
110  consideration,  and  that  worst  of  calamities,  ardent  spirits !  [n  this  they 
were  disappointed,  and,  with  tiie  battle  of  I'resque  Isle,  resigned  their  hoi)cs, 
at  least  lor  a  season.  They  urged  upon  the  Indians  what  they  must  have 
been  well  assiu-ed  of— their  destruction  ! 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  of  the  cold-blooded  atrocities  of  Brant, 
but  which,  HI  our  oj)iiiion,  will  be  niucli  lessened  on  being  able  to  come 
pretty  near  the  truth  of  his  history.  Every  successful  wamor,  at  least  in  his 
day,  is  denounced  by  tlie  vancpiished  as  a  barbarian.  JVapoleon  was  thus 
branded  by  all  the  world — we  ask  no  excuse  lor  our  chief  on  this  score — all 
wai-s  are  barbarous,  and  hence  those  who  wage  them  are  barbarians  I  This 
we  know  to  be  strong  language ;  but  we  are  ])repared  to  prove  our  asserllou. 
When  mankind  shall  have  been  cultivated  and  improved  to  that  extent  wiiich 
human  nature  is  capable  of  attaining, — when  the  causes  of  avarice  ami 
dissension  are  driven  out  of  the  human  niiud,  by  biking  away  the  means 
which  excite  them, — then,  and  not  till  then,  will  wars  and  a  multitude  of 
attending  calamities  qeiise. 

As  a  sample  of  the  stories  circulating  about  Colonel  Brant,  while  the  af- 
fairs of  Wyoming  and  Clierry-valley  were  fresh  in  the  recollections  of  all, 
we  extract  from  ft  Ms  Travels  the  following: — f 

"With  a  considerable  body  of  his  troops  he  joined  the  forces  under  the 
conmmmX  of  S'w  John  Johnston"  "A  skii'niiih  took  ])lace  with  a  body  of 
American  troops;  the  ai'tion  was  warm,  ami  Brant  was  shot  by  a  musket 
ball  in  his  heel ;  but  the  Americans,  in  the  end,  were  defeated,  and  on  officer 
with  about  GO  men  were  taken  firisoners.  The  officer,  afler  having  delivered 
lip  his  sword,  hiu'  entered  into  conversation  with  Colonel  Johnston,  who  com- 
manded the  Briti  li  troops,  and  they  W(!re  talking  together  in  the  most  friend- 
ly maimer,  when  Brant  having  stolen  slily  behiiul  tiitMu,  lai<l  the  American 
officer  lifeless  m\  the  ground  with  a  blow  of  his  tomahawk.  'I'Ik;  indignation 
of  Sir  John  Johnston,  as  may  be  readily  supposed,  was  roused  by  such  an  act 
of  treachery,  and  he  resented  it  in  the  warmest  terms.  Brnnt  listened  to 
liini  unconcernedly,  and  when  he  had  finished,  told  him,  that  hr  was  sorrijfor 
his  (hsulcasnre,  but  that,  imkeii,  his  hid  was  trtrcmcli/  painful  at  Ihr  moment,  and 
he  could  not  help  n  r<'»gi'»,g  hinuvtfon  the.  onhj  thief  of  Ihr  part}/  that  he  saw  tat-eny 

Upon  this  passagi-  the  author  of  tlie  Annals  oi'  Trvon  County  ^  obser\es: 
"  I  have  heard  a  story  somewhat  similar  told  of  him,  but  it  was  said  that 
the  officer  was  killed  to  prevent  his  binng  retaken  by  th(!  Aincricims,  w  ho 
wer»!  in  pursuit."    This  we  should  pronomice  very  </ia-similar  to  the  story 

*  Wo  will  hear  ii  ijrcnt  wrilor  niid  travclItT  upon  this  sulijcrl,  wliosn  iiioans  of  foriniii^^  n 
corrorl  jiiiljfnu'iil,  il  is  prrsmiu'il,  will  mil  Uv  qiicslioncd.  '•  ,Io  rriiiiir(|iieriii  a  relln  occasion 
Bans  in'rlciulrc  daviuilaj^o  siir  re  sujcl,  (|iic  loulc  la  |iolili|iic  do  P.Vn^li'lcrre  avcc  Ics  liulicnii 
est  alisoliniH'iil  dans  Ics  mains  dcs  n(?c,'is.  (|ui  sculs  en  cmcn<lcnl  la  laii;jnc  ;  ( t  i|ui  sciils  sonl 
Ips  dislnbnlcnrs  dcs  prcscns;"  &c.  Xtnuifii'  ilmis  />«  lUals-niiis  m  I71l.">,  ilr.  Par  La 
Uiirliifiiiiriiiilil-I.iiniroiiit.  ii,  "Jit.  The  duke  was  at  Newark,  I '.  ('.,  at  this  time,  wlicro  lio 
wilncs,oil  a  Imsini'ss  asscnit)lai;<'  "'  Indians.  Alter  n  dance,  ulnrli  tlicy  lidd  licCorc  llicir 
andicncti  with  (In-  ircivcrnor  of  ('ann<ln,  llio  duke  says  thai,  "  I'cndanI  ccs  Jcux,  ra^;(Mil  s'ol 
npprorhe  dii  {ri'ncral  avcc  imi  dcs  rlicl's,  cl  hii  a  dil  (|iic  sa  nation  dc  Tnscorora  lo  consnllail 

{lonr  savoir  si  cllo  iiail  ii  nn  conscil  Iciai  par  Ics  bidicns  Oncydns  ii  Onondn^o  pour  vcndr* 
curs  tcrrcH  de  reserve,  i|uc  I'l'.lal  ilc  \'cw  ^'orrk  dcsirail  nrhcicr.  I,c  f^fdiivcrnpur  a  ri'tiondu 
Ires-vacucniciil  a  ccllc  iincslioii  ;  raucnl  a  Iraduil  coniinc  il  ii  vmlii  ccUc  rcixiiisci  nuiis  il  ti 
rcpli<|ui'  au  uduvcrncur  dc  la  pari  dcs  linlii'ns  (|iii  c  iininic  ils  crovaiciil  circ  plus  iigrcablcs  au 
roy  d'Anplcicrrc  en  ii'v  allani  oas ;  ils  n'iraioni  pns,'  lliid.  77, 
t  Fngc  liii),  ociavo  (mI.  London,  tllOO.  }  In  ihc  Appendix,  p.  IG, 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT.— HIS  DEATH. 


05 


"II  '* 


told  by  Mr.  IVeld.  But  there  was,  no  doubt,  some  circumstance  out  of  which 
a  story  has  grown,  the  truth  of  which,  we  apprehend,  is  now  past  find- 
ing out. 

Colonel  Brant  was  married,  in  the  winter  of  1779,  to  a  daughter  of  Colonel 
Croghan  by  an  Indian  woman.  He  had  lived  with  her  some  time  ad  libitum, 
according  to  the  Indian  manner,  but  at  this  time  being  present  at  the  wedding 
of  a  Miss  Moore,  at  Niagara,  (one  of  the  captives  taken  from  Cherry-valley,) 
insisted  on  being  married  himself;  and  thus  his  consort's  name  was  no 
longer  Miss  Croghan,  but  Mrs.  Brant.  The  ceremony  was  performed  by  his 
cornpanion-in-arms.  Colonel  John  Butler,  who,  although  he  had  left  hia 
country,  yet  carried  so  much  of  his  magistrate's  commission  with  him,  as  to 
solemnize  marriages  according  to  law. 

King  George  conferred  on  his  famous  ally  a  valuable  tract  of  land  situated 
upon  tlie  west  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  where  he  finally  settled  and  lived  after 
the  English  fashion.  His  wife,  however,  would  never  conform  to  this  mode 
of  life,  but  would  adhere  to  the  cu.stom  of  the  Indians,  and  on  the  death  of 
her  husband,  which  happened  24  November,  1807,  she  repaired  to  Grand 
Rivor,  tiicre  to  spend  her  days  in  a  wigwam,  with  some  of  her  children, 
while  slio  left  behind  others  in  a  commodious  dwelling.*  A  son,  of  whom 
we  have  spoken,  with  a  sister,  lately  occupied  this  mansion  of  their  father, 
and  constituted  an  amiable  and  hospitable  family.  This  son,  whose  name  is 
John,  is  a  man  of  note,  and  is  the  same  who  was  in  England  in  1822,  as  has 
been  meutioiied,  and  the  same,  we  conclude,  who  has  been  returned  a  mem- 
ber of  tlu!  colonial  assembly  of  Upper  Canada.  His  place  of  residence  was 
in  the  county  of  lialdiman,  in  Brantford,  so  called,  probably,  in  honor  of  tho 
old  chief.f  Several  other  places  are  mentioned  as  having  been  the  residence 
of  Brant — Uuadilla,  or  Anaquaqua,  (which  is  about  3(i  miles  south-west  from 
the  pre.sent  site  of  Coo[»ei"stown,)  and  Niagara.  He  resided  at  these  places 
before  the  Moiiawks  removed  to  Canada,  which  was  soon  after  the  war  of 
the  i-evolutiou  was  ended.  They  made  their  principal  residence  ujion 
Grand  lliver,  which  fulls  into  Liiko  Erie  on  the  nortli  side,  about  GO  miles 
from  the  town  of  Newark,  or  Niagara.  At  one  time  he  had  no  less  than  liO 
or  40  negroes,  who  took  care  of  his  hor.ses  and  lands.  "These  poor  crea- 
tures," says  Mr.  fVeld,  "  are  kept  in  the  greatest  subjection,  and  they  dare  not 
attempt  to  make  their  esca])e,  for  he  has  assured  them,  that  if  they  did  so,  he 
wouUl  follow  them  himself,  thougli  it  were  to  the  confines  of  Georgia,  and 
would  tomahawk  them  wherever  he  met  them.  They  know  his  disposition 
too  well  not  to  think  that  ho  would  adhere  strictly  to  his  word."  The  same 
author  says  that  Brant  received  presents,  which,  together  with  his  half-pay 
as  captain,  amoiuited  to  £.500  per  annum. 

An  idea  of  the  iniportunee  of  this  chief,  in  17D."),  may  be  formed  from  tho 
circunistauco,  that  a  gentleman  considered  himself  a  loser  to  tho  umoiuit  of 
£100,  at  letLst,  by  not  being  able  to  arrive  at  Niagara  in  season  to  attend  to 
some  law  case  for  him.  Contrary  winds  had  prevented  his  arrival,  and  tho 
business  had  been  given  to  anothe'.| 

"  Wheimver  the  affairs  of  his  nation  shall  permit  him  to  do  so.  Brant  de- 
clares it  to  be  his  intention  to  sit  down  to  the  further  study  of  the  Greek 
language,  of  which  he  professes  himself  to  be  a  great  admirer,  and  to  trans- 
late from  the  original,  into  the  Mohawk  languago,  more  of  the  New  Testament ; 
yet  this  sanu;  miui,  shortly  before  we  arrived  at  Niagara,  killed  his  own  son, 
with  his  own  hand.  The  son,  it  seems,  was  a  drunken,  good-for-nothing 
fellow,  who  had  often  avowed  his  intention  of  destroying  his  father.  One 
evening,  ho  absolutely  entered  tho  a])artment  of  his  father,  and  had  begun  to 
grapple  with  him,  perhaps  with  a  view  to  put  his  unnatural  threats  in  execu- 
tion, when  Brant  drew  a  short  sword,  and  felled  him  to  the  ground.  He 
speaks  of  this  affair  with  regret,  but^  at  the  same  time,  without  any  of  that 
emotion  which  another  person  than  an  Indian  might  be  supposed  to  feel.    Ho 

*  Bwhimm'.i  Skolchcs,  i.  .Ifi. 

t  Mr.  Camuhell'n  Annals  of  Tryon  roimty  Imi  been  one  of  our  main  sources  of  informalion 
UirouirliiMil  lliis  (iccouiil,  csuecially  of  the  ri'volulioimry  period. 
i   nW,  Travels,  487. 


96 


BRANT, 


[Book  V. 


*% 


consoles  himself  for  the  act,  by  thinking  that  Jie  Fias  benefited  the  nation,  by 
ridding  it  of  a  rascal."  * 

With  regard  to  the  dress  of  the  sachem,  tliere  lias  been  some  contradiction. 
Mr.  fVeld,  though  he  did  not  see  him,  says  lie  wore  his  hair  in  the  Lidian 
fashion,  as  he  also  did  his  clothes ;  except  that,  instead  of  the  blanket,  he  wore 
a  kind  of  hunting  frock.  This  was  in  17!X).  But  it  was  ropoi1ii;d,  that,  in 
1792,  Brant  having  waited  on  Lord  Dorchester,  the  governor  of  Canada,  upon 
some  business,  his  lordship  told  him,  that  as  he  was  an  officer  in  the  British 
service,  he  ought  to  lay  aside  the  Indian  dress,  and  assume  that  of  an  English 
captain ;  and  that,  if  he  persisted  in  wearing  an  Indian  dress,  he  should  stop 
his  pay.    It  is  added  that  thereupon  he  changed  his  dress.f 

When  Colonel  Brant  arrived  at  any  principal  city,  his  arrival  was  publicly 
announced  in  the  gazettes  with  great  minuteness.  Although  we  have  given 
Komo  specimens  of  these,  we  will  add  one  more : — 

"New  York,  June  20,  1792.  On  Monday  last  arrived  in  this  city,  from 
his  settlement  on  Grand  River,  on  a  visit  to  some  of  his  friends  in  this  quar- 
ter, Captain  Joseph  Brandt,  of  the  British  army,  the  famous  Mohawk  chief, 
who  so  eminently  distinguislied  himself  during  the  late  war,  as  tlie  military 
leader  of  the  Six  Nations.  We  arc  informed  that  he  intends  to  visit  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  and  pay  his  respects  to  the  jjresident  of  the  U.  States,"  J 
General  ffashington,  whicii  he  did.  We  have  before  mentioned  his  visit  to 
that  city. 

The  very  respectable  traveller  §  Rochefoucauld  thus  notices  our  chief:  "At 
24  miles  from  this  place,  (Newark,  U.  C.)  upon  Grand  River,  is  an  establish- 
ment wluL'h  I  hud  been  curious  to  visit.  It  is  that  of  Colonel  Brant,  But 
the  colonel  not  being  at  home,  and  being  assiu-etl  that  I  should  see  Httle  else 
than  what  I  had  already  seen  among  tliose  people,  1  gave  over  my  intention. 
Colonel  Brant  is  an  Indian  who  took  pait  with  tiie  English,  and  havhig  been 
in  England,  was  commissioned  by  the  king,  and  politely  treated  by  every  oi^e. 
His  manners  are  half  European.  lie  is  accompanied  by  two  negro  servants, 
and  is  in  api)carance  like  in  Englishman.  He  has  a  garden  and  farm  under 
cultivation  ;  dresses  almost  entirely  like  an  Euroj)ean,  and  iias  great  influence 
over  the  Indians.  He  is  at  present  [17951  at  Miami,  holding  a  treaty  with 
the  United  States,  in  comj)any  with  the  Indians  of  the  west.  He  is  equally 
respected  by  the  Americans,  who  extol  so  much  his  cliaracter,  that  I  regret 
much  not  to  have  seen  him."  || 

The  great  respect  In  which  Brant  was  held  in  England  will  be  very  ajmar- 
cnt  from  a  perusal  of  the  following  letter,11  dated  12  December,  1785 :  "  Mon- 
day last,  Colonel  Jostph  Brant,  the  celebrated  king  of  the  Mohawks,  arrived 
in  this  city,  ISalisbui-y,]  from  Aineri<;a,  and  after  dining  with  Colonel  de  Peis- 
ter,  at  the  head-«iitarters  here,  proceeded  immediately  on  his  journey  to 
London.  This  extraordinary  personage  is  said  to  have  presided  at  the  late 
grand  congress  of  confederate  chiefs  of  the  Indian  nation  in  America,  and  to 
be  by  them  appointed  to  the  conduct  and  chief  command  in  the  war  which 
they  now  meditate  against  the  United  States  of  America.  He  took  his  de- 
parture for  England  immediately  as  that  assembly  broke  up ;  and  it  is  con- 


*  Weld,  Travels,  4B9.  t  Apnilo  for  17'J2.  t  Americnn  Apollo,  297. 

fDukc  de  Liancourt,  Travels,  ii.  81,  l>efbrc  cited,  from  whom  we  translate  this. 
This  I'rench  traveller  seems  to  have  been  in  advance  of  history,  in  as  far  as  he  thus  early 
sets  in  their  proper  light  the  characters  of  the  heroes  of  Wyoming.  Afler  speaking  of  the 
influence  of  Indian  agents  over  those  people,  as  we  have  extracted  in  a  previous  note,  he  thus 
consigns  to  Colonel  iiu^/cr  the  place  wnieii  he  is  doubtless  to  hul<i  in  all  aAer-timo  in  the 
annals  of  his  country:—"  Vu^rnt  anglais  dont  ilest  ici  queston,  est  le  Colonel  AuM/cr,  fanieux 
par  SOS  inccndics,  ses  pillages  et  scs  nieurtres  dans  In  giierrc  d'Am^rimie.  II  est  lui-mC>me 
Americain  d'auprf's  do  Wilkcsharre  ;  [one  of  the  towns  in  the  vnllry  of  NV^'oming ;]  son  pr6- 
'.cndii  loynlismc  qu'il  a  sn  se  fnire  payer  de  brevets  et  de  Irnitemens,  lui  a  (ait  commcltre  plus 
de  barbaries,  plus  d'infamies  contre  sa  patrie,  mx'k  qui  que  cc  soit.  (I  conduisail  Ics  Indiens, 
lour  indi(|iinit  les  fermcs,  les  miiisons  A  bruler,  les  virlimes  a  scnrpclcr,  les  onfans  a  d/'chirer. 
L'Angleterrc  a  recompense  son  loyalisme  de  dnq  millr  acres  do  terre  pour  lui,  d'une  quantity 
pnreilTo  pour  sos  enfans,  d'une  pension  dc  deux  a  trois  cents  livres  sterlings,  d'une  place 
d'ugcnl  nupri^s  di;s  Indiens,  qui  lui  en  vaut  rinq  cents  niilres,  qvcc  la  fncilit^-  dc  puiscr  a  vo- 
lonto  dans  les  inngasins  dc  pr^'sens."     Rovhrfoiictuld.  ut  supra,  (ii.  7(1 — !).) 

IF  There  is  no  name  to  this  letter ;  but  it  was  written  in  .Salisbury,  Eng.,  and  thence  sent  to 
London,  where  it  was  published. 


tUA 


Chief  of  tlM.    Senecas 


Chap.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET 


97 


jectiiretl  that  his  ctnbassy  to  the  British  court  is  of  great  importance.  This 
oountry  owes  much  to  the  services  of  Colonel  JBmnit  during  the  late  war  in 
America.  He  was  educated  at  Philailelphia,  [at  the  Moor's  charity  school 
in  Lebanon,  Connecticut,]  is  a  very  shrewd,  intelligent  person,  possesses  great 
(sonrage  and  abilities  as  a  warrior,  and  is  ihvioljlbly  attached  to  the  English 
rtation." 

It  has  been  denied  that  Brant  was  in  any  way  engaged  in  the  massacres 
at  Wyoming,  but  it  seems  hardly  possible  that  so  many  should  have  been 
deceived  at  that  time;  and,  moreover,  we  do  not  find  that  it  was  denied  until 
almost  every  one  of  that  age  had  left  the  stage  of  n''.ion.  Those  who  deny 
that  he  was  at  Wyomirtg  should,  at  least,  prove  ria  alibi,  or  thfey  cannot  ex- 
pect to  be  believed.* 

Brant  was  said  to  have  been  65  years  old  at  his'  death.  A  daughter  of  his  mar- 
ried William  J,  Ker.  Esq.  of  Niagara,  and  he  had  several  other  children  besides 
those  we  have  mentioned.  The  son  who  visited  England  in  1822,  and 
another  named  Jacob,  entered  Moor's  school  at  Hanover,  N.  H.  in  1801,  under 
the  care  of  Dr.  Wheelock.  The  former  son,  John,  died  about  two  years  since, 
in  the  winter  of  1831. 

CHAPTER  Vr       ■  ' 

Sfictiin  the  history  bf'thk  Seneca  notioit— SxGoVEwXt'HA,  or  Red-jacket — His  fa- 
mous speech  to  a  missionary — His  intervieto  with  Colonel  Snelling — British  invade 
his  country — Resolves  to  rtpel  them-^—His  speech  ttpon  the  etcnt — Governor  Clinton's 
account  ofhim—'IVitchcrujt  affair — ComjAains  of  encroachments — Qne  of  his  people 
put  to  death  for  being  a.  witch — He  defends  the  executioner — His  interviete  with 
Lafayette — Council  at  Canandaigim — Farmers-brother — Red'jacket  visits  Phila- 
delphia— His  speech  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania— 'Speech  of  Jlgwelandongicas, 
or  Good-peter— Karraiive  of -his  capture  during  the  revolutionary  tear — Farmers- 
brother,  or  HoNAYAWus — Visits  Philadelphia — ^Petkr-jaquktte — Visits  France 
— Account  of  his  death-^Memorable  speech  of  Fafmers-brother-^Hin  letter  to  the  sec- 
retary of  war — Notice  of  several  other  Seneca  chiefs — Koyhng^uatah,  or  You.fo- 
KiNG — JusKAKAKAjOf  Little-  ILLY — AcftiouT,  or  Half-town — ICiandooewa, or 
Big-tree — GyeNtwaia,  or  Corn^-plant — Address  of  the  three  latter  to  President 
Washington — Grant  of  land  to  Big-tree — His  visit  to  Philadelphia,  and  deulh — 
Further  accouftt  of  Corn-plant — His  oiifn  account  of  himself— -Interesting  eeent.i  tn 
his  life — Hisisans.  * 

The  Senccas  were  the  most  important  tribe  among  the  Iroquois,  or  Five 
Nations,  and,  according  to  Conrad  fVeiser,  they  Avere  the  fourth  nation  that 
joined  that  confederacy.  He  calls  them  f  "  leuontowanois  or  Sinikers,"  and 
says,  "tliey  arfe  styled  by  the  Mohawks  and  Onondagos,  brothers;"  and  that 
their  title  in  councils  is  Onugfikauiydaaug.  The  French  call  them  Tsonnon- 
thouans,  from  their  principal  castle,  or  council-house,  the  name  of  which, 
according  to  Colden,  is  Sihondownns.  |  Other  particulars  of  this  nation  will 
be  related  lis  we  proceed  in  detailing  the  lives  of  its  chiefs.  Among  these, 
perhaps,  the  most  illustrious  was 

SAGOYEWATHA,§  called  by  the  whites,  Rcd-jackd,    His  place  of  resi- 

*  In  a  late  criminal  trial  which  has  much  agitated  New  England,  reasonable  people  said, 
tlie  defendant,  out  of  respect  to  public  opinion,  ought  (o  make  it  appear  where  he  was  at  the 
time  a  murder  was  cominitted,  allliough  in  law  lie  wks  not  boiuid  so  to  do.  An  advocate  for 
his  innocence  told  the  writer,  that  "ho  was  not  obUgrd  to  tell  where  he  Was,"  and  it  was 
nobody's  business  ;  and,  therefore,  we  were  bound,  according  to  law,  to  believe  him  innocent 
This  we  offer  as  a  parallel  case  to  the  one  iu  hand.  But  it  happens  we  are  not  ''  bound  by 
law  '  to  believe  our  chief  entirely  innocent  of  the  blood  shed  at  Wyoming-. 

t  American  Mag.  t  Hist.  F'ive  Nations,!.  42. 

j  Till-  common  molliod  of  spelling.  Governor  Clinton  writes,  Saguoahu.  Written  to 
the  treaty  of  "  KonoUdal<rua,"'  (Nov.  n9*,)  Sos^gooyuwnuthaii ;  to  that  of  IJuffalo  Creek, 
(,b\iie,  iiVti.)  Son^Kniiitwnutim ;  U>  thnl  of  Moscow,  (Sept.  1323.)  Sdir"""'".  Tt  ^s  said 
lo  sisrnifv '■  "w  who  fo'i-ps  ainnlcf,"  or  simply,  /Cv/wr-aiCii^''.  "  tfo-^ire'-i''-wnn"-liJli  ;  he 
la  wide  awakf  and  keeps  e*ery  body  else  awake,  a  very  appropriate  name  for  the  Cicero 


9S 


RED.JACKET.--SPEECTI  TO  A  MrsSIONARV. 


[Book  V. 


<;i 


dence  was, for  many  years  previous  to  his  death,  (which  happened  20  January, 
1830,  at  his  own  house,)  about  four  miles  from  Buffalo,  and  one  mile  north 
of  the  road  tliat  leads  through  the  land  reserved  for  the  remnant  of  the  Seneca 
nation,  called  the  Reservation,  His  house  was  a  log-cabin,  situated  in  a  retired 
place.  Some  of  hlj  tribe  are  Christians,  but  Red-jacket  would  never  licar 
to  any  thing  of  the  kind.  He  was  formerly  considered  of  superior  wisdom  in 
council,  and  of  a  noble  and  dignified  behavior,  which  would  have  honored 
any  man.  But,  like  nearly  all  his  race,  he  could  not  withstand  the  temptation 
of  ardent  spirits,  which,  together  with  his  age,  rendered  him  latterly  less 
worthy  notice.  Formerly,  scarce  a  traveller  passed  near  his  place  of  resi- 
dence, who  wou'd  not  go  out  of  his  way  to  see  this  wonderful  jman,  and  to 
heai*  his  profound  observations. 

In  the  year  1805,  a  council  was  held  at  Buffalo,  in  the  state  of  New  York^ 
at  which  were  present  many  of  the  Seneca  chiefs  and  warriors,  assembled  at 
the  request  of  a  missionary,  Mr.  Cram,  from  Massachusetts.  It  was  at  tliis 
time  that  Red-jacket  delivered  his  famous  speech,  about  which  so  much  liaa 
been  said  and  written,  and  which  vVe  i)ropose  to  give  here  at  length,  and  cor- 
rectly ;  as  some  omissions  and  errors  were  contained  in  it  as  published  at  the 
time.  It  may  be  taken  as  genuine,  at  least  as  nearly  so  as  the  Indian  lan- 
guage can  be  translated,  in  which  it  was  delivered,  for  Red-jacket  would  not 
speak  in  English,  although  he  understood  it.  The  missionary  first  made  a 
speech  to  the  Indians,  in  which  he  explained  the  object  for  which  he  had  called 
them  together;  namely,  to  inform  them  that  he  was  sent  by  the  missionai-y 
society  of  Boston  to  i  istruct  them  "how  to  worship  the  Great  Spirit "  ana 
not  to  get  away  tlieir  ands  and  money ;  that  there  was  but  one  rengion,  and 
unless  they  embraced  it  they  could  not  be  happy ;  that  they  had  lived  in 
dai'kness  and  grea.t  errors  all  their  lives ;  he  wished  that,  if  they  had  any 
objections  to  his  religion,  they  would  state  them ;  that  he  had  visited  some 
smaller  tribes,  who  waited  their  decision  before  they  would  consent  to 
receive  him,  as  they  were  their  "  older  brothers." 

After  the  missionary  had  done  speaking,  the  Indians  conferred  together 
about  two  houi-s,  by  themselves,  when  they  gave  an  answer  by  Red-jacket, 
which  follows  :— 

"Friend  and  brother,  it  was  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  we  should  meet 
together  this  day.  He  orders  all  things,  and  he  has  given  us  a  fine  day  for 
our  council.  He  has  taken  his  garment  from  before  the  sun,  and  caused  it 
to  shine  with  brightness  upon  us ;  our  eyes  are  opened,  that  We  see  clearly ; 
our  ears  are  unstopped,  that  we  have  been  able  to  hear  distinctly  the  words 
that  yc*u  have  spoken ;  for  all  these  favors  we  thank  the  Great  Spirit,  and 
him  only. 

"  Brother,  this  council  fire  was  kindled  Ijy  you ;  it  was  at  your  request  that 
Ve  canie  together  at  this  time ;  we  have  listened  with  attention  to  what  you 
have  said ;  you  requested  us  to  speak  our  minds  freely ;  this  gives  us  great 
joy,  for  we  now  consider  that  we  stand  upright  before  you,  and  can  speak 
what  we  think ;  all  have  heard  yonr  voice,  and  all  speak  to  you  as  one  man } 
our  minds  are  agreed. 

"  Brother,  you  say  you  want  an  answer  to  your  talk  before  you  leave  thiw 
place.  It  is  right  you  should  have  one,  as  you  are  a  great  distance  from 
home,  and  we  do  not  wish  to  detain  you ;  but  we  will  first  look  back  a  little, 
and  tell  you  what  our  fathers  have  told  us,  and  what  we  have  heai-d  from  the 
white  people. 

"  Brother,  listen  to  lohat  we  say.  There  was  a  time  when  our  forefathers 
owned  this  great  island.*  Their  seats  extended  from  the  rising  to  the  set- 
ting sun.  The  Great  Spirit  had  niade  it  for  the  use  of  Indians.  He  had  cre- 
ated the  buffalo,  the  deer,  and  other  animals  for  food.  He  made  the  bear 
and  the  beaver,  and  their  skins  served  us  for  clothing.    He  had  scattered 


of  the  west.    His  English  appellation  hnd  its  Wisfin  from  the  circumstance  of  his  wearing. 

whenachiUl,  a  red  JdckH,"    Ahh-ii's  AccninH  of  MinsinnSf   162. — This  is  a  very  natural 
derivation  ;  hM  from  what  circimistance  sonic  of  the  Indians  derived  their  names,  it  would  be 
hard  to  divine  :  thus,  Pnl-juclrt  liad  an  unolo  whose  name  meant  a  hfap  of  dogs,  ib.  161. 
*  A  gi-ncral  opinion  among  all  the  Indians  that  tiiis  country  was  an  isiiand. 


€hap.  VI.]  RED-JACKET.— SPEECH  TO  A  MISSIONAIIY. 


99 


them  over  the  country,  and  tauglit  us  how  to  take  thum.  He  had  caused 
the  earth  to  produce  corn  for  bread.  All  this  he  had  done  for  Ins  red  chil- 
dren because  he  loved  them.  If  we  had  any  disjmtes  about  hunting  grounds, 
they  were  generally  settled  without  the  shedding  of  much  blood :  but  an  evil 
day  came  upon  us ;  your  forefathers  crossed  tlie  great  waters,  and  landed  on 
this  island.  Their  numbers  were  small ;  they  found  friends,  and  not  enemies ; 
they  told  us  they  had  fled  from  their  own  country  for  ftsnr  of  wicked  men, 
and  come  here  to  enjoy  their  religion.  Tliey  asked  for  a  small  seat;  we  took 
pity  on  them,  granted  their  reipiust.  and  they  sat  down  amongst  us ;  we  gave 
them  corn  and  meat;  they  gave  u.n  iioiscn*  in  return.  The  white  people  had 
now  found  our  country,  tidings  were  carried  back,  and  more  came  amongst 
us ;  yet  we  did  not  fear  them,  wo  took  them  to  be  friends ;  they  called  us 
brothers ;  we  believed  them,  and  gave  them  a  larger  seat.  At  length  their 
numbers  had  greatly  increased;  tliey  wanted  more  land;  thoy  wanted  our 
country.  Our  eyes  were  oi)ened,  and  our  minds  became  uneasy.  Wars  took 
place ;  Indians  were  hired  to  fight  against  Indians,  ami  many  of  our  people 
were  destroyed.  They  also  brought  strong  liquors  among  us:  it  was  strong 
and  powerful,  and  has  slain  thousands. 

"  Brollier,  our  seats  were  once  large,  and  yours  were  very  small ;  you  have 
now  become  a  great  peoplcj  and  wo  have  scarcely  a  place  left  to  spread 
our  blankets;  you  have  got  our  couniiy,  but  are  not  satisfied;  lyoit  want  to 
force  your  religion  upon  us. 

"  Brother,  continue  to  listen.  You  say  that  you  are  sent  to  instruct  us  how 
to  worshi|)  the  Great  Spirit  agreeably  to  his  mind,  and  if  we  do  not  take  hold 
of  the  religion  which  you  white  people  teach,  we  shall  be  unhapjjy  here- 
after ;  you  say  that  you  are  right,  and  we  are  lost ;  how  do  we  know  this  to 
be  true?  We  understand  that  your  religion  is  written  in  a  book ;  if  it  was 
intended  for  us  as  well  as  you,  why  bus  not  the  Great  Spirit  given  it  to  us, 
and  not  only  to  us,  but  why  did  he  not  give  to  our  Ibrefiithers  the  knowledge 
of  that  book,  with  the  means  of  understanding  it  rightly  ?  We  only  know 
what  you  tell  us  about  it ;  how  shall  wo  know  when  to  believe,  being  so 
often  deceived  by  the  white  people  ? 

"  Brother,  you  say  there  is  but  one  way  to  worship  and  serve  the  Great 
Spirit ;  if  there  is  but  one  religion,  why  do  you  white  people  differ  so  much 
about  it  ?  why  not  all  agree,  as  you  can  all  read  the  book .-' 

'^ BroHier,  we  do  not  understand  these  things;  we  are  told  that  your 
religion  was  given  to  your  forefathers,  and  has  been  handed  down  from 
father  1)  son.  We  also  have  a  religion  which  was  given  to  our  forefathers, 
and  has  been  handed  down  to  us  their  children.  We  worship  that  way.  It 
teaclictk  us  to  be  thankful  for  all  the  favors  we  receive;  to  love  each  other,  and  to 
be  united ;  we  never  quarrel  about  religion. 

"  Brotlter,  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  us  all ;  but  he  has  made  a  great  differ- 
ence between  his  white  and  red  children ;  ho  has  given  us  a  diflerent  com- 
l)lexion,  and  different  customs ;  to  you  he  has  given  the  arts ;  to  these  he 
has  not  opened  our  eyes ;  we  know  tlicsc  things  to  be  true.  Since  he  has 
jnade  so  great  a  diftorouc(!  between  us  in  other  tilings,  why  may  we  not  con- 
clude that  he  has  given  us  a  different  religion  according  to  our  understand- 
ing; the  Great  Spirit  does  right;  he  knows  what  is  best  for  his  children; 
we  are  satisfied. 

"  Brother,  we  do  not  wish  to  destroy  your  religion,  or  take  it  from  you ;  we 
oidy  want  to  enjoy  our  own. 

^^  Brotlter,  you  say  you  have  not  come  to  get  our  land  or  our  money,  but  to 
oulighlen  our  minds.  I  will  now  tell  you  that  1  have  been  at  your  meetings, 
and  saw  you  collecting  money  fioni  tlie  meeting.  I  cannot  tell  what  this 
money  was  intended  for,  but  suppose  it  was  lt»r  your  minister,  and  if 
we  should  conform  to  your  way  of  tiiinking,  perhaps  you  may  want  some 
from  us. 

'^Brother,  wo  are  told  tliat  you  hiive  been  preaching  to  wliito  peo|)lc  in  this 
plarc! ;  these  pcojilc  are  our  neighbors,  we  are  acquainted  \vith  them;  we 
will  wait  a  little  while  aud  see  what  effect  your  i)reat;hing  has  upon  them. 


R^jiuiluoiis  litjuor  is  allui]c<l  to_,  it  is  supposed. 


100 


RED-JACKET.— ENGAGES  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812.        [Rook  V. 


if  we  find  it  does  them  good,  makes  tliem  honest,  and  less  disposed  to  cheat 
Indians,  we  will  then  consider  again  what  you  have  said. 

"  Brother,  you  have  now  heard  our  answer  to  your  talk,  and  this  is  all  we 
have  to  t-ay  at  present.  As  we  are  going  to  j)art,  we  will  come  aud  take  you 
by  the  hand,  and  hope  the  Great  Sphit  Avill  protect  you  on  your  journey,  ami 
return  you  sale  to  your  friends." 

The  chieli^  and  otliers  then  drew  near  the  missionary  to  take  him  by  the 
hand ;  but  he  would  not  receive  them,  and  hastily  rising  irom  his  seat,  said, 
"  that  there  was  no  fellowship  between  the  religion  of  God  and  the  works 
of  the  Devil,  and,  therefore,  could  not  johi  hands  with  tliem,"  Upon  this 
being  interj)reted  to  them,  "they  smiled,  and  retired  in  a  peaceable  manner." 

The  Indians  cannot  well  conceive  how  they  have  any  participation  in  the 
guilt  of  the  crucifixion ;  inasmuch  as  they  do  not  believe  .themselves  of  tlie 
same  origin  as  the  whites ;  and  tliere  beuig  no  dispute  but  that  they  com- 
mitted thot  act  Red-Jacket  once  said  to  a  clergyman  who  was  importuning 
him  on  this  subject, 

"  Brother,  if  you  lohite  men  murdered  tJie  Son  of  the  Great  Spirit,  ive  Indians 
had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  and  it  is  none  of  our  ajjair.  If  he  had  come  among  us, 
we  ivQidd  not  have  killed  him ;  we  tvould  have  treated  him  u'ell.  You  must  make 
amends  for  tluit  crime  yourselves"  * 

Red-jacket  took  [lart  with  the  Americans  in  the  war  of  1812,  but  was  not 
distijiiguished  lor  that  prodigality  of  life  which  marked  the  character  of 
Tecumseh^  and  many  others,  but,  on  all  occasions,  was  cool  and  collected. 
He  had  become  attached  to  Colonel  Snelling  during  the  war,  and  when  he 
lieard  that  tliat  officer  was  ordered  to  a  distant  station,  he  went  to  take  his 
farewell  qf  him.    At  that  interview  he  said, 

"Brother,  I  hear  ^you  are  going  to  a  place  called  Governor's  Island.  /  hope 
you  wiil  be  q,  governor  yourself.  I  understand  thai  you  white  people  think  children 
a  blessing.  I  hope  you  may  have  a  thousand.  Jmd,  above  all,  I  hope,  wherever 
you  go,  you  may  never  find  whisky  more  than  two  shillings  a  quMrt."\ 

Grand  Island,  in  Niagara  River,  just  above  the  famous  Niagara  'Falls,  is 
owned  by  the  Senecas.     When  it  was  rumored  that  the  British  had  taken 

Eossession  of  it,  in  their  last  war  with  the  Americans,  Red-jacket  assem- 
led  his  people,  to  consult  with  Mr.  Granger,  their  agent.  After  having 
stated,  to  him  the  information,  the  old  chief  made  the  following  profound 
speech : — 

"  Brother;  you ,  have  told  tw  that  we  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  war  thai  has 
taken  place  between  you  and  the  British.  But  we  find  the  war  lias  come  to  our 
doors.  Our  property  is  taken  possession  of  by  the  British  and  their  Indian 
friends.  It  is  necessaiy  now  for  us  to  take  up  the  business,  defend  our  property, 
and  drive  the  eiumyfrom  it.  If  we  sit  still  upon  our  seals,  and  take  no  means 
of  redress,  the  British  (according  to  the  customs  of  you  tvhite  people)  wUl  hold 
it  by  conquest.  And  should  you  conquer  the  Canaaas,  you  will  claim  it  upon 
the  same  principles,  as  [though]  conquered  from  the  British.  We,  therefore,  re- 
quest permission  to  go  vnth  our  tvarriors,  and  drive  off  those  bad  people,  and  take 
possession  of  our  lands."  Whereupon,  such  of  the  Senecas  as  had  an  in- 
clination, were  permitted  to  join  the  American  army. 

In  one  action  Red-jacket  acted  a  conspicuous  part,  and  is  most  honorably 
mentioned  by  the  commanding  general.  The  action  took  place  near  Fort 
George,  on  the  17  August,  1813,  between  about  300  volunteers  and  Indians, 
supported  by  200  regulars.  These  surprised  the  British  and  Indian  camp  at 
day-light,  killed  75  and  took  IG  prisoners.  The  success  of  the  expedition 
was  almost  entirely  owing  to  a  stratagem  of  the  Indians,  who,  when  they 
had  formed  their  jilan  of  attack,  decoyed  their  brethren,  on  the  British  side, 
inf"  an  ambusii,  by  giving  a  war-whoop  which  they  mistook  for  that  of 
th(!ir  friends.  General  Boyd,  who  commanded  here,  says,  "The  principal 
chiefs  who  led  the  woirioi's  this  day,  were  Farmer's  Brother,  Red-jacket, 


*  "  This  ocpiirred  in  a  conversation  between  Red-jacket  and  the  Reverend  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridse ;  Toimmj-Jrmmy,  .Tack-Berry  and  myself  were  present.  I  heard  tlie  remark,  and  will 
voiicli  for  it."     IK  J.  ifndlmt:. 

t  M.  E.  Galaxy,  13  July,  1833. 


», 


Chap.  VI]        RED-JACKET.— REFORMATION  IN   HIS  TRIBE. 


101 


LiTTtE  Billy,  Pollaud,  Black  Snake,  Johmso.n,  Silveiiheels,  (Japtuiri 
Half-town,  Major  Henrv  O.  Ball,  (Com-jilantcr's  soti,J  mid  Captain  Colp, 
cliief  of  Onondago,  who  was  wounded.  In  a  council  wnicli  was  held  with 
them  yesterday,  they  covenanted  not  to  scalp  or  murder ;  and  I  am  happy  to 
say,  that  they  treated  the  prisoners  with  humanity,  and  committed  no  wuntoii 
cruelties  upon  the  dead."  "  Their  bravery  and  humanity  were  equally  con- 
spicuous. Already  the  quietness  in  which  our  pickets  are  suffered  to  remain, 
evinces  the  benefit  arising  from  their  assistance."* 

Governor  De  Witt  Clinton,  in  his  most  valuable  discourse  before  the  His- 
torical Society  of  New  York,  thus  notices  Red-jacket : — "  Within  a  few  years, 
an  extraordinary  orator  has  risen  among  the  Seuecas;  his  real  name  is 
Saguoaha.    Without   the   advantages  of  illustrious  descent,  and  with 


exti'aordinary  talents  for  war,  he  has  attained  the  first  distinctions  in  the 
nation  by  the  force  of  his  eloquence."  Red-jacket  having,  by  some  meiuis, 
lost  tlie  confidence  of  his  countrymen,  in  order,  as  it  is  reported,  to  retrieve 
it,  prevailed  upon  his  brother  to  annoimce  himself  a  prophet,  commissioned 
by  the  Great  Spirit  to  redeem  the  miserable  condition  of  his  countrymen. 
It  required  nothing  but  an  adroit  and  skilful  reasoner  to  persuade  the  igno- 
rant multitude,  given  to  the  gi'ossest  superstition,  of  his  infallibility  in  the 
pretended  art  or  mystery.  If  good  ever  came  out  of  evil,  it  did  at  this  time. 
The  Onondagas  were,  at  that  period,  the  most  drunken  and  profligate  of  all 
the  Iroquois.  They  were  now  so  far  prevailed  upon  as  almost  entirely  to 
abstain  from  ardent  spirits,  became  sober  and  industrious,  and  observed  and 
resj)ected  the  laws  of  morality.  This  good  effect  was  not  confined  to  the 
Onondagas,  but  shed  its  benign  influence  through  the  nations  adjacent  But 
as  this  reform  was  begun  in  hypocrisy,  it  necessarily  ended  with  its  hypo- 
critical author.  The  gi'eatest  check,  perhaps,  which  can  be  thrown  in  the 
way  of  imposture,  is  its  own  exposition.  In  this  case,  like  witchcraft  among 
us  in  former  times,  it  was  stayed  by  its  own  operations.  Many  were  de- 
nounced as  witches,  and  some  would  have  been  executed  but  for  the  inter- 
ference of  their  white  neighbors.  Red-jacket  was  denounced  in  a  great 
council  of  Indians,  held  at  Bufihlo  Creek,  as  the  chief  author  of  their 
troubles.  He  was  accordingly  brought  to  trial,  and  his  eloquence  saved  his 
life,  and  greatly  increased  his  reputation.  His  defence  was  near  tliree  hours 
long.  And,  in  the  language  of  Governor  Clinton,  "  the  iron  brow  of  super- 
stition relented  under  the  magic  of  his  eloquence:  he  declared  the  prophet 
[his  brother]  an  impostor  and  a  cheat ;  he  prevailed ;  the  Indians  divided, 
and  a  small  majority  appeared  in  his  favor.  Perhaps  the  annals  of  history 
cannot  furnish  a  more  conspicuous  instance  of  the  triumph  and  power  of 
oratory,  in  a  bai'barous  nation,  devoted  to  superstition,  and  looking  up  to  the 
accuser  as  a  delegated  minister  of  the  Almighty.  I  am  well  aware  that  the 
speech  of  Losan  will  be  triumphantly  quoted  against  me,  and  that  it  will 
be  said,  that  the  most  splendid  exhibition  of  Indian  eloquence  may  be  found 
out  of  the  pale  of  the  Six  Nations.  I  fully  subscribe  to  the  eulogium  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  when  he  says, '  I  may  challenge  the  whole  orations  of  Demosthenes 
and  Cicero,  and  of  any  more  eminent  orator,  if  Europe  has  furnished  more 
eminent,  to  produce  a  single  passage  superior  to  the  speech  of  LoganJ  But 
let  it  be  remembered  that  Logan  was  a  Mingo  chief,"  that  is,  an  Iroquois. 

The  time  is  not  far  distant,  if  not  already  arrived,  when  the  name  of  Red- 
jacket  will  be  heard,  in  the  most  august  assemblies,^  to  give  weight  to  the 
mightiest  efforts  of  eloquence.  In  tlie  debate  on  the"  Indian  bill,  in  1830,  in 
congress,  Mr.  Crockett,^  of  Tennessee,  said,  "  I  am  forcibly  reminded  of  the 
remark  iiiade  by  the  famous  Red-jacket,  ui  the  rotunda  of  this  building, 
when  he  was  shown  the  panel  which  represented  in  sculpture  the  first 
landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  with  an  Indian  chief  presenting  to  them  an  car  of 
corn,  in  token  of  friendly  welcome.    The  aged    Indian  said,   '  That  was 

*•  NUes'  Register,  iv.  418,  and  v.  l.—Branmn's  OJfwial  Letters,  200.— S/iaite'*'  Tables,  ii. 
120. 

t  The  pitiful  cnuade  in  wliich  this  brave  man  lost  iiis  life,  will  as  long  be  remembered  for 
its  unjustifiable  otiem,  as  the  many  valuable  but  misguided  men  who  have  been  sacrificed  in 
it.  Having  joined  the  army  of  Texas,  Colonel  Crockett  was  tlicre  murdered  with  the  reU 
of  a  garrison  which  fell  into  the  bauds  of  the  Mexicaui ;  this  present  year,  1836. 


102 


RED-JACKET— COJIPLAINS  OF  THE  MrsSIONARIES.     [Rook  V. 


^ood.^  Ho  said  he  knew  tliey  came  from  the  Groat  Spirit,  and  he  was  will- 
ing to  share  the  soil  witii  his  hrothers.  Hut  wlicn  he  tnnied  round  to  view 
anotiier  panel,  representing  Penn^s  treaty,  lie  said,  'M!  aWs  gone  notvJ' 
There  was  a  great  deal  of  trutli  in  this  short  saying." 

Nothing  seems  HiOrc  to  liave  troiihletl  the  ])ence  of  Bed-jacket  than  the 
intriif^ion  of  inissio'iarics  among  liis  j)oople.  With  the  merits  or  demerits 
of  tfie  manner  in  w  hieh  particnlar  creeds  have  heen  forced  upon  the  In- 
dians in  general,  we  have  nothing  to  do,  hut  we  will  refer  the  reader  to  Mr. 
Buclianan^s  Sketches,*  where,  in  oiu-  ojiuiion,  every  sectarian  will  glean  some 
usefiii  hints  upon  that  head. 

Red-jacket  and  his  council,  in  1821,  made  a  formal  complaint  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  of  the  nrhitrary  coiuhict  of  some  teachers  among  his 
))eoplc,  and  of  their  undue  influence  generally.  Considering  it  to  conUiin  a 
most  importiuit  and  \alual)l(!  jiiice  of  information,  we  will  give  it  entire  : — 
•*  Brother  Parish,  I  address  myself  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  govern- 
or. The  chiefs  of  Onondaga  iiave  accompanied  you  to  Alhany,  to  do  hu,si- 
ncss  with  tiie  governor;  I  also  was  to  liave  heen  with  you,  hut  I  am  sOrry 
to  my  thrit  had  health  has  put  it  out  of  my  power.  For  this  you  nuist  not 
think  liard  of  me.  I  am  not  to  hiame  lor  it.  It  is  the  will  of  the  (Jreat 
Sp'rlt  that  it  should  he  so.  Th(!  ol)ject  of  the  Onondagas  is  to  jiurchase  onr 
lands  at  Toiniewanta.  This  and  all  other  hnsin<!ss  that  they  may  have  to  do 
at  Alhany,  unist  hv,  transacted  in  the  presence  of  the  governor.  He  will 
see  that  th(!  hargaiu  is  fairly  made,  so  that  all  parties  may  have  reason  to  he 
satisfied  with  what  shall  he  done;  and  when  oiu"  sanction  shall  he  waiUed 
to  the  transaction,  it  will  he  (i-ecly  given.  I  nuich  regret  that,  at  this  time, 
the  state  of  my  health  should  liav(!  prevented  me  from  accompanying  you  to 
Albany,  as  it  w;ls  the  wish  of"  the  nation  that  I  should  state  to  the  governor 
Bonie  circumstiuices  which  show  that  the  chain  of  friendship  between  us 
and  the  w'litc;  people  is  wearing  out,  and  wants  hrighteriug.  I  jiroceed 
now,  however,  to  lay  them  bcl'ore  you  by  letttir,  that  you  ma  ;  mention  them 
to  the  governor,  and  solicit  redress.  He  is  apjiointed  to  do  justice  to  all, 
and  ihe  Indians  fully  confide  that  he  will  not  suffer  them  to  be  wronged 
with  impunity.  The  first  subject  to  which  wt;  would  call  the  attt>ntion  of 
the  governor,  is  the  depredations  that  are  daily  conunitted  b\  the  white 
jieople  upon  the  most  valuable  timber  on  (Uir  reservations.  Tliis  has  bren  a 
subject  of  complaint  with  us  for  many  years ;  but  now,  and  jtarticidarly  at 
this  season  of  the  year,  it  has  bi'comc  im  alarming  evil,  and  calls  for  the 
immediate  interposition  of  the  governor  in  our  behalf  Our  next  subject 
of  complaint  is,  the  frecpieni  tiiefls  of  our  horses  and  cattle  by  the  white 
peo|)ie,  and  their  habit  of  taking  and  using  them  whenever  they  please,  and 
without  our  hiuc.  These  are  evils  which  s<'eiii  to  increase  upon  iia 
witli  the  inereasi^  of  our  white  neighbors,  and  they  call  loudly  fi>r  redress. 
AnoM:  r  «(vil  arising  froi''.  the  pressun;  of  tli(!  whites  upon  us,  and  our 
unavoi  I. .Mo  couimunieatioii  with  them,  is  the  freipiency  with  which  our 
chiel's,  aiu;  warriors,  and  Indians,  are  thrown  into  jail,  and  that,  too,  for 
the  most  triHiiig  cmises.  'I'his  is  very  ga.iing  to  our  feelings,  and  ought  not 
to  be  permitted  to  the  extent  to  which,  to  gratify  their  bad  passions,  onr 
white  neiglibors  now  carry  this  practice.  In  our  hunting  and  fishing,  too, 
we  are  Lieatly  int(iTiii)ted  by  tlit!  whiles.  Our  venison  is  stolen  fWmi  the 
trees  where  we  have  hung  it  to  be  reclaimed  alier  the  chase.  Our  limiting 
camps  have  been  fired  into,  and  wv  have  been  warned  that  \\v  shall  no 
longer  be  |)erniitted  to  pursue  the  deer  in  tlios<'  flirests  which  were  so  lately 
nil  our  own.  The  fish,  which,  iii  the  nuflalo  and  Tonnewanla  Creeks,  used 
to  supply  us  with  liiod,  are  now,  bv  tin?  ihims  and  other  obstniclions  of  the 
white  people,  prevented  iV /ni  multiplying,  ami  we  an;  almost  entirely  <le- 
prived  of  that  accustomed  siistenanee.  Onr  great  fiithcr,  the  president,  has 
recommended  to  our  young  men  to  be  industrious,  to  jilougb,  and  to  sow. 
This  we  have  done,  and  we  are  thankful  fiir  the  advice,  and  fiir  the  means 
he  has  afforded  us  of  carrying  it  into  etfecl.  Wo  are  happier  m  eonse- 
'luence  ol"  it.    But  unoUver  thing  recoinmtnJtd  to  us,  luu  created  gnat  ronj'uaion 


Ci 

an 
in 
th 
is 
m 

ft 
■  hi 


*  Vol,  i.  chip.  in. 


Chap.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET.— ■WITCIICR.\fr  AFFAIR. 


103 


amons  us,  and  is  makhig  %is  a  qvarrelsome  and  divided  people  ;  and  that  is,  the 
iniroauclion  of  preachers  into  our  nation.  These  black  coats  coiitiivo  t(;  got 
the  consent  of  some  ol"  the  Indians  to  preach  among  ns,  and  wherever  thi:^ 
is  the  case,  contusion  and  disorder  are  sure  to  Ibllow,  and  tlie  encroach- 
ments of  tiie  whites  upon  our  lands  arc  tlie  invariahle  coiiHcijuence.  The 
governor  must  not  think  hard  of  uie  for  sneaking  thus  of  the  preachers.  I 
liave  observed  their  progress,  and  whci:  I  look  back  to  see  what  has  taken 
place  of  old,  I  [)erceive  ttiat  whencvcir  they  came  among  the  Indiau.-i,  they 
\vere  the  forerunners  of  tlnir  dispersion  ;  that  they  always  e.\citrd  (jnmitics 
and  (piarr's  among  them  ;  that  they  introduced  the  white  piO|>le  on  their 
lands,  by  whom  they  were  robbed  and  pluiiilcrod  of  their  property ;  and 
that  the  Indians  were  sure  to  dwindle  and  decrease,  and  be  driven,  hack  iu 
proportion  to  the  Munib(;r  of  preachers  that  cnme  among  them.  Each  nation 
lia-i  its  owi!  customs  and  its  own  religion.  The  Indians  have  tlicirs,  given  to 
them  by  the  Great  Ppirit,  under  which  they  were  liap|)j'.  It  was  not  iu- 
1eii;li'fl  that  they  sliouli!  eni!)race  tlic  religion  of  the  \vhites,  and  he  destroyed 
by  the  attemjjt  to  make  them  think  dillerently  on  that  subject  from  their 
fathers.*  It  is  true,  these  i)ri'acliers  have  got  iho  con.sent  of  some  of  the' 
chiefs  to  stay  and  preach  among  us,  but  I  and  my  friends  know  this  to  be 
Avrnng,  and  tliat  they  ought  to  be  removed  ;  besides,  we  have  Ihmmi  threatened 
by  Mr.  Hj/dr,  wiio  came  among  us  as  a  .•^chool-mastcM'  and  a  teacher  of  our 
children,  but  has  now  become  a  black  coat,  anil  refused  to  teach  them  any 
more,  that  uidess  we  listen  to  his  preaching  and  become  Christians,  we  will 
be  turned  off  our  lands.  We  wish  to  know  iiom  the  governor  if  this  is  to 
l)e  so  ;  and  if  Ik;  has  no  right  to  say  so,  we  think  he  ought  to  bu  turned  off 
our  lands,  and  not  allowed  to  ))lagne  us  any  more.  VVe  shall  never  be  at 
peace  while  he  is  among  us.  Let  them  be  removed,  and  we  will  be  hapjiy 
and  contentiMl  among  ourselves.  We  now  cry  to  the  governor  for  help,  and 
hope  that  lie  will  attend  to  our  complaints,  and  sj)eedily  givi;  us  redress. 

IIf.t)-.iackkt." 

"This  letter  was  dictated  by  Red-jarhct,  mu\  interpreted  by  Ilenn/  Obenl,\ 
in  the  iirescnce  of  the  following  Indians:  Rcd-jnclivrs  son,  C()rn-plitnlvr,John- 
colib,  Peter,  Yoini!i;-kine;s-hrother,  Tom-the-infant,  [^Oniwnt^f^aiheko,]  Jilue-sky, 
[Towiiocinaia,]  Jnhn-ski/,  Jcmmij-johnson,  Marcus,  Bis^-fire,  Captain •Jemnvj" 

The  success  this  peiition  met  with,  it  is  iiresumed,  was  full  and  satisfactory 
to  him,  in  respect  to  one  pariiciiliir ;  for  no  ministers,  for  some  time  nllerwartls, 
wer(!  admitteil  U|ion  the  reservation. 

In  the  spring  of  1821,  a  man  tA'  lla{-jack(t\<i  tribe  fell  into  a  ianguishnvnt  and 
died.  His  complaint  \\as  unkiiown,  aid  somt;  circumstances  attended  his 
illness  which  ciiused  his  friends  to  believi!  that  he  was  bewitchwd.  The  wo- 
man that  attend('d  him  was  fi.xed  upon  as  tli(!  witcli,  and  by  the  law,  or 
custom,  of  the  niition,  she  was  doomed  to  sull'er  death.  A  chief  by  tin;  namo 
of  Tom-jVmHH/,  called  bv  his  own  |)eopl(,  .Soo-iiodg'-iri'.w,  executetl  the  decree 
by  cutting  her  throat.  The  Americans  took  nj)  the  mtifter,  seized  'lom-jcmmi', 
and  threw  him  info  prison.!  Some  time  al>er,  when  his  trial  caiiK!  on,  lUd- 
jackrf  appeared  in  court  as  im  «'vidence.  The  coun.sel  for  the  prisoner  denied 
that  the  court  had  any  juris«liction  over  the  ca.se,  and  al\er  it  was  carried 
through  three  terms,  Soo-nntttr-trise  was  finally  cleared.  Red-jacket  and  the 
other  witnesses  K-stified  tiiat  the  woman  was  a  witch,  and  that  she  lind  been 
tried,  condenmed  and  executed  in  pursuance  of  their  laws,  which  had  been 
established  from  lime  innnemorial;  long  before  the  English  came;  into 
the  country.  The  witcli  doctrine  of  the  Renecns  was  much  ridiculed  by 
pome  of  the  .Americans,  to  which  Red-jacket  thus  aptly  alhuUis  in  a  speech 
which  he  made  while  upon  the  stand; — 

"  It'hat !  do  you  dtiumnce  us  as  fools  and  bigots,  because  we  still  contimu  to 
htlirve  thiu  which  mu  i/ourselves  sfiUUously  inculcated  two  centuries  ago  ?  Yotir 
divines  have  thunaered  this  doctrine  from  the  pulpit,  you.' judges  have  pronounced 


*  A  lm|>|>v  illiislrnlion  of  llm  forri-  of  piliirnlion.      t  Son  of  Com-pUmlir,  nr  Cvrn-ptittil. 

X  hifuriimiion  of  ii  ireiiiiciniui  ( IC. ./.  SitfUiiig,  Ehi].)  who  was  un  Iho  a|)oi,  nnd  inw  him 
Hrnii|fhl  to  nnfTalu.  'riim  waa  Ihe  next  day  oflor  liio  inuicler,  and  lli«  bluud  wr  -  yet  upoo 
hii  bauds. 


104 


RED-JACKET.— IxNTERVIEVV  WITH  LAFAYETTE.         [Book  V. 


it  from  Uie  bench,  your  courts  oj"  Justice  Iiave  sanctioned  it  with  Hie  formalities  of 
lain,  and  you  ivoidd  now  punish  our  unfortunate  brotlier  for  adherence  to  the  su- 
perstit  ions  ofhisfalhers .'  Go  to  Salem !  Look  at  tlie  records  of  your  govemintnl, 
and  rou  will  find  hundreds  executed  for  the  very  crime  tvhich  has  called  forth  the 
sentence  of  condemnation  upon  this  woman,  ana  drawn  down  the  arm  of  vengeance 
upon  her.  JVlial  have  our  brothers  done  more  than  the  rulers  of  your  people  have 
done  ?  and  what  crime  has  this  man  committed  by  executing,  in  a  summary  way, 
the  laws  of  his  country,  and  the  injunctio}is  of  his  God  ?  "  Before  Rea-jacket 
was  admitted  to  give  evidence  in  tlie  ca.sc,  lie  was  asiied  if  he  believed  in 
future  rewards  and  punishments,  and  the  existence  of  God.  With  a  piercing 
look  into  the  face  of  his  iutenogatoi",  and  with  no  little  indignation  of  expres- 
sion, he  replied :  "  Yes !  much  more  than  the  white  men,  if  we  are  to  judge  by 
tlieir  actions."  Upon  the  appearance  of  Red-jacket  upon  this  occasion,  one 
observes:  "There  is  not,  ])crlia|)s,  in  nature,  a  more  expres.sivc  eye  than  that 
of  Red-jacket ;  when  fired  by  indignation  or  revenge,  it  is  terrible  ;  and  when 
he  chooses  to  display  his  unrivalled  talent  f«r  irony,  his  keen  sarcastic  glance 
is  irresistible."  * 

AVhen  Lafayette,  in  1825,  was  at  Kuflalo,  among  the  persons  of  distinction 
who  called  upon  him,  was  Red-jacket.  Of  the  old  chief,  M.  Ltvasseur  ob- 
serves ;f  Tliis  extraordiniu'y  man,  altliough  much  worn  down  by  time  and 
intemperance,  preserves  yet,  in  a  surprising  degree,  tiie  exercise  of  all  his 
faculties.  He  had  ever  remend)ered  Lafayette  since  1784,  at  which  time  he, 
with  others,  met  a  gi'cat  council  of  all  the  Indian  nations  at  Fort  Schuyler, 
when  the  interest  of  all  those  nations,  friends  and  enemies,  was  regulated 
with  the  United  States.  He  asked  tiie  general  if  he  recollected  that  meeting. 
He  replied  that  he  had  not  forgotten  that  great  event,  and  a^^ked  Red-jacket  if 
he  knew  what  had  become  of  the  yoimg  chief,  who,  in  that  council,  o|)posed 
With  such  eloipience  the  "burying  ol"  the  tomahawk."  Red-Jacket  I'cplied, 
"He  is  before  you."  His  speech  was  a  master-piece,  and  every  warrior  who 
heard  him  was  carried  away  with  his  chMiuence.  He  urged  a  continuation  of  the 
war  against  the  Americans,  having  joined  against  tliem  in  the  revolution. 
The  general  observed  to  him  that  time  had  much  changed  them  since  that 
meeting.  "Ah!  "  said  Red-jacket,  "tinu!  has  not  been  so  severe  upon  you  as 
it  has  upon  me.    It  has  left  to  you  u  fresh  countenance,  and  hair  to  cover 

}'our  head ;  while  to  ni(! behold ! "  and  taking  a  handkerchief  Irom 
lis  head,  with  an  air  of  much  leeliiig,  showed  his  head,  which  was  almost 
entirely  bald.]; 

At  this  interview,  was  Adly  confirmed  what  we  have  before  stated.  Le- 
r«s*«!i(r  continues:  /ic</-J«eA:<<  obstinately  refuses  to  sjieak  any  languagts  but 
that  of  his  own  country,  and  affects  a  great  dislike  to  all  others;  although 
it  is  easy  to  discern  that  he  jierfectly  understands  the  English ;  and  refused, 
nevertheless,  to  reply  to  the  general  bef()re  hin  interpreter  had  tiuii.ilated  his 

Juestions  into  the  Seneca  language.    The  general  spoke  a  few  words  in 
ndian,  which  he  had  learned  in  his  youth,  at  which   Red-Joichet  was  highly 
pleased,  and  wiiich  augmented  much  his  high  opinion  of  Lafayette, 

The  author  of  the  following  pa.^sage  is  imUnown  to  us;  but  presuming  it 
to  be  aiuhentic,  we  <|Uote  it.  "More  than  .'JO  years  §  have  rolh^l  away  since 
a  treaty  waH  held  on  the  beautiful  acclivity  that  overlooks  the  Oanandaigua  {| 


*  Niics's  Weekly  Ucjrisler,  vol.  xx.  aW,  411. 

f  III  his  l.iifnijetie  en  Anu-nqiic,  tome  ii.  '137-11. 

j  '•  /.<■.«  (if.sisidnts  w  pitretU  s'emphtier  dr  soiirirt  de  la  tiinplicU^  de  VlndUn,  qui  xtmhlait 
ignorer  I' art  de  ri'wiirr  les  iii/iirfs  dii  trnijis  ;  mais  on  se  f^arda  liicii  rfc  di'lniire  nan  irieitr  ; 
ft  prut-flir  fit-on  liicH,  citr  il  eiU  pii  coufondrc  iiw  pei  rutpie  tivfc  utit!  clieielure  sinlpif,  ft 
loiirevoir  I'idi'e  de  reganiir  ,va  ti'te  aii.r  d^'prns  de  la  iHe  d'line  de  ses  roiaonii."  Ibid. 
—This  nlleinj)t  at  fare! imisncss  l>y  Moiis.  Lrvasseur  is  entirely  a  failure,  and  in  very  I'lid 
tnste.  Had  it  had  rel'erejieo  to  an  obscure  person,  il  wou.d  have  heeii  ditTerciil.  For  a  parrel 
of  while  ignorainusos  to  make  thiMiiselvos  merry  at  the  simple  hut  diguilied  appearance  of  the 
old  chief,  only  shows  lliem  off  in  their  true  liglll ;  and  the  assertion  that  he  covered  his  own 
head  at  the  ex|>ensc  of  that  of  his  nei^hlmr,  too  nearly  clas.  •)»  the  writer  with  his  eompiuiir>ns, 

^  This  wriler,  I  coiieliidc,  wrote  m  11!J'.J.  1  ropy  it  from  Miscellaniea  stlccled from  Iht 
Pnhlir  Jmimala.  by  Mr.  liitckingham. 

II  Hi)(iiifvinK,  i»  ilie  Henera  laii);iiairc,  ic  town  *tt  ojj'.  The  lake  xeceiveil  iU  Biuuti  ifou 
the  tuwu  tipuii  it»  t\\wii.—8pafford'i  GitZi 


Book  V. 


Chap.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET.— VISIT  TO  PHILADELPHIA. 


105 


Lake.  The  witne&.ses  of  the  scene  will  never  forget  tlie  powers  of  native 
oratory.  Two  days  had  j)assed  away  in  negotiation  with  the  Indians  for  a 
cession  of  their  lands.  The  contract  was  supposed  to  he  nearly  completed, 
when  Red-jacket  arose.  With  the  grace  nnd  dignity  of  a  Roman  senator,  he 
drew  his  hkmket  around  him,  and,  with  a  j)iei'cing  eye,  sui-veyed  the  multi- 
tude. All  was  hushed.  Nothing  interposed  to  hreak  the  silence,  save  the 
gende  rustling  of  the  tree  tops,  under  whose  shade  they  were  gathered.  After 
a  long  and  solenm,  hut  not  unmeaning  pause,  he  connnenced  his  speech  in  a 
low  voice  and  sententious  style.  Rising  gradually  with  the  suhject,  he  de- 
picted the  j)rimitive  simplicity  and  happiness  of  his  nation,  and  the  wrongs 
they  had  sustained  I'roni  the  usurpations  of  white  men,  with  such  a  hold  hut 
faithful  pencil,  that  every  auditor  was  soon  roused  to  vengeance,  or  melted 
into  tears.  The  effect  was  inexpressihle.  But  ere  the  emotions  of  admira- 
tion and  sympathy  had  suhsided,  tlie  white  men  hecanie  alarmed.  They  were 
in  the  heart  oi'  an  Indian  country — surrounded  hy  more  than  ten  times  their 
numher,  who  were  inflamed  hy  the  ronienihrance  of  their  injuries,  and  ex- 
cited to  indignation  hy  the  elo([utnce  of  a  favorite  ciiief.  A|»j)alied  and 
terrified,  the  white  men  cast  a  cheerlc.-'s  giiz(;  upon  the  hordes  around  tliem. 
A  nod  from  the  chier'-  might  ho  the  onset  of  destruction.  At  this  portentous 
moment,  Farmera-brc.  er  inter|)ose(l.  He  replied  not  to  his  hrother  chiefj 
hut,  with  a  sagacity  truly  ahoriginal,  he  caused  a  cessation  of  the  council,  in- 
troduced good  cheer,  connnended  the  elo(picnco  of  Red-jacket,  and,  hefore 
the  meeting  had  reassembled,  with  the  aid  of  otiier  ])rudent  cliiefs,  he  had 
moderated  the  fury  of  his  nation  to  ii  more  salutary  review  of  the  (lucstion 
hefore  them.  Suffice  it  to  sa\',  the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  the  Western 
District,  at  tliis  day,  owes  no  small  portion  of  its  ]tower  and  influence  to  the 
counsels  of  a  savage,  in  comparison  with  whom  for  genius,  lieroism,  virtue, 
or  any  other  tjuahty  that  can  adorn  the  hawhieofa  diadem,  not  only  George  the 
IV.  and  Louis  Ic  Desiri,  hut  tlie  (lerman  emjieror  and  the  czar  of  Muscovy,  alike 
<l\vindle  into  insignificance."     We  can  add  nothing  to  this  high  encomium. 

Red-jacket  was  of  the  ninnhor  who  visited  Philadelphia  in  17i>2,  as  will  ho 
foun<l  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Jaquelle;  at  which  time  he  waji  welcomed 
hy  the  governor  of  Pennsylviuiia  to  that  city,  and  addressed  i)y  him,  in  behalf 
of  the  commonwealth,  in  the  couneil-ehiunher.  The  following  is  the  closing 
jmragiaph  of  the  governor's  speech :  "Rrothers!  I  know  tlie  kindness  with 
which  you  treat  the  strangers  that  visit  yoiu'  country  ;  and  it  is  my  sincere 
wish,  that,  when  you  return  to  your  fiunilie.-j,  you  may  he  aiilc  to  assure  thciu 
that  the  virtues  of  tri(nidship  and  hospitality  are  also  practised  hy  the  citi- 
zens of  Pennsylvania."  He  had  beliire  (diser«'ed  tiitit  the  govermnent  had 
fiu'iiished  every  thing  to  make  them  comforlahh^  during  their  s'ay  at  Phila- 
«lelphia.  This  was  upon  the  li8  March,  J7it2,  and  on  2  April  following, 
they  met  again,  when  Red-jacket  spoke  in  answer  to  ihe  governor  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"  IJrother,  Onas  *  Governor,  open  unprejudiced  ears  to  what  wo  have  to 
say.  Some  days  since  you  addressed  us,  and  what  ymi  said  gave  us  great 
jdeasure.  This  day  the  (I'reat  Spirit  has  allowed  us  to  meet  you  again,  in 
this  council-chamber.  We  hope  that  your  not  receiving  an  immediate  an- 
swer to  your  addriiss,  will  niaki!  no  inijiroper  impression  upon  your  mind. 
We  mention  this  lest  you  should  sus|i(;ct  tiail  your  kind  welcome  ami  friendly 
address  has  not  lii^d  ii  proper  effect  upmi  om-  hearts.  ^Ve  assunjyou  it  is  fiir 
otherwise.  In  your  addi'i  ss  to  us  the  other  day,  in  this  lUicitMit  ciiuncil-cham- 
her,  when'  <iur  l()rellhhers  have  oflen  converse!  together,  several  thingii 
struck  our  attention  very  loreibly.  When  you  tol  i  us  this  was  the  place  in 
which  oiu"  foreliithers  oileii  m"t  on  peiu'ealile  t'rms,  it  gave  usseiisilae  ph-as- 
iire,  (Uid  more  joy  tiiaii  we  could  expre  Tlicmgh  we  have  no  writiiiga 
like  you,  yet  we  remendier  oflen  to  have  heard  if  the  friendship  that  existed 
bolwuen  our  lulhurs  and  yours.    The  picture  f  lo  which  you  drew  our  uttcn-. 


n 


*  Omis  U'114  (lie  naino  tlip  Iiuiiiiiis  gave  Wiiliaiu  Pniii,  iiiiil  llicy  coutlauc  tlic  same  uaniQ 
III  all  the  ffiurrinHS  nC  Pcnii'^vlvnnin. 
)  .\  tiiK'  |iu'Uirc  ri'|)iosi.ii!iii|;  I'muf  treaty  with  tlic  Indians. 


106 


RED-JACKET.— DOJILNIE-PETEIl. 


[Book  V. 


tion,  brought  fresh  to  our  minds  tlie  friendly  conferences  tlmt  used  to  be  hekl 
between  tlie  former  governors  of  Pennsylvrmia  nnd  our  tribes,  and  showed 
the  love  which  your  forefathers  had  of  pence,  and  the  friendly  disposition  of 
our  people.  It  is  still  <  ur  wish,  as  well  as  yours,  to  preserve  peace  between 
our  tribes  and  you,  and  it  woidd  be  well  if  the  same  spirit  existed  among  the 
Indians  to  the  westward,  and  through  every  part  of  the  United  States.  You 
pai-ticulai-ly  expressed  that  you  were  well  jJleased  to  find  that  we  differed  in 
disposition  from  the  Indians  westward.  Yoiu-  disposition  is  that  for  which 
the  ancient  Onas  Governors  were  remarkable.  As  you  love  i)eace,  so  do  we 
also;  and  we  wish  it  could  be  extfiided  to  the  most  distant  part  of  this  great 
country.  We  agreed  in  council,  this  morning,  that  the  sentiments  I  liavo 
expressed  should  be  comnuuiicated  to  yon,  Ijcfore  the  delogates  of  the  Five 
Nations,  and  to  tefl  you  that  your  cordial  welcome  to  this  city,  and  the  good 
sentiments  contained  in  your  address,  have  made  a  deep  impression  on  our 
hearts,  have  given  us  great  joy,  and  from  the  heart  I  tell  you  so.  This  is  all  I 
have  to  say." 

When  Red-jacket  had  finished,  another  cliicjf,  called  Jigwdondonf^tvas,  (and 
sometimes  Good-peter,'*)  addressed  tiic  assembly.  His  speech  is  much  in  the 
style  of  Red-jackeCs,  and  was  chiefly  a  repetition,  in  other  words,  of  it.  It 
was  short,  and  contained  this  passage :  "  What  is  there  more  desirable  than 
that  we,  who  live  within  hearing  ol"  each  other,  should  unite  for  the  common 
good.'  This  is  my  wish.  It  is  the  wish  of  my  nation,  although  I  am  .-;'>)Ty  I 
can't  say  so  of  every  individual  in  it ;  for  there  are  diflerences  of  opinions 
among  us,  as  well  as  iuuong  our  wliiio  brethren." 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  Dominie  Pder,  we  will  so  far  digress  as 
to  relate  what  follows  concerning  iiim.  He  was  one  of  those  who  took  part 
against  the  Americans  in  the  revolutionary  war,  and  when  hostilities  com- 
menced, he  retired  and  joined  the  remote  tribes  towards  Cannda.  Colonel 
John  Harper  (one  of  the  family  from  whom  llari)eri-field.  New  York,  takes 
its  name)  was  stationed  at  the  fort  at  Schorrie,  in  the  state  of  New  York. 
Early  in  the  spring  of  1777,  in  the  season  of  making  majili!  sugar,  when  all 
^^"re  upon  the  look-out  to  avoid  surprise  by  the  Indians,  Cohnu-l  Harper  left 
the  gaivison  and  i)roceeded  thniugh  tlie  Avoods  to  llarpi'rsfield ;  tlunice  by 
an  Indifiii  path  to  Clierry-valle\ .  In  his  way,  as  he  was  turning  the  jioint  of 
a  hill,  he  saw  a  company  oi'  Indians,  who,  at  the  same  time,  saw  him.  Ho 
dared  not  attempt  flight,  as  he  coidd  expect  no  other  than  to  Im;  shot  down  in 
Buch  attem])t.  He,  therefore,  dctermuied  to  a<lvance  and  mi.'ct  them  without 
discovering  fear.  Concealing  his  regimentals  as  well  as  h(\  could  with  his 
great  coat,  he  hastened  onward  to  meet  them.  IJel'ore  they  met  him,  he  dis- 
covered that  Pelir  was  dirir  chiei;  \\  ith  uli<mi  he  had  f<)rmerly  traded  much 
at  Oipiago,  hut  who  did  not  know  him.  Harper  was  the  first  to  sjteak,  as  they 
met,  and  his  words  were,  "How  do  i/on  do,  brothers'}"  The  chief  answered, 
"  Well. — How  do  you  do,  brother!  lihich  ivajf  are  you  hound']  "  The  colonel 
replied,  "  0;i  a  secret  expedition,  ^hid  which  win/ arc  you  liound,  brothers']" 
They  answered  without  he'silatiou  or  distrust,  thinking,  no  doubt,  they  luid 
fiilli'U  in  with  one  of  the  king's  men,  '■•Down  the  Sus<piehannnh,  to  cut  off'  the 
Johnstone  stttlenK'nt,"  This  place,  since  called  Sidney  Plains,  <'onsisted  of  a 
lew  Scotch  families,  and  tlieir  muiister's  name  was  Johnstone;  henci^  the 
name  of  the  sett  lenient.  The  coh)nel  next  asked  them  where  they  lodged 
that  night,  and  they  told  him,  "  At  the  month  of  Scheiieva's  Creek."  Alter 
shaking  hands,  tin  y  separated.  As  soon  ;is  they  were  out  of  sight,  Harper 
made  a  circuit  through  the  woods  with  all  speed,  and  soon  nrrived  at  the 
head  of  Charlotte  Hiver,  where  were  several  men  making  sugar.  This  placo 
\vas  about  ten  miles  iVom  Decatur  Will,  where  he  met  tlu^  Indians.  Ho 
ordered  iIii-mi  to  take  each  a  rojie  imd  provisions  in  their  packs,  and  assem- 
ble at  Iran's  Place,  where  hi'  wouM  soon  meet  them:  theiu-e  he  retunuul 
to  lltu-|ierslield.  and  enllected  the  men  there,  which,  iiicludiiig  the  others  and 
himHeif,  mmie  l.'t,  pint  e(pi(i(  to  /V/fr's  tl>rce.  When  they  arrived  at  Evan's 
l*We,  upon  the  Charlofle,  Ifarpcr  niiide  known  his  project.  They  si't  oflj 
and  bej<)re  day  the  iiivvt  moniing,  cmne  into  the  neighborhood  of  the   In- 


C(l 


CO 

tii 
nq 

oil 


And  iiUoH  I)oii>iiK-)'Htr,    i  (.'oil.  .N.  Y,  Hist.  Sol-.  IV 


be  lielcl 
showed 
iition  of 
yetwcen 
otig  the 
<•  Yoii 
fired  in 

wJiich 
>  do  we 
if^  ^reat 
1  Jiavo 
ie  Five 

good 
on  our 

all  I 


Chap.  VI.] 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


107 


dians'  camp.  From  a  small  eminence,  just  at  dawn  of  day,  their  fire  was 
seen  burning,  and  Peter,  amidst  his  warriors,  lying  upon  the  ground.  All 
were  fast  asleep.  Harper  and  liis  companions  each  crept  silently  up,  with 
their  ropes  in  their  hands,  man  to  man  ;  and  each,  standing  in  a  position  to 
grasp  his  adversary,  waited  for  the  word  to  be  given  by  t',.eir  leader.  The 
colonel  jogged  his' Indian,  and,  as  he  was  waking,  said  to  him,  "  Come,  it  is 
tirm for  men  of  husiness  to  he  on  their  tvay,^  li.'s  was  the  watchword;  and 
no  sooner  was  it  {jronoiniced,  than  eacii  Indian  Ult  the  warm  grasp  of  his 
foe.  The  struggle  was  de.sperate,  though  short,  and  resulted  in  the  capture 
of  every  one  oi"  the  party.  When  it  was  sufficiently  light  to  distinguish 
countenances,  Peter,  observing  Colonel  Harper,  said,  "  Ha !  Colonel  Harper  ! 
.M'ow  I  know  you !  Why  did  I  not  know  youyesterday  ?"  The  colonel  observed, 
" Some  policy  in  war,  Peter."  To  which  Peter  replied,  "M!  me  find  em 
so  now.  These  captives  were  marched  to  Albany,  and  delivered  up  to 
the  roinmanding  officer.  I5y  thi.s  capital  exploit  no  doubt  many  lives  were 
saved.** 

As  has  been  noted.  Red-jacket  died  at  his  residence  near  Bnffido,  on  the 
f20th  of  Januai-y,  1830,  aged  about  80  years.  In  1833,  a  grandson  of  his  was 
chosen  chief  of  the  Senecas. 

The  famous  Seneca  chief,  called  the  FARMERS-BROJIIER,  is  often  men- 
tioned in  the  accounts  of  Red-jacket.    His  native  name  was  Ho  na-yd-wua. 

In  179"<J,  Farmers-brother  was  in  Philadelphiii,  and  was  aicong  those 
who  attended  the  burial  of  Mr.  Peter  Jaquelle,  and  is  thus  noticed  in  the 
Penn.syivania  Gazette  of  28  March,  of  that  year:  "  On  Monday  la.st,  the 
chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  assembled  at  the  state-house,  and 
were  welcomed  to  the  city  of  Philadelj)hia  in  an  address  delivered  by  the 
governor.  Three  of  the  chiefs  made  a  general  acknowledgment  for  the  cor- 
dial recej)tion  v-iiich  they  had  experienced,  but  postponed  their  ibrmal  answer 
until  another  opi)ortunity.  The  mom  in  \'bi(;h  tlii'y  assembled  was  mentioned 
as  the  ancient  council-chamber,  in  whicli  their  ancestors  and  ours  bad  often 
met  to  brighten  the  cliain  of  friendship ;  and  this  circumstance,  together  with 
the  presence  of  a  great  part  ol"  the  beauty  of  the  city,  had  an  evident  effijct 
upon  the  feelings  of  tiie  Indians,  and  seemed  particularly  to  einbaiTass  the 
elocution  of  the  Fawxers-hrother.^''  This  last  clause  does  not  correspond  with 
our  ideas  of  the  great  chief 

Through  his  whole  life,  Farmcm-brnther  seems  to  have  Iwen  a  peacemaker. 
In  the  spriig  of  the  ne.vt  year,  fh<'ie  was  a  f;reat  council  held  at  Niagara, 
consistuig  nt  the  chiefs  of  a  great  many  nations,  dwplliii>^  upon  the  shores 
of  the  we.st(rn  lakes.  At  this  time,  many  long  and  lalforious  Kpeecltes  were 
made,  some  t<)r  aiul  othi^s  against  tlie  con<luct  of  the  United  Slater.  Farm- 
rrs-hrothcr  slione  coir  in  nous  at  this  lime.  His  spet!ci»  was  nearl)  three 
hours  long,  aiul  tiio  iinal  determination  of  tiii;  council  was  peace.  We 
kiiow  of  no  speeches  being  prt'scrved  at  this  time,  but  if  there  could  Iiave 
been,  doulrtless  nnich  \ynv,  iiistoiy  might  have;  been  collectei!  from  them. 
He  seems  not  oidy  to  liavti  been  esleomed  by  the  Americans,  but  also  by  the 
Engli.sli.f 

Of  Peter  JaqiuUe,  vvhoiii  we  have  Ee>-  -rnl  times  incidentally  mentioned, 
we  will  giv(!  some;  acccunt  J)efore  pr<:>  iciling  with  Honayawm.  He  wa.s 
one  of  the  priiu-ipal  sacbeuis  of  the  « >iieidiis.  This  chief  died  in  I'lsila- 
delphia,  II)  March,  17!»'2.  He  had  Im  en  taken  to  France  by  General  Lafay- 
ette, ot  the  close  i>f  the  revofntiimary  war,  where  he  received  an  education 
Mr.  Jaquette,  having  died  on  Monday,  was  inter''"d  on  the  following  Wednes- 
day. "His  funeral  was  attended  iivim  Oiler's  hotel  to  the  Presbyterian 
btirying-ground  in  Mulberry-street.  Tne  corpse  was  preceded  by  a  detacli- 
incnt  of  the  light  inliuitry  of  the  citj,  with  arms  reversed,  drums  muffled, 
music  playing  a  solenm   dirge.    Tlie   corpse  was  followed  by  six  of  the 


•  Annalii  of  Tryon  '  n,  8vo.  N.  York,  18. 

t  '■  l.r  villngr  iff  niilTiilo  cii  lml)it('  par  Ics  Ht^iief  as. 


l.r  rlief  <ie  rellp  nation  c.^t  Brothers- 


furmtr,  eslunc  pnr  li>  itrs  le»  tribus  ruiiiinu  urniul  jfUorri»r  i    Kniml  politique,  et  tori  cnre«»* 

A  cr'  tiirr  pnr  !<■<  awiis  iiii((liiis  ct  los  iif;eiis  AMU'rifiiins.     lii'iri  ocst  !<■  rlicC  lie'   do  Ih  nation 
Seneca."     KochiJoiiiiiutJ,  Voijaj^,'  ilaim  I'Aiiuriquf  eii  171- J,  0,  and  ~,  1-  i.  -1*1). 


II 

I'  ! 


108       FARMERS-BROTHER^HIS  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MOUNDS.     [Book  V- 

chiefs   as   mourners,  succeeded   by  all  tlie  warriors ;  the  reverend  clergy , 
of  all  denoininutions ;  secretary  of  war,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  war  de- 
partment ;  officers  of  thiu  federal  army,  and  of  the  militia ;  and  a  number  of 
citizens."  * 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  speeches  of  Fannirs-brolher  was  delivered 
in  a  council  at  Genesee  River,  in  1798,  and  after  being  interpreted,  was 
signed  by  the  chiefs  present,  and  sent  to  the  legislature  of  Ne^v  York.  ,  It 
follows : — 

"  Brothers,  as  you  are  once  Tiiore  assembled  in  council  fir  the  purpose  of 
doing  honor  to  yourselves  and  justice  to  your  country,  we,  your  brothers, " 
the  sachems,  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Seneca  nation,  request  you  to  open 
your  ears  and  give  a  lentiftn  to  our  voice  and  wishes. — You  will  recollect  the 
late  contest  between  you  and  j'our  father,  the  great  king  of  England.  This 
contest  threw  the  inhabitants  of  thid  wiiole  island  into  a  great  tumult  and 
commotion,  like  a  raging  whirlwind  whicii  tears  up  the  trees,  and  tosses  to 
and  fro  the  leaves,  so  that  tlo  one  knows  from  whence  they  come,  or  where 
thsy  will  full. — This  whirlwind  was  so  directed  by  the  Great  S|)irit  above,  as 
to  throwinloourarms  twoof  your  infant  children,  Jcw/iej' ParraA and  Horatio 
Jonte:<  We  adopted  them  into  our  families,  and  made  them  our  Cdildren. 
We.  loved  them  and  "louri.shed  them.  They  lived  with  us  many  years.  At' 
Itns^ih  the  Great  SpirL  spoke  to  the  whirlwind,  and  it  was  still.  A  clear  and  >m- 
iui«  rrnptsd  sky  aj»peared.  The  i)ath  of  peace  was  opened,  and  the  chain  of  ' 
fiientlti'ip  was  once  more  made  bright.  Ththi  these  our  adoptCvl  children 
Icfl  UR,  io  seek  their  relations ;  we  wished  them  to  remain  among  us,  and 
pr  >jTi  on,  if  they  would  return  and  live  in  our  country,  to  give  each  of  them 
a  ,-en?  o)  !>ind  '"••  them  and  their  children  to  sit  don  'i  iipOn. — They  have  re- 
tiir"-'ff  uiul  ii' ve,  tor  several  years  past,  beiui  R;ivi';eable  to  us  as  interpret- 
ers. Wo  .still  feel  our  hearts  beat  with  affection  /or  them,  and  now  wish  to 
fulfil  the  promise  we  made  them,  and  reward  fiiem  for  tlieir  services.  We 
have,  therefore,  made  uj)  om*  minds  to  give  thum  a  seat  of  two  square  miles 
of  land,  lying  on  the  outlets  of  Lake  J'^ric,  aljour  three  miles  below  Black- 
rock,  beguining  at  the  montli  of  a  crook  known  hy  the  name  of  Scoygitquoy- 
descreek,  running  one  mih;  from  the  l?i\er  Niagara  up  said  creek,  thence 
northerly  as  the  river  rims  two  miles,  thence  westerly  one  mile  to  the  fiver, 
thence  up  the  river  as  the  i  iver  runs,  two  mile.'*,  to  the  place  of  beginning,  so 
as  to  contain  two  square  miles. — We  have  now  made  known  to  you  our 
minds.  We  e-vjiect  and  earnestly  recpict  that  yon  will  permit  our  friends 
to  receive  this  our  gift,  inul  will  make  the  same  good  to  them,  according  to 
the  laws  and  customs  of  your  nation. — Why  should  you  hesitate  to  make  our 
minds  easy  with  regard  fo  f'As  our  request  ?  To  you  it  is  but  a  little  thing ; 
and  have  you  not  conqilii'i'  uith  tiie  request  and  confivmed  the  gifts  of  our 
brothers  the  Uneidas,  the  Unondagas  and  Cayugas  to  tho'r  interpreters? 
And  shall  we  ask  ar.u  jiot  be  heard?  We  send  you  tins  our  speech,  to 
which  we  expect  vouf  answer  before  the  breaking  up  our  great  council  " 
fife." 

A  gentleman  t  -vho  visited  Buffalo  in  1810,  observes  that  Farmtrs-hrolher 
was  never  knc*  n  to  drink  ardi'ut  sjitits,  tu  d  altiiough  then  !)4  years  old,  ~ 
Walked  perllftly  iq)right,  and  was   ^■e■^l!u•kubiy  straigh'  mul  well  formed; 
very  grave,  and  answered  his  intjuirics  with  great  i)recixion,  but  though  hiei 
interpreter.  Air. /*a»rw/i,  before  name  I.     His  account  of  v)-.'   iiiounds  in  that' 
region  will  not  give  satisfaction.    He  t<  1,1  Dr.  Kins;  that  they  W(!rc  thrown  • 
up  against  the  incursions  of  the  French,  and  that  the  implements  found  in' 
them  were  taken  from  tiiem  ;  a  great  army  of  French  having  been  overthrmvn 
and  mostly   cut  off,  tlu!   Indians  beoaiue  possessed  of  tla^ir  acoutrcments, 
which,  bemg  of  no  use  to  them,  were  buried  with  their  owners. 

He  was  a  great  warrior,  and  although  "eighty  snows  in  years"  when  tho 
war  of  ISIS  bcg.in,  yet  ho  engaged  in  it,  imd  fought  with  the  Americans. 

*  Pennsylvania  Gnzclte. 

t  Takoii  prisoners  al  the  dcatruction  of  Wyoming  by  the  torics  and  Indian!)  under  Butler 
Rr. '  llrant. 

l>r.  William  King,  llio  celebrated  electrician,  'vho  gives  (lie  author  (his  information 
verbally. 


\ 


I 


1/ 1 


Chaf.  VI.]  FARMERS-BROTHER.— SURPRISE  AT  DEVIL'S  HOLE. 


109 


I 


He  (lid  not  live  till  its  close,  but  died  at  the  Scueca  village,  just  after  the 
battle  of  Bridgewater,  and  was  interred  witli  nulitaiy  honors  l>v  tlie  fillh 
regiment  of  United  States  infantry.  He  usually  wore  a  an  dal  presented 
him  by  Gtuieral  }Vashins;ton.  In  the  revolution,  he  llniglit  successfully 
against  the  Americans.  I'erlmps  there  never  flowed  from  the  lii)s  of  man 
a  more  sublime  metaphor  than  that  made  use  of  by  this  chief,  in  the 
speech  given  above,  when  alluding  to  the  revolutionary  contest.  It  is 
worth  repeating :  "  The  Great  Sjyirit  spoke  to  the  whirlmnd,  and  il  tvas 
slili:' 

This  celebrated  chief  was  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  French,  in  the  old 
French  wur,  as  it  is  termed,  and  he  once  pointed  out  the  spot  to  a  traveller, 
where,  at  t.\\e  head  of  a  band  of  his  warriors,  he  ambushed  a  guard  that  ac- 
companied the  English  teams,  em|)loyed  between  the  Falls  of  Niagara  and 
Fort  Niagara,  which  had  then  receiuly  surrendered  to  the  English  under 
Sir  William  Johnson.  The  place  of  the  ambush  is  now  called  the  Devil's 
Hole,  and  is  a  very  noted  place  to  inquisitive  visitors  of  that  romantic  region, 
as  it  is  but  three  and  a  half  miles  bi:low  the  great  Falls,  and  upon  the  Ameri- 
can shore.  It  is  said  of  this  place,  tiiat  "  the  mind  can  scarcely  conceive  of 
a  more  dismal  looking  den.  A  large  ravine,  made  by  the  falling  i.^  of  the 
perpendicular  banii,  (larkiMied  by  the  spreading  branches  of  the  birch  and 
cedar,  which  had  taken  root  brlow,  and  the  low  murmuring  of  the  rapids  in 
the  chasm,  added  to  the  soknun  thunder  of  the  cataract  itself,  contribute  to 
render  the  scene  truly  awful.  The  Engli.<h  party  were  not  aware  of  the  dread- 
ful fate  that  awaited  them.  Unconscious  of  danger,  the  drivers  were  gayly 
whistling  to  their  dull  ox-teams.  Fnnncrs-brother  aiul  his  baiul,  on  their 
arrival  at  this  spot,  rusherl  from  the  thickt^t  which  had  conc(;;i!cd  them,  aiul 
commenced  a  horrid  butcliery."  So  une.\|a'ct('(l  wasth(!  attack  that  all  pres- 
ence of  mind  forsook  the  English,  and  they  made  little  or  no  resistance.  The 
guard,  the  teamsters,  the  oxen  autl  the  wagons  were  precipitated  down  into 
the  gidf.  tint  two  of  tlu;  men  escajjcd :  a  Mr.  Sfedman,  who  lived  at  Sclos- 
ser,  above  the  fidls,  who,  being  mounted  on  a  fleet  horse,  etfected  his  c'scape  ; 
."Uid  one  of  the  soldiers,  who  was  caught  on  the  projecting  root  of  a  cedar, 
which  sustained  him  until  the  Indians  had  lelt  the  ])laee.  He  soon  after  got 
to  Fort  Niagara,  and  there  gave  an  account  of  what  had  hnppened.  The 
small  rivulet  that  runs  iiuo  the  Niagara  through  the  Devil's  Hole,  was,  it  is 
said,  colored  with  the  blood  of  the  sluin  on  that  unfortunate  day,  and  it  now 
bears  the  name  of  Hloody-Run. 

Farmcrs-hrothf.r  tbnght  against  the  Americans  in  the  Revolution,  and  was 
no  iiu'onsiderable  foe;  but  his  acts  were  probably  mostly  in  coiuicil,  as  we 
hear  of  no  important  achievements  by  him  in  the  tield. 

The  (iillowing  rcmarkalile  incident  should  not  be  omitted  in  the  life  of 
this  chief.  In  the  war  of  IHl'i,  a  fugitive  Mohawk  from  the  enemy  had  en- 
deavored to  ]):iss  for  a  Seneca,  aiul  accordingly  came  among  those;  under 
Hal-jfirJivt  and  Farmers-brother.  The  latter  di.scoven^d  him,  and  immediately 
ajjpeared  in  his  presence,  and  thus  accosted  him.  "/  kiwiv  you  well.  You 
bdon<r  to  the  Mohawks.  You  are  a  spy.  Here  is  my  rijle — my  tomahawk — my 
scaljnnii'-knifr.  Say,  which  I  shall  use.  I  am  in  /uw/f."  The  yoimg  Mo- 
hawk knew  there  was  no  reprieve,  nor  time  to  deliberate.  He  chose  the 
rifle.  Tiie  old  rhief  ordered  him  to  lie  down  ui)on  the  grass,  and  with  one  foot 
upon  his  breast,  he  ('ischtu'ged  his  rifle  inio  his  head.* 

The  following  letter  will,  besides  exhibiting  the  condition  of  the  Senecas, 
develop  some  other  interettting  facts  in  their  biographical  history. 

"To  the  Honorable  IVilliam  Eiwfis,  secretary  at  war. 

"The  .sachenm  and  chief  warriors  of  the  Seneca  nation  of  Indinns,  under- 
n!ondiug  you  are  the  person  a]i|>oiiU(!d  by  the  great  coimcil  of  your  natiiui  to 
manage  and  condiut  the  afliiirs  of  the  several  nations  of  Indians  with  whom 
you  ar<;  at  peace  and  on  terms  of  friendship,  come,  at  this  time,  as 
children  to  u  father,  to  lay  before  you  the  trouble  which  we  have  on  our 
minds. 


10 


*  Biwkingliam's  Miscelt'Vtks,  i,  33,  3-1. 


110 


FARMERS-BUOTHER. 


I 


[Book  V 


"Brotlier,  we  do  not  tliiiik  it  best  to  imiltiiily  words:  we  will,  tlierefore, 
tell  you  what  our  coriijjlaiiit  is. — Brotliur,  listoii  to  wliat  wo  «iy :  Some  years 
since,  we  held  a  treaty  at  IJij^tree,  near  tlio  Genesee  River,  Tlii.s  treaty  was 
ealledby  our  great  llitlier,  the  president  of  the  United-  States,  lie  sunt  an 
agent,  Col.  IVadsworth,  to  attend  tiiis  treaty,  ibr  the  purpose  of  advising  us  in 
the  business,  and  seeing  that  we  had  justice  doi;e  us.  At  this  treaty,  we  sold 
to  Robert  Morris  the  greatest  j)art  of  oiu'  country;  the  sum  he  gave  us  was 
100,000  dollars.  The  coinuiis.sioncrs  who  were  appointed  on  your  j)art, 
advised  us  to  place  this  money  in  the  hands  ofotu"  great  fiither,  tiie  jjresident 
of  the  United  States,  lie  told  us  our  fiither  loved  his  red  children,  and 
would  take  care  of  oin*  money,  and  j)lant  it  in  a  field  where  it  would  hi.-ar 
.seed  Ibrever,  as  long  as  trees  grow,  or  waters  run.  Our  nion<!y  has  hereto- 
fore been  of  great  .service  to  us  ;  it  lias  heljted  us  to  .support  our  old  people, 
and  our  women  and  cliiiihrn;  but  we  are  told  the  field  where  our  money  was 
f)lanted  is  become  barren. — IJrothcr,  we  do  not  understand  your  way  of  doing 
business.  This  thing  is  very  heavy  on  our  minds.  We  mean  to  hold  our 
whiti!  brethren  of  the  United  States  by  the  hand  ;  but  this  weight  lies  iii;avy  ; 
we  hope  you  will  removi;  it. — VV^e  liavc  heard  of  the  bad  conduct  of  our 
brothers  towanls  the  s(;tling  sun.  ^\''e  are  sorry  for  what  they  have  done; 
but  you  UHist  not  blame  us ;  we  have  hail  no  hand  in  this  bad  busiui'ss. 
They  liave  had  bad  people  among  them.  It  is  yoin-  enetnies  have  done  this. 
— Wo  have  jjersuaded  our  agent  to  taUe  this  talk  to  your  great  council.  He 
knows  our  situations,  and  will  spi.'ak  our  minds. 

[Subscribed  with  the  marks  of] 

WlIEKLBAUROW, 

Jack-berry, 

TwKM'Y  Canoks,  [Cachaunwasse,] 

Big-kettle,  [Sessewa ;'] 

Half-tow.v,  [Achiout,] 

Kevanueande, 

Captain-cold, 

Esq.  Blinknev, 

(;'ai't.  Johmso.n,  [Talwinaha.] 


Farmer's  Brother,  [Ilonayawus,] 
Little  Billy,  [GishkaJca,] 
YoL'NG  Kino,  [Koi)inu;iiu(iutaIi,] 
Pollard,  [Kaoutulpoivaml,] 
Chief- WARRIOR,  [Lumichshewa,] 
Two-Gu.vs, 
.ToH\  Sky, 

Parrot-nose,  [Soocoown,] 
John  Pierce,  [Teskaiij,] 


Strong,  [Kahalsta,] 

"N.  B.  The  fori!going  speech  was  delivered  in  coimcil  by  Faniws-Brothcry 
at  Buffalo  Creek,  l"j  Dec.  IHJl,  and  subscribed  to  in  my  presence  by  the 
ciiiels  whose  names  are  ai.'iiexed. 

Erastus  Granger." 


Ill  a  prece- 


Eight  thousand  dollars*  was  appropriated  immediately  upon  receipt  of  tin 
above. 

Littk-hillj/,  or  GIshknfca,  i.s  the  same  of  whom  we  have  spokei 
ding  chapter,  and  called  by  Washhiislon,  Juskitknhn. 

Younir-kiiiif,  thi;  third  signcjr  of  the  above  talk,  was  engaged  in  fighting 
for  the  Americans  in  tlni  last  war  with  I'^ngland,  and  by  an  act  of  congress 
was  to  be  paid  yearly,  UMpiarterly  payments, 'JOO  dollars,  during  lifi;.  The 
act  states  tiiat  it  was  ''a  compensation  lor  the  brave  and  meritorious  servicer 
which  he  rt>ndered"in  that  war,  "  aud  as  a  jirovision  lor  tlie  wound  and 
disability  which  hv  received  in  the  perlbrmance  of  those  services,"  This 
was  in  the  spring  of  181G. 

Of  Pollard,  or  Cupt^iin  Pollard,  we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  say 
more. 

Jnck-berrif  was  sometimes  inter|>r(;ter  for  Red-Jrtcket. 

H(df-tou'n  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  affiiirs  of  the  Senecas,  but  as  he 
is  generally  mentioned,  in  our  ilocmnents,  in  connection  with  Corn-plant,  or 
Corn-planter,  and  li\s;-trte,  u(\  had  designed  to  speak  of  the  three  collectively. 

We  find  among  tlie  acts  of  the  Permsylvania  legislature  of  17!)1,  one  "  for 

*  '•■  In  lieu  of  tlie  dividemt  mi  ilie  bank  shares,  held  by  the  president  of  tlie  U.  States,  la 
inist  for  the  Sfiieramilion,  in  llic  b.iiik  of  tlif  l^  .States." 
t  Or  Khiiulii^i'ivti,  Kiii/i'iiJhii'zltii',  &i\ 
}  flt'HTOM  4  .Mfmoir,  before  the  N.  \'.  Hist.  Soc.  page  20.    Also  Amcr.  MagaziDe. 


Chap.  VI.] 


HALF-TOWN— CORN-PLANT— EIG-TREE. 


Ill 


giwiting  800  dollar.s  to  Cum-plnnlei;  JIalf-lown  ami  Bisr-tree,  Soneca  cliiols, 
in  trust  I'or  tlio  Suiiceu  luition."  At  this  time  luucli  was  apprcheruhjd  f'roui 
an  Indian  war.  Settlers  were  intruding,'  tlicniselvcs  upon  t.'ieir  country,  and 
all  experience  lias  .shown  tliat  whenever  the  whites  have  gone  among  them, 
trouljles  were  sure  to  follow.  Every  movement  of  the  IndJane  was  looked 
upon  with  jealou,sy  by  tlicin  at  tliis  period.  Half-town  was  the  "white 
man's  friend,"  and  conununieated  to  the  garrisons  in  his  country  cvei-y  sus- 
picious movement  of  trihtis  of  wiiom  doubts  were  cnt(!rtained.  Jt  is  evident 
that  liostile  bands,  for  a  long  time,  hovered  about  the  ])ost  at  Venango,  and, 
but  for  the  vigilance  of  Half-ton;:,  and  other  frienilly  chiefs,  it  would  liave 
been  cut  off  In  April  this  year,  (17i>l,)  Corn-plant  and  Half-loion  had  U[>- 
wardsof  100  warriors  in  and  about  the  garrison,  and  kept  ruiuicrs  out  con- 
tinually, "  being  determined  to  protect  it  at  all  events."  Their  spies  made 
frccpient  discoveries  of  Wiu-  parlies.  On  the  12  August,  1791,  Half-town  and 
JVew-arrow  gave  inibrmation  at  Fort  Franklin,  that  a  siooj)  full  of  Indians 
had  been  seen  on  Lake  Erie,  sailing  lor  Presque  Isle ;  and  their  object  was 
8Ui)i)osed  to  he  Fort  Fraidvlin  ;  but  the  conjecture  j)roved  groundless. 

The  Indian  name  of  Half-lown  was  Jlchiuut,  We  hear  of  him  at  Fort 
Ilarnier,  in  1789,  where,  with  2^3  othei-s,  he  executed  a  treaty  with  the  United 
States.  The  connnissioners  on  the  part  of  the  latter  were  General  Arthur 
St.  Clair,  Oliver  ffolcuf,  Jiichard  Jiutler  and  Arthur  Lee.  Among  the  signers 
on  the  part  of  the  SeuQcas  were  als(j  Big-tree,  or  Kiandogcwa,  Corn-plankr, 
or  Gjjnrdwaia,  besides  several  others  \vhose  names  are  familiar  in  histoiy. 
Big-I.rui  was  oi'ten  called  Crcal-trcc,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  Five 
Nations,  was  Xihoronlagowa,*  which  also  was  the  name  of  the  Oneida 
nation,  t  Big-tree  was  with  General  Washington  during  the  ;;;unmer  of 
1778,  but  returned  to  the  Indian  nations  in  tlie  autumn.  He  proceeded  to 
tlie  S(>neciis,  and  used  his  elotpicnce  to  dissuade  them  from  fighting  un''.or 
iim)!<  against  the  Americans.  The  Oneidas  were  friendly  at  this  time,  nd 
Big-tree  was  receivt'd  among  them  with  hospitality,  in  his  way,  upon  this 
mission.  Having  .staid  longer  than  W'as  exj)ectcd  among  the  Senecas.  the 
Oneiihis  s(.'nt  a  messenger  to  him  to  know  the  reason.  He  returned  answer 
that  when  he  nrrive<l  among  his  nation,  he  Ibund  them  all  in  arms,  and  their 
villages,  Kanadjiseago  and  .fennessec,  crowded  Avith  warriors  from  remote 
tribes;  that  they  at  lirst  seemed  inclined  to  hearken  to  his  wishes,  but  soon 
Jearning  by  a  spy  that  the  Americans  were  about  to  invade  their  country,  all 
flew  to  arms,  <uid  Big-tree  put  himself  at  their  head,  ^^  determined  to  chastise,'^ 
he  said,  '■//(('  tiiemi/  that  dared  presume  to  think  of  penetrating  their  countrij." 
lint  we  do  not  learn  that  he  was  obliged  to  maintain  that  liostile  attitude, 
and  doubtless  returntul  sr)on  after. 

Coii.v-i'LANTKR  was  a  warrior  at  Braddock\i  defeat,  but  whether  a  chief  I  do 
not  learn;  we  will,  lio\v(>ver,  according  to  our  design,  give  an  ac(;ouiit  of 
that  signal  disaster,  in  tiiis  coiin<;ction.  The  French  having  established 
themselves  U])on  the  Ohio,  within  the  territory  cliiinied  by  the  English,  mid 
built  a  foit  i:pou  it,  as  low  down  as  ihe  contluence  of  that  river  with  th(!  j\Io- 
nongahela,  llie  latter  were  detcnniiied  to  (lis|)()ss('ss  them.  TJiis  was  inider- 
takcii  by  a  force  of  iibout  tl'HK)  nun  under  the  command  of  Gencnil  Edward 
Braddoek.  With  about  V-M)  of  thest-  he'  proceeded  on  tin;  expedition,  leaving 
tiu!  H'st  to  follow  under  ('oloiiel  Duuliar.l  Througli  nearly  tlu;  whole 
conrst;  of  his  march.  In-  was  watclicd  by  spies  irom  Fort  i)u(|uesne,  (the  name 
of  the  l''rencli  liirl  on  the  Ohio,)  and  the  earlii'st  intelligence  of  his  move- 
ments was  carried  there  by  Indian  runners  with  the  uiniost  despatch.  M'lien 
it  was  told  among  the  Indians  that  the  army  was  inarching  upon  them  in 
solid  cohimiis,  lliey  laughed  wiili  surprise,  and  said,  one  to  another,  " /rc'W 
shoot  \ in  diiuui,  idl  onc/ngvun!"^  and  it  will  always  be  acknowledged  that, 
in  this,  the  Indians  were  not  mistaken. 

The  French,  it  sei.'ins,  formed  hut  a  small  part  of  the  force  that  defeated 


*  Or  Kiivirl')t>rirn,  Kivinithn2:hke,  !cc. 

t  Iti'iisdii's  AteiiKiir.  iK'iiirc  ilie  N,  Y.  IIi--l.  .Snc.  p.iifi'  ^0. 

t  Ai'ogiil  i)t'  the  Ohio  Di'li'al,  \i.  l,  1".   Ji'.vslon,  I7;w. 
^    Wi/lit'rs'n  Vliruiiirli-f,  .j;i,  hi 


Also  Amer.  Mnp^azine. 


11$ 


COUN-rLANTER.— BIIADDOCKS  DKFKAT. 


[Book  V. 


'I 


It 


BraJdock\i  army;  tlio  Iiuliniifl  pliiiiiuMl  and  cxcciitod  tlio  operntions  cliiofly 
tliemscIvi'H,  and  tlioir  wliolo  force  is  said  not  to  Imvt;  t-xcwHlcd  400  men;  hut 
li-om  till"  afconnts  of  tlio  Frontli  tlHsnisclvoH,  it  is  evident  tlioie  were 
about  (iOO  ln<li!UiH,  and  not  far  from  ^50  Froncli,*  wlio  murclied  out  to  inee? 
Braddock. 

Karly  in  tlit;  morning  of  tlin  9  July,  1755,  tlio  English  army  arrived  at  a 
fording-uhu-e  on  tiu!  iMonongaliela,  at  tiu!  junction  of  the  Youghiogany,  which 
it  jiasrsed  in  fine  order,  and  pursued  its  niarcii  upon  tlu!  soutiiern  margin  of 
tlio  river,  to  avoid  the  igli  and  rugfit-d  ground  on  the  north,  which  they 
woidd  liavo  had  to  encounler  upon  the  other  side  of  it.  Washinglon  often  saiil 
afterwards,  "that  the  most  heuiitifid  spectacle  which  he  had  ever  hcheld  was 
the  display  of  tiie  Uritish  troops  on  this  eventful  morning."  They  were  in 
full  uniform,  and  marched  in  the  most  ])erf(!ct  order,  and  dniamed  of  nothing 
but  an  eiusy  conquest.  Ahmit  noon  tliey  arrived  at  their  second  crossing 
place,  which  was  distant  only  10  miles  from  Fort  Duqiuisne.  It  was  heixj 
that  the  Indians  and  French  had  intended  to  commence  their  attack ;  hut 
owing  to  some  delay,  they  did  not  arrive  in  season,  and  therefori!  took  u  posi- 
tion further  in  advance,  and  awaited  the  apj)roachof  the  English. 

The  French  were  commanded  by  ]\1.  de  Beaujeu,  who  had  for  his  lieuten- 
ant, M.  Dumas.  The  place  chosen  for  (he  ambush  was  the  best  j)ossil)lc,  and 
tlic  Indians  never  showed  greater  courage  and  fn-mness.  It  is  .said  by  the 
French,  that  they  were  for  some,  tinii!  opposed  to  going  out  to  fight  the 
English,  but  that  after  sev<!ral  solicitations  from  M.  Beaujeu,  they  consented; 
but  the  Indian  account  is  as  we  have  before  stated. 

lunnediat(>iy  on  crossing  the  river  the  army  were  fornKid  in  three  divisions, 
which  was  the  order  of  march.  A  plain,  or  kind  of  |)rairie,  which  the  army 
had  to  cross,  extended  from  the  river  about  half  a  mile,  and  then  its  route 
lay  overall  asc(Miding  ground,  of  vi.-ry  gentle  ascent,  covered  with  trees  and 
Jiigli  prairie  grass.  At  the  conimenci'nient  of  this  elevation  began  a  ravine, 
which,  as  it  extended  u|)  the  rising  ground,  formed  a  figiu'e  resembling  nearly 
tliat  of  u  horse-shoe,  and  about  1.10  yards  in  extent.  Into  this  inclosurc  two 
divisions  of  the  army  had  passed  wl'.en  the  attack  began. 

Notwithstanding  ff'itsliinir'on  had  urged  iijion  the  general  the  propriety  of 
keeping  oia  s(  ontiiig  jiartie.s  to  avoid  surprise,  yet  he  would  take  no  advice, 
and  it  is  said,  that  on  one  occasion,  lu;  boisterously  replied,  "that  it  was  high 
times  for  a  young  Buckskin  to  teach  a  Hritish  general  howtoftght!"  Such 
Was  his  '^contempt  for  scouting  p.irties,  that  he  accepted  with  cold  in(liff"er- 
cnco  the  services  of  Georire  C/'()g/irt»,  who  had  oft'ered  himself  with  100 
Indians  ji)r  the  important  business  of  scouring  the  woods.  The  consequence 
was,  the  Indians,  oik;  after  ainjther,  left  the  army  in  its  march,  iiiucli  to  the 
regret  of  Hnnhiiipilon  and  other  provincial  otlicers,  who  knew  how  to  up- 
prcciato  their  value. 

VV'lieu  the  first  division  of  the  army  had  nearly  ascended  the  hill,  as  the 
rising  ground  was  calliul,  the  Indians  broke  the  silence  of  the  morning  with 
a  most  ai»palling  yell,  and  at  the  same  moment  poured  a  most  deadly  firo 
from  their  coverts  upon  the  devoted  cohimn.  Th<!  first  shocks  were  sus- 
tained with  tinmiess,  an(|,the  fire  was  returned,  by  which  a  iew  Indians  were 
killed,  and  the  I'reiich  commander-in-chiei;  iM.  de  Beaujeu,  mortally  wounded. 
It  is  said  that  the  Indians  now  began  to  waver,  and  i)ut  for  the  good  conduct 
of  iM. /Ji/»i((.s',  second  in  command,  would  have  fled;  but  by  his  exertions 
order  was  restored,  and  the  firing,  which  had  not  ceased,  was  redoubled. 

The  advanced  column  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Grtg'e,  since 
t=o  well  known  as  governor  of  IMassachusctts,  in  1775.  This  column  was 
about  100  yards  in  advance  of  the  second,  which  had  just  begun  to  ascend 
the  hill  when  the  attack  began,  and  the  m;dn  body,  under  the  general  in 
person,  was  but  a  few  rods  in  the  rear  of  this,  and  on  hearing  the  firing  he 
pressiul  Ibrward  to  support  the;  engaged  |tarly. 

Meanwhile^  the  extensive!  line  of  Indians  upon  the  right  flank  made  an 
onset  I'roin  their  section  of  the  ravine,  and  from  their  superior  nnmbers,  the 
eliock  could  not  be  withstood,  and  the  column  was  immediately  broken,  and 


Ml 

ll 

u 

ril 

n| 

ill 

{\ 

a  I 


*  Sjjurk.s's  Wiisluiiglon,  11.  •1(J3 — ^7(). 


t  II).  C.1.4GJ. 


€hap.  VI.]       CORN-Pl.AiST.— Ills  SI'EKCII  TO  VVASHINCJTO.'V. 


113 


■liicfly 
;  but 
were 
Juee? 


I)f';,'!!i!  to  lotriiiit  in  disorder  dowii  tlie  liiii — confiiHiou  niiil  dismay  oiimikhI — 

jio  e 

tlio 


tioHs  of  tho  olHc(;r.s  could  provcnt  tljo  |miiic,  iVoiu  Hproading  uiiioiija 
n^'nilar  I: 


111!  light  was  alVervviirdHcoiitiiiiK'd  ill  tli(!  iitiiiost  irr';^- 
iilarity.  liiiholdoiied  hy  tlie  coiii'iisioii  of  tlio  Eiigli.sli,  tlio  Indians  now 
riiHli(;»l  upon  tlicin  with  tlioir  tomahawks,  wliich,  aflcsr  iieiu*  two  hours,  tcr- 
iiiiiiatcd  lli(!  haltio,  and  tlio  field  was  lott  in  their  posscsHion.  Not  only  the 
lif'ld  ol"  hattlu,  but  all  the  killed  and  many  of  tho  wounded,  all  the  artillery, 
(eleven  pieces  of  cannon,)  all  tli«!  general's  baggage,  and  even  private  jiapers, 
and  all  the  ammiinition  and  jirovisions,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 

All  hilt  the  Virginians  fought  for  some  time  in  the  most  wretched  confu- 
sioii ;  hilt  the  oiHcers  were  mournfully  sacrificed — sometimes  cliarginf,'  the 
enemy  in  a  body  by  themselves,  hoping  by  their  example  to  draw  out  their 
111(11  ill  a  iiianner  to  repel  their  adver!;!aried ;  but  all  to  no  imrpose  :  and  it  is 
not  doiiiited  but  that  the  confused  multitude  of  regulars  killed  many  of  tlieir 
companions,  as  they  oflen  fired  fifty  or  a  hundred  in  a  liuddle  U)getln!r, 
seemingly  for  no  other  object  but  to  get  rid  of  their  ammunition.  Tin;  Vii- 
friniaiis  fought  in  the  Indian  manner,  behind  trees  and  coverts;  and  it  was 
owing  to  their  good  conduct  that  any  of  the  wretched  army  esraii    ' 

Alter  having  five   horses  shot  under  him,  (General  liraddi  (^ived  a 

wound  in  his  lungs,  of  which  lie  tlied  on  the  lUth  of  Julj',  4  alli-r  the 

liattle,  at  l''ort  Cumberland,  whither  he  had  aj-rived  with  a  part  ol  liis  shat- 
tered army.  fVnskin/irlon  had  been  sufiering,  for  some  time  before  arriving 
ut  till!  iiital  battle-field,  from  a  fever ;  and  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  his 
mother,  dated  .Inly  IHtli,  he  thus  sjieaks  of  himself : — "The  Virginia  troops 
showed  a  good  deal  of  bravery,  and  were  nearly  all  killed;  for  I  believe,  out 
of  three  coiiijianies  that  were  there,  scarcely  ^0  men  are  lefl  alive.  Caji- 
taiu  Peifroutii/,  and  all  his  officers  down  to  a  corporal,  were  killed.  Captain 
Poison  liad  nearly  as  hard  a  liite,  for  only  one  of  his  were  left.  In  short,  the 
dastardly  behavior  of  those  they  call  regulars  exposed  all  others;  that  were 
incliiKid  to  do  their  duty,  to  almost  certain  death,  and  at  last,  in  desjiitc  of 
all  the  «fibrts  of  the  officers  to  the  contrai7,  they  ran,  as  sheep  pursued  by 
dogs,  and  it  was  impossible  to  rally  them."  "  Sir  Ptkr  Halket  was  killed 
in  the  field,  where  died  many  other  brave  officers.  I  luckily  escaped  with- 
out a  wound,  tlioiigii  I  had  4  bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two  horses  shot 
under  me.  Captains  Orme  and  Morris,  two  of  the  aids-de-camp,  were  wound- 
ed early  in  the  engagement,  which  rendered  the  duty  harder  u[)on  me,  as  I 
was  the  only  person  then  left  to  distribute  the  general's  orders,  which  I  was 
scarcely  able  to  do,  as  I  was  not  half  recovered  from  a  violent  illness,  that 
had  confined  me  to  my  bed  and  wagon  for  above  10  days." 

We  know  of  no  battle,  in  which  so  great  a  projiortion  of  officers  fidl. 
There  W(!re  80  engaged  in  it,  and  (>}  were  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  2(i 
were  ki'led.  Besides  those  already  named,  there  were  among  the  wounded 
Colonel  fhirlon,  Sir  John  Si.  Clair,  Colonel  Orme,  and  Major  Sparks.  Of  the 
private  soldiers  there  were  killed  ajid  woumled  714,  half  of  whom  were 
killed,  or  fell  into  the  iiands  of  the  Indians,  and  sufTered  a  cruel  death  ailer- 
^vardM.  Mr.  John  Field,  then  a  lieutenant,  and  Mr.  Chnrlcs  Jjtms,  two  dis- 
liiigiiislied  officers  afterwards,  escajied  the  carnage  of  BraddocKs  field  to 
fill!  in  a  more  Ibrtiiimte  place.  They  were  colonels  under  General  Andrew 
Lewis,  and  were  killed  in  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  a.s  will  be  found  men- 
tioned in  the  lite  of  Logan. 

In  the  year  17i)0,  Big-tree,  Corn-plant  and  Half-town  appeared  at  Philadel- 
phia, aiul,  by  their  interpreter,  comtnunicated  to  President  Washington  as 
follows : — 

"  Father :  Tho  voice  of  the  Seneca  nations  sjieaks  to  you  ;  the  great  coun- 
sellor, in  whose  heart  the  wise  men  of  all  the  thirteen  fires  [V,i  V.  S.]  have 
pla(!ed  their  wisdom.  It  may  be  very  small  in  your  ears,  and  we,  therefore, 
entreat  you  to  hearken  with  attention ;  for  we  are  able  to  speak  of  things 
which  are  to  us  very  great. 

"  When  your  army  entered  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations,  we  called  you 
the  town  destroyer ;  to  this  day,  when  your  name  is  heard,  our  women  look 
behind  them  and  turn  pale,  aiid  our  eliildren  cling  close  to  the  necks  of  their 
mothers." 

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^ 


114 


CORN-PLANT.— HIS  SPEECH  TO  WASHINGTON. 


[nooK  V. 


1 1  t 


"  When  our  chiefs  returned  from  Fort  Stanwix,  and  laid  before  our  coun- 
cil wliat  hud  been  done  tliere,  our  nation  was  surprised  to  hear  bow  great  u 
country  you  had  compelled  them  to  give  up  to  you,  without  your  paying  to 
us  any  thing  for  it.  Every  one  said,  that  your  hearts  were  yet  swelled  with 
resentment  agains*  us  for  what  had  happened  during  tlie  war,  but  that  one 
day  you  would  consider  it  with  more  kindness.  We  asked  each  otiior,  IVIiat 
have  we  dqne  to  deserve  such  severe  chastisement  ? 

^^  Father:  when  you  kindled  your  13  fires  separately,  the  wise  men  assem- 
bled at  them  told  us  that  you  were  all  brothers ;  the  children  of  one  great 
father,  who  regarded  the  red  peojjle  as  his  children.  They  called  us 
brothers,  and  invited  us  to  his  jjrotection.  They  told  us  that  he  resided 
beyond  the  gi*eat  water  where  the  sun  first  rises ;  and  that  he  was  a  king 
^^■hose  power  no  people  could  resist,  and  that  his  goodness  was  as  bright  as 
the  sun.  What  they  said  went  to  our  hearts.  We  accepted  the  invitation, 
and  })romised  to  obey  him.  What  the  Seneca  nation  promises,  they  faith- 
fully j)erfomi.  When  you  refused  obedience  to  that  king,  be  commanded 
us  to  assist  bis  beloved  men  in  making  you  solwr.  In  obeying  him,  we  did 
no  more  than  yourselves  had  led  us  to  promise."  "  We  were  (leceived  ;  but 
your  people  teaching  us  to  confide  in  that  king,  had  helped  to  deceive  us ; 
and  we  now  appeal  to  your  breast.     Is  all  the  blame  ours  ? 

"Father:  when  we  saw  that  we  had  been  deceived,  and  heard  the  invita- 
tion which  you  gave  us  to  draw  near  to  the  fire  you  had  kindled,  and  talk 
with  you  concerning  peace,  wc  made  haste  towards  it.  You  told  us  you 
could  crush  us  to  nothing ;  and  you  demanded  from  us  a  great  country,  as 
the  price  of  that  peace  which  you  had  offered  to  us :  as  if  our  ivant  of 
strength  had  destroyed  our  rights.  Our  chiefs  had  felt  your  power,  and  were 
unable  to  contend  against  you,  and  they  therefore  gave  up  that  country. 
What  they  agreed  to  bins  bound  our  nation,  but  your  anger  against  us  nuist 
by  this  time  bo  cooled,  and  although  our  strength  is  not  increased,  nor  your 
jiowcr  become  les«,  we  ask  you  to  consider  calndy — Were  the  terms  dictated 
to  us  by  your  commissioners  reasonable  andjmt  ?  " 

They  also  remind  the  president  of  the  solenm  promise  of  the  counnission- 
ers,  that  they  should  be  secured  in  the  jieaceuble  possession  of  what  was 
hit  to  tiiem,  and  then  ask,  "Docs  this  jnvmise  bind  you'}"  And  that  no 
sooner  was  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  concluded,  than  connnissioimrs  from 
Pennsylvania  came  to  purciiuse  of  them  what  was  included  within  the  lines 
of  then-  state.  Tiiese  they  informed  that  they  did  not  wish  to  sell,  but  \w'mg 
further  luged,  consented  to  sell  u  part,  Ihit  tiie  commissioners  said  that "  they 
must  have  the  whole;"  for  it  was  already  ceded  to  them  by  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, at  the  peace  following  the  revohilion ;  but  still,  as  their  ancestors  bad 
always  paid  the  Indians  i()r  land,  they  were  willing  to  j)ay  them  for  it.  Ueing 
not  able  to  contend,  the  land  was  sold.  Soon  afler  this,  tliey  empowered  u 
person  to  let  out  part  of  their  land,  who  said  congress  hud  sent  him  for  the 
inu'piisi',  but  who,  it  seems,  fruiiduhjutly  procured  a  deed  instead  of  a  power 
to  hmse  ;  for  there  soon  eani(!anoth"r  person  claiming  all  their  cunntry  north- 
ward of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  saying  that  h(^  purchased  it  of  tin;  other, 
anti  lor  which  lu;  hud  paid  '.20,000  dollars  to  him  and  ^0,000  more  to  tbo 
United  Slates,  lie  now  deniMndcd  the  land,  and,  on  being  refused,  threaten- 
ed inmiediati!  war.  Knowing  tlieir  weak  situation,  they  held  a  council,  ond 
took  the  udvict!  of  a  white  man,  whom  they  took  to  be  their  friend,  but  who, 
us  it  proved,  had  plotted  with  the  other,  luid  was  to  receive  some  of  the 
liuid  for  his  ugmicy.  lie,  tlicret'ore,  fold  thcin  they  must  comply.  "  Astonish- 
ed ut  what  W(!  hein"d  from  every  (luiuler,"  they  suy,  "with  hearts  aching  with 
compassion  I'or  our  women  and  children,  wo  weri;  thiiscoinpidled  to  gjvii  up 
all  our  coiuitry  north  of  the  line  of  Pennsylvunin,  luid  east  of  ''le  (Jeneseo 
River,  up  to  the  great  Ibrks,  and  east  of  a  south  line  drawn  up  (Vom  that 
f(»rk  to  the  line  of  Peimsylvaniu."  Kor  this  he  agreed  to  give  them  10,000 
dollars  ilown,  and  1000  dollars  u  yi-ur  forever.  Instead  t)f  llmt,  he  |>aid  tliem 
'2W0  <lollars,  and  some  tiim-  allter  offered  .'»(K)  dollars  mor»?,  insisting  that 
that  was  all  he  owed  them,  which  he  allowed  to  be  yeftrly.    They  add, 

^^ Father:  you  huve  said  llmt  we  were  in  your  hand,  and  that  by  clewing  it 
you  could  crush  us  to  nothing.     Are  you  determined  to  crush  us?  11' you 


Chap.  VI.] 


CORN-PLANT.— DEATH  OF  BIG-TREE. 


115 


are,  tell  us  so ;  that  tliose  of  our  nation  who  have  beroine  your  children,  and 
have  determined  to  die  so,  may  know  what  to  do.  In  tliis  case,  one  chief 
has  said,  he  would  as.'c  you  to  put  him  out  of  his  pain.  Another,  who  will 
not  think  of  dying  by  tlie  hand  of  his  father,  or  his  brother,  has  said  ho  will 
retire  to  tlic  Chataughque,  eat  of  the  fatal  root,  and  sleep  w  itii  his  fathers  in 
peace." 

"  All  the  land  we  have  been  speaking  of  belonged  to  the  Six  Nations.  No  part 
of  it  ever  belonged  to  the  king  of  England,  and  he  could  not  give  it  to  you," 

"  Hear  us  once  more.  At  Fort  Stauwix  we  agreed  to  deliver  up  those  of 
our  people  wlio  should  do  you  any  wrong,  and  that  you  might  try  them  and 

fiunish  them  according  to  your  law.  We  delivered  up  two  men  accordingly, 
ku  instead  of  trying  them  according  to  your  law,  the  lowest  of  your  people 
took  them  from  your  magistrate,  and  put  them  immediately  to  death.  It  is 
ji!st  to  punish  the  nmrder  with  death  ;  but  the  Senecas  will  not  deliver  up 
tiicir  people  to  men  who  disregard  the  treaties  of  their  own  nation," 

There  were  many  other  grievances  enumerated,  and  all  in  a  strain  which, 
we  should  tliuik,  would  have  drawn  forth  innnediate  relief.  In  his  answer, 
President  ffasldngton  said  all,  perhaps,  which  could  be  said  in  his  situation; 
and  his  good  ♦eelings  are  manifest  tliroughout :  still  there  is  something  like 
evasion  in  answering  some  of  their  grievances,  and  an  omission  of  notice  to 
others.  His  answer,  nevertheless,  gave  them  much  encouragement  Ho 
assured  then)  tiiat  the  lands  obtahied  from  tiiem  by  fraud  was  not  sanctioned 
by  the  government,  and  that  the  whole  transaction  was  declared  null  and 
void ;  and  that  the  persons  who  murdered  their  people  shoidd  be  dealt  with 
ns  though  they  had  murdered  white  i"en,  and  that  all  possible  means  would 
be  used  for  their  apjirehension,  and  rewards  shoidd  continue  to  be  offered  to 
effect  it.  Hut  we  have  not  learned  that  they  were  ever  apprehended.  Tlie  land 
conveyed  by  treaty,  the  president  informed  them,  he  had  no  authority  to  con- 
cern with,  as  that  act  was  before  his  administration. 

The  above  speech,  although  api)earing  to  be  a  joint  production,  is  believed 
to  have  been  dictated  by  Corn-planter.  It,  however,  was  no  doubt  the  senti- 
meuts  of  the  whole  nation,  as  well  us  those  of  himself.  Half-town  and  Big- 
tree.  Of  this  last-named  chief  we  will  here  sjieak  as  follows: — In  17!)1,  an  act 
passed  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  "  to  emi)Ower  the  governor  to  grant  a 

t latent  to  Big-lrce,  a  Seuec^a  chief,  for  a  certain  island  in  the  Alleghany 
vivcr,"  He  lamented  the  disaster  of  St.  Claires  army,  and  was  heard  to  say 
ndcrwards,  thai  he  would  have  two  scalps  for  General  Butler's,  who  fell  and  was 
scaliied  in  that  fight,  John  Deckard,  another  Seneca  chief,  repeated  the  same 
words,  BuiMg  on  a  mission  to  Philadelphia,  in  A|)ril,  1792,  he  was  taken 
sick  nt  his  lodgings,  and  died  after  about  20  hours'  illnt^se.  Three  days  after, 
being  Sunday,  the  22d,  he  was  buried  with  all  re(|uisitc  attention.  The  river 
Big-lree  was  probably  named  from  the  rircmnstanco  of  this  chi»;f  having 
lived  u|ion  it.  His  name  still  exists  among  some  of  his  descendants,  or 
others  of  his  tribe,  as  we  have  seen  it  subscribed  to  several  instruments 
within  a  few  years.    To  return  to  Corn-planter. 

His  Iiulinn  name,  as  we  have  before  noted,  was  Gyantioaia;  and  most  of 
our  knowledge  concerning  him  is  derived  from  himself,  and  is  cotitained  in 
a  Kitter  sent  from  him  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania;  and,  although  writ- 
ten by  an  interpreter,  is  believed  to  be  the  real  production  of  Corn-planter. 
k  was  dated  "  Alleghany  River,  2d  mo,  2d,  1822,"  and  is  as  follows : — 

"  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  send  a  speech  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  at 
this  time,  and  inform  him  the  place  where  I  was  from — which  was  at  Cone- 
wnugUH,*  on  the  Genesee  River. 

"  When  I  was  a.  child,  I  played  with  the  butterfly,  the  grasshopper  and  tho 
frogs;  and  as  1  grew  un,  I  began  t  >  pay  some  attention  and  plajr  with  the 
Indian  boys  in  the  neigliborhood,  and  they  took  notice  of  my  skin  lieing  a 
tliflerent  color  from  theirs,  and  spoke  about  it,  I  inquired  of  my  mother  trie 
cause,  and  she  told  mo  that  my  father  was  a  rosidenter  in  Albony.f    I  still 


"  This  wu  (lie  Iroquois  term  to  iluaifrnaic  a  place  of  Ciirintiao  InUiaos ;  hcuce  manj 
plHow  Ix'nr  i(.     I(  i«  iIh)  «nmo  «»  Cmigliruiviigii. 
\  It  IS  lull!  (Amor.  Reg.  ii.  'Z'iS)  thut  be  was  an  Iiiahinau. 


116 


CORN-PLANT.— COMPLAINT  TO  PENNSYLVANL\.        [Book  V. 


eat  my  victuals  out  of  a  liark  disli.  I  grew  up  to  be  a  young  man,  and  mar- 
ried me  a  wife,  and  I  had  no  kettle  or  gun.  I  tlien  knew  wjiere  my  fatiier 
Jived,  and  went  to  see  him,  and  found  lie  was  a  white  man,  and  spoke  the 
English  language.  He  gave  me  victuals  whilst  I  was  at  his  house,  but  when 
J  started  to  return  home,  he  gave  me  no  provision  to  eat  on  the  way.  He 
gave  me  neither  kettle  i.or  gun,  ncitiier  did  he  tell  me  that  the  United  States 
were  about  to  rebel  against  the  goveniment  of  England. 

"  I  will  now  tell  you,  brothers,  who  are  in  session  of  the  legislature  of 
Pennsylvania,  that  the  Great  Spirit  iius  made  known  to  me  that  I  have  been 
wicked ;  and  the  cause  thereof  was  the  revolutionary  war  in  America.  The 
oause  of  Indians  having  been  led  into  sin,  at  that  time,  was  that  many  of 
them  were  in  the  practice  of  drinking  and  getting  intoxicated.  Great 
Britain  requested  us  to  join  with  them  in  uie  conflict  against  the  Americans, 
and  promised  the  Indians  land  and  liquor.  I  myself  was  opposed  to  joining 
in  tile  conflict,  as  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  difiiculty  that  existed  between 
the  two  parties.  I  have  now  informed  you  how  it  happened  that  the  Indians 
took  a  part  in  the  revolution,  and  will  relate  to  you  some  circumstances  that 
occurred  aflcr  the  close  of  the  war.  General  Putnam,  who  was  then  at 
Pliiladelphifl,  told  me  there  was  to  be  a  council  at  Fort  Stanwix ;  and  the 
Indians  requested  me  to  attend  on  behalf  of  the  Six  Nations ;  which  I  did, 
and  there  met  with  three  commissioners,  who  had  been  appointed  to  hold  the 
council.  They  told  me  they  woidd  inform  me  of  the  cause  of  the  revolu- 
tion, which  I  requested  thoni  to  do  minutely.  They  then  said  that  it  had 
originated  on  account  of  the  heavy  taxes  that  had  I  cen  imposed  upon  them 
by  the  British  government,  which  had  been  for  fifty  years  increasing  upon 
them ;  that  the  Americans  liad  grown  weary  thereof,  and  refused  to  jiay, 
which  affi-onted  the  king.  There  had  likewise  a  difliculty  taken  place  about 
some  tea,  which  they  wished  me  not  to  use,  as  it  had  been  one  of  the  causes 
that  many  people  had  lost  their  lives.  And  the  British  government  now 
being  aflJronted,  the  war  commenced,  and  tlie  cannons  began  to  roar  in  our 
country.  Genera.  Putnam  then  told  me,  at  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
that,  by  the  late  war,  tiic  Americans  had  gained  two  objects :  tliey  had 
established  themselves  an  independent  nation,  and  had  obtained  some  land 
to  live  upon:  the  divi.sion  line  of  wliieh,  from  Great  Britain,  run  through 
the  lakes.  I  then  spoke,  and  said  that  I  wanted  some  land  for  the  Indians  to 
Jive  on,  and  General  Putnam  said  that  it  should  be  granted,  and  I  should  have 
land  in  the  state  of  New  York  for  the  Indians.  Generol  Putnam  then  en- 
couraged me  to  use  my  endeavors  to  i)acily  the  Indians  generally;  and,  as 
he  considered  it  an  arduous  task  to  perform,  wished  to  know  what  I  wanted 
for  [lay  therefor.  I  re|)lied  to  him,  that  I  would  use  my  endeavors  to  do  as 
he  had  requested,  with  the  Indians,  and  for  pay  thereof,  I  would  take  land. 
I  told  him  not  to  pay  me  money  or  dry  goods,  but  land.  And  for  having 
attended  thereto,  I  received  the  tnict  of  land  on  which  I  now  live,  which  was 
presented  to  me  by  Governor  Mijlin.  I  told  General  Putnam  that  I  wislied 
the  Indians  to  have  the  (..vclusive  privilege  of  the  deer  and  wild  game,  which 
he  as.><ented  to.  I  also  wished  the  Indiuns  to  have  the  privilege  of  hunting 
in  the  woods,  and  making  fires,  which  he  likewise  assented  to, 

"  The  treaty  that  was  made  at  the  aforementioned  council,  has  been  broken 
by  some  of  the  white  people,  which  I  now  intend  acquainting  the  governor 
with.  Some  white  pcojile  are  not  willing  that  Indians  should  hunt  any  more, 
whilst  othci-8  are  satisfied  therewith ;  and  those  white  people  who  reside 
near  our  reservation,  tell  us  that  the  woods  are  theirs,  and  they  have 
obtained  them  from  the  governor.  The  treaty  has  been  also  broken 
by  the  white  people  using  their  endeavors  to  destroy  all  the  wolves,  which 
was  not  K|)oken  about  in  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix,  by  General  Putnam, 
but  has  originated  lately. 

"  It  has  been  broken  again,  which  is  of  recent  origin.  White  people  wish 
to  got  credit  from  Indians,  and  do  not  pay  them  honestly,  according  to  thrir 
ngreement.  In  another  respect,  it  has  also  been  broken  by  white  poo^ile, 
who  reside  near  my  dwelling;  liir  when  1  plant  melons  and  vines  in  my 
field,  they  fake  them  as  their  oAvn.  It  has  been  broken  »{U[nin  Ity  white 
peojilo  using  their  endeavors  to  obtain  our  pinc-treeu  from  iis.    Wo  have 


[Book  V. 

,  and  mar- 
my  father 
Eipoke  the 

!,  but  when 
way.    He 

lited  States 

islature  of 
[  have  been 
srica.  The 
it  many  of 
Led.  Great 
Americans, 
[1  to  jouiing 
cd  between 
the  Indians 
stances  that 
ms  then  at 
x;  and  the 
vliich  I  did, 
to  hold  tlie 
the  revolu- 
that  it  had 
upon  tlieni 
asing  upon 
led  to  pay, 
place  about 
'  the  causes 
iment  now 
•oar  in  our 
rt  Stanwix, 
;   they    had 

some  land 
un  through 
3  Indians  to 
should  have 
n,  then  cn- 
lly ;  and,  as 
at  I  wanted 
rs  to  do  as 

take  land. 

for  having 

whidi  was 
it  I  wished 
Hino,  which 

uf  hunting 

een  broken 

governor 

any  more, 

who  rosidc 

they  have 

nii   broken 

vc,^,  which 

il  Putnam, 

[•ople  wsli 
ing  to  thfir 
ito  pco^)le, 
nes  in  my 
Iw  white 
We  have 


Chap.  VI.] 


CORN-PLANT. 


117 


veiT  few  pine-trees  on  our  land,  in  the  state  of  New  York ;  and  white  people 
and  Indians  often  get  into  dispute  respecting  them.  There  is  also  a  great 
quantity  of  whisky  brought  near  our  reservation  by  white  people,  and  the 
Indians  obtain  it  and  become  dnmken.  AnotJicr  circumstance  has  taken 
place  which  is  very  trying  to  me,  and  I  wish  the  interference  of  the  governor. 

"  The  white  people,  who  live  at  Warren,  called  upon  me,  some  time  ago, 
to  pay  taxes  for  my  land ;  which  I  objected  to,  as  I  had  never  been  called 
uj)on  for  that  pur|)ose  before ;  and  having  refused  to  pay,  the  white  people 
l)ecame  irritated,  called  upon  me  frequently,  and  at  length  brought  four  guns 
with  them  and  seized  our  cattle.  I  still  refused  to  pay,  and  was  not  wiHing 
to  let  the  cattle  go.  After  a  time  of  dispute,  they  returned  home,  and  I  under- 
stood the  militia  was  ordered  out  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the  tax.  I 
went  to  Warren,  and,  to  avert  the  impending  difficulty,  was  obliged  to  give 
my  note  for  the  tax,  the  amount  of  ^\hich  was  43  dollars  and  79  cents.  It  is 
my  ilesire  that  the  governor  will  exempt  me  from  paying  taxes  for  my  land 
to  white  people ;  and  also  cause  tliiit  the  money  I  am  now  obliged  to  pay, 
may  be  refunded  to  me,  as  I  am  very  ])oor.  The  governor  is  the  person 
who  attends  to  the  situation  of  the  peo])le,  and  I  wish  him  to  send  a  person 
to  Alleghany,  that  I  irvay  inform  him  of  the  particulars  of  our  situation,  and 
he  be  authorized  to  instruct  the  white  people  in  what  manner  to  conduct 
themselves  towards  the  Indians. 

"The  government  has  told  us  that  when  any  difficulties  arose  between  the 
Indians  and  white  people,  they  would  attend  to  having  them  removed.  We 
are  now  in  a  trying  mtuation,  and  I  wish  the  governor  to  send  a  pereon 
authorized  to  attend  thereto,  the  forepart  of  next  sunmier,  about  the  time 
that  grass  has  grown  big  enough  for  i)asture. 

"The  governor  formerly  requested  me  to  pay  attention  to  the  Indians,  and 
take  care  of  them.  We  are  now  arrived  at  a  situation  that  I  believe  In- 
dians coimot  exist,  unless  the  governor  should  comply  with  my  request,  and 
send  a  person  authorized  to  treat  between  us  and  the  white  jjcople,  the 
approaching  sunnncr.    I  have  now  no  more  to  speak."* 

Whether  the  go-  enmient  of  Pennsylvania  acted  at  all,  or,  if  at  all,  what 
order  they  took,  tipon  this  pathetic  appeal,  our  author  does  not  state.  But 
that  an  independent  tribe  of  Indians  should  be  taxed  by  a  neighboring 
people,  is  absurd  in  the  extreme;  and  we  hope  we  shall  learn  that  not 
only  the  tax  was  remitted,  but  a  remuneration  granted  for  the  vexation  and 
damage. 

Corn-plant  was  very  early  distinguished  ibr  his  wisdom  in  council,  not- 
withstanding he  confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  of  1784 ;  five  years 
after,  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmer,  he  gave  up  un  immense  tract  of  their 
country,  and  for  which  his  nation  very  much  reproached  him,  and  (wen 
threatened  his  life.  Himself  and  other  chiefs  committed  this  act  for  the  best 
of  reasons.  The  Six  Nations  having  taken  i)art  with  England  in  the  revolu- 
tion, when  the  king's  power  fell  in  America,  the  Indian  nations  were  reduced 
to  tlie  miserable  alternative  of  giving  up  so  nnich  of  their  country  as  the 
Americans  recpiired,  or  the  whole  of  it.  In  17!)0,  Corn-plant,  Half-toim  and 
UifT-trec,  made  a  most  pathetic  appeal  to  congress  for  an  amelioration  of 
their  condition,  and  a  reconsideration  of  former  treaties,  in  which  the  fol- 
lowing memorable  passage  occurs  : — 

"  Father :  we  will  not  ecmccal  from  you  that  the  great  God,  and  not  men, 
has  preserved  the  Corn-plant  from  tli(!  hands  of  his  own  nation.  For  they 
ask  continually,  "Where  is  the  land  on  which  our  children,  and  their  chil- 
dren after  them,  are  to  lie  down  upon  ?  You  told  us  that  the  line  drawn 
from  I'ennsvlvMiiia  to  Lake  Ontario,  would  mark  it  forever  on  the  east,  and 
till'  line  numiiig  from  llcaver  Creek  to  INnnsylvania,  would  mark  it  on  the 
west,  and  we  see  that  it  is  not  so;  for, first  one,  and  then  anotht^r,  come  and 
take  it  away  by  order  of  that  people  which  yon  tell  us  promised  to  secure  it 
to  us.'  Me  is  silent,  for  he  has  nothing  to  answiT.  When  the  sun  goes 
down,  he  opens  his  heart  before  (iod,  and  eurlier  than  the  sun  appears, 
again  iqum  the  hills  he  gives  thaidis   for  his  protection  during  the  night 


*  UuchaiMu's  Skcti'lics, 


.1' 


118 


CORN-PLANT. 


[Book  V. 


For  he  feels  that  among  men  become  desperate  hy  the  injuries  tliey  sustain, 
it  is  God  oidy  that  can  jjreserve  hiu).  He  loves"  peace,  and  all  he  had  in 
store  he  has  given  to  those  who  have  been  robbed  by  yom-  people,  lest 
they  should  plunder  the  innocent  to  rei)ay  themselves.  The  whole  season, 
which  others  have  employed  in  providing  for  their  families,  he  has  spent  in 
endeavors  to  preserve  peace ;  and  this  moment  his  wife  and  childi-en  are 
lying  on  the  ground,  and  in  want  of  food." 

In  President  H'ashingtoii's  answer,  we  are  gratified  by  his  particular  notice 
of  this  chief.  He  says,  "The  merits  of  the  Corn-plant,  und  his  fritiudship 
for  the  United  States,  are  well  known  to  me,  and  shall  not  be  forgotten;  and, 
as  a  mark  of  esteem  of  the  United  States,  I  have  directed  the  secretary  of 
war  to  make  him  a  j)re8ent  of  two  hundred  and  Jijlij  dollars,  either  in  money 
or  goods,  as  the  Corn-plant  siiall  like  best." 

There  was,  in  1789,  a  treaty  held  at  3Iarietta,  between  the  Indians  and 
Americans,  which  tenninated  "  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  all  concerned. 
On  this  occasion,  an  elegant  entertainment  was  provided.  The  Indian 
chiefs  behaved  with  the  greatest  decorum  throughout  the  day.  After  dinner, 
we  were  served  with  good  wine,  and  Corn-planter,  one  of  tiie  first  chiefs  of 
the  Five  Nations,  and  a  very  great  warrior,  took  up  his  glass  and  said,"/ 
thank  the  Great  Spirit  for  this  opporhmitij  of  smoking  the  pipe  of  friendship  and 
love.  May  we  plant  our  own  vines — be  the  fathers  of  our  own  children — and 
maintain  IhemJ'    * 

In  17!  >0,  an  act  passed  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  for  "  granting  800 
dollars  to  Corn-planter,  Half-town  and  liig-trce,  in  trust  for  the  Seneca  nation, 
and  other  purposes  therein  mentioned."  In  February,  1791,  Corn-plant  was 
in  Philadelphia,  and  was  employed  in  an  extremely  hazardous  cx|iedition  to 
undertake  the  pacification  of  the  western  tribes,  that  had  already  shown 
themselves  hostile.  Tiie  mission  tcrminafxjd  unfavorably,  from  insiumount- 
able  difficulties.t  There  were  many,  at  this  time,  as  in  all  Indian  wars,  who 
entertained  doubts  of  the  fidelity  of  such  Indians  as  pretended  friendsliip. 
Corn-plant  did  not  escape  suspicion ;  but,  as  his  after-conduct  showed,  it 
was  entirely  without  foundation.  In  the  midst  of  these  imputations,  a  letter 
written  at  Fort  Franklin  says,  "I  have  only  to  observe  that  the  Corn-plant 
lias  been  here,  and,  in  my  opinion,  he  is  as  friendly  as  one  of  our  own 
j)eople.  He  has  advised  me  to  take  care ;  'for,''  said  he,  '  j/ou  will  soon  have  a 
chance  to  let  the  world  know  whether  you  are  a  soldier  or  »io/.'  When  he  went 
off,  he  ordered  two  chiefs  and  ten  warriors  to  reninin  here,  and  scout  al)out 
the  garrison,  and  let  me  know  if  the  bad  Indians  should  cither  advance 
against  me,  or  any  of  the  frontiers  of  the  United  States.  Ho  thinks  the 
people  at  Pittshurgh  should  keep  out  spies  towards  the  salt  licks,  for  he 
suys,  by  and  by,  he  thinks,  the  bad  Indiims  will  come  Ironi  that  way." 

In  17!)2,  the  following  advertisement  ap|)ear(.'d,  signed  by  Corn-plnnl:  "My 
j)eople  having  been  charged  with  connnittiug  depredations  on  the  frontier 
iidialiitants  near  Pittsbiu'gh,  I  hereby  contradict  the  tissertion,  as  it  is  cer- 
tainly without  tbun<lation,  and  pledge  myself  to  tlioso  inlialiitants,  that  they 
may  rest  [)erfectly  secure  from  any  danger  from  the  Sinecas  n  siding  on  the 
Alleirlianv  waters,  and  that  my  puojde  have  been  and  still  arc  Iriendly  to  the 
U.  States." 

About  the  time  Co^n-plant  leit  his  nation  to  proceed  on  his  mission  to  the 
hostile  tribes,  as  three  of  his  jieople  were  trav(dling  through  a  settlement 
upon  the  (Jtiiesee,  they  stojUMcl  at  a  house  to  liuht  their  |)ip('S.  There  hap- 
jiened  to  be  s(!Veral  men  within,  one  of  whom,  as  the  foieniost  Indian  stooji- 
ed  down  to  light  his  |)ipe,  killed  him  with  an  a\e.  One  of  the  others  was 
h'tdly  wounded  with  the  same  weapon,  while  escaping  from  the  house. 
They  were  not  pursued,  and  tli(>  other,  a  boy,  escaped  unhurt.  (The  jtoor 
wounded  man,  when  nearly  ucll  of  the  wound,  >\as  bitten  i)y  a  siuikc?,  which 
caused  his  imme<liate  deatli.)  W'lu'U  dim-plant  knew  what  had  hapiiencd, 
lie  charged  his  warriors  to  remain  (pii(t,  and  not  to  seek  revenge,  and  was 


*  Camt'.s  Mnspiiin,  v,  ll.'i. 

+   "  (  ',IUM'>i  of  till-  cxisliii"'  I  losiililics, 

iu  171)1 . 


iVc.  (Iiiiwii  ii|i  by  llic  si'c'v  of  w;ir,  (icncrni   Knox, 


fBooK  V. 

tliey  sustain, 
1  lie  had  in 
people,  lest 
hole  season, 
las  spent  in 
cliildien  are 

ieiilar  nobce 
s  friendship 
gotten;  and, 
secretary  of 
er  in  money 

Indians  and 
1  concerned. 
The  Indian 
Alter  diinicr, 
•st  ciiiefs  of 
and  said,  "  / 
iendship  and 
•hildren — and 

granting  800 

jnecn  nation, 

irn-plant  was 

expedition  to 

•eady  shown 

insurniount- 

ui  wars,  wlio 

I  friendship. 

t  showed,  it 

ions,  a  letter 

e  Corn-plant 

of  our  own 

soon  have  a 

len  ho  went 

scout  ahont 

icr  advance 

thinks  the 

icks,  for  he 

av." 

■ptnnl:  "My 

tlie  frontier 

it  is  cer- 

s,  tliMt  they 

iding  on  the 

ndly  to  the 

ssion  to  the 
H'ttlcnicnt 
There  hap- 
idian  stoop- 
others  was 

tlie  house. 

(The  poor 
nnke,  wliicli 

litipiiencd, 
je,  aud  was 


riiornl  Knox, 


Chap.  VI] 


('0;;N-IM..\NT.-:\O'i!0N  ():•' CIVILIZATION. 


119 


heard  only  to  say,  "  It  in  hard,  when  I  and  mjj  people  are  trying  to  make  peace 
for  tlie  wliitcs,  that  tvt  should  receive  suck  reward,  lean  govern  my  young  men 
and  warriors  better  tfutn  the  thirteen  fires  can  tlieirs.'"  How  is  it  that  this  man 
sliould  practise  upon  the  maxims  of  Confucius,  of  whom  he  never  heard  ? 
{Do  ye  to  others  us  ye  would  that  they  should  do  unto  you ;)  and  the  monster  in 
hmnun  form,  in  a  gospelland,  taught  them  IVum  hia  youth,  should  show,  by 
his  actions,  his  utter  contempt  of  them,  and  even  of  the  divine  mandate.' 

In  181(),  the  Reverend  Timothy  Jllden,  then  president  of  Alleghany  college, 
in  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  visited  the  Seneca  nation.  At  this  time.  Corn- 
plant  lived  seven  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  Connewango  with  the 
Alleghany,  ujion  the  banks  of  the  latter,  "on  a  piece  of  first-rate  bottom 
land,  a  little  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania."  Here  was  his  village,* 
which  exhibited  signs  of  industrious  inhabitants.  He  then  owned  1300 
acres  of  land,  (iOO  of  which  comprehended  his  town.  "It  was  grateful  to 
notice,"  observes  Mv.  Jildcn,  "the  present  agricultural  habits  of  the  place, 
from  the  numerous  enclosures  of  buck-wheat,  corn  and  oats.  We  also  saw 
a  munber  of  oxen,  cows  and  horses;  and  many  logs  designed  for  the  saw- 
mill and  the  Pittsburgh  market."  Corn-plant  had,  for  some  time,  been  very 
much  iniiivor  of  tlie  Christian  religion,  and  hailed  with  joy  such  as  proiessed 
it.  When  he  was  apprized  of  Mr.  Alden^s  arrival,  he  hosten'ed  to  \\  el- 
como  hhn  to  his  village,  and  wait  upon  hijn.  And  notwithstanding  his  high 
station  as  a  chief,  having  many  men  under  his  command,  he  chose  rather, 
"  in  the  ancient  patriarchal  style,"  to  serve  his  visitors  himself;  he,  there- 
fore, took  care  of  their  horses,  and  went  into  the  field,  cut  and  brought  oats 
for  them. 

The  Western  Missionary  Society  had,  in  1815,  at  Com-p/ant'a  "urgent 
request,"  established  u  school  at  his  village,  which,  at  this  time,  promised 
success. 

Corn-plant  received  an  annual  annuity  from  the  U.  States  of  250  dollars, 
besides  liis  proportion  of  9000  divided  equally  among  every  member  of  the 
nation. 

Gos-kuk-ke-ioa-na-kon-ne-di-yu,  commonly  called  the  Prophet,  was  brother 
to  Corn-plant,  and  resided  in  his  village.  He  was  of  little  note,  and  died 
l)r(?vimis  to  IBlCf  Corn-plant,  we  believe,  was,  when  living,  like  all  other 
nnenliglitened  jicople,  very  superstitious.  Not  long  since,  he  said  the  Good 
Spirit  iiad  told  him  not  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  the  whites,  or  even  to 
j)reserve  any  mementoes  or  relics  they  had  from  time  to  time  given  him ; 
whereupon,  among  other  things,  he  burnt  up  his  belt  aud  broke  his  elegant 
sword.  He  often  mentions  his  having  been  at .  Braddock^s  defeat.  Henry 
Obeale,  his  son,  he  sent  to  be  educated  among  the  whites.  He  became  u 
drunkard  on  returning  to  his  home,  and  is  now  discarded  by  his  lather. 
Corn-plant  has  other  sons ;  but  he  says  no  more  of  them  shall  be  educated 
among  the  whites,  for  he  says,  "It  entirely  spoil  Indian."  And  although  he 
countenances  Christianity,  he  does  not  do  it,  it  is  thought,  from  u  belief  of 
it,  but  probably  from  the  same  motives  as  toe  many  whites  do.  X 

The  following  story,  M.  Bayard  says,§  was  told  him  by  Corn-planter.  Wo 
have  often  heard  a  similar  one,  and  as  often  a  new  origin ;  but  never  before 
tiiat  it  originated  with  ffilliam  Penn.  However,  oa  our  author  observes,  as 
we  have  more  respect  for  truth  than  great  names,  we  will  relate  it  Penn 
proposed  to  the  Indians  to  sell  him  as  much  land  as  ho  could  encompass 
with  the  Jiide  of  u  bullock.  They,  supposing  he  meant  only  what  ground 
would  be  covered  by  it,  when  it  was  spread  out,  and  looking  upon  what 
was  offered  us  a  good  price,  consented  to  the  proposition.  Penn,  like  Didon, 
cat  the  skin  into  a  lino  of  immense  length,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  vend- 
ers, who,  in  sileut  indignation,  religiously  observed  their  contract.  The 
quantity  of  land  encompassed  by  the  line  is  not  mentioned ;  but,  rnoro  or 
less,  tlie  Indians  had  passed  their  word,  and  they  scorned  to  break  it,  oven 

*  Formerly  called  Olmi-lown.  Sue  Pa.  Gaz.  1792,  and  Stanbiinj's  Jour. 
]  Amor.  Regislcrfnr  1816,  vol,  u.  22(!,  &e. 

i  Veibal  nrcoiint  of  K.  T.  Fooh,  Es<|.  of  Chalauque  co.  N.  Y.  who  possesses  much 
valual'k!  information  upon  inutteri!  of  this  kind. 
^  Vvyagt  dans  L'ltUirUur  des  Etata-Unia,  et  cct.  ps.  20G.  207. 


120 


TECUMSEH. 


[Book  V. 


thougli  they  would  have  been  justified  by  the  discovery  of  the  fraud.  We 
do  not  vouch  for  the  truth  of  this  matter,  nor  do  we  believe  fVilliam  Penn 
ever  practised  a  trick  of  the  kind.  No  doubt  some  person  did  ;  and  perhaps 
Corn-planter  had  been  told  that  it  was  Penn. 

We  have  now  to  record  the  death  of  the  venerable  Corn-plant.  He  died 
at  his  residence  on  the  Seneca  reservation,  on  the  7th  of  March  last,  183G, 
aged  upwards  of  100  years. 

Teaslaegee,  or  Charles  Corn-planter,  was  a  party  to  the  treaty  of  Moscow, 
N.  Y.  in  1823.    He  was  probably  a  son  of  Kocenlwahk,  or  Gyantwaia, 


9i0§e 


CHAPTER   VH. 

Tecomseh — His  great  exertions  to  prevent  the  whites  from  overrunning  his  country — 
His  expedition  on  Hacker's  Creek — Cooperation  of  his  brother,  the  Prophet — Rise  of 
the  dijicultics  between  Tccumseh  and  Governor  Harrison — Speech  of  the  former  in 
a  council  at  Vincennes — Fearful  occurrence  in  that  council — Winnemak — Tecumse.h 
visited  by  Governor  Harrison  at  his  camp — Determination  of  tear  the  result  of  the 
interview  on  both  sides — Characteristic  anecdote  of  the  chief— Determines,  in  the 
event  of  war,  to  prevent  barbarities — Battle  of  Tippecanoe — Battle  of  the  Thames, 
and  death  of  Tccumseh — Description  of  his  person — Important  events  in  his  life — 
PuKEESHENO, /atAcr  of  Tccumseh — His  death — Battle  of  Magango — Specimen  of 
the  Shawanee  language — Particular  account  of  Ei.lskwatawa,  or  the  Prophet — 
.Account  of  Round-head — Capture  and  massacre  of  General  Winchester' s  army  at 
the  River  Raisin — Myeerah, or  </ie  Crane,  commonlij  called  Wai,k-in-the- Water 
— Teyoninhokeravven,  or  John  Norton — Logan  the  Shawanee — Black-bibd — 
Massacre  at  Chicago — Wawnahton — Black-thukder — Ongpatonoa,  or  Big-elk 
— Petalesharo — Metea. 

TECUMSEH,  by  birth  n  Shawanee,  and  brigadier-general  in  the  army  of 
Great  Britain,  in  the  war  of  1812,  was  born  about  1770,  an<l,  like  his  great 
prototype,  Pometacom,  the  Wampanoag,  seems  always  to  have  made  his 
aversion  to  civilization  appear  a  prominent  trait  in  his  character ;  and  it  is 
not  presumed  that  he  joined  the  British  army,  and  received  the  red  sash  and 
other  badges  of  office,  because  he  was  fond  of  imitating  the  whites ;  but  he 
employed  them,  more  probably,  as  a  means  of  inspiring  his  countrymen  with 
that  respect  and  veneration  for  himself  which  was  so  necessary  in  the  Work 
of  expulsion,  which  he  had  undertaken. 

The  first  exploit  in  which  we  find  Tecumseh  engaged  was  upon  a  branch 
of  Hacker's  Crtsek,  in  May,  1792.  With  a  small  itand  of  warriors,  he  came 
upon  the  family  of  John  Waggoner,  about  dusk.  They  found  Waggoner 
a  short  distance  fi'om  his  house,  sitting  upon  a  log,  resting  himself  after  the 
fatigues  of  the  day.  Tecumseh  directed  his  men  to  captiu-e  the  family,  while 
himself  was  engaged  with  Waggoner.  To  make  sure  work,  he  took  deliberate 
aim  at  him  with  his  rifle  ;  but  fortunately  he  did  not  even  wound  him,  though 
the  ball  passed  next  to  his  skin.  Waggoner  threw  himself  oflT  the  log,  and 
ran  with  all  his  might,  and  Tecumseh  followed.  Having  the  advantage  of  an 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  ground,  Waggoner  made  good  his  escape.  Mean- 
while his  men  succeeded  in  carrying  oil  the  family,  some  of  whom  they  bar- 
barously murdered.  Among  these  were  Mrs.  Waggoner  and  two  of  her 
children.    Several  of  the  children  remained  a  long  time  with  the  Indians. 

This  persevering  and  extraordinary  man  had  made  himself  noted  and  con- 
epicuous  in  the  war  which  terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  in  1795. 
He  Was  brother  to  that  famous  impostor  well  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Prophet,  and  seems  to  have  joined  in  his  views  just  in  season  to  prevent  his 
falling  into  entire  disrepute  among  his  own  followers.  His  principal  place 
of  rendezvous  was  near  the  confluence  of  the  Tippecanoe  with  the  Wabash, 
upon  the  north  bank  of  the  latter.  This  tract  of  country  was  none  of  his, 
but  ha«l  been  |)ossessed  by  his  brother  the  Prophet,  in  1808,  with  a  motley 
band  of  aliont  1000  joiuig  warrioi-s  from  among  the  Shawanese,  Dela- 
waies,  Wyandots,  I'otowatomies,  Ottowas,  Kikkapoos  and  Chippeways.    The 


[DooK  V. 

fraud.  We 
'illiam  Penn 
uid  perhaps 

t.  He  died 
1  last,  1836, 

3f  Moscow, 
aia.. 


Ohap.  VII.] 


TECUMSEH. 


121 


Us  country — 
}het — Rise  of 
he  former  in 
i. — Tixumst.h 
result  of  the 
nines,  in  the 
the  Thames, 
■  in  his  life — 
Specimen  of 
Prophet — 
tcr's  army  at 

niK-WATEK 

.ACK-illBD 

,0r  BlG-£LK 


he  army  of 
e  his  great 
I  made  his 
• ;  and  it  is 
3d  sash  and 
:es ;  hut  lie 
ryiuen  with 
n  the  Work 

H  a  branch 
•s,  he  came 
I  Waggoner 
If  aftel-  the 
mily,  while 
<  deliherate 
lirii,  though 
lie  log,  and 
iitage  of  an 
|)e.  Mean- 
n  they  bar- 
wo  of  her 
Indians, 
d  and  con- 
le,  in  1795. 
line  of  the 
irevont  his 
cipal  place 
le  Wabash, 
one  of  his, 
I  a  motley 
lese,  Dela- 
mys.    The 


Mianiics  wore  very  much'  oppose<l  to  tliis  intrusion  into  their  country,  but 
were  not  powerful  enough  to  repel  it,  and  many  of  their  chiefs  wore  put  to 
death  in  the  most  barbarous  manner,  for  remonstrating  against  their  conduct. 
Tiie  maladministration  of  the  Prophet,  however,  in  a  short  time,  very  much 
reduced  his  numbers,  so  that,  in  ahout  a  year,  his  followers  contiisted  of  but 
about  300,  and  these  in  the  most  miserable  state  of  existence.  Their  habits 
had  been  sutih  as  to  bring  ijiniine  upon  thenr;  and  but  for  the  provisions 
furnished  l)y  General  Harrison,  from  Vincennes,  starvation  would  doubtless 
have  ensued.*  At  this  juncture,  Tecumseh  made  bis*  appearance  among 
them  ;  and  although  in  the  character  of  a  subordinate  clucf,  yet  it  was  known 
that  he  directed  every  thing  afterwards,  jUtliough  in  the  name  of  tlio  Prophet. 
His  exertions  now  became  immense  to  engage  every  tribe  upon  tlie  continent 
in  H  confederacy,  with  the  open  and  avowed  ohjoct  of  arresting  the  progress 
of  the  whites. 

Agreeably  to  the  direction  of  the  government.  Governor  Harrison  purchased 
of  tlie  Dclawures,  Miamies,  and  Pottowatoniies,  a  large  tract  of  country  on 
both  sides  of  the  Wabash,  and  extending  up  the  river  GO  miles  above  Vin- 
cunnes.  This  was  in  1809,  about  a  year  after  the  Propltet  settled  with  iiis  colony 
upon  the  Wabash,  as  before  stated.  Tecumseh  was  absent  at  this  time,  and 
his  brother,  the  Propliel,  was  not  considered  as  having  any  claim  to  the  coun- 
try, being  tlierc  without  the  consent  of  the  Miamies.  Tecumnth  did  not  view 
it  in  this  light,  and  at  his  return  was  exce'edingly  vexed  with  those  chiefs 
who  had  made  the  coiiveyance ;  many  of  whom,  it  is  asserted,  he  threatened 
with  death.  Tecwnseh^s  displeasure  and  dissatisfaction  reached  Governor 
Harrison,  who  despatched  a  messenger  to  him,  to  state  "  that  any  claims  iio 
might  have  to  the  lands  which  had  been  ceiled,  were  not  affected  by  the 
treaty;  that  he  might  come  to  Vincennes  and  exhibit  his  pretensions,  and  if 
they  were  found  to  be  solid,  that  the  land  would  either  be  given  U]),  or  an 
ample  coinjiensation  made  for  it."t  Tliis,  it  must  [w  confiissed,  was  not  in  a 
strain  calculated  to  sootlie  a  mighty  mind,  wiicn  once  justly  irritated,  as  was 
that  of  Tecumseh.  However,  upon  the  12  August,  1810,  (a  day  which  cannot 
fail  to  remind  the  reader  of  the  fato  of  his  great  archetype,  Philip,  of  Pokan- 
oket,)  he  met  the  governor  in  comicil  at  Vincennes,  with  many  of  his  war- 
riors; at  which  time  he  spoke  to  him  as  follows : — 

"  It  k  true  I  am  a  Shavvaiiee.  My  fona'athers  were  warriors.  Their  son  is 
a  warrior.  From  them  I  only  take  my  existence  ;  from  my  tribe  I  take  noth- 
ing. I  am  the  maker  of  my  own  fortune  ;  and  oh  !  that  I  could  make  that 
of  my  red  people,  and  of  my  country,  as  great  as  the  concej)tions  of  my 
juind,  when  I  think  of  the  Spirit  that  rules  the  univerae.  T  would  not  then 
come  to  Governor  Harriso7i,  to  ask  him  to  tear  the  trea« .  atid  to  obliterate 
the  landmark ;  but  1  would  say  to  him.  Sir,  you  have  'iv.tyto  I'eturn  to 
your  own  country.  The  being  within,  comuuming  with  pa:,  ages,  tells  me, 
that  once,  nor  until  lately,  there  was  no  white  man  on  this  continent.  That 
it  then  all  belonged  to  red  men,  children  of  the  same  parents,  placed  on  it  by 
the  Great  Spirit  that  made  them,  to  keep  it,  to  traverse  it,  to  enjoy  its  produc- 
tions, and  to  fill  it  with  the  same  race.  Once  a  hapj»y  race.  Since  made 
miseral)le  by  the  white  people,  who  are  never  contented,  but  always  encroach- 
ing. '  The  way,. and  the  oidy  way  to  check  and  to  stop  this  evil,  is,  for  all  the 
red  men  to  utiite  in  claiming  a  common  and  equal  right  in  the  land,  as  it  was 
at  first,  and  should  be  yet ;  for  it  never  was  divided,  but  belongs  to  all,  for  the 
use  of  each.  That  no  part  has  a  right  to  sell,  even  to  each  other,  much  less 
to  strangers  ;  those  who  want  all,  and  will  not  do  with  less.  The  white  peo- 
ple have  no  right  to  take  the  land  from  the  Indians,  because  they  had  it  first ; 
It  is  theirs.  They  may  sell,  but  all  must  join.  Any  sale  not  made  by  all  is 
not  valid.  The  late  sale  is  bad.  It  was  made  by  a  part  only.  Piut  do  not 
know  how  to  sell.  It  recpjires  all  to  make  a  bargain  for  all.  All  red  men 
have  equal  rights  to  the  unoccupied  land.  The  right  of  occiqmncy  is  as 
good  in  one  place  as  in  another.  There  cannot  be  two  occupations  in  the 
same  i)lace.  The  first  excludes  all  others.  It  is  not  so  in  hunting  or  travel- 
ling; lor  there  the  same  ground  will  serve  many,  as  they  may  follow  each 


*  Memoirs  of  Harriion. 
11 


t  M'Afu. 


123 


TECUMSEH,— CONFERENCE  AT  VINCENNES. 


[Book  V, 


Other  all  day ;  but  rlie  camp  is  stJitinnary,  and  tliat  is  orciipancy.  It  belongs 
ti)  tlin  tirst  who  sits  iIowm  on  liiis  blanker  or  .skins,  wbicii  be  lias  tiirowii  upon 
tbe  gromid,  and  till  be  leaves  it  no  oibcr  bas  a  rigbt."  * 

How  near  tliis  is  to  tbe  origin;d  is  nnknown  to  ns,  bnt  it  appeai-s  too  niucli 
Aniericanizcfl  to  correspond  witli  our  notions  of  Tecumseh;  iievertbeless  it 
may  give  tin;  true  meaning.  One  important  jiaragrapb  ougbt  to  ho  added, 
wliieb  we  do  not  find  in  the  antlior  from  wliicli  we  bave  extracted  tbe  above  ; 
wbicb  was,  "that  the  Americans  had  (h-iven  them,  from  tbe  sea-coasts,  and 
tiiat  they  wonld  shortly  pnsli  them  into  the  lakes,  and  that  tbcy  were  deter- 
iiiined  to  make  a  stand  where  they  were."  f  This  langnage  fbrci!)ly  reminds 
ns  of  wh;;t  the  ancient  Britons  said  of  their  enemies,  when  they  bcsonght  aid 
of  the  IJomatis.  "The  barbarians  (said  tliey)  drive  ns  to  tbe  sea,  and  tlie  sea 
beats  ns  Ijuck  upon  them  ;  b;'tweim  tlu'st!  extremes  we  are  exposed,  eitber  to 
be  slain  with  the  sword,  or  drowned  in  tiie  waves."  \ 

Tecunise'i,  having  tbns  explaintul  bis  reasons  against  tbe  validity  of  tbe 
purchase,  took  bis  seat  amidst  his  warriors.  Governor  Hmrison,'m  bis  reply, 
said,  "til,  '  the  white  jieople,  when  they  arrived  upon  this  continent,  had 
found  tlie  iMiamies  in  the  occupation  of  all  the  country  on  the  Wabash,  and 
at  that  time  tbe  Shawan(!.se  wei-e  residents  of  GJeorgia,  from  wbicb  tbey 
were  driven  by  tbe  Creeks.  Tliat  the  lands  bad  been  purcbased  from  tbe 
Miamies,  who  were  the  iria;  and  original  owners  of  it.  That  it  was  ridicu- 
lous to  assert  that  all  tin;  Indians  were  one  nation  ;  fiir  if  such  bad  been  tbe 
intention  of  tbe  (treat  Hpirit,  Ik;  would  not  bave  j)ut  six  different  tongues 
into  their  beads,  bnt  bave  tnug'.it  them  all  to  sjieak  a  langnage  that  all  could 
understand.  That  the  Miainies  fifund  it  lor  their  interest  to  sell  a  part  of 
their  lands,  and  receive  for  them  a  Itirtiier  annuity,  tbe  benefit  of  wbicb  they 
had  long ex])'?rience!l,  from  the  punctuality  Viitb  vvificb  the  seventeen  fires 
[the  seventeen  United  States]  com])!ied  \vitli  their  engagements;  and  that  tbo 
Shawanese  had  no  right  to  come  from  a  distant  country  and  control  tbe 
Miamies  in  tbe  disposal  of  their  own  i)roperty."  Tbe  governor  then  took 
his  seat,  and  the  interpreter  proceeded  to  explain  to  Tecumseh  what  be  had 
said,  who,  when  he  bad  nearly  finished,  suddenly  interrupted  him,  and  ex- 
claimed, "  7<  ?s  a// ya/sc  ,• "  at  the  same  time  giving  to  his  warriors  a  signal, 
they  seized  their  war  clubs,  and  s|)rnng  upon  their  feet,  from  the  green  gi-ass 
on  which  tbey  had  been  sitting.  Tbo  governor  now  thought  himself  in  im- 
minent danger,  and,  fireing  himself  from  his  arm-chair,  drew  his  sword,  and 
prepared  to  defend  himself.  He  was  attended  by  some  officers  of  his  gov- 
ermnent,  and  many  citiz(!ns,  more  numerous  than  the  Indians,  but  all  unarmed ; 
most  of  whom,  however,  seized  ui)on  some  weapon,  such  as  stones  and  clubs. 
Tecumseh  continued  to  make  gestures  and  speak  with  great  emotion;  and  a 
guard  of  12  armed  men  stationed  by  tbe  governor  in  the  rear  were  ordered 
U]).  For  a  few  minutes,  it  was  expected  blood  would  be  shed.  Major  G.  R. 
Floyde,  who  .stood  near  the  governor,  drew  his  dirk,  and  Winnemak  cocked  his 
pistol,  which  he  bad  ready  primed;  he  said  Tecumseh  had  threatened  bis 
life  for  having  signed  the  treaty  and  sale  of  tbe  disputed  land.  A  Mv.  IVinas, 
tbe  Methodist  minister,  ran  to  the  governor's  liouse,  and,  taking  a  gun,  stootl 
in  the  door  to  defend  the  family. 

On  being  informed  what  Tecuvtseh  had  said,  tbe  governor  replied  to  him, 
that  "  he  was  a  bad  man — that  he  would  have  no  further  talk  with  him— that 
he  must  return  to  his  camp,  and  set  out  for  his  home  innnediately."  Thus 
ended  the  conference.  Tecumseh  did  not  leave  tbe  neighborhood,  but,  tlie 
next  morning,  having  reflected  upon  the  impropriety  of  his  condnet,  sent  to 
the  governor  to  have  the  council  renewed,  and  apologized  for  the  affi-out 
oftered ;  to  which  the  governor,  after  some  time,  consented,  having  taken  the 
precaution  to  have  two  additional  comjianies  of  armed  men  in  readiness,  in 
case  of  insult. 

Having  met  a  second  time,  Tecumseh  was  asked  whether  he  had  any  other 
grounds,  than  those  he  had  stated,  by  which  he  could  lay  claim  to  the  land 
in  question  ;  to  which  he  replied,  "  No  other."  Here,  then,  was  an  end  of 
all  argument.    The  indignant  soul  of  Tecumseh  could  not  but  be  enraged  a( 


*  Hist.  Kentucky. 


t  Mem.  Harrison, 


I  Seller^s  England, 


(Book  V, 


Chap.  VII.] 


TECUMSEII. 


123 


the  idea  of  an  "  cqiiiviilonf  for  a  country,"  or,  wlint  meant  the  same  thing,  a 
compensaiion  ibr  land,  \v)iic  I  gotten  repeated,  as  it  had  been,  wonid  soon  «mowrt< 
to  a  countnf !  "  Tlic  behavior  of  Tecnmsth,  at  this  interview,  was  very  differ- 
ent from  vviiat  it  iiud  been  the  day  heibre.  His  deportnunt  was  dignified 
and  collected,  and  ho  showed  not  the  h;ast  disposition  to  be  insolent.  Ho 
denied  having  any  intention  of  attacking  tiie  governor,  but  said  ho  had  been 
advised  by  wliitc  men  "  *'  to  do  as  bo  had  done  ;  that  two  white  men  had  visited 
him  at  his  place  of  rcsidenc",  and  told  iiiiu  that  hall"  the  white  ])eople  were  op- 
posed to  Governor  Harrison,  and  ^vi'linirto  relin(inish  the  laud,  and  told  him 
to  advise  the  tribes  not  to  receive  |>.iy  lor  it;  for  that  the  governor  wonld  be 
soon  put  out  of  office,  and  a  "good  iuan"  sent  in  his  place,  who  would  give  up 
the  land  to  the  Indians.  The  governor  asked  him  whether  he  would  prevent 
the  survey  of  the  land :  ho  repliiid  that  he  was  determined  to  adhere  to  the 
old  boundari/.  Tiien  aroKo  a  Wyandot,  a  Kikkapoo,  a  Pottowattomie,  an 
Ottowas,  and  a  Winnebago  chief,  each  (leiHaring  his  detern)ination  to  stand 
by  Tecumseh,  whom  they  liaij  (;liosen  their  chief.  Alter  the  governor  liad 
informed  Tecumseh  that  liis  words  should  be  truly  reported  to  the  presi- 
dent, alleging,  at  the  same  time,  that  ho  knew  the  land  would  not  be  re- 
lincpiislied,  and  that  it  would  l)e  maintained  by  the  sword,  the  council 
closed. 

The  governor  wished  yet  to  prolong  the  interview,  and  thought  that, 
possibly,  Tecumseh  might  apjjeur  more  suhnussive,  should  he  meet  liim  in 
his  own  tent.  Accordingly  lie  took  with  him  an  interpreter,  and  visited 
the  chief  in  his  camp  the  next  day.  The  governor  was  received  with  kind- 
ness and  iittention,  and  Tecumseh  conversed  whh  him  a  considerable  time. 
On  being  asked  by  the  governor  if  his  determiiiation  really  was  as  he  had 
ex|ircsse(!  himself  in  the  council,  he  said,  "Yes;"  and  added,  "that  it  was 
with  great  reluctance  he  would  make  war  with  tiie  United  States — against 
whom  be  iiad  no  other  complaint,  Itut^ their  purchasing  the  Indians'  land; 
that  he  was  extremely  anxious  to  be  ^lieir  friend,  and  if  he  (the  governor) 
would  prevail  upon  the  president  to  give  up  the  lands  lately  purchased,  and 
agree  never  to  make  another  treaty,  without  the  consent  of  all  the  tribes,  he 
woidd  be  their  faithful  ally,  and  assist  them  in  all  their  wars  with  the  English," 
whom  he  knew  were  always  treating  the  Indians  like  dogs,  clapping  their 
hands  and  hallooing  slu-boij  ;  that  he  would  nnich  rather  join  the  seventeen 
fires ;  but  if  they  would  not  give  up  said  lands,  and  comply  with  his  request 
in  other  respects,  he  would  join  the  English.  When  the  governor  told  him 
there  was  no  probability  that  the  president  would  comply,  he  said,  "Well,  as 
the  great  chief  is  to  determine  the  matter,  I  hope  the  Great  Sjiirit  will  put 
sense  enough  into  his  head,  to  induce  him  to  direct  you  to  give  uj)  this  land. 
It  is  true,  he  is  so  far  ofl"  he  will  not  be  injured  by  the  war.  He  may  sit  still 
in  his  town,  and  drink  his  wine,  whilst  you  and  I  will  have  to  tight  it  out." 
He  had  said  before,  when  asked  if  it  were  his  determination  to  make  war 
unless  his  terms  were  complied  with,  "/i  js  mi)  deierminulion ;  nor  will  I  give 
rest  to  miffcet,  until  I  h'tve  united  all  the  red  vien  in  the  like  resolution." 

Thus  is  exhibite<l  the  determined  character  of  Tecumseh,  in  which  no 
duplicity  appears,  and  whose  resentment  might  have  been  expected,  when 
questioned,  again  and  again,  upon  the  same  siiliject.  Most  religiously  did  he 
ijrosecute  this  ])lan;  and  eould  liis  ("xtraoniinary  and  wonderful  exertions  be 
known,  no  fiction,  it  is  lulieved,  could  scarcely  sur|)ass  the  reality.  The 
tribes  to  the  west  of  the  Alississipi)!,  and  tliuse  about  Lakes  Superior  and 
Huron,  were  visited  and  revisited  by  him  pn-vious  to  the  year  1811.  He  had 
raised  in  these  tribes  the  high  ex])ectation  that  they  should  be  able  to  drive 
the  Americans  to  the  east  of  the  Ohio.  The  famous  Blne-jnckd  was  as  san- 
guine as  Tecumseh,  and  was  hi-<  abettor  in  uniting  distant  trilx^s. 

The  iftllowing  charaeteristie  circimistanee  occurred  at  one  of  the  meet- 
ings at  Vincennes.  AWvr  Tirumseh  had  made  a  speech  to  Governor  flar- 
rimn,  and  was  aboiu  to  seal  liiaiself  in  a  chair,  he  observed  that  none  had 
b  'en  [tlaced  for  him.  One  was  inunediately  orderivl  hy  the  governor,  and, 
as  the  interitreler  handed  it  to  him,  he  said,  "Your  fijther  recpicsts  you  to  take 

*  MciiKi'rs  of  !L;rri'o-i. 


124 


TECUMSEir.— BATTLE  OF  TIPPECANOE. 


[Book  V- 


a  clmir."  '^ My  father?"  mys  Tecumseh,  with  gi-nat  indignity  of  expression, 
"  the  sun  is  m;/ father,  and  the  earth  is  mi/  motlier ;  and  on  her  bosom  I  wilt  repose ;" 
uiul  iiniiicdiutciy  seated  liiiiifelf,  in  tlu;  liidiiui  inniiner,  ui)oii  tiie  ground.* 

The  tif^ht  at  Tippecanoe  followed  soon  after.  Tlii«  aftiiir  took  place  in  tho 
ni^'lit  of  Nov.  G,  1811,  in  which  U'i  Americans  were  killed,  and  12(j  wounded. 
Tecumseh  was  not  in  this  fight,  hut  his  brother,  tho  Prophet,  conducted  or 
ordered  the  attack.  During  the  action,  he  was  ])erforniinjf  conjurations  on 
an  eminence  not  far  off,  hut  out  of  danijer.  His  men  disj)layed  great  hraverv, 
and  the  fight  was  long  and  bloody.  Harrison  lost  some  of  his  bravest  offi- 
cers. The  late  Colonel  Snelliii!^,  of  Boston,  then  a  captain,  was  in  this  fight, 
and  took  prisoner  with  his  own  hands  an  Indian  chief,  the  only  Indian  taken 
by  the  Americans.  The  name  of  the  captured  chief  we  do  not  learn,  but 
from  his  I'ear  of  being  taken  for  a  Shawanee,  it  is  evident  he  was  not  of  that 
tribe.  When  ho  was  seized  by  Capt.  Snellinir,^  he  ejaculated,  with  hurried 
accents, "  Good  man,  me  no  Shawanee."  f  The  chiefs  JVhite-lion  ( Jfapamangwa,) 
Stone-eater  (Sanamahhonga,)  and  Winnemak,  were  consincuous  at  this  time. 
The  latter  had  been  the  [)rcteuded  friend  of  the  governor,  but  now  appeared 
his  cneniy.    lie  was  killed  the  next  year  by  the  lamented  Logan. 

Just  before  hostilities  commenced,  in  a  talk  Governor  Harrison  had  with 
Tecumseli,  the  former  expressed  a  wish,  if  war  must  follow,  that  cruelty  to 
prisoners  should  not  be  allowed  on  either  side.  Tecumseh  assured  him  that 
he  would  do  all  in  his  poAver  to  prevent  it;  and  it  is  believed  he  strictly 
adhered  to  this  resolution.  Indeed,  we  have  one  example,  which  has  never 
been  called  in  question,  and  is  worthy  the  great  mind  of  this  chief.  When 
Colonel  Dudley  was  cut  ofl!*,  and  near  400  of  his  men,  not  far  from  Fort  Meigs, 
by  falling  into  an  ambush,  Tecumseh  arrived  at  the  scene  of  action  when  the 
Americans  could  resist  no  longer.  He  exerted  himself  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
massacre  of  the  soldiers,  which  was  then  going  on ;  and  meeting  with  a 
Chippeway  chief  who  would  not  desist  by  persuasion  nor  tlireats,  he  buried 
his  tomahawk  in  his  head.  \ 

It  is  said  that  Tecumseh  had  been  in  almost  every  important  battle  witli  the 
Americans,  from  the  destruction  of  General  Harmer's  army  till  his  death  upon 
the  Thames.  He  was  under  the  direction  of  General  Proctor,  in  this  last 
great  act  of  his  life,  but  was  greatly  dissatisfied  with  his  course  of  proceed- 
ings, and  is  said  to  have  remonstrated  against  retreating  before  the  Americans 
in  very  pointed  terms.  Perry's  victory  had  just  given  the  Americans  the 
command  of  Lake  Erie ;  and  immediately  after,  Proctor  abandoned  Detroit, 
and  marched  his  majesty's  army  up  the  River  Thames,  accompanied  by  Gen- 
eral Tecumseh,  with  about  1500  warriors.  Harrison  overtook  them  near  the 
Moravian  town,  Oct.  5,  1813,  and,  after  a  bloody  battle  with  the  Indians, 
routed  and  took  prisoners  nearly  the  whole  British  army;  Proctor  saving 
himself  only  by  flight.  After  withstanding  almost  the  whole  force  of  the 
Americans  for  some  time,  Tecumseh  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  arm,  but 
continued  to  fight  with  desperation,  until  a  shot  in  the  head  from  an  luiknown 
hand  laid  hijn  prostrate  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  §  Of  his  warriors  120 
were  left  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

Thus  fell  Tecumseh,  in  the  forty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  He  was  about  five 
feet  ttsn  inches  in  height,  of  a  noble  appearance,  and  a  perfectly  symmetrical 
form.  "His  carriage  was  erect  and  lofty — his  motions  quick — his  eyes  pen- 
etrating— his  visage  stern,  witli  an  air  of  hatdeur  in  his  countenance,  which 
arose  from  an  elevated  pride  of  soul.  It  did  not  leave  him  even  in  death." 
He  is  thus  sj)oken  of  by  one  who  knew  him. 

At  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  a  chief  by  the  name  of  Shane  ser\cA  as  a 
guide  to  Colonel  Johnson^s  regiment.  He  informs  us  that  he  knew  Tecumseh 
well,  and  that  he  once  had  had  his  thigh  broken,  which  not  being  properly 
set,  caused  a  considerable  ridge  in  it  always  after.  This  was  published  in  a 
Kentucky  newspaper,  lately,  as  necessary  to  prove  that  the  Indian  killed  by 

*  Sclwokrcx/'t.  t  biformalioii  of  his  son,  IV.  J.  Snelling,  Esq.  of  Boston. 

t  Jam,s,  i.  2'n— Perkins,  221. 

\^  Tlio  story  that  lie  fell  in  (i  personal  rencounter  willi  Colonel  Johnson,  must  no  longer  be 
believeil.  Facts  are  entirely  opposed  to  such  a  conckisioii.  bideed,  we  cannot  learn  thai 
llie  colonel  ever  chimed  the  honor  of  the  achievement. 


Chai'.  VU] 


TECUMSEII.-BATTLE  OF  MAGAUGO. 


125 


[Book  V- 

f  expression, 
will  repose;''^ 
groniid.* 
place  in  tho 
2(J  wounded, 
oiiductcd  or 
ijiirations  on 
rent  bravery, 
bravest  offi- 
in  this  fight, 
[ndiaii  taken 
ot  learn,  but 
H  not  of  that 
vitli  hin-ried 
ipamangwa,) 
It  this  time. 
)w  appeared 

on  had  with 
It  cruelty  to 
ed  him  that 
I  he  strictly 
h  has  never 
lief  When 
Fort  Meigs, 
>n  when  the 
I  stop  to  the 
ting  with  a 
s,  he  buried 

tie  with  the 
death  upon 
in  tliis  last 
)f  proceed- 
Ainericans 
3ricans  the 
led  Detroit, 
ed  by  Gen- 
111  near  the 
le  Indians, 
dor  saving 
)rce  of  the 
le  arm,  but 
1  unknown 
orriors  120 

about  five 
mmetrical 
eyes  pen- 
ice,  wliich 
in  death." 

iiTed  as  a 
Tecumseh 
J  properly 
ishcd  in  a 
1  killccl  by 

of  Boston. 

o  longer  he 
Icara  tliav 


Colonel  Johnson  was  Tecumsch.  From  the  same  paper  it  would  seem,  that, 
even  on  the  day  of  battle,  it  was  doubted  by  some  whether  the  chief  kiHeil 
were  Tccumseh,  and  that  ii  critical  inquest  was  held  over  his  body;  and 
although  it  was  decided  to  be  he,  yet  to  the  fact  that  the  colonel  killed  him, 
there  whs  a  demur,  even  then.  But,  no  doubt,  many  were  willing  it  should 
so  pass,  thinking  it  a  matter  of  not  much  consequence,  so  long  as  Ttcumseh, 
their  most  dreaded  enemy,  was  actually  slain ;  and,  perhaps,  too,  so  near  the 
event,  many  felt  a  delicacy  in  dissenting  from  the  report  of  Colonel  Johnson\f 
friends ;  but  when  time  had  dispelled  such  jealousy,  those  came  out  frankly 
with  tiieir  opinion,  and  hence  resulted  the  actual  truth  of  the  case. 

That  the  American  soldiers  should  have  dishonored  themselves,  afler  their 
victory,  by  outraging  all  decencv  by  acts  of  astonishing  ferocity  and  barbarity 
upon  the  lifeless  body  of  the  fallen  chief,  is  grievmis  to  mention,  and  caimot 
meet  with  too  severe  condemnation.  Pieces  of  his  skin  were  taken  away  by 
some  of  them  as  mementoes !  *  He  is  said  to  have  borne  a  personal  enmity  to 
General  Harrison,  at  this  time,  for  having  just  before  destroyed  his  family. 
The  celebrated  speech,  said  to  have  been  delivered  by  the  great  "Sbawanese 
warrior"  to  General  Proctor,  before  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  is  believed  by 
many  not  to  be  genuine.  It  may  be  seen  in  every  history  of  the  war,  and 
every  periodical  of  that  day,  and  not  a  few  since,  even  to  this.  Therefore  we 
omit  it  here.  The  speech  of  Logan,  perhaps,  lias  not  circulated  wider. 
Another,  in  our  opinion,  more  worthy  the  mighty  mind  of  Tecumseh,  published 
in  a  work  said  to  be  written  by  one  who  heard  it,f  is  now  generally  (on  the 
authority  of  a  public  journal  |)  discarded  ns  a  fiction. 

Among  the  skirmishes  between  the  belligerents,  before  General  Hull  sur- 
rendered the  north-western  army,  l\cumseh  an'l  his  Indians  acted  a  con- 
spicuous part. 

Maiden,  situated  at  the  jtmction  of  Detroit  River  with  Lake  Erie,  was 
considered  the  Gibraltar  of  (\.iiada,  and  it  was  expected  that  General  HidVs 
first  object  would  be  to  possess  himself  of  it.  In  a  movement  that  way. 
Colonel  M^Arthtir  came  very  near  being  cut  off  by  a  party  of  Indians  led  by 
TccumscJu  About  4  miles  from  Maiden,  he  found  a  bridge  in  possession  of  a 
body  of  the  enemy ;  and  although  the  bridge  was  carried  by  a  force  under 
Colonel  Cass,§  in  efiecting  which,  11  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  yet  it  seems, 
that  in  a  "  few  days  afterwards "  they  were  in  possession  of  it  again,  and 
again  the  Americans  stood  ready  to  repi^at  the  attack.  It  was  in  an  attempt 
to  reconnoitre,  that  Colonel  M^ Arthur  -'advanced  somewhat  too  near  the 
enemy,  and  narrowly  escaped  being  cut  off  from  his  men"||  by  several 
Indians  who  had  nearly  prevented  his  retreat. 

Major  Vanhom  was  detached  on  the  4  August  from  Aux  Canards,  with  200 
men,  to  convoy  1.50  Ohio  militia  and  some  provisions  from  the  River  Raisin. 
In  his  second  day's  march,  near  Brownstown,  he  fell  into  an  ambush  of  70 
Indians  under  Tecumseh,  who,  firing  upon  him,  killed  20  men ;  among  whom 
were  Captains  M^Culloch,%  Bostler,  GUcrease,**  and  Ubry:  9  more  were 
wounded.    The  rest  made  a  precipitate  retreat. 

Major  Vanhom  having  failed  in  his  attempt,  Colonel  Miller  was  sent  on 
the  8th  of  August,  with  600  men  to  protect  the  same  provisions  and  trans- 
ports. The  next  day,  August  9th,  about  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  van- 
guard, commanded  by  Captain  Snelling,  was  fired  upon  by  an  extensive  line 
of  British  and  Indians,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  village  of  Magaugo,  14  miles 
from  Detroit.  The  main  body  was  half  a  mile  in  the  rear  when  the  attack 
began.  Captain  Snellint^  maintained  his  position  in  a  most  gallant  manner, 
under  a  heavy  fire,  until  the  line  was  formed  and  advanced  to  his  relief 
The  force  against  which  the  Americans  were  now  contending  was  made  up 

*  We  have  often  heard  it  said,  but  whether  iu  Irulli  we  do  uot  aver,  that  Uiere  are  those 
who  still  own  razor  straps  made  of  it. 
t  John  Dunn  Hunter.  %  North  American  Review. 

Since  fijovernor  of  Alichigan,  aud  now  secretary  of  war. 
Brackenridge,  Hist.  War^  31. 

[  In  this  officer's  pocket,  it  is  said,  was  found  a  letter  written  for  his  wife,  giving  an 
account  of  his  having  killed  an  Indian,  from  whose  head  lie  tore  tiic  scalp  with  his  tecih. 
•*  Oilchritt,  commouly  written. 
11  • 


■i 


I 


I 


126 


TECUMSEir. 


[Rook  V. 


of  n  l)0(]y  of  500  Iiuliniis  under  Tecumsch,  Jf'alk-in-the-waler,  Mnrpot,  and  the 
since  iainoiis  Black-hawk,  and  a  considerable  nnmber  of  wJiites  under  Major 
Muir.  Tliey  were  ibrnicd  beiiiiid  u  breastwork  of  felled  trees.  Wlieii 
Colonel  Miller  Iiad  brought  his  men  into  line,  the  enemy  sprang  from  their 
hiding-places,  and  formed  in  line  of  battle,  and  a  fierce  and  api»alling  strife 
ensued.  The  British  and  Indian  force  was  one  third  greater  than  the  Ameri- 
can, but  nothing  could  withstand  them,  when  led  on  by  such  otlicers  as 
Miller  and  Snellivg,  and  the  ■'round  was  disputed  inch  by  inch  for  near 
two  miles,  to  the  village  of  Brownstown.  Here  the  IJritisli  took  to  their 
boats,  and  the  Indians  to  the  woods,  and  thus  the  battle  closed.  It  was  owing 
to  a  disobedience  of  orders  on  I  lie  part  of  the  cavalry,  that  the  British 
escaped  entire  destruction ;  for  Colonel  Miller  ordered  them  to  rush  upon 
them  and  cut  them  up  when  their  guns  were  unloaded,  and  their  ranks  were 
ill  confusion,  but  they  woidd  not,  altiiough  Captain  Sncllinff  nftvivd  to  lead 
them  in  person.  In  this  aifair  the  Indians  and  British  lost  100  killed  and 
200  wounded,  and  the  Aniericans  had  18  killed  dnd  58  wounded.* 

A  British  writer  upon  tlie  late  war,  f  ailer  having  related  the  battle  of  the 
Thames,  in  wliich  Tccuituith  fi'll,  says:  "It  seems  extraordinary  that  General 
Harrison  shoid<l  have  omitted  to  menti(i  \  in  his  letter,  the  death  of  a  chief, 
whose  fall  contributed  so  largely  to  break  down  the  Indian  spirit,  and  to  give 
peace  and  .security  to  the  whole  north-western  fronjtier  of  the  U.  States. 
TecKHWcA,  although  he  had  received  a  niusket-ball  in  the  left  arm,  was  still 
seeking  the  hottest  of  the  fire,"  when  he  received  the  mortal  wound  in  the 
head,  of  \^  liich  he  in  a  l\^w  moments  exjiired.  The  error,  which  for  some 
thne  prevailed,  of  his  being  shot  l)y  Colonel  Johnson,  is  copied  into  Vila  author's 
work.  The  following  descriptions,  thongli  in  some  respects  errcmeous,  are 
of  suflicient  value  to  be  jtreserved. 

Tecumwh  was  endowed  "with  more  than  the  usual  stoutness,  j).issessed  all 
the  agility  imd  |)erseverani'e,  of  the  Indian  character.  His  carriage  was 
dignifi<!d ;  his  eye  jienetrating;  his  countenance,  which,  even  in  death,  be- 
trayed tlu!  indications  of  a  lofty  spirit,  rather  of  the  steriier  cast.  Had  he  not 
possessed  a  certain  austerity  ol'  manners,  he  could  never  hiive  controlled  the 
wayward  passions  of  those  who  followed  him  to  batth?.  He  was  of  a  silent 
habit;  but,  when  his  eloquence  becamiM'onsed  into  acti<in  by  tlie  reiterated 
encroachments  of  the  Americans,!  his  strong  intellect  could  sni)ply  him  with 
a  flow  of  oratory,  that  enabhid  him,  as  he  governed  in  the  field,  so  to  ])re- 
scribe  in  tjie  coimcil.  Those  who  consider  that,  in  all  territoriid  questions, 
the  ablest  diiilomatists  of  the  U.  States  are  sent  to  negotiate  with  the  Indians, 
will  readily  anpreciate  tJio  loss  sustiuned  by  the  latter  in  the  death  of  their 
champion.  The  Indians,  in  general,  are  fidl  as  fond  as  other  savages  of  the 
gaudy  deconition  of  their  jjcrsons;  but  Tecumseh  was  an  exception.  Clothes 
and  other  valuable  articles  of  spoil  had  otlen  been  his;  yet  he  invariably 
wore  a  deeriikin  coat  and  paiitidoons.  He  had  freipiently  levied  subsidies  to, 
conqnuatively,  a  large  amount ;  yet  he  jireserved  little  or  nothing  fi)r  himself. 
It  was  not  wealth,  but  glory,  that  was  r-^ctimsih^s  ruling  |mssion.  I'atal  day  ! 
when  the  *(  hrisfian  people'  first  penetrated  the  forests,  to  teach  the  arts  of 
'civilization'  to  the  poor  Indian.  Till  then  water  had  beeti  hisoidy  beverage, 
and  himself'  and  bis  ract?  possessed  all  the  vigor  of  hardy  savages.  Now, 
no  Indian  opens  his  lips  to  the  stream  that  ripples  by  his  wigwam,  while  ho 
has  a  rag  of' clothes  on  his  back,  wherewith  to  purchase  rum;  inid  he  and 
his  S(|uaw  and  his  <diildren  wtdlow  through  the  day,  in  beastly  dnmkeimess. 
Instead  of  the  sturdy  warrior,  with  a  head  to  ]ilan,  and  lui  arm  to  execute, 
vengeance  U|ion  the  oppressors  of  his  country,  we  behold  the  puny,  besotted 
wretch,  scpialfing  on  iiis  hams,  ready  to  barter  his  country,  his  children,  or 
himself,  for  a  fi-w  gulps  of  that  deleterious  conqxiiind,  which,  fiir  more  than 
tht^  arms  of  the  I  iiited  Slates,  [(jreat  Britain  and  France,]  is  hastening  to 
extinguish  all  traces  of  his  pamit  and  character.  Tentnisvh,  himself,  in  early 
lite,  had  been  addicted  to  intempcuance ;  but  no  sooner  did  his  judgment 


•  Sknchfs  oflh*  War,  i.  22.  t  Jumes,  1.  207,  die. 

\  .^«  thougli  ilic  lliiglijli  of  Canada  imd  never  been  g^iiliy  of  cncroacluucnts ! 


[Book  V. 

7ot,  and  the 
iiiijer  Major 
08.  When 
',  from  their 
ailing  strife 

the  Ameri- 

ofHcers  as 
•h  for  near 
ok  to  their 

was  owing 
the  BritisJi 

riisii  upon 
ranlis  were 
led  to  lead 

killed  and 

attle  of  the 
iiat  General 

of  a  ehief, 
and  to  pivo 

U.  States, 
ni,  was  still 
)und  ill  the 
h  for  some 
'lis  author's 
L'lieous,  are 

issessed  all 

rriage  was 
(leatli,  he- 

llad  he  not 

itrolletl  the 

of  a  silent 

reit(}rated 

ly  him  with 

so  to  pre- 

fpiestions, 

le  Indians, 

th  of  their 

iges  of  tho 

Clothes 

invariably 

ihsidies  to, 
>r  himself. 
Fatal  day ! 
II'  arts  of 
heveiapo, 
s.  Now, 
,  while  ho 
id  he  and 
iikenness. 
•  execute, 
,  liesotted 
lildrtMi,  or 
III  ire  than 
^telling  to 
i',  in  early 
judgment 


'Zifl,  ice. 


Chap.  VII.] 


TECUMSEII. 


137 

iiahit. 


tl 


decide  against,  than   his  resolution  eiiahled  him  to  quit,  so  vilo  a 
Bevond  one  or  two  glasses  of  wine,  he  never  afterwards  indulired." 

ft  was  said  not  to  lie  fi-oni  good  will  to  the  Americans,  that  he  would  not 
permit  his  warriors  to  exereise  any  cruelty  upon  them,  w  hen  fallen  into  their 
power,  hut  lioui  jirineiple  alone  When  Detroit  was  laki'ii  by  the  British 
and  Indians,  Tucunwh  was  in  tlic!  action  at  the  head  of  the  latter.  After  the 
surrender,  (ifeiieriil  Brock  rci|uested  him  not  to  allow  his  Indians  to  ill-treat 
the  prisoners;  to  which  he  replied,  "vVo.'  /  dc.ijrise  than  too  muck  to  meddle 
ivith  tlieni," 

Some  of  the  English  have  said  that  there  were  few  officers  in  the  U. 
States'  service  so  able  to  coiiiinaiid  in  the  field  as  Tecumseh,     This  it  will  not 
behove    to  (pi(?stion;    but  it  would  better  have  become  such    speecli- 


us 


makers,  if  they  had  aililinl,  "in  his  peculiar  mode  of  warfare."  That  he 
was  a  more  wily  chief  IIkui  Mi.iliilamtlcivit,  mny  be  doiiliteil;  that  either  had 
natural  abilities  inferior  to  those  of  Geiu^ral  IVnjine,  or  Giiieral  Brock,  wo 
see  no  reason  to  believe.  But  iliis  is  no  argument  that  they  could  jnvuitisc 
European  warfare  as  well  as  tliose  generals.  It  is  obvious,  from  his  inter- 
course with  th(!  whites,  that  Tccuimch  must  have  been  better  .^killed  in  tiieir 
military  tactics  than  most,  if  not  all,  of  his  countryiiieii,  whether  predecessoia 
or  contemporari(!s. 

A  niilitary  man,**  as  we  apprehend,  says,  "He  [Tccumseh]  was  an  excellent 
judge  of  position,  and  not  only  kiiev/,  but  could  point  out  tho  lornlities  of 
the  whole  country  through  which  he  had  passed."  "His  liicilitv  of  coininu- 
liicating  the  inrormatioiihe  had  acipiired,  was  thus  disjilayed  lieforiMi  con- 
course of  spectators.  Previously  to  (Jeneial  BrocliS  crossing  over  to  Detroit, 
he  asked  Tccuimrh  what  sort  of  a  country  he  should  have  to  pass  through  in 
case  of  his  proceeding  farther.  Ticwnsch,  taking  a  roll  of  elm-bark,  and  ex- 
tending it  on  the  ground  by  means  of  four  stones,  drijw  liirth  his  scalping- 
knite,  and  with  the  jtoint  jiresently  etcluid  upon  the  bark  a  plan  ol"  the  conn- 
try,  its  hills,  woods,  rivers,  morasses,  and  roads;  a  plan  which,  if  not  as  neat, 
Was,  liir  \\w,  purpose  recpiireil,  I'ully  as  intelligible^  as  if  .'hnncsmith  himself 
had  prepared  it.  Pleased  w itli  this  uiiex|iecte(l  talent  in  Ticiimsch,  also  with 
Ids  having,  by  his  characterist'c  boldness,  induced  thi;  Indians,  not  of  his  ini- 
inediati!  party,  to  cross  the  Detroit,  prim-  to  the  embarkation  of  the  regulars 
and  militia,  (icneral  Iirock,nii  soon  as  the  business  was  over,  publicly  took  oft' 
his  sash,  and  placed  it  round  the  body  of  tlu^  chief  Tccitmmh  received  the 
honor  with  evidiuit  gratiticalion,  but  was,  the  next  day,  seen  without  his 
sash.  Gencial  Brock,  fearing  something  had  disphiasiMl  the  Indian,  sent  his 
interpreter  for  an  ixjilanation.  The  latter  soon  returned  with  an  account 
that  Tecumseh,  not  wishing  to  wear  such  a  mark  oi"  distinction,  when  an 
older,  and,  as  he  said,  abler,  warrior  than  himself  was  present,  huiltranstiirrcd 
the  sash  to  the  Wjandot  chiel"  Round-head." 

The  place  of  this  renowned  warrior's  birth  was  upon  thi^  hanks  of  ilio 
Scioto  River,  near  what  isnowChillicothe.*  Hisfatln^r's  name  was  Pukcesheno, 
which  means,  I  lli^htj'romjlijiiiir.  He  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Kanhawa,  in 
1771.  His  mother's  name  was  Mtcthvititiihc,  which  signilies,  n  turtle  l(i;iiu^ 
her  CfffTs  ill  thesniid.  Slie  died  amnng  the  Cherokees.  Slie  had,  at  one  birth, 
three  sons: — FMskw(dnw(i,  whicli  signifies,  it  door  opened,  was  called  tho 
Prophet;  Terumneh,  \\\\\i'h  ix,  a  tlf^er  crouchinp;  for  his  prey ;  and  Kumskaka,  a 
tiger  thntjHes  in  the  nir.  f 

We  will  here  present  the  reader  with  a  specimen  of  tho  Shawunee  lan- 
giiugo,  in  the  LonPa  Prayer. 

Coe-thin-n,  spim-i-knf  uen-taw-ynn-oe,  o-we.i-sn-i/esr  yty-xey-tho-ynn-ue :  Dajj- 
pale-i-tvm-any-pity-itch  thi-key,  iien-iaiii-t(i]i-hai/-;ion-iie  i.t,ii-noek-i-kei/,  yoe-nm 
aasia-hrji-kie  pi-sei/  spim-i-heii.  Mc-li-na-kei/  oe  noo-ki  ro.<i-si-kie  fii-wu-it-lhin  oe 
yea-iertp-a-ki  Im'k-whan-n ;  jniek-i-lum-i-im-loo  km-won-ol-i-they-uwi.  ien-se- 
puek-i-tum-a  nw-ehil-i-tow-e-ta  thirk-i  mrt-rhaw-ki  tu.i-ini-neltrh-purk-sin-n  wa- 
pun-si-loo  wim  po  won-ot-i-they  yn  key-la  tay  pale-i-lum-any  wny  wi.i-sa  kie 
was-si-ciU- i- uie-way  limy-pay- we- way. I 


Mf  Jamc9,  ul  iiipra,  t  iSV/iuo/cni/?. 


t  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  310,  (for  I71W.) 


128 


ELLSKWATAWA,  THE  PROPHET. 


[Book  V. 


In  1826,  the  only  surviving  son  of  Temmseh,  whose  name  is  Puchethei, 
which  signifies  crouching  or  tvatching  his  prey,  left  the  Ohio  to  settle  beyond 
the  Mississippi.*  This  son,  when  his  tUther  was  slain,  was  fightuig  by  his 
side.  "  The  prince  regent,"  says  Mr.  Jatnta,  "in  1814,  out  of  respect  to  the 
memory  to  the  old,  sent  out  as  a  present  to  the  young  Ttcumseh  a  handsome 
sword ; "  and  then  closes  this  paragraph  with  this  most  savage  lamentation : 
"  Unfortunately,  however,  for  the  Indian  cause  and  country,  faint  are  the 
prospects  that  Tecumseh  the  son  will  ever  equal,  in  wisdom  or  prowess, 
Tecumaeh  the  father."  \ 

ELLSKWATAWA.  Although  we  have  given  some  important  facts  in 
the  life  of  this  impostor,  there  are  so>iio  circumstances  which  claim  to  be 
related.  After  the  termination  of  the  war  of  1812,  he  received  a  pension 
from  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  and  resided  in  Canada.  In  1820,  he 
was  prevailed  upon  to  leave  that  country,  and  went,  with  others,  to  settle  be- 
yond the  Mississippi.  At  the  same  time  also  went  the  only  surviving  son  of 
Tecumseh, 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  about  the  Prophet ;  and,  as  is  generally 
the  case,  the  accounts  vary,  in  proportion  to  their  multiplicity.  From  a  well- 
wiutten  article  in  a  foreign  i)eriodical,t  it  is  said  that,  during  the  first  50  years 
of'his  life,  he  was  remarkable  for  nothing  except  his  stupidity  and  intoxica- 
tion. In  liis  50th  year,  while  in  the  act  of  lighting  his  pipe,  he  fell  back  in 
his  cabin,  upon  his  bed ;  and,  continuing  for  some  time  lifeless,  to  all  apnear- 
ances,  preparations  were  made  for  his  interment ;  and  it  was  not  until  the 
tribe  was  assembled,  as  usual  on  .such  occasions,  and  they  were  in  the  act  of 
removing  him,  that  he  revived.  Ilis  first  words  were,  "  Z>on7  6e  a/armerf,  / 
have  seen  heaven.  Call  tlie  nation  tos;et}ver,  tlvat  I  inay  teU  them  ivliat  has  tppeared 
to  me."  When  they  were  asseinbled,  he  told  them  that  two  beautiful  young 
men  had  been  sent  Irom  heaven  by  the  (Jreat  Spirit,  who  spoke  thus  to  him : 
— The  Great  Spirit  is  angry  with  you,  and  will  desU'oy  all  the  red  men :  unless 
you  refrain  from  drunkenness,  lying  and  stealing,  and  turn  yourselves  to  him, 
you  shall  never  enter  the  bcuitiful  place  which  we  will  now  show  you."  Ho 
was  then  conducted  to  the  gCvSs  of  heaven,  from  wheucj)  he  could  behold 
all  its  beauties,  but  was  not  permitted  to  enter.  Afh'r  undergoing  several 
hours'  tantalization,  from  extreme  desire  of  ))articipating  in  its  indescribable 
joys  and  pleasures,  he  was  dismissed.  Ilis  conductors  told  him  to  tell  all 
the  Indians  what  he  had  seen ;  to  repent  of  their  ways,  and  they  would  visit 
him  again.  My  authority  s<iys,  that,  on  the  PropheVs  visiting  the  neighboring 
nations,  his  mission  had  a  goocl  effect  on  their  morals,  &c.  But  this  part  of 
his  story,  at  least,  is  at  variance  with  facts ;  fur  none  would  hear  to  him,  ex- 
cept the  most  abandoned  young  warriors  of  those  tribes  he  visited,  and  their 
miserable  condition  in  colonizing  themselves  upon  the  Wabash,  in  IHll,  is 
well  known.  § 

There  was  an  earthquake  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the  Creek  country, 
in  December,  1811.  ||  The  Prophet  visited  the  Cnu'ka  in  the  previous  August, 
and  "  pronounced  in  the  pidilic  scpiare,  that  shortly  a  lamp  would  appear  in 
the  west,  to  aid  him  in  his  hostile  attack  upon  the  whites,  and,  if  they  would 
not  be  intluenced  by  his  persuasion,  the  eaitli  would  ere  long  tremble  to  its 
centre.  This  circumstance  has  had  a  iiowerfid  effect  on  the  minds  of  these 
Indians,  and  would  certaiidy  have  led  tlicni,  generally,  to  have  united  with  the 
northern  coalition,  bad  it  not  been  for  the  interposition  of  travelleiu"  This 
statement  was  made  by  a  Mr.  thmcis  jM'//enri/,  in  the  Georgia  Journal,  to 
contr-dict  that  ever  any  such  earthquake  did  take  place,  and  by  which  wo 

*  Jolinft  ii's  Iiul.  Nar.  217,  t  Military  Occurrences,  i.  '2'J3. 

i  The  Now  Monlhly  Mngiiziiie. 

^  This  famnus  visfoii  of  the  I'rnphet  will  romnnrc  in  slrRnp^ness  with  ihftt  of  Krjtosh, 
head  chief  of  the  Dclnwnre  nntion,  rt'lnlcd  by  l.n.ilcfH,  (ii.  lit.)  Ho  lay  to  all  appearance 
dead  for  three  days.  In  his  swoon,  he  saw  a  man  in  white  rolMss,  who  cxiiihited  o  cataloj^He 
of  (ho  |>eoplo's  sins,  and  warned  liiin  to  repent.  In  MVJ,  he  was  ahont  iiO  years  of  B^o,  and 
was  hapli'/.ed  hy  the  name  of  Solomnii.  We  have  related  in  Hook  III.  an  occomit  of 
Sinwrulii'.i  vision ;  and  others  might  he  mentioned. 

]|  "The  carthqiuikng,  which,  in  1011,  almost  dcslrnyed  the  town  of  New  Mtidrid  of  lb* 
Mississippi,  were  very  sensil>ly  felt  on  the  upper  [mrlion  of  the  Missouri  country,  and  ocCK- 
aioncd  much  superstitious  dread  amongst  ilie  Indians."    Long's  Exptdilion,  i.  272, 


[Book  V. 

Ptichethei, 
tie  beyond 
tiiig  by  his 
»ect  to  the 
.  handsome 
mentation : 
nt  ore  the 
r  prowess, 

int  facts  in 

Inim  to  be 

a  pension 

In  182(5,  he 

0  settle  be- 
ting son  of 

8  generally 
•om  a  well- 
rst  50  years 
A  intoxica- 
bll  back  in 
all  npnear- 
t  until  the 

1  the  act  of 
alarmed.  I 
as  tppcared 
itifiil  young 
us  to  him: 
nen :  unless 
Ives  to  him, 

you."  Ho 
uld  behold 
ing  severnl 
describable 
1  to  tell  all 
would  visit 
icighboring 
lis  part  of 
to  him,  cx- 
,  and  their 
in  1811,  is 

)k  country, 

)U8  August, 

appear  in 

they  would 

nble  to  its 

Is  of  these 

d  with  the 

rs."    This 

Journal,  to 

which  we 

CCS,  i.  '^i)3. 

lit  of  Kfjwuh, 

I  appearance 

a  valaluKtM 

I  of  ngv,  and 

nrcoiint  of 

1n<lri(l  or  Ui« 
'\,  and  ocea- 


•Chap.  VII.] 


ROUND-IIEAD. 


129 


learn  that  that  part  of  the  superstitious  world  really  believed  that  it  had,  and 
that  places  had  been  actually  sunk.  The  same  communicant  says,  "  I  have 
only  to  stat^  that  I  have  comfortably  rejjosed  in  houses  where  newspapers 
have  announced  evciy  disajjpeararsce  of  earth."  He  states  also,  upon  the 
authority  of  "a  Mr.  Chadbury,  an  English  gentleman,  from  Quebec,"  that, 
"  at  the  age  of  15,  this  Indian  disappeared  from  his  relatives,  and  was  con- 
sidered as  family  lost.  That  he  strolled  to  Quebec,  and  from  thence  to 
Montrciil,  whore,  taken  as  a  pilot  to  Halifax,  he  remained  several  years  ;  and 
in  this  space  received  an  education  qualifying  him  to  act  the  part  already 
known,"  Tlie  comet  of  1811  was  viewed  by  many,  throughout  the  country, 
as  a  harbinger  of  evil,  and  it  was  upon  this  seeming  advantage  that  the 
Prophet  *  seized  to  frighten  his  red  brethren  into  his  schemes,  f 

lie  was  said  to  have  been  kilted  on  tiie  18  November,  1812,  when  the  Missis- 
sinaway  towns  were  destroyed  on  the  Wabash  by  a  detaciiment  under  Colonel 
Campbell;  but  this  was  only  a  rumor  of  the  day. 

ROUND-HEAD  wiia  a  Wyandot,  and  fought  against  the  Americans  in 
the  last  war.  He  wa.s  very  conspicuous  in  die  battle  at  Frenchtown  upon 
t!ie  River  Raisin.  The  Indian  Ibrce  in  this  affiiir  was  about  lOOO.J  General 
tVmchcskr's  quarters  were  at  1  or  200  yards  from  the  main  army  when 
the  light  commenced,  and,  iu  an  eiidcavor  to  render  it  assistance,  was 
fallen  upon  by  the  Wyondots,  and  himself  and  attendants  captured. 
Round-head  seized  upon  General  Winchester  with  his  own  hands.  It  was  a 
severe  cold  morning,  22  January,  1813,  and  the  ground  was  covered  with 
snow. 

Our  chief,  in  a  manner  truly  characteristic,  obliged  the  general  to  divest 
himself  of  his  great  coat  and  all  his  unilbrm.  With  nothing  but  his  shirt 
to  protect  him  from  the  cold.  Round-head  conducted  hitn  to  a  fire,  but  not 
until  he  had  got  on  the  general's  cocked  hat,  uniform  coat,  vest,  &c.  It  was 
in  this  condition,  that  Colonel  Proctor  found  him ;  and  it  Avas  not  witliout 
much  persuasion  that  the  stern  warrior  relinquished  his  important  captive ; 
and  it  was  with  still  more  reluctance,  that  he  gave  up  the  uniform,  in  which 
he  had  so  short  a  time  to  strut  about  and  show  himself  to  his  countryinen.§ 

This  was  a  most  disastrous  expedition  for  the  Americans:  538  were  cap- 
tured, according  to  the  British  account,  which  does  not  differ  materially  from 
the  American;  11  and  300  killed  in  the  battle,  and  massacred  by  the  Indians 
immediately  after. 

In  Colonel  Proctor's  official  account  of  this  affair,  he  speaks  in  high  terms 
of  the  conduct  of  the  Indian  chiefs  and  warriors.  His  words  are:  "The 
zeal  and  courage  of  the  Indian  department  were  never  more  conspicuous 
than  on  this  occasion,  and  the  Iiulian  warriors  fought  with  their  usual 
bravery." 

Colonel  Proctor  has  been  much  censured  for  his  conduct  at  the  River  Rai- 
sin. It  was  said  that  he  agreed  to  the  terms  askwl  for  by  General  Winchesttr, 
and  then  paiil  no  nttention  to  their  observance,  but  rather  countenanced  tho 
Indians  in  their  barbarities,  thinking  thereby  to  strike  tho  Americans  with 
dread,  that  they  might  bo  deterred  fiom  entering  the  service  in  future.  But 
the  British  historians  say  that  "the  whole  of  the  lcf>  division  surrendered  at 
discretion,"  and  not  "  on  condition  of  their  being  protected  from  the  savages, 
being  allowed  to  retain  their  jjrivate  jiro|)(!rty,  and  having  their  side-arms 
i-eturned  to  tlhin,"  as  stated  by  Gcuieial  H'incheKkr:  fiir, Mr.  yn/afs adds, " had 
this  been  the  understanding,  oiu;  mav  suppose  that  some  writing  would  have 
been  drawn  up  •,  but,  indeed.  Gen.  //  inchvstrr  was  not  in  a  condition  to  dictate 
terms.    Stripped  to  his  shirt  and  trowsers,  and  suffering  exceedingly  from 

•  J.^imlii'it,  wild  piitilisln'il  ilircp  volimici  of  travels  in  Ainrrirn  in  UtlO.  (I.oniinn,)  in  speak- 
ing of  llii'  I'mplft,  s:\\*.  " 'I'liiis  «■(' finil,  tlint  |ir(iplu'U  iiro  not  conlincd  lo  our  own  Imppy 
iKiunil :  linl  I  ni:ikc  no  iloiilil.  tlint  ninny  of  onr  .v.'d/i'i/  roiintrynirn  bikI  ronnlr^wonicn,  who 
ore  rnnniiijj  uHor  Juiiiiwi  Sniitlicoll  from  ono  end  of  ilio  kinjrdoHi  lo  llio  other,  will  (if  they 
kIioiiIiI  rv<>r  rend  llii!*  spopch)  turn  up  their  iioso  nt  ihu  Indiiin,  and  quote  u  text  from  KovelU'* 
lions  to  provo  Ihiil  ho  is  i\  /'iilsf  prophet."     I,(iinlierl,  \.  ',]%. 

f  IIiilcvDii  I.iiiiiiuiiry,  i.  '.'(),'>,  Ate,  New  York,  (June,)  1H12. 

I  IVrkuisH  I, lite  \V;ir,  KKl.  ij  James,  Milit.  Occurrences,  i.  188. 

y  'I'liuinsuii  Ihu  a:i.    mat.  Skelckea,  10k 


I 


130 


WALK-IN-THE-WATER. 


[Book  V. 


tho  cold,  the  American  gciioral  was  found  hy  Col.  Proctor,  near  to  one  of  llio 
Indian  fires,  in  jjossession  of  the  Wyandot  chief  Round  liead." 

So,  according  to  the  judgment  of 'this  historian,  Colonel  Proctor  was  under 
no  ohiigution  to  keep  his  word,  hecause  there  was  "no  writing"  with  his 
name  to  it.  The  historian  that  will  even  set  up  a  defence  for  treachery  may 
calculate  with  certainty  upon  tlie  value  jjosterity  will  set  upon  his  work. 
We  want  no  other  than  Colonel  Proctor^s  own  account  from  which  to  con- 
demn him  of,  at  least,  great  want  of  humanity.  Wo  do  not  pretend  that  tho 
Americans  were  always  free  from  the  sauie  charges ;  hut  we  would  as  soon 
scorn  their  extenuation  as  that  of  their  enemies. 

Bound-head  was  present  with  General  Brock  and  Tecumseh  when  they  took 
possession  of  Detroit,  on  the  15  August,  1812.  When  ahont  to  cross  the 
river  to  lay  siege  to  Detroit,  General  Brock  presented  Tecumseh  with  his  red 
sash.  This  chief  had  too  much  good  sense  to  wear  it,  well  knowing  it  would 
create  jealousy  among  the  other  chiefs,  who  considered  themselves  equal 
with  him;  ho  therefore  presented  it  to  Round-head,  as  has  heeii  mentioned  in 
the  life  of  Tecumseh. 

Whether  this  chief  were  more  wise  than  Tecumseh,  in  the  last  affair  in 
which  the  latter  was  engaged,  we  are  unahle  to  say ;  hut  it  appeans  highly 
prohahlo  that  the  conduct  of  General  Proctor  was  the  cause  of  his  being 
abandoned  by  most,  if  not  all  the  Wyandots,  previous  to  the  battle  of  the 
Thames.*  As  Round-head  was  their  chief,  to  him  will  he  attributed  tho  cause 
of  their  wise  proceeding. 

The  following  letter,  written  after  the  battle  of  the  River  Raisin,  (we  con- 
clude,) is  worthy  of  a  jjlace  here. 

"  The  Hurons,  and  the  other  tribes  of  Indians,  assembled  at  the  Miami  Rapids, 
to  (lie  inhabitants  of  the  River  Raisin. — Friends,  listen !  Yoti  have  alwai)s  told  us 
you  tvotUd  give  us  anif  assistance  in  your  power.  JVe,  llterefore,  as  the  enem;/  is  ap- 
proaching us,  within  25  miles,  call  uponyou  all  to  rise  up  and  come  here  immediatdy, 
cringing  your  arms  tdong  loilh  you.  Should  you  fad  at  this  time,  ice  mil  not 
consider  youinfiUure  as  friends,  and  the  consequences  nwy  be  very  unpleasant. 
We  are  well  convinced  you  have  no  writing  forbidding  you  to  assist  vs.  We  are 
yourfrieiuls  at  present. 

Romul-head  ft^  his  mark. 
H'alk-in-the-toatcr  @  his  mark,  f  " 

WALK-IN-TIIK-WATER  also  signalized  himself  in  these  events.  His 
native  name  is  Myeerah.  He  is  a  Huron,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Wyandots,  and, 
in  1817,  resided  on  a  reservation  in  Michigan,  at  a  village  called  Alaguaga, 
near  Rrovvnstown.  Mr.  Brown,  in  his  valuable  Western  Gazetteer,  justly 
styles  this  famous  chief  one  of  "nature's  nobles."  The  unfortunate  General 
Hidl  mentions  him  as  one  of  the  ])rinci|)al  "among  the  vast  number  of  chiefs 
who  led  the  hostile  band?"  of  the  wetit  when  the  war  of  1812  ctnnmenced. 
The  Kaskaskias  Wyanchits,  in  1814,  were  nearly  e(|ually  divided  between  a 
chi(!f  called  Tarhe,  which  signifies  \\\v  Crane,  luid  Myvcrah.  The  former  was 
called  the  grand  chief  of  the  nation,  and  resided  at  Sandusky.  Ih;  was  a 
very  venerable  and  intelligent  chief.  In  \^\%  Myeerah  told  some  yXnierican 
otlieers  who  were  sent  to  the  Indians  to  secure  tlieir  liivor,  that  thc^  American 
government  was  acting  very  wrong  to  ^^end  an  army  inlo  their  country,  which 
would  cut  off  their  conmiuiiication  with  <  "anadii.  Tim  Indiiuis,  he  said,  were 
their  own  masters,  and  woidd  trade  where  they  ]ileiised  ;  that  the  alliiir  of  tho 
Wabash  was  the  faidt  of  (Jcnend  Harrison  entirely,  lie?  commanded  tho 
Indian  army  with  Roiin'l  head  t\X  the  batth^  ol'the  Kiver  llaisin. 

After  the  battle  of  the  Tliaiiies.  in  which  also  H'alk-iii-thv-watcr  was  a  con- 
spicuous coinniander,  he  went  to  Detroit  to  make  peace,  or  rather  to  ask  it  of 
(•eneral  Harrison,  In  crossing  lioin  Sandwich  with  a  white  ilag, many  were 
attracted  to  the  shore  to  see  hiui,  where  also  were  drawn  up  the  Kentucky 
volunteers.     All  were  struck  with  ailmiration  at  his  nobh^  aspect  and  ll-arless 


*  CiPiieral  Ifarrisnii's  oDicinl  letlor,  niHDli;^ 
t  tiivjitish  ISiiiliaritii.i,  Hi.'. 


/hviiiiitii's  (tjiriul  I>or.  p,  '.^37. 


[Book  V. 

)1IC  of  ill'} 

,vas  iiuclor 
witli  Ills 
iliery  may 
liis  work, 
h  to  coii- 
i  that  the 
d  as  soon 

iboy  took 
cross  the 
li  his  r.'Ml 
jr  it  would 
Ivos  equal 
iitioiied  in 

it  affair  in 
ai-s  highly 
his  being 
ttic  of  the 
I  the  cause 

I,  (we  con- 


mi  Eapids, 
ajfs  told  us 
iem;f  is  ap- 
mviediatay, 
)e  tcill  not 
unpleasant. 
We  are 


mark,  t " 

ents.    His 

jidots,  and, 

Magna^ai, 

Ik  i:k,  justly 

lie  (ioneral 

of  chii'fs 

nnnoncod. 

Dctwcon  a 

rnier  waa 

hi  was  u 

yVniorican 

Anifrican 

[try,  which 

l^aid,  wore 

liiiir  of  the 

ui(h;d  the 

Ivas  a  con- 
I)  ask  it  of 

liany  wore 
iKfiitucky 
Id  fearless 


Chap.  Vi:.] 


TEYONINHOKERAWEN. 


131 


carriage,  as  he  ascended  the  bank  and  pafjsed  through  the  ranks  of  the  sol- 
diers. The  greatest  firmness  attended  his  steps,  and  the  most  dignified  non- 
chalance was  upon  his  countenance,  notwithstanding  his  condition  was  now 
calculated  to  discover  humiliation  and  deep  depression.  Only  a  few  days 
before,  ho  had  fought  hand  to  hand  with  these  same  volunteers,  whose  ranks 
he  now  passed  through. 

We  have  not  heard  of  the  death  of  the  heroic  and  truly  gi'oat  chief  Myee- 
rah  ;  but,  whetlier  alive  or  dead,  our  veneration  is  the  same.  It  was  said  of 
his  contemporary,  Tecumseh,  that  in  the  field  he  was  an  AchUles,  and  in  the 
council  ail  .hramemnon.  At  least,  we  think,  as  much  may  in  truth  be  said  of 
Mijecrah.  The  scfpiel  of  the  life  ofTnrhe  will  be  found  in  a  former  cha[)ter, 
where  he  figures  under  the  name  of  King  Crane,  In  1807,  a  treaty  was  made 
at  Detroit  between  the  Ciiippeways,  Ottowas,  Pottowattomies  and  Wyandots 
and  the  United  States.  Two  chiefs  besides  Mijeerah  signed  on  behalf  of  the 
last-nai)i(!(l  tribe.  His  name  to  that  treaty  is  written  Miere,  The  next  year, 
180H,  another  treaty  was  made  at  Brownstown  with  the  same  tribes,  with  the 
addition  of  two  delegates  from  the  Shawanecs.  Three  besides  Mijeerah 
si'^ned  at  tliis  time,  lie  was  also,  we  believe,  a  party  to  the  treaty  made  at 
Fort  Industry  in  IHOo,  on  the  Miami  of  the  Lake. 

Less  i-i  known  of  t)io  history  of  the  two  next  chiefs,  of  which  we  shall  say 
somethinsr,  than  of  manv  othore  less  distinguished. 

TEYONINHOKKRA  WEN  was  a  Mohawk  cliief,  who  is  generally  known 
under  the  app"llation  of  Jo/m  ►Vor/ort.     "This  interesting  Indian,  about  two 
years  ago,  [IH04  or  ."i,]  visited  England,  where  numerous  traits  of  an  amiable 
disposii ion  and  ii  vigorous  intellect  produced  the  most  pleasing  impressions 
on  all   who  were   introduced  to  him.      A  proof  of  his  possessing,  in   a 
Jiigh  deurce,  the  qualities  of  a  good  temper  and  great  mental  quickness,  occur- 
red at  the  upper  rooms,  at  Bath,  where  he  appeared  in  the  dress  of  his  country. 
A  young  Euglishmtui,  who  had  been  in  America,  accosted  the  chief  with 
several  abrupt  questions  respecting  his  place  of  abode,  situation,  and  the 
like.    To  these  JVbr/ort  returned  answers  at  once  pertinent  and  modest.    The 
inquirer,  however,  expressed  himself  dissatisfied  with  them,  and  hinted,  in 
almost  plain  terms,  that  he  believed  him  to  bo  an  impostor.    Still  the  Amer- 
ican suppressed  his  rescntmi'iit,  and  endeavored  to  convince  the  gentleman 
that  this  account  of  himself  might  be  depended  upon.    '  Well,  but,'  returned 
tile  other, '  if  yon  really  are  what  you  iiretend  to  be,  how  will  yon  relish  re- 
turning to  the  savages  of  your  own  country  ?'  '.SiV,'  replied  Norton,  with  a 
glance  of  intelligence, '  /  shall  not  experience  no  gnat  a  change  in  my  societi/  as 
you  imagine,  for  [fnd  thi  <  are  savagrs  in  this  countn/  also.''    Animated  with 
the  s[iirit  of  genuine  piitriotism,  this  generous  chieftain  was  nnweariedly 
occupied,  during  the  intervals  of  his  public   business,   in  acquiring  every 
species  of  useful  knowledge,  for  tli(!  jiurpose  of  transporting  it  to  his  own 
countiT,  ibr  the  benefit  of  his  jicople ;  and  what  the  friends  to  the  haitpinesa 
of  men  will  hear  with  still  greater  aijmiration  and  pltNisure,  he  was  also  en- 
gaged, under  the  ausjiices  ol'  Mr.  ff'ilherforcc  and  Mr.  Thornton,  in  the  labori- 
ous empl<»yment  of  transhiting  tlu'    Gospel   of  St.  John   into  his    native 
tongue."*     Whether  that  jiublished  by  the  AmiTicau  Bible  Society  he  the 
same  translation,  I  am  not  positive,  but  believe  it  is.    The  lidlowing  is  the  3d 
verse  of  t-hap.  i.  Yonirhwagwegon  nc  rode  wejienokden,  ok  tsi  nikon  ne  kaglison 
yagh  oghnnhhoten  teyodon  ne  ne  yngh  raonhah  te  hnyhdart. 

From  the  London  Monthly  Repository  it  apjiears,  that  JVorfon  was  educated 
"at  one  of  the  American  universities.  There  is  an  excellent  portrait  ot"hini 
presiMited  by  the  respectable  Robert  Barclay,  hung  uj)  in  the  Bath  Agricul- 
tural Society's  great  room ;  for  ho  was  made  an  honorary  nieml)er  while 
here."  Aiul  the  same  writer  adds: — "I  have  a  pamiihlet  published  by  him 
while  in  England,  entitled  'An  address  to  the  Six  Nations,'  recommending^ 
the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  one  side  in  English,  the  other  in  Molinwk  laiig)mge, 
in  which  are  discovered  sentences  very  similar  to  the  Welsh  ;  for  iustance, 


Janson's  Stranger  in  America,  278,  4lo,  LoikIoii,  ItiOT. 


133 


LOGAN,  THE  SHAWANEE. 


£BooK  V, 


Indian.     O  Niyoli  toglisa  crcn  te^liiiwiglio  lie  sngratianc  wnlioni. 
Welsh.     O  Nlmw  iiaddug  eroin  dy  devishuid  grace  am  wlialiaiii. 
English.     O  God,  take  not  li-oin  us  tliy  grace,  because  wc  liave  erred  from 
thy  ways."  * 

Some  of  the  words  which  seem  to  be  corresponding  and  analogous  to  the 
eye,  in  the  two  first  languages,  arc  not  so  in  meaning ;  in  fact  there  is  no 
analogy  whatever  between  the  Wolsli  and  Indian  languages. 

In  1808,  this  chief  was  the  hearer  of  a  long  and  exceedingly  excellent  talk 
from  the  Senecas  west  of  the  Oliio,  to  the  Indians  of  the  interior  of  Canada, 
about  100  miles  from  Niagara  Falls.    It  was  from  a  Prophet  named  Skanva- 

DARIO.f 

We  learn  also  from  Mr.  Jansen  that  when  Tejionirihokerawcn  was  in  Eng- 
land, he  "  appeared  to  be  about  45  years  of  age ; "  tall,  naiscular,  and  well  pro- 
portioned, possessing  a  fire  and  intelligent  countenance.  Ilis  mctli^r  was  a 
Scotch  woman,  and  ho  had  spent  two  years  in  Edinhtu'gii,  in  J;i.s  youth, 
iiamel}',  from  liis  13tli  to  his  15th  year,  read  and  spoke  English  and  French 
well.  lie  was  married  to  ji  female  of  his  own  tribe,  by  whom  he  had  two 
children.  He  served  in  the  last  war  witli  the  English,  as  will  presently  be 
related. 

Because  this  chief  spent  a  few  years  in  Scotland  when  young,  some  his- 
torians J  have  nssei'tcd  that  he  was  not  an  Indian,  but  a  Scotchman;  and  a 
writer  §  of  a  sketch  of  tlie  late  Canada  war  says  he  was  related  to  the 
French.  Of  this  we  have  no  douht,  as  it  is  not  uncommon  for  many  of  those 
who  pass  tin-  Indians  to  have  white  fathers.  We  should  think,  therefore, 
that,  instead  of  his  mother's  being  n  Scotch  woman,  his  liither  might  have  been 
a  Frenchman,  and  his  mother  an  Indian. 

Of  JVbrlon^s  orTeyoninhokeraweii's  exploits  in  the  last  war,  there  were  not 
many,  w(!  presume,  as  there  are  not  many  recorded.  When  Col.  Mmrnij  sur- 
prised Fort  Niagara,  on  the  1!)  Dec.  181:3,  JVotion  entered  the  fort  with  him, 
at  the  head  of  n  force  of  about  400  men.  ||  Fort  Niagara  was  garrisoned  by 
about  300  Americans,  of  whom  Init  20  escaped.  All  who  resisted,  and  some 
who  did  not,  were  run  though  with  the  bayonet.  We  only  know  that  JVorlon 
was  present  on  this  occasion. 

On  the  G  June,  181 1,  (Jeneral  Vincent  and  J^orton,  with  a  considerable- 
force,1I  attacked  an  American  camp  ten  hides  from  Burlington  Bay,  at  a  place 
called  Fifty  Mile  Creek.  The  onset  was  made  before  day  on  a  Sunday  morn- 
ing. The  invadci-s  seized  upon  seven  jiicces  of  cannon,  and  turned  them 
upon  their  enemies.  The  night  was  \Try  dark,  and  the  confusion  was  very 
great.  The  American  (Jenerals  Chandler  and  Winder,  one  major,  five  cap- 
tains, one  lieutenant,  and  llfi  men,  wimp  taken  jnisoiiers.  Nevertheless  the 
Americans  fought  with  such  resolution  that  the  attacking  party  were  obliged 
to  abandon  their  advantage,  leaving  150  of  their  number  beliind  them.  They, 
however,  carried  off  two  nieces  of  cannon  and  some  horses. 

LOGAN  was  a  great  Snawanee  chief,  who  was  more  bravo  than  fortunate. 
lie  was  no  connection  of  Itoa;nn  df  1774,  but  was  equally  great,  and,  in  the 
hands  of  a  Jefferson,  would  have  been  equally  celebrated.  Shortly  after  Gen- 
eral Ttinpi'r\<i  ex|)cdition  to  the  Miami  llajiids,  Cajitain  James  Lojrnn,  as  he 
was  calit.'d  by  the  English,  was  sent  l»y  (ieneral  Harruion  in  the  direction  of 
those  rapids,  with  a  small  party  of  his  tribe,  to  rcconnoitiv.  He  met  with  a 
superior  forci;  of  the  enemy  near  that  jilace,  bv  which  he  was  so  closely  jtur- 
sued  that  his  men  were  obliged  to  break  and  flee  for  safety  in  the  true  Indian 
manner.  Lo^an,  with  two  of  his  companions,  Captain  John  and  Bright- 
horn,  arrived  saft>  at  General  Winchester's  cam[).  Wlu'U  Ik^  gave  an  account 
liere  of  what  had  hap|)rned,  accusers  in  tin;  army  stood  ready  to  charge  him 
witli  treachery,  and  a  dc^sign  of  aiding  the  enemy.    lie  felt  the  false  diarge 

•  MontUhj  R.pn.siinni,  iii.  7I.'>,  boiidoii,  mV.  t  It'll!-  "09. 

i  Jami'.i.  IMililarv  Ocriirroiirrs,  ii.  Id.  ij  IMr.  Hf.  Smilti,  wlio  lived  tlien  in  Cnimda. 

II  tSnmc  Aiiinriciin  liisiorlniis  sny,  "  ^rlli^ll  iiiid  rndiiiiis;''  but  Mr,  Jamei  (ii.  IG.)  sayt 
tlit'ru  was  lull  one  '  Indiiiii,''  iiiid  hi'  «»■<  a  .Srolcliiiiiiii ! 
H  Tlie  iiumlicr  <if  rank  aad  file  wns  70t,  of  Die  Americans  about  3000. 


[Book  V, 

mi. 
ni. 
0  erred  from- 


)goiis  to  the 
there  is  no 

tcelleiit  talk 
of  Cniiada, 
cd  Skanya- 


vns  in  Eng- 
iid  well  jjro- 
itli.T  was  a 
I  his  yonth, 
uul  French 
le  had  two 
tresently  be 

:,  some  his-  ■ 
nan ;  and  a 
ated  to  tho 
my  of  those 
:,  tiierefore, 
it  have  been 

e  were  not 
Murmi/  sur- 
t  with  him, 
rrisoncd  by 
1,  and  some 
tiiat  JVorton 

onsidemble- 
V,  at  a  place 
iditj-  niorn- 
irnod  them 
was  very 
r,  five  cap- 
tliclcss  liip 
re  obliged 
m.    They, 

1  fortnnato. 
and,  in  the 
alter  Gen- 
igrtH,  as  he 
irection  of 
net  with  a 
ioscly  jMir- 
rne  Indian 

I  Krigiit- 
m  account 
liarge  him 
Ise  diarge 

Ihid.  709. 

II  rnimda. 
(ii.  Ki.)  iayi 


Chap.  VII.] 


SIGNAL  EXPLOIT  OF  CAPTAIN  LOGAN. 


133 


with  cutting  severity,  but  without  any  inclination  for  revenge.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  determined  to  prove  by  some  unequivocal  announcement  that  lie 
was  not  thus  to  be  taken  as  a  spy. 

Accordingly,  on  22  November,  with  the  two  men  above  named,  he  set  out, 
resolved  either  to  bring  in  a  prisoner  or  a  scalp,  or  to  hazard  his  life  in  the 
attempt.  When  he  had  proceeded  down  the  Aliami  about  10  miles,  on  the 
north  side,  he  met^viUiCaptainE//io<,  (son  of  him  of  infamous  memory,  liefore 
mentioned  in  this  l)ook  of  our  history,)  accompanied  by  five  Indians.  As 
this  party  was  too  strong  fcjr  Logan  and  his  two  brave  companions,  four  of 
them  being  on  horseback,  he  therefore  determined  to  pass  them,  pretend- 
ing to  be  of  the  British  party,  and  advanced  with  confident  boldness  and  a 
friendly  deportment.  But  it  unfortunately  happened,  that  the  noted  JVinne- 
viak,  of  whom  mention  has  been  made  in  the  life  of  Tecumseh,  and  who  had 
fought  at  the  head  of  the  Potto wattomies  in  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  knew 
him  and  denounced  him  as  a  spy.  Logan,  however,  persisted  that  he  was 
the  friend  of  the  British,  and  was  then  on  his  way  to  the  Ra[)ids  to  give  in- 
formation of  the  situation  of  the  Americans.  After  conversing  a  while,  he 
proceeded  on  his  way,  and  fVinnemak,  with  his  companions,  turned  and  fbl- 
lowed  with  him.  fVinncmak  and  his  party  closely  watched  the  others,  and 
when  they  had  proceeded  about  eight  miles,  he  proposed  to  Captain  Elliot  to 
seize  and  tie  them;  but  he  said  it  was  not  necessary, for  if  they  attempted  to 
escape  they  could  be  shot  down,  or  easily  rim  down  with  their  horses.  Lo- 
gan, overhearing  this,  communicated  it  to  his  companions,  and  it  was  agreed 
to  make  an  attack  upon  them,  although  they  were  five  to  throe.  Until  now, 
Logan  had  intended  to  go  on  with  them  till  night,  and  then  (.scape. 

No  sooner  was  the  resolution  taken  than  the  fight  b(!gan.  When  they  had 
all  fired  three  rounds  apiece,  the  advantage  was  in  favor  of  the  three  ;  having 
driven  their  adversaries  considerable  distance,  and  cut  them  off"  from  their 
horses.  Elliot  and  Jf'innemak  had  both  fallen  mortally  wounded,  and  a  young 
Ottowa  chief  was  killed.  Towards  the  close  of  the  fight,  both  Logan  an(l 
Bn'ght-korn  were  badly  wounded.  As  soon  as  Logan  was  sliot,  he  ordered  a 
retreat,  and,  seizing  the  enemies'  horses,  tiiey  effected  it  to  jyinchester\i  camp. 
Captain  John  escaped  unhurt,  and  after  taking  the  scalp  of  the  Ottowa  chiefj 
followed,  himselfj  and  arrived  there  the  next  morning. 

Logan  had  now  indeed  established  his  reputation,  but  he  lost  his  life  !  His 
woimds  proved  mortal  two  days  after.  In  General  fVinchester's  letter  to  Gen- 
eral Harrison,he  says, '"More  firnmess  and  consummate  bravery  have  seldom 
appeared  on  the  military  theatre."  "  He  was  buried  with  all  the  honors  due  to 
his  rank,  and  with  sorrow  as  sincerely  and  generally  displayed  as  ever  I  wit- 
nessed."   Thus  wrote  Major  Hardin  to  Governor  Shelby:—^ 

"Ifis  physiognomy  was  formed  on  the  l)est  model,  and  exhibited  the  strong- 
est marks  of  courage,  intelligence,  good-humor  and  sincerity.  He  had  been 
very  serviceable  to  our  cause,  by  acting  as  a  pilot  and  a  spy.  lie  had  gone 
^vitll  (leneral  Hull  to  Detroit,  and  with  the  first  Kentucky  troojjs  who  marched 
for  the  relief  of  Fort  Wayne." 

Winnemak,  while  in  conversation  with  Logan  before  the  fight,  declared  that 
he  connnanded  all  the  Indians  in  that  quarter;  and  boasted  that  he  had 
caused  the  massacre  of  Wells  and  those  who  had  surrendetl  at  the  battle  of 
Chi(!Bgo,  after  having  gone  with  Wtlls,  as  a  friend,  to  guard  the  garrison  of 
that  [dace  to  F'ort  Wayne. 

In  177(1,  General  Logan,  of  Kentucky,  took  Logan,  then  a  boy,  prisoner, 
and  kept  him  some  time.  After  sending  him  to  school  till  ho  had  acquired 
cousideralde  oducation,  he  gave  him  his  liberty  and  his  own  name.  Ho  was 
ever  ofterwards  friendly  to  the  whiles.  His  mother  was  own  sister  to  Tecum- 
seh  and  the  Prophet.  He  said  that  in  the  sunnner  preceding  his  death,  he  had 
talked  a  whole  night  with  Tecumsefi,  trying  to  persuade  him  against  fighting 
against  (he  States;  but  Tecumseh  urged  him  as  strongly  to  join  the  British. 
Hin  wife  (probably  before  she  was  known  to  Logan)  wua  token  prisoner  by 
Colonel  Hardin,  in  178!),  and  had  remained  in  his  family  until  the  treaty  of 
Greenville.  In  the  army  liogan  had  formed  an  attachment  to  Major  Hardin, 
son-in-law  of  General  Logan,  whom,  before  he  died,  he  requested  to  see  that 
whut  was  due  him  for  his  services  should  be  laithfully  paid  over  to  hie  luiuily, 
12 


lU 


CLACK-BIRD  CAPTURES  FORT  DEARBORN.  [Book  V. 


vrhicli  wns  done.  His  fumily  resided  at  Wapoghoognata,  which  was  caned? 
Lofraii'.s  village.* 

BLACK-BIRD  was  a  Potto watloniie  chief,  who  made  himself  notorious  by 
the  massacre  of  the  garrison  of  Fort  Dearborn.  Before  it  was  known  in  the 
western  region  of  tjio  upper  lakes,  that  war  had  been  declared  by  the  United' 
States,  Indian  and  Canadian  forces  were  collected  at  several  points  ready  for 
the  word  to  be  given.  That  act  seerns  to  have  been  anxiously  looked  for  by  the 
Indians,  as  well  as  some  of  their  advisers,  who  seem  to  have  been  much 
better  ])repai'ed  to  meet  the  emei7,^ency  of  war  than  those  who  deckred  it. 

Mackanaw,  or  as  it  is  generally  written,  Michillimakinak,  was  garrisoned 
at  this  time  with  only  58  effective  men,  and  the  first  news  they  hart  of  the 
declaration  of  war  was  the  appearance  of  500  Indians  and  about  the  same 
number  of  Canadians  ready  to  attack  thcni.  The  fbit  \vas  therefore  surren- 
dered by  Lieutenant  Hanks,  on  the  17  of  July,  1819. 

When  General  Hull  heard  of  the  fate  of  Michillimakinak,  he  rightly  judged 
that  Fort  Dearborn,  now  Chicago,  would  be  the  next  object  of  attJick.  Ac- 
cordingly he  despatched  orders  to  Caj)tain  Hcald,  then  in  command  there,  to 
evacuate  the  place  with  all  haste.  But  before  this  message  reached  fiim. 
Black-bird,  with  a  host  of  his  warrioi-s,  was  prei)nred  to  act  according  to  cir-* 
cumstances.  A  large  number  of  the  neighboring  Indians,  who  had  pre- 
tended friendship,  hearing  that  the  place  was  to  be  evacuated,  came  there  to 
receive  what  roidd  not  be  carried  away. 

On  the  13  .luly,  Captain  Wells,  of  Fort  Wayne,  arrived  at  Fort  Dearborn, 
with  about  30  Miamies,  to  escoi-t  Captain  Heald  to  Detroit.  They  marched 
from  the  fort  on  the  15  July,  wilh  a  guard  of  Miamies  in  front,  and  another 
in  the  rear,  under  Captain  Wells.  They  mai'ched  upon  the  shore  of  the  lake, 
and  whch  they  had  proc(;eded  about  one  mile,  they  discovered  Indians  ])re- 
pared  to  attack  them  from  behind  the  high  sand-bank  which  bounded  the 
beach  of  the  lake.  Captain  Heald  then  ascended  the  bank  with  his  men,  and 
a  fight  was  immediately  begmi  by  the  Indians.  The  Indians  being  vastly 
numerous,  Cajrtain  Heald^nw  that  it  was  luselcss  to  contend,  and  immediately 
retreated  to  a  small  eminence  in  the  adjacent  prairie,  and  not  being  followed 
by  the  Indians,  was  out  of  the  reach  of  their  shot.  Meantime  the  Indians 
got  possession  of  all  their  horses  and  baggage. 

The  Indians,  after  a  short  consultation,  made  signs  for  Captain  Heald  to 
advance  and  meet  them.  He  did  so,  and  was  met  by  Black-bird,  who,  after 
shakini*  hands  with  him,  told  him,  if  ho  would  siuTcnder,  the  lives  of  the 
prisoners  should  b;;  spared.  There  was  no  alternative,  and  after  all  their  arms 
Avere  suVicndered,  the  ])arty  was  niarclied  back  to  the  Indian  encamjjnrent, 
near  the  fort,  and  divided  among-  the  different  tribes.  The  next  morning, 
they  burned  the  fort,  and  left  the  pkice,  taking  the  prisoners  with  them. 
Captain  HeahTs  force  was  .54  regulars  and  12  militia.  In  the  fight  on  the 
bank  of  the  lake,  2()  of  regulars  and  all  of  the  militia  were  killed;  besides 
two  women  and  Vi  children.  Eleven  women  and  children  were  among  the 
ci'ptives.  Captain  JVells  and  many  other  officers  were  killed,  and  Cajjtain 
Heald  and  his  wife  were  both  badly  wounded,  and  were  talien  to  the  month 
of  the  St.  .loseph's,  where  they  were  taken  into  the  finnily  of  an  Indian 
trader.  h?oon  after.  Black-bird  sot  out  wirii  his  warriors  for  the  capture  of 
Foit  Wayne,  and  Captatn  Heald  hired  a  Frenchman  to  take  him  to  Mich- 
illimakinak. He  was  afterwards  exchanged.  What  other  suceesses  this 
diief  had  during  the  War  is  unknown. 

Black-hawk,  in  si)eaking  of  the  capture  and  treatment  of  Captain  Heald 
and  his  men,  sayH,t  it  was  owing  to  their  not  keeping  their  word  with  the  Indians.^ 
The  night  before  the  fort  was  abandoned  by  the  whites,  they  threw  all  the 
powder  they  could  not  carry  with  them  into  the  Avellj  which  they  had  prom- 
ised to  give  then). 

The  next  chief  We  introduce  chiefly  to  illuntrate  a  most  extraordinary  mode 
of  doing  penance 


among  tlie  nations  oi'the  west. 


^  Token  principally  from  A'tles's  Register,  aud  DamaU's  Na)rativc. 
t  111  his  l.ilb,  wriltcu  l>y  liunseif,  p.  42, 


Chap.  VII.] 


WAWNAHTON.— BLACK-THUNDER 


135 


WAWNAHTON  *  a  l)ol(l  nnd  fparless  cliief,  of  the  tribe  of  Yankton,t 
(whose  name,  translated,  is  "/te  toko  cttargts  Iha  enemjj")  was  considerably 
noted  in  the  last  war  with  Canada.  "  He  had,"  says  my  author,  "  killed  seven 
enemies  in  battle  with  his  own  hand,  as  the  seven  war-eagle  plumes  in  his 
hair  testified,  and  received  nine  wounds,  as  was  shown  by  an  equal  number 
of  little  sticks  arranged  in  his  coal-black  hair,  and  painted  in  a  manner  that 
told  an  Indian  eye  whether  they  were  inflicted  by  a  bullet,  knife  or  tomahawk, 
and  by  whom.  At  the  attack  on  Fort  Sandusky,  in  the  late  war,  he  received 
a  bullet  and  three  buck  shot  in  Jiis  breast,  which  glanced  on  the  bone,  and 
passing  round  under  tlie  skin,  came,  out  at  his  back."  This,  and  other  ex- 
traordinary escapes,  he  made  usd  of,  like  the  famous  Tiispaquin,  two  a^es 
before,  to  render  Imnself  of  greater  importance  among  his  nation.  At  this 
time  he  was  supposi'd  to  be  about  30  years  of  ago,  of  a  noble  and  elegant 
appearance,  and  is  still  believed  to  be  living.  J 

Major  Lonsr's  company  considered  fVawnaUon  a  very  interesting  man, 
whose  accpiaintance  they  cidtivated  with  Ruccess  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Lake  Traverse.  They  descril)chim  as  upwards  of  six  feet  high,  and  pos- 
.sessing  a  countenance  that  would  be  considered  handsome  in  any  coimtiy. 
He  prepared  a  feast  for  tiie  party,  as  soon  as  he  knew  they  were  comuig  to 
his  village.  "  When  speaking  of  the  Dacotas,  we  purposely  postponed  men- 
tioning the  frequent  vows  which  they  make,  and  their  strict  adherence  to 
them,  hecanse  one  uf  tlie  best  evidences  which  we  have  collected  on  this 
point  connects  itself  with  the  character  of  fVanotan,  and  may  give  a  favora- 
i»lc  idea  of  his  extreme  Ibrtitude  in  enduring  j)ain.  In  the  summer  of  1822, 
he  undertook  a  journey,  from  which,  apprehending  nnich  danger  on  the  part 
of  the  Chip])ewas,  he  made  a  vow  to  the  sun,  that,  if  he  returned  safe,  he 
would  abstain  from  all  food  or  drink  for  the  space  of  four  successive  days 
and  nigjits,  and  that  he  woidd  distribute  among  his  jieople  all  the  property 
wiiicii  lie  possessed,  including  all  his  lodges,  horses,  dogs,  &,c.  On  his  return, 
which  ha|)pened  without  accident,  he  celebrated  the  dance  of  the  sun  ;  this 
consisted  in  making  three  cuts  through  his  skin,  one  on  his  breast,  and  one 
on  etich  of  his  arms.  The  skin  was  cut  in  the  manner  of  a  loop,  so  as  to  per- 
mit a  rope  to  pass  l)etween  the  flesh  and  the  strip  of  skin  which  was  thus 
divided  from  the  body.  The  ropes  being  passed  through,  their  ends  were 
secured  to  a  tall  vertical  jiole,  planted  at  about  40  yards  from  his  lodge.  He 
then  began  to  dance  round  this  pole,  at  the  commencement  of  this  fast,  fre- 
quently swinging  himself  in  the  air,  so  as  to  be  sujiported  merely  by  the  cords 
which  were  secui-ed  to  the  strips  of  skin  separated  from  his  arm«  and  breast. 
Ho  continued  this  exercise  wi'h  few  intermissions  during  the  whole  of  his 
fast,  until  the  fourth  day  alwut  10  o'clock,  A.  M.,  when  the  strip  of  skin  from 
his  breast  gave  way ;  notwithstanding  which  fie  interrupted  not  the  dance, 
although  sujjported  merely  by  his  arms.  At  noon  the  strip  from  his  left  arm 
Knapped  off:  his  uncle  then  thought  that  he  had  suffered  enough,"  and  with  his 
knife  cut  the  last  loop  of  skin,  and  Wanotan  fell  down  in  a  swoon,  where  he 
lay  the  rest  of  the  day,  exposed  to  tlie  scorching  rays  of  the  sun.  After  this  he 
gave  away  all  his  i)roperly,  and  with  his  two  sipiaws  deserted  his  lodge.  To 
Mucli  monstrous  follies  docs  superstition  drive  her  votaries ! 

In  Tiumer's  Narrative,  there  is  an  interesting  account  of  an  expedition  of 
an  uiu;le  of  fVawnafdon,  at  the  hea«l  of  200  Sioux,  against  thi;  Ojiblx; was.  Ji'aw- 
nahlon  was  himself  of  the  party,  buv  he  had  not  then  become  so  distinguished 
as  he  was  afterwards.  They  fi'll  upon  a  small  baud  of  Crees  and  Assinne- 
boins,  nnd  after  a  fight  of  near  a  whole  day,  killed  ail  the  Ojibbewas  but  one, 
the  Li7</e-ciom,  two  women  and  one  chihl,  about  20  in  number.  Tlii.^  hap- 
peinod  iiot  fiir  from  Pembina.§  In  182**,  he  v<'ry  nuudi  alarmed  tliat  jiost,  by 
murdering  some  Assimiehoins  in  its  neighborhood.  || 

BLACK-Tlll^NDl'.U,  or  Mnckkntnimnamakre,  was  styled  the  celebrated 
j)atriarch  of  the  Fox  tribe.    He  made  himself  renuunbered  by  many  from  an 


*     \\',flo!.ltl,  III    /,'i„  ;■  ,s-  l'.V|)0  I    I.)  S<(.  I'otlTS.  i.  'Ha. 

f   V'iiil,-t,ii  I,  ( 1,1'  •/,  /'.'<.  |j  l,)  \vl\;c'li  si'jjiiiCips  (/••^rfirh'il  I'rnin  Ihp  fi'.i'n  Ua- 

i  l''.(cis  ^;\i!i|;tlii'i|  liy  H'.  .'.  .s'l'./Zwir,  i;«|.     It  is    «;iiil  liy  ft'-vi/iHi,',  ill  Lons'' 

•1-H.  il',;i!  Ii.' wK  ii'mi;\i  J:' ^- nr  •■'■ '•"■  • 

J   '/'.(;',:,•■.■,•■„•  Nariativ",  ISO 


ii-u.    Tins  wnt  in  lU'.'. 


Exped. 


il  West's  lied  River  CuloHy,  81. 


no 


BLACK-TIIUNDEU.— OXGPATOXGA. 


[Book  V. 


e.TCcllciit  speech  which  he  innde  to  the  American  coinniissioners,  who  had 
us.soiubled  many  riiielis  at  a  places  called  the  Portafff,  July,  1815,  to  hold  a 
talk  with  thcju  111)011  tlio  state  of  their  aliiiiis  ;  i)articuhu-ly  as  it  was  believed 
by  the  Aineiicaus  that  the  Indians  meditated  hostilities.  An  Atnorican  com- 
missioner opened  the  tidk,  and  unbecomingly  accused  the  Indians  of  breach 
of  former  treaties.  The  first  chief  that  answered,  spoke  with  a  tremulous 
voice,  and  evidently  betrayed  guilt,  f»r  jierhaps  fear.  5fot  so  witli  the  upright 
chiei' Black-thunder.  He  felt  etjually  indignant  at  the  charge  of  the  white 
man,  and  the  unmanly  cringing  of  the  chief  who  liad  just  spoken.  He 
began : — 

"My  father,  restrain  your  feelings,  and  hear  calndy  what  I  shall  say.    I 
shall  say  it  jjlainly.    I  shall  not  speak  with  lear  and  trembling.    I  have  never 
injiired  you,  and  innocence  can  tiicl  no  feai*.    I  turn  to  you  all,  red-skins  and 
white-skins — where  is  the  man  who  will  appear  as  my  accuser?     Father,  I 
understand  not  clearly  Itow  things  are  working.    I  have  just  been  set  at 
liberty.     Am  I  again  to  be  pltniged  into  bondage  ?    Frowns  are  all  around 
me  ;  but  I  am  inca])able  of  change.     You,  jjcrhaps,  may  be  ignorant  of  what 
I  tell  you ;  but  it  is  a  trutli,  which  I  call  heaven  and  earth  to  witness.    It  is  a 
fiict  which  can  easily  be  jiroved,  that  I  have  been  assailed  in  almost  every 
IJosi^ible  way  that  pride,  fear,  feeling,  or  interest,  could  touch  me — that  I  liave 
been  pushed  to  the  last  to  raise  the  tomahawk  against  yon ;  but  all  in  vain.    I 
never  could  be  made  to  feel  that  you  were  my  enemy.     If  this  he  the  conduct 
of  an  enemy,  I  shall  never  he  your  friend.    You  are  acquainted  with  my  re- 
moval above  Prairie  des  Chieiis.*    i  went,  and  formed  a  settlement,  and  called 
my  warriors  around  me.    We  took  comisel,  and  from  that  counsel  we  never 
have  departed.     We  smoked,  and  resolved  to  make  connnon  cause  with  the 
U.  States,    i  sent  you  the  pipe — it  resembled  this — and  I  sent  it  by  the  Mis- 
souri, that  the  Indians  of  the  Mississippi  might  not  know  what  we  were  doing. 
You  received  it    I  then  told  you  that  your  friends  should  be  my  friends — 
that  your  enemies  should  be  my  enemies — and  that  I  only  awaited  your  signal 
to  make  war.    If  this  be  the  conduct  of  an  enemy,  I  sliall  never  he  yourfrieiid. — 
Why  do  I  tell  you  this.'    Because  it  is  a  truth,  and  a  melancholy  truth,  that 
the  good  things  which  men  do  are  often  buried  in  the  grotmd,  while  their  evil 
deeds  are  stripped  naked ,  and  e.\])osed  to  the  world,  f — When  I  came  here,  I 
came  to  you  in  friendship.     I  little  thought  I  should  have  had  to  defend  my- 
selfl    I  have  no  defence  to  make.    If  I  were  guilty,  I  should  have  come  pre- 
pared ;  but  I  have  ever  held  you  by  the  hand,  and  I  am  come  without  ex- 
cuses. If  I  had  fought  against  you,  I  woidd  have  told  you  so :  but  I  have  noth- 
ing now  to  say  here  in  your  councils,  except  to  repeat  what  I  said  before  to 
my  great  father,  the  president  of  your  nation.    You  heard  it,  and  no  doubt 
remember  it.    It  was  simply  this.    My  lands  can  never  be  surrendered ;  I 
was  cheated,  and  basely  cheated,  in  the  contract ;  I  will  not  surrender  my 
country  but  with  my  life.    Again  I  call  heaven  and  earth  to  witness,  and  I 
smoke  this  pipe  in  evidence  of  my  sincerity.    If  you  are  sincere,  you  will 
receive  it  fi'om  me.    My  only  desire  is,  that  we  should  smoke  it  together — 
that  I  should  grasp  your  sacred  hand,  and  I  claim  for  myself  and  my  tribe 
the  protection  of  your  country.    W^hen  this  pipe  touches  your  lip,  may  it 
operate  as  a  blessing  upon  all  my  tribe. — May  the  smoke  rise  like  a  cloud,  and 
carry  away  with  it  all  the  animosities  lohich  have  arisen  between  us,"  | 

The  issue  of  this  council  was  amicable,  and,  on  the  14  Sent,  following, 
Black-thunder  met  commissioners  at  St.  Louis,  and  executed!  a  treaty  of 
peace. 

ONGPATONGA,  ■^  or,  as  he  was  usually  called.  Big-elk,  was  chief  of  the 
Mahas,  or  Omawhaws,  whose  residence,  in  1811,  was  upon  tlie  Missouri.  ||  Mr. 


"-I 
> 

M 
Oi 

> 

C 


P 

o 

c 

W 


C 

'-3 


:^ 


o 


Tlio  U[ipor  military  post  upon  the  -Mississippi,  in  1S18. 
'■  This  i)assi\g;e  lorciLly  roniincls  us  oC  that  in  t^hakcspict 


'  Tlic  evil  ihat  men  do  lives  after  them  ; 
'I'lie  g(,ocl  is  often  inlcrreil  with  their  bones." 
}  riiilndi'Iphia  I.il.  GazeKc. 

^  Oiiijliie-p'iii-wi',  in  Iroquois,  was  •' nien  surpassin-;  all  others."     Hist.  Fire  Nations. 
II  ''  Tlie  O'.Muhas,  in  number  -2J0,  not  long  ago,  iiban<loned  their  old  village  ou  the  soutll 


[Book  V. 


r 
w 
so 

> 

C 


p 

ii 

3 
o 

c 

« 


i 

if 


?1 


ii 


f! 


*>1 


3 


Chap.  VII.] 


PETALESIIAROO. 


137 


Brackenridge  visited  Iiis  town  on  tlie  1!)  Miiy  of  tlmt  year,  in  liis  voyugc  up 
that  river.  His  "  villfi(.'('  is  sitiintml  :\hnv<  tliree  miles  liom  the  river,  ini(f  con- 
tains about  yOOO  souls,  und  is  SJti  niiie^  Crom  its  mouth."*  We  shall  give 
here,  as  an  intnuinction  to  liim,  the  oration  he  made  over  the  grave  of  Black- 
ftij/Ta/o,  n  Sioux  ciiicC  of  the  Tctii/i  frihe,  who  died  on  the  night  of  the  14 
July,  1811,  at  "  Portag.  dis  Sioux,"  and  of  whom  Mr.  Bntckmridge  remarks:! 
"  The  Black-buffalo  was  the  Sioux  chief  with  whom  we  had  the  conference  at 
the  great  bend ;  and,  from  his  a|i|»iiirance  and  mild  deportment,  I  was  induced 
to  ibrm  a  high  opinion  of  him."  After  being  interred  with  honors  of  war, 
Ongpatonga  spoke  to  those  assembled  as  follows : — "  Do  not  grieve.  Misfor- 
tunes will  happen  to  the  wisest  and  best  men.  Death  will  come,  and  always 
comes  out  of  season.  It  is  the  command  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and  all  nations 
and  people  must  oliey.  What  is  passed,  and  cannot  be  prevented,  should  not 
be  grieved  for.  Be  not  discouraged  or  displeased  then,  that  in  visiting  your 
father  t  here,  [the  American  commissioner,]  you  have  lost  your  chief.  A  mis- 
fortune of  this  kind  may  never  again  befall  you,  but  this  would  have  attended 
you  i)erhaps  at  your  own  village.  Five  times  have  I  visited  this  land,  and 
never  returned  with  sorrow  or  pain.  Misfortunes  do  not  flourish  particularly 
in  our  path.  They  grow  every  where.  What  a  misfortune  for  me,  that  I 
could  not  have  died  this  day,  instead  of  the  chief  that  lies  before  us.  The 
trifling  loss  my  nation  would  liave  sustained  in  my  death,  would  have  been 
doubly  paid  for  by  the  honors  of  my  burial.  They  would  have  wiped  off 
fivery  thing  like  regret.  Instead  of  being  covered  with  a  cloud  of  sorrow,  my 
warriors  would  have  felt  the  sunshine  of  joy  in  their  hearts.  To  me  it  would 
have  been  a  most  glorious  occurrence.  Hereafter,  when  I  die  at  home,  instead 
of  a  noble  grave  and  a  grand  procession,  the  rolling  music  and  the  thundering 
cannon,  with  a  flag  waving  at  my  head,  I  shall  be  wrapped  in  a  robe,  (an  old 
robe  perhaps,)  and  hoisted  on  a  slender  scaffijld  to  the  whistling  winds,§-sooa 
to  be  blown  down  to  the  earth  ;  ||  my  flesh  to  be  devoured  by  the  wolves,  and 
my  bones  rattled  on  the  plain  by  the  wild  beasts.  Chief  of  the  soldiers,  [ad- 
dressing Col.  Miller,]  your  labors  have  not  been  in  vain.  Your  attention  shall 
not  be  Ibrgotten.  My  nation  shall  know  the  respect  that  is  paid  over  the 
dead.     When  I  return,  1  will  echo  the  sound  of  your  guns." 

Dr.  Morse  saw  Ongpatonga  at  Washington  in  the  winter  of  1821,  and  dis- 
coursed with  him  and  Iskkatappa,  chief  of  the  republican  Paunees,  "  on  the 
subject  of  their  civilization,  and  sending  instructors  among  them  for  that 
purpose."  The  doctor  has  printed  the  conversation,  and  we  are  sorry  to 
acknowledge  that,  on  reading  it,  Big-elk  suffers  in  our  estimation ;  but  Jiis 
age  must  he  his  excuse.  When  lie  was  asked  who  made  the  red  and  white 
people,  he  answered,  "The  same  Being  who  made  the  white  jwiople,  made 
the  red  people ;  but  the  white  are  better  than  the  redpeople.^^  This  acknowledg- 
ment is  too  degrading,  and  does  not  comport  with  the  general  character  of  the 
American  Indians.  It  is  not,  however,  very  surprising  that  such  an  expression 
should  escape  an  individual  surrounded,  as  was  Ongpatonga,  by  magnificence, 
luxury,  and  attention  from  the  great. 

Big-elk  was  a  i)arty  to  several  treaties  made  between  his  nation  and  the 
United  States,  previous  to  his  visit  to  Washington  in  1821. 

PETALESHAROO  was  not  a  chief;  but  a  brave  of  the  trilw  of  the  Pau- 
nees. (A  brave  is  a  warrior  who  has  distinguished  himself  in  battle,  and  is 
next  in  importance  to  a  chief  H)  He  was  the  son  of  Leteleslut,  a  famous  chief, 
commonly  called  the  Knife-chief,  or  Old-knife.  When  Major  Long  and  his 
company  travelled  across  the  continent,  in  1819  and  '20,  they  became  ac- 
quainted with  Petalesharoo.    From  several   persons  who  were   in  Long's 


m 


side  of  the  Missouri,  and  now  dwell  on  the  Elk-horn  River,  due  west  from  their  old  village, 
80  miles  west-north-west  from  Council  Blufls."    Morse's  Indian  Report,  251. 

*  Brackenridge,  iit  sup.  91.  t  Jour,  up  tlie  Missouri,  240. 

X  Governor  Edwards  or  Colonel  Miller. 

\  It  is  a  custom  to  expose  the  dead  upon  a  scartbld  among  some  of  the  tribes  cf  the  west. 
See  Brackenridge,  Jour.,  18G. ;  Pike's  E.xpedition  ;  Long's  do. 

11  The  cngravmc  at  the  commencement  of  Book  II.  illustrates  this  passage. 

TT  Long's  Expedition,  i.  356 ;  and  Dr.  Morse's  Indian  Report,  247. 


12^ 


138 


PETALESHAROO. 


[Book  V, 


t 


company,  Dr.  Morse  collected  the  pnrticulur  of  him  which  he  gives  in  his 
Indian  Repokt  as  im  antfcilote. 

Ill  tiie  winter  of  Iri'il,  Petalesharoo  visited  Washington,  heing  one  of  a 
deputution  from  his  notion  to  the  American  government,  on  a  business 
matter. 

This  brave  was  of  elegant  form  juul  countenance,  and  was  attired,  in  his 
visit  to  Washington,  as  re|)resented  in  the  engraving.  In  1821,  he  was 
about  2.)  years  of  age.  At  the  age  of  21,  he  was  so  distinguished  by  his 
abilities  and  prowess,  tiiat  lie  was  called  the  "6»y(|ics<  of  the  braves."  IJut  few 
years  previous  to  1821,  it  was  a  custom,  not  only  with  his  nation,  but  those 
adjacent,  to  torture  and  binn  captives  as  sacrifices  to  the  great  Stai*.  In  an 
expedition  performed  by  some  of  his  countrymen  against  the  Iteans,  a  female 
was  taken,  who,  on  their  return,  was  dotmied  to  suller  according  to  their 
usages.  She  was  liustcmed  to  the  stake,  and  a  vast  crowd  assembled  upon 
the  adjoining  plain  to  witness  the  scen(>.  This  brave,  unobserved,  had  sta- 
tioned two  fleet  horses  at  a  small  distanc  •,  and  was  seated  among  the  crowd, 
as  a  silent  spectator.  All  were  anxiously  waiting  to  enjoy  the  spectacle  of 
the  first  contact  of  the  llames  with  their  victim;  when,  to  their  astonishment, 
a  brave  was  seen  rending  asunder  the  cords  which  bound  her,  and,  with  the 
swithiess  oi"  thought,  bearing  iier  in  his  arms  beyond  the  anuiziid  multitude; 
where  placing  her  upon  one  horse,  and  mounting  himself  ujion  the  other, 
he  bore  her  olf  safe  to  her  friends  and  country.  T!'is  act  would  have  endan- 
gered the  life  of  an  ordiiuny  chief;  but  such  was  his  sway  in  the  tribe,  that 
no  one  presumed  to  censure  the  daring  act. 

This  transaction  was  the  more  extraordinary,  as  its  performer  was  as 
much  a  son  of  nature,  and  had  had  no  nun'o  of  the  advantagi^s  of  education 
than  the  multitudi!  whom  he  astonished  by  the  humane  act  just  recorded. 

This  account  U-iiig  circulated  at  Washington,  iluring  the  young  chief's 
stay  there,  the  young  hulies  of  INliss  fHiite's  seminary  in  that  |ilace  resolved 
to  give  him  a  demoiistiatioii  of  the  high  esteem  in  which  they  held  him  on 
account  of  his  hiimaiK!  condttcl  ;  they  theiHsfore  in-esented  him  an  elegant 
silver  medal,  approjjriately  inscribed,  accompanied  by  the  following  short  but 
atlectionate  achlress:  '•iJrother,  accept  this  token  of  our  esteem — alwajs 
wear  it  for  our  sakes,  and  when  again  you  have  the  power  to  save;  a  poor 
woman  from  death  and  torture,  think  of  this,  and  of  us,  and  fly  to  her 
relief  and  lau-  rescue."  The  britve^s  reply  : — "  This  [taking  hold  of  the 
medal  which  he  had  just  suspended  from  his  neck]  will  f^lve  me  more  ease  than 
I  ever  had,  anil  I  will  listen  more  than  I  ever  did  to  tehite  men.  I  am  triad  that 
m}f  hrotlurs  anil  sisters  have  heard  of  the  irood  act  I  have  done.  .Mil  brothers  and 
sisters  Ihiiik  that  J  did  it  in  i!i;tu)rance,  but  J  now  know  what  I  have  done.  I 
did  it  in  ii!;norancc,  and  did  not  know  thai  I  did  goo(/ ;  but  lii/  g/i'iiig"  mc  this 
vm/al  I  know  it." 

Some  time  al\er  thi;  atleuipt  to  sacrifice  the  Itean  W(Muan,  one  of  the 
wariiois  of  Lclilisha  brought  to  the  nation  a  Spanish  boy,  whom  he  had 
taken.  The  warrior  was  resolved  to  sm'rifice  him  to  Venus,  and  the  time 
was  appoiuti  (1.  fjeli'isha  had  a  long  time  endeavored  to  do  away  the  custom, 
and  now  emisnlietl  I'ttalesharno  upon  the  cou-se  to  be  pursued.  The  young 
brave  said,  "I  will  rescue  the  boy,  as  a  warrior  should,  by  force.''  His  father 
was  unwilliug  that  he  should  e\pos(>  his  lifi-  a  scroud  tiuie,  and  used  great 
exertions  to  raise  ii  Millicieut  ipiaulity  ol"  merchandise  for  the  purchase  oi"  the 
captive.  All  that  wen-  able  coiilril>uted,  and  a  pile  was  made  of  it  at  the 
lodge  of  the  i^ni/e-vhiif,  wlio  then  smuuioned  the  warrior  lielbre  him.  When 
lie  hail  arrived,  the  chief  roinrnauded  him  to  taki>  the  uieichandise,  and 
deliver  thi^  boy  to  him.  Tli>'  warrior  refused.  Lelilesha  then  waved  his 
war-club  in  the  air,  bade  the  warrior  obey  or  pre|(are  for  instant  death. 
*^  Strike"  said  I'ltelesharoo,  "  /  nill  mnl  the  ir/igi  (Uirc  of  his  frit  nils."  Hut  the 
prudent  and  excellent  hilelesha  resolved  to  use  one  inore  endeavor  before 
committing  such  an  act,  lb'  tlii'ictiire  increased  the  amoimt  of  pio|)ertv, 
which  had  the  desired  etfect.  The  boy  was  sMrreudered,  and  the  valuable 
colh'ction  of  goods  sjicriliced  in  his  stead.*     This,  it  is  thought,  will  be  the 

"  Lungf  Hi  supra,  30-78. 


[Book  V. 

gives  in  his 

ig  one  of  a 
a  business 

ttired,  in  his 
21,  he  was 
Ished  l)y  his 
I."  JJut  lew 
in,  but  those 
Stiu".  In  un 
ms,  a  female 
ing  to  tiieir 
unbled  upon 
v('a\,  had  stu- 
g  tiie  crowd, 
spectacle  of 
stonishuient, 
md,  witii  tiiu 
d  niuhitude ; 
)n  the  other, 
liave  endaii- 
iie  tribe,  that 

rnicr  was  as 
of  pchication 
recorch'd. 
oiing  chief's 
ace  resolved 
held  hiiu  nii 
n  an  elegant 
iitg  short  hiit 
em — idwavs 

av<!  a  poor 
fly  to  her 

(lid    of  the 
iioiT  case  than 

III  iiiad  llutt 
broilurs  ami 

ivv  done.     I 

rniff  »»ie  this 


Chap.  VII.]       METE.V'S  SPEECH  AGAINST  SELLING  LAND. 


130 


111 


OIK!  of  the 

(Mil  he  hud 

d  the  time 

the  custom, 

The  young 

His  "father 

used  great 

liasi!  oi'  the 

of  it  at  the 

im.     When 

aiidisi\  and 

waved   his 

tant  death. 

"     Hut  till! 

avor  before 

if  pidperiy, 

tlie  \ahialile 

,  will  he  the 


last  time  the  inhunian  custom  will  be  attemjittul  in  tlic  tribe.    "The  origin 
of  this  sanguinary  sa(nilice   is  luiknown;  jirobalily  it  existed  jirevidiisly  to 


lh(! 


r  mt(;rcoursi'  w 


ith   tl 


i(\  winte  tradiM's. 


Thev  believed  that  the  siicco 


of  their  enterprises,  and  all   undertakings,  depended  upon  tlieir  faithfully 
adln'riiig  to  the  due  perlJirmance  of  llicse  rit(!S. 

In  his  way  to  Washington,  he  slaid  siinie  (lays  in  Philadelphia,  where 
Mr.  ^yenirlc  had  a  fine'  opiKirtunity  of  taking  his  portrait,  which  he  performed 
with  wonderful  success.  It  was  c()|iicd  fir  Dr.  Goilmnn^s  Natural  History, 
and  adorns  the  st'cond  volume  of  tliat  valuable  work. 

AtETFiA,  chief  of  the  I'ottowattomies,  is  brought  to  our  notice  on  account 
of  tli(!  opposition  Ik;  made  to  the  sah^  of  a  Ir.rge  tract  of  his  country.     In 
IH'il,  he  resided  iiixui  the   Waliash.     To  numerous  treaties,  from  1H14  to 
18'2I,  we  fin  I   iiis  name,  and  generally  at  the   head  of  tho!<e  of  his  tribe. 
At  till!  treaty  of  Chicago,  in  tin;  y(Mr  last  mentioned,  he  (hilivered  the  follow- 
ing sp(;rch,  alter  (loveriior  CV/.sshad  inlbrmed  him  of  the  objects  of  his  mission. 
'•My  fiitliei-, — \V(!  liavt!  listened  to  what  you  have  said.     W'v.  shall  now 
retire  to  our  camps  and  cunsult  upon  it.     Voii  will  iiear  iiotliing  more  from 
us  at  jiresent.     [This  is  a  r.niform  custom  of  all  the  Indians.     When  the 
coimcil  was  again  convened,  Milcu  continued.]     Wv.  uu'xt  you  here  to-day, 
because  we  had  promised  it,  to  tell  you  our  minds,  and  what  we  hav(!  agn-eil 
upon  among  oinselves.     Vou  will  listen  to  us  with  a  good  mind,  and  believe 
Avhttt  we  say.     You  know  that  we  tirst  came  to  this  country,  a  long  time  ago, 
and  when  we  s.\t  oiu'selves  down  upon  it,  we  met  with  a  great  many  hard- 
ships and  dillicnlties.     Onr  comitry  was  then  very  large;  but  it  has  dwindled 
away  to  a  small  spot,  and  you  wish  to  purchase  tliat!     This  has  caused  us  to 
retlect  much  upon  what  you  liav(!  tohl  us;  and 've  have,  thcrefortN  brought 
all  the  chiefs  and  warriors,  and  tlu;  young  men  and  women  and  children  *)f 
niu'  tribe,  tliat  one  ptu't  may  not  do  what  tin;  others  oliject  to,  and  that  all 
may  be  witness  of  w  hat  is  going  forward.     You  know  your  children.     Since 
you  first  came  among  tli(>m,  they  have  listcMKid  lo  your  ^vor(ls  with  nil  at- 
teniiv(!  ear,  and  havi;  always  hearkened  to  your  coims('ls.     Whenever  you 
have  had  a  proposal  to  make  to  us,  \\  luMusver  you  have  had  a  liivor  to  ask  of 
us,  we  have  always  lent  a  liixcnahle  ear,  and  our  invariable  answ(>r  has  been 
'yes.'     This  ynu  know!     A  long  tiiiK!  has  passed  since  we  first  came  upon 
oiu"  lauds,  and  onr  old  iieo|ile  have  all  sunk  into  their  graves.     They  had 
sense.     We  aii!  all  young  and  foolish,  and  do  not  wish  to  <lo  any  thing  that 
th(>v  would  not  approve,  were  thi'y  li\ing.     Wi^  mi)  f'earful  W(!  shall  otreiid 
their  sjiirits,  if  \\v  sell  our  lands;  and  W(>  are  H'arlid  wo  shall  ofli-nd  you,  if 
we  do  not  sell  them.     'I'his  has  causcjil  us  great  per|ilexity  of  tluiught,  because 
we  have  eouiiselled  among  ourselves,  and  do  not  know  how  \M'  can  part  with 
the  land.     Onr  country  was  given  to  us  by  tin;  (irtiat  Sjiirit,  who  gave;  it  to  us 
to  hunt  upon,  to  make  onr  cornlields  upon,  to  live  n]ion,  and  to  make  <lown 
our  beds  upon  when  we  die.     And  he  would   never  liirgive   us,  should  W(! 
bargain  it  away.     When  yol^  first  s|iok(!  to  us  liir  lands  at  St.  .Mary's,  wc  said 
we  had  n  little,  and  agreed  to  sell  you  a  \m-rr  of  it;  but  we  told  you  wc 
could  spare  no   more.     iS'ow  yon  ask   us  again,     ^ du  are   never  satisfied! 
We  have  sold  you  a  great  tract  of  land,  already ;  but  it  is  not  eiionirh !     We 
Hold  it  to  yon  liir  the  benefit  of  your  children,  to  farm  and  to  live  upon. 
We  have  now  but  liltli!  left.     We  shall  want  it  all  for  ourselves.     Wt"  know 
not  how  long  wi'  may  live,  and  we  wish  to  lia\c  some  lands  liir  onr  children 
to  hunt  upon.     Y<iu  are  gradually  taking  away  our  hunting-grounds.     Your 
children  are  driving  us  befiire  them.     We  are  growing  uneasy.     What  lands 
you  have,  you  may  retain  t'orever;  but  we  shall  sell  no  more,     ^'ou   think, 
nerhaiis,  that  1  speak  in  passion;  but  my  heart  is  good  towards  you.     I  speak 
lik(>  oiu"  of  your  own  children.     I  am  an    Indian,  a  red-skin,  and  live  by 
laniting  and  fishing,  but  niy  country  is  already  too  small ;  nnil  I  do  not  know 
liow  to  bring  up  my  children,  if  I  give  it  all  away.     We  sold  you  a  fine  trmM 
of  land  at  St.  .Mary's.     We   said  to  you  then  it  was  enough  to  satisfy  your 
cliildren,  and   the    last  wc  >lionld  sell:   and  we    thought    it  would   be   thu 
last  you  would  iLsk  Itir.     We  have  now  toki  joii  what  we  had  to  wiy.     It  in 

•  Lung,  ul  supra,  367-8. 


140 


KEEWAGOUSHKUM.— AN  HISTORICAL  SPEECH.         [Book  V. 


what  was  determined  on,  in  a  council  nniong  ourselves ;  and  what  I  have 
spoken,  is  the  voice  of  my  nation.  On  this  accoimt,  all  our  people  have 
coirie  hero  to  listen  to  me;  but  do  not  think  we  have  a  bad  opinion  of 
you.  Where  should  we  get  a  bad  opinion  of  you  ?  We  speak  to  you 
with  a  good  lieart,  and  the  feelings  of  a  friend.  You  arc  acquainted  with 
tliis  piece  of  laiul— the  country  we  live  in.  Shall  we  give  it  up  ?  Take 
notice,  it  is  a  small  piece  of  land,  and  if  we  give  it  away,  what  will  become 
of  us  ?  The  Great  Spirit,  who  bus  provided  it  for  our  use,  allows  us  to  keep 
it,  to  bring  up  our  young  men  and  support  our  liunilies.  We  shoidd  incur  his 
anger,  if  we  ijartered  it  away.  If  we  hud  more  land,  you  should  get  more ; 
but  our  land  has  been  wasting  away  ever  since  the  white  people  became  our 
neighbors,  and  we  have  now"  hardly  enough  led  to  cover  the  bones  of  our 
tribe.  You  are  in  the  midst  of  your  red  children.  What  is  due  to  us  in 
money,  we  wish,  and  will  receive  at  this  place ;  and  we  want  nothing  more. 
We  all  slinke  hands  with  you.  Behold  our  warriors,  our  women,  and  ciiil- 
dren.     Take  pity  on  us  and  on  our  words." 

Notwithstanding  the  decisive  language  held  by  .Metca  in  this  speech,  against 
selling  lan<l,  yet  his  name  is  to  the  treaty  of  sale.  And  in  another  speech  of 
about  cfjual  length,  delivered  shortly  alter,  upon  the  same  subject,  the  same 
determination  is  manilest  throughout. 

At  this  time  ho  appeared  lo  be  about  forty  years  of  age,  and  of  a  noble 
nnd  dignified  appearance.  He  is  allowed  to  be  the  most  eloquent  chief  of 
his  nation.  In  the  last  war,  he  fought  against  the  Americans,  and,  in  the 
attack  on  Fort  Wayne,  was  severely  woiuided ;  on  which  account  he  draws  a 
pension  from  the  Hritish  government.* 

At  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  of  which  we  have  made  mention, 
several  other  chiefs,  besides  Metea,  or,  as  his  name  is  sometimes  written, 
J\Ieeiem,  were  very  prominent,  and  deserve  a  remembrance.  Among  them 
may  b(!  particularlv  named 

KEEWAGOUSHKUiM,  a  chief  of  the  first  authority  in  the  Ottowa  nation. 
We  shall  give  a  s|)eech  which  be  made  at  the  time,  which  is  considered 
very  valuable,  as  well  on  account  of  tlu;  history  it  contains,  as  for  its  merits 
in  other  respects.  Indian  HisToay  by  an  Indian,  must  be  tlic  most  valuable 
part  of  any  work  about  them.     Keewaixonslikxim  began  : — 

"My  father,  listen  to  me!  The  first  white  people  seen  by  us  were  the 
French.  When  they  first  ventured  into  tht^se  lakes,  ihey  hailed  us  as  children ; 
they  came  with  jjrescsnts  and  ])romises  of  j)eace,  and  wc;  took  them  by  the 
hand.  We  gave  them  what  they  wanted,  and  initiated  them  into  our  mode 
of  life,  which  they  readily  I'ell  into.  Alter  some  time,  during  which  we  had 
become  well  ac(piainted,  we  embraced  their  father,  (the  king  of  Franct;,)  as 
our  fiither.  Shortly  after,  these  people  that  wear  red  coats,  (the  English,) 
came  to  this  country,  and  overthrew  the  French ;  and  they  extended  their 
hand  to  us  in  friendship.  As  soon  as  the  French  were  overthrown,  the  Hritisli 
told  lis,  'We  will  clotlie  you  in  the  same  inannei  the  French  did.  We  will 
supi)lyyou  whh  all  you  want,  and  will  ])urcliape  ull  your  peltries,  as  they  did.' 
Sure  I'liough!  after  the  British  took  j)osscssion  of  the  coiintry,  they  liilfiiled 
all  their  promises.  When  they  told  us  we  should  have  any  thing,  we  were 
sure  to  get  it ;  and  we  got  fi^om  them  the  best  goods. — Some  time  after  the 
British  bad  been  in  possession  of  the  country,  it  was  reported  that  another 
p( opie,  who  wore  white  clothes,  had  arisen  and  driven  the  British  out  of  tho 
land.  These  peojjle  we  first  met  at  (Jreenville,  [in  17!).'),  to  treat  with  (Jeiieral 
H'nyne,]  and  took  them  by  the  hand. — When  the  Indians  first  met  the  Ameri- 
can chief,  [/r«?/»i«>,]  in  council,  tiiere  weni  liiit  few  Ottowas  present;  but  ho 
said  to  tliem,  Wlien  I  sit  myself  dow'i  at  Detroit,  you  will  all  see  me.' 
Shortly  after,  he  arri\cd  at  Detroit.  IVoclaumtion  was  then  made  (iir  all  tho 
Indians  to  come  in. — We  were  told,  [by  the  general,] 'The  reason  !  do  not 


push  those  British  farther  is,  that  W(>  may  not  fi)rg<^t  tlieir  example  in  giving 
you  presents  of  eloih,  arms,  ammiuiitioii,  and  whatever  else  you  may  n'quire? 
Sure  enough!  The  fii-st  time,  we  were  clothed  with  great  liberality.  You 
gave  lis  Htruuds,  guiiN,  uinuunition,  and  many  other  things  we  stood  in  need 


Sc/ioo/crq/l'»  Tmvels. 


[Book  V. 


!■  ' 


!■• 


Two  Ch;  fs  in  till'  not  ol"  concluding  peace. 


A  W  rr    r  ijcj'nr  jiir  from  liiii  iVuMiii. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


141 


of,  and  said, '  This  is  the  way  you  may  always  expect  to  be  used.'  It  was 
also  said,  that  whenever  we  were  in  great  necessity,  you  would  help  us. — 
When  tlie  Indians  on  the  Mauniee  were  first  about  to  sell  tlieir  lands,  we 
heard  it  with  hotli  ears,  but  we  never  received  a  dollar. — The  Cliippewas, 
the  Potto wattoniics,  and  the  Ottowas  loere,  originally,  but  oive  nation.  We 
separated  from  each  other  near  Michilimackinac.  We  were  related  by  the 
ties  of  blood,  language  and  interest ;  but  in  the  course  of  a  long  time,  these 
things  have  been  forgotten,  and  both  nations  have  sold  their  lands,  without 
consulting  us." — "  Our  brothers,  tiie  Cliippewas,  have  also  sold  you  a  large 
tract  of  land  at  Saganaw.  People  are  constantly  passing  through  the  country, 
but  wo  received  neither  invitation  nor  money.  It  is  surprising  that  the  Pot- 
towattomies,  Ottowus,  and  Cliippewas,  who  are  all  one  nation,  should  sell 
their  lands  without  giving  each  other  notice.  Have  we  then  degenerated  so 
much  that  we  can  no  longer  trust  one  another? — P(!rliaps  the  Pottowattomies 
may  think  I  have  come  here  on  a  begging  journey,  tliat  I  wish  to  claim  a 
share  of  lands  to  which  my  people  are  not  entitled.  I  tell  theui  it  is  not  so. 
We  have  never  begged,  and  sliiiij  not  now  commence.  When  I  went  to 
Detroit  lii.st  fall.  Governor  Cass  told  me  to  come  to  this  place,  at  this  time, 
and  listen  to  what  he  liad  to  say  in  comicil.  As  we  live  a  great  way  in  the 
woods,  and  never  see  white  people  except  in  the  fall,  when  the  'raders  come 
among  us,  we  have  not  so  many  opportunities  to  profit  by  this  iniercourse  as 
our  neigiibor,-i,  and  to  get  what  necessaries  we  reciuire  ;  but  we  make  out  to 
live  indejMMidently,  and  trade  upon  our  own  lands.  We  have,  heretofore, 
received  nothing  less  than  justice  from  the  Americans,  and  all  we  expect,  in 
the  present  treaty,  is  a  full  jnopoition  of  the  money  and  goods." 

"A  series  of  misfortunes,"  says  Mr.  Sclwolcrajl,  "has  since  overtaken  this 
friendly,  modest,  and  sensible  chief.  On  returning  from  the  treaty  of  Chicago, 
while  off  the  moutii  of  Giand  River,  hi  Lake  JMiehigan,  his  canoe  was  struck 
by  a  flaw  of  wind  and  upset.  Aller  making  every  exertion,  he  saw  his  wife 
and  all  his  children,  except  one  son,  perish.  With  his  son  he  reached  the 
shore ;  but,  as  if  to  crown  his  misfortimes,  this  oidy  surviving  child  has  since 
been  poisoneil  for  the  part  he  took  in  the  treaty." 

The  result  of  this  treaty  was  the  reliiupiisliment,  by  the  Ottowas,  Cliip- 
pewas, and  Pottowattomies,  of  a  tract  of  country  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
peninsula  of  Michigan,  containing  upwards  of  5,000,000  acres,  and  for  which 
they  received  of  the  United  States,  in  goods,  35,000  dollars ;  and  several  other 
sums  were  awarded  to  the  separate  tribes,  to  some  yearly  forever,  and  to 
others  for  a  limited  term  of  years.  Some  of  the  chiefs  who  attended  to  tlio 
treaty  were  ojiposed  to  this  sale,  and  hence  the  reason  that  Keewagoushkuni's 
son  was  poisoned. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Black-hawk's  j.-nr — Uistorlcal  aaoiint  of  the  tribes  ciirriiffci}  in  it — Treaty  hetteetn 
them — Murders  (tmi)n(t  the  Sivu.r  and  Cliii>]icwas — Kkd-hiih) — Tahiti  for  viurder 
— Dies  in  jirison— Trial  and  exrcutionnf  Indians — Hi.ac  k-iia\vk — The  Sues  murder 
28  Menominics— Indians  insulted— Their  eiiuntrij  said  irithont  the  consent  of  alargr, 
parlij — This  oeeasions  the  war — Ordered  to  leare  their  enuntry — (ienernl  (Jaines 
drir'es  them  beyond  the  Mississippi — L'oneh(dc  a  Treaty — Treaty  broken— Sues  re- 
turn airain  to  their  rillaae — Determine  on  war — General  Atkinson  marches  against 
them— They  retreat  up  lioeh  Hirer. 

It  will  bo  tiecessnry,  in  this  chanter,  to  give  some  a(rrountof  such  tribes  of 
Indians  as  will  orteii  be  nientionen  as  we  proceed.  We  shall,  however,  con- 
fine ourselves  to  such  tribes  as  took  jiart  in  the  late  war  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Lakes  Michigan  anil  Snperinr,  more  cspi-cially  ;  and  fn-stly,  of  the  Win- 
nebngoe  This  tribe  inhabit  the  cdunlry  n|)i)n  the  Oui-consin,  a  river  that 
rises  bctwetMi  the  Lakes  Superior  and  Mieliigan,  and  which  disiMnlutgnes 
itself  into  the  Mi^si.xsippi,  near  the  S.  W.  angle  of  tlu!  N.  W.  territory.  They 
were  litund  seated  here  when  the  country  was  first  visited  by  whites,  about 


142 


CL.VCK-lIAWlv. 


[I5.)0K  V. 


150  years  ago,  and  here  tliey  still  remain.  In  1820,  tlicy  were  supposed  to 
number  1550  souls,  of  whom  500  were  men,  JJoO  women,  and  700  chihh-pii, 
and  lived  in  ten  towns  or  villajres.*  A  Ixiily  ol"  Winnehajro  wurriors  was  in 
the  fight  at  Tippecanoe,  under  the  impostor  Ellskwatawa.  Sanamahhonga, 
called  Stone-eater,  and  Wapamm^wa,  or  h'hite-loon,  were  leaders  of  the  Wia- 
nehago  warriors.  The  latter  was  one  that  oppo.sed  General  fVaj/ne  in  1794, 
l)ut  was  reconciled  to  the  Americans  in  1795,  hy  the  treaty  of  Greenville. 
He  also  treated  with  General  Harrison,  in  1809,  at  Fort  Wayne,  and  again  at 
Greenville  in  1814  ;  but  he  was  active  in  the  wm-  of  1812,  and  on  the  liritish 
side.  Winnebago  Lake,  which  discharges  its  waters  into  Green  Bay,  Avas 
probably  named  Ironi  this  tribe  of  Indians,  or,  what  is  quite  as  probable,  they 
received  their  name  front  the  lake. 

Secondly,  the  Menoniinies.  Tliis  tribe  inhabits  a  river  bearing  their  name, 
and  is  situated  about  one  degi'ce  north  of  tiie  Winnebagos,  from  wliom  they 
are  separated  by  a  range  of  niounttiins.  Tiiey  numbered  in  1820,  according 
to  some,  about  355  persons,  of  whom  not  more  than  100  were  lighters ;  but 
this  estimate  could  ap|)Iy  only,  it  is  thought,  to  the  most  populous  tribe. 

Thirdly,  the  Pottowattomies,  or  Pouteouatamis.  Tiiis  nation  was  early 
known  to  the  French.  In  the  year  1()()8,  .'300  of  thein  visited  Father  Jlllouez, 
at  a  place  which  the  French  called  Chagouamigon,  which  is  an  island  in 
Lake  Superior.  There  was  among  them  at  this  time  an  old  man  100  years 
old,  of  whom  his  nation  reported  wondei'ful  things  ;  among  others,  that  lie 
could  go  without  food  20  days,  and  that  he  often  saw  the  Great  S{)irit.  lie 
was  taken  sick  here,  and  died  in  a  lew  days  arter.f 

The  country  of  the  Pottowattomies  is  adjacent  to  the  south  end  of  Lake 
Michigan,  in  ;Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  in  T820  their  numbers  were  set  down 
»t  3400.  At  th-t  time  the  United  States  paid  them  yearly  5700  dollars.  Of 
this,  ;}.50  dolla  ^  remained  a  permanent  annuity  until  the  late  war. 

Fourthly,  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  These  are  usually  mentioned  together,  and 
are  now  really  but  one  nation.  They  also  had  the  gospel  taught  them  about 
Uk\S,  by  the  Jesuits.  They  live  to  the  west  of  the  Pottowattomies,  generally 
between  the  Illinois  and  Mississi|)|)i  Rivers,  in  the  state  of  Illinois.  The  chief 
of  the  Sauks,  or  Sacs,  for  at  least  14  years,  has  been  Keokitk.  Of  him  we 
shall  ])articularly  8[)eak  in  due  course.  The  Sacs  and  Foxes  were  supposed 
to  amount,  in  1820,  to  about  3000  jiersons  in  all ;  one  fitlh  of  whom  may  be 
accounted  warriors. 

Thus  we  have  taken  a  view  of  the  most  important  pohits  in  the  history  of 
the  tribes  which  were  engaged  in  the  late  border  war  under  Black-hawk,  and 
are,  therefore,  prepared  to  proceed  in  the  narration  of  the  events  of  that  war. 
It  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  begin  with  some  events  as  early  as  182;};  at 
which  period  a  chief  of  the  Winnebagos,  called  Red-bird,  was  the  most  con- 
spicuous. This  year,  the  United  States'  agents  held  a  treaty  at  Prairie  dii 
Chien,  with  the  Sacs,  Foxes,  Winnebagos,  Chippcnvays,  Sioux,  &:c.,  for  tlu! 
purpttse,  ajuong  other  things,  of  bringing  about  a  peace  betwetui  the  lirst- 
iiamed  triite  and  the  others,  who  were  carrying  on  bloody  wars  among  them- 
selves;  the  treaty  stipidated  that  each  tribe  should  conline  itself  to  certain 
bouiidaries,  which  were  designated  ;  and  as  parties  (rom  them  all  were  con- 
stantly visiting  the  United  Stat(;s'  forts,  upon  business,  or  various  other  occa- 
sions, it  was  agreed  that  any  party  should  be  protected  from  insult  or  injury 
from  any  other  Indians  while  upon  such  visits.  It  would  not  seem,  iiowever, 
that  the  makers  ol"th(!  treaty  could  have  suitposcid  that  luiy  such  agreement 
would  avail  much,  where  deep  hatred  existed  between  any  of  the  parties; 
for  the  very  circumstance  of  itroleetion  being  off<'r."!.  <>  .Id  lead  i:ir(!Ctly  to 
dillicnlty,  i)y  placing  one  party  in  a  situation  (!\actl_\  .,■  .;."C(innuo(he;'  another, 
in  tiieir  peeuliar  method  of  surprise;  nor  could  any  one  have  supposed  that 
any  (ear  of  punishment  from  the  whites  would  have  been  C(pial  to  the 
gratification  of  revenge.  Yet  the  motives  of  the  whites  were  good,  however 
little  was  ellected  by  them. 

As  was  expected,  fre<|uent  murders  happeiu'd  among  the  Indians;  and  it  was 


»  Dr.  .Mors"  ral.'.l  lli.-m  iit  ,")OnO.     fml.  ll;„n-l,  .\)).  %'l. 
t  C'lorUv'ii.i-,  Hist.  (Ic  la  .\ouv.  Frmicc,  i.  ;('Jj, 


[nooK  V. 


Chap.  VIII] 


TRIAL  OF  SEVEN  INDIANS. 


143 


npposcd  to 

0  cliildrcii, 
orri  was  in 
amahhonga, 
f  tlie  Wia- 
ne  ill  1794, 
Greenville, 
tid  again  at 
the  Jiritisli 
n  Bay,  was 
)babl(!,  tliey 

tlieir  name, 
ivlioin  tlicy 
),  accordini;- 
[{liters ;  but 
tribe. 

1  was  early 
icr  ,/itlouez, 
n  island  in 
1  100  years 
crs,  that  lie 
Spirit,    lie 

lid  of  Lake 
re  set  down 
lellurs.     01" 

igether,  and 
them  about 
!s,  f];enerallv 
I  The  chief 
')f  him  we 
supposed 
in  may  be 


listory  of 

hawk,  and 

that  war. 

18'iii ;  at 

iiost  con- 

'rairi(!  dii 

c,  lor  the 

the  lirst- 

iiiiT  tliein- 

I)   cerlaiii 

wen'  0011- 

JMT  orca- 

or  injury 

however, 

agreement 

i  parties ; 

Erectly  to 

V.  anoihcr, 

losed  that 

iial  to  the 

,  however 


and  it  waa 


not  of>en  that  those  guilty  of  them  could  be  found  or  recognized.  At  length, 
in  the  summer  of  1827,  a  jmrty  of  24  Chippewas,  on  a  tour  to  Fort  Sneliing, 
were  surprised  by  a  band  of  Sioux,  who  killed  and  wounded  eight  of  them. 
The  commandant  of  Fort  Sneliing  captured  four  of  them,  whom  he  delivered 
into  the  hands  of  the  Chijipewas,  who  immediately  shot  them,  according  to 
the  directions  of  the  commandant,  A  Sioux  chief,  named  Red-bird,  resented 
the  proceedings  of  the  commandant,  and  resolved  upon  a  further  retaliation 
upon  the  Chippewas.  Accordingly,  he  led  a  war  party  against  them  soon 
arter,  but  was  di'feated;  and  upon  his  return  home  from  the  expedition,  his 
neighbors  derided  him,  as  being  no  brave. 

What  were  the  grounds  of  Red-bird's  enmity  in  the  first  place  is  now  un- 
known, nor  is  it  important  to  be  inquired  into  in  our  present  business ;  but 
certain  it  is,  lie  had,  or  conceived  that  he  had,  just  cause  for  his  attack  upon 
the  Ciiippcwas;  his  last  and  unsuccessful  exjiedition  against  them,  however, 
was  to  revenge  the  execution  of  those  at  Fort  Sneliing,  who,  he  had  been 
told,  were  executed  for  the  murder  of  a  family  of  seven  persons,  named 
Methods,  near  Prairie  des  Chiens.  This,  however,  was  not  very  likely  the 
case. 

As  he  could  not  get  revenge  of  the  Chip[)ewas,  Red-bird  resolved  on  seek- 
ing it  among  the  whites,  their  abettors ;  thenjfoi-e,  with  two  or  three  other 
desperadoes,  like  himself,  of  whom  Black-hawk  was  probably  one,  he  repaired 
to  Prairie  des  Chii-ns,  where,  on  the  24  July,  1827,  they  killed  two  jiereona- 
and  wounded  a  third.  We  hear  of  no  plunder  taken,  but  with  a  keg  of  whisky, 
which  they  bought  of  a  trader,  they  retired  to  the  mouth  of  Bad-axe  River. 
Six  days  after,  July  30,  with  his  company  augmented,  Red-bird  waylaid  two 
keel-boats  that  had  been  conveying  commissai^  stores  to  Fort  Sneliing.  One 
came  into  the  ambush  in  the  day  time,  and,  after  a  fight  of  four  hoiivs,  es- 
caped with  the  loss  of  two  killed  and  four  wounded.  It  was  midnight  before 
the  other  fell  into  the  snare,  and,  owing  to  the  darluiess,  escaped  without 
much  injur}'. 

Notice  has  probably  been  taken  by  Black-hawk,  in  his  naiTative,  of  these 
events ;  but  as  he  lelates  every  thing  without  any  regard  to  dates,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  assign  some  of  his  incidents  to  their  proper  places  in  history. 

Not  long  after  these  events,  in  September,  1827,  General  Atkinson  marched 
into  the  Winnebago  country,  with  a  brigade  of  troops,  regulars  and  militia,  and 
succeeded  in  making  prisonei-s  of  Red-bird,  and  six  other  Winnebagos,  who 
were  held  in  confinement  at  Prairie  du  Cliien  until  a  trial  could  be  had  on  them. 
On  the  25  October,  1828,  at  a  special  term  of  the  United  States' Circuit  Court, 
they  were  tried,  all  except  Red-bird,  who  had  died  in  prison.  Waniga  or  the 
Sun,  and  Chik-hong-sic,  the  Little-bull,  were  each  tried  on  two  indictments ;  one 
for  the  mnnier  of  Reitisfre  Gn^:nicr,  us  accomjilices  oi' Red-bird,  m  the  murder 
of  which  mention  has  already  been  made.  On  the  second  indictment,  Chik- 
/io/inf-si'c  was  tried  for  the  murder  of  Snlonwn  Lipcap ;  and  JVaniga  on  the 
same,  as  his  accomplice.  On  the  third  indictment,  ff'aniga  was  tried  for 
scalping  Louisa  (iagnier  with  intent  to  kill.  On  the  first  indictment,  both 
were  brought  in  guilty.  On  the  second,  Chik-hong-sic  was  brought  in  guilty, 
and  Waniga  was  accpiittcd.  On  the  third,  Wanisa  was  found  guiky,  and 
Chik-hong-sic  was  acquitted.  They  were  sentenced  to  be  executed  on  the  26 
of  the  fiillowing  December. 

The  two  charged  with  the  murder  of  Mr.  Methode  and  family  were  acquit- 
ted by  a  ?io//e  prosequi.  Black-hawk,  or  Kara-zhonsept-hah^  as  his  name  waa 
then  written,  and  Knnonekah,  the  Younirtsl  of  the  Thunders,  were  amoitg  the 
prisonere  charged  with  the  attack  on  the  boats  the  preceding  year ;  but  the 
charge  not  being  sustained  for  want  of  evidence,  they  were  discharged,  as 
was  also  a  son  of  Red-bird. 

Thus  St  oppeors  a  yeor  had  passed  since  these  Indians  wore  captured,  before 
thoy  were  brought  to  trial.  Sucli  a  delay  of  justice  was  to  the  friends  of  the 
imprisoned  Indians  ten  times  as  insufferable,  if  possible,  as  any  punishment 
could  have  been,  inflicted  in  any  reasonable  time  after  a  crime  had  been  com- 
mitted. They  cannot  understand  why,  if  one  Ix;  guilty,  he  sliould  not 
nt  once  be  punished,  as  it  seldom  hapiiens,  with  Indiiuis,  tliat  they  deny  an 
act  when  guilty :  the  most  of  them  scorn  to  do  it.   Hcuce,  tlie  white  people's 


144 


MURDER  OF  THE  MENOMINIES. 


[Rook  V. 


kee[)ing  them  imprisoned,  they  think  mi  act  of  great  cowardice  ;  presuming 
they  dare  not  punish  the  culprit.  It  has  sometimes  happened,  tliat  alter  an 
Indian  had  iieen  imprisoned  for  a  long  tinje,  and  been  discharged  ibr  want  of 
evidence,  akhough  at  the  time  of  his  capture  there  were  no  douI)ts  of  his  guilt, 
even  upon  his  own  confession,  he  has  been  shot  by  some  skulking  white  bor- 
derer on  his  way  to  his  home.  Tliis,  to  the  friends  of  such  Indian,  is  the 
most  abominable  crime  ;  and  these  things  had  all  happened  in  Illinois  belbre 
the  end  of  1828. 

Black-hawk,  as  we  have  just  seen,  was  captured  and  held  some  time  in  du- 
rance for  attacking  tiie  boats,  which,  it  seems,  could  not  be  jiroved  against  him, 
as  he  was  discharged;  but  if  there  were  doubts  of  his  guilt  beibre,  there  can 
be  none  now,  according  to  his  own  confession,  which,  it  would  seem,  he  had 
too  much  craft  to  acknowledge  befbre  his  trial. 

Matters  continued  in  a  ruffled  state  lor  about  three  years,  though  acts  of 
violence  seem  not  often  to  have  occurred.  In  IStil,  it  wastiie  general  o])inion 
on  the  frontiers,  that  the  Indians  intended  to  forbear  no  longer ;  and  it  was 
rightly  judged  by  General  ,/llkinson,  that  efforts  had  been,  or  were  being  made 
by  some  of  them  to  unite  all  the  Indians  from  Rock  River  to  Mexico  in  a  war. 
That  this  was  the  truth  of  the  case  we  will  hear  Ulack-liuwk  in  evidence. 
He  says,  "Runners  were  sent  to  tiie  Arkansas,  Red-River  and  Texas — not  on 
tlie  subject  of  our  lands,  but  a  secret  mission,  which  I  am  not,  at  present,  per- 
mitted to  explain." 

The  difft'rence  between  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  and  Menominies  and  Sioux, 
•was  one  great  cause  of  the  troubles  previous  to  the  war  of  J8.S2.  The  wiiites 
used  their  eiuk'avors  to  bring  about  a  peace  between  tliem,  and  finally  effected 
it,  although  at  the  very  time  murders  were  committed  by  one  j)arty  upon  the 
other,  while  on  tlieir  way  to  attend  a  treaty  for  their  own  benefit.  But  such 
is  their  thirst  for  revenge,  that  they  will  take  it  at  the  hazard  of  themselves 
and  all  their  connections.  Black-hawk  himself  relates,  that  on  a  certain  time, 
which,  I  believe,  was  in  the  summer  of  18-30,  the  chiefs  of  the  Foxes  were 
invited  to  attend  a  treaty  at  Prairie  du  Cliien  for  the  settlement  of  their  dif- 
ferences with  the  Sioux.  Nine  of  the  head  men  of  the  Foxes,  with  one 
woman  in  their  company,  .^et  out  to  attend  the  treaty,  who,  on  their  way,  were 
met  by  a  comjiany  of  Sioux,  near  the  Ouiscousin,  and  all  of  them,  except  one 
man,  were  killed. 

This  nnu'der  went  mu'evenged  until  the  next  year,  when  a  l)and  of  Sioux 
and  Menominies,  who  were  encamped  within  a  mile  of  the  fbrt  at  Prairie  du 
Chien,  were  attacked  by  some  Foxes  from  Black-haivk^s  party,  and  2S  of  them 
were  killed.  The  whites  now  demanded  the  nnuderers,  but  Black-hawk  said 
they  had  no  right  to  make  such  a  demand,  Ibr  it  was  an  affair  between  the 
Indian  nations,  over  whom  they  had  no  authority ;  and  besides,  Ik;  said,  when 
the  Menominies  had  nnn-dered  the  Fox  chiefs,  the  year  befbre,  they  jnade  no 
such  demand  fbr  the  nnuderers. 

According  to  the  treaty  of  the  IStli  of  .fuly,  1830,  at  Prairie  du  Cliieii,  the 
Sacs  and  Foxes  sold  their  country  to  the  United  States,  and  the  Sioux,  Oma- 
hahs,  loways,  Ottoes,  and  several  other  tribes  and  bands,  participated  in  the 
sale  ;  but  Black-hawk  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Keokuk,  or  tlie  fVatchJ'ul-fox, 
at  this  time  headed  the  party  of  Sacs  that  made  the  treaty;  when  Black-hawk 
knew  what  was  done,  it  very  nuicli  agitated  and  dis))k'as('d  him  ;  but  Keokuk 
had  pleased  the  whites,  and  sold  his  country,  as  the  ill-advised  MUnlosh  had 
done.  The  Jiext  summer,  1831,  Black-hawk  says,  that  while  on  n  visit  to  the 
Indian  agent  at  Rock  Island,  he  heard,  for  the  lii-st  time,  "talk  of  our  having 
to  leave  my  village.  The  trader  (he  says)  explained  to  me  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  that  had  bi-en  made,  and  s:iid  we  would  be  oi»lig(!d  to  leave  the  Illhiois 
side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  advised  us  to  select  a  good  place  tor  our  village, 
and  remove  to  it  in  the  Hi)ring."  This  trader  was  the  adopted  lirother  of  the 
principal  F'ox  chief,  whom  he  had  persuaded  to  leave  his  village  and  build 
another  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi.  Keokuk  had  consented  to  go, 
and  was  using  all  his  influence  to  induce  others  to  go  with  him. 

A  party  now  l)egan  to  organize  itself  in  opposition  to  that  of  Keokuk. 
They  called  \\\)im  Jilack-hawk  for  his  opinion  about  it ;  and,  says  the  old  chief, 
"  I  gave  it  freely — and  alter  questioning  (^uitsh-qua-mc  about  the  sale  of  the 


Chap.  VIII]        RELUCTANCE  TO  LEAVE  THEIR  COUNTRY. 


145 


18 


,  W(!re 


r 


Keokuk. 
old  chiof, 
ulo  of  thti 


lands,  he  assured  me  that  he  never  had  consented  to  the  sale  of  our  village.' 
I  now  promised  this  party  to  be  then*  leader,  and  raised  the  standard  of 
opposition  to  Keokuk,  with  a  full  determination  not  to  leave  my  village.'' 

The  Sac  village  was  on  the  point  of  land  formed  by  Rock  River  and  the 
Mississippi.  The  tribe  had  here  usually  about  700  acres  of  planting  land, 
which  extended  about  two  and  a  half  miles  up  the  Mississippi.  According 
to  the  tradition  of  the  Indians,  a  village  had  stood  here  about  l.'iO  years. 
The  whole  extent  of  the  Sac  country  on  the  Mississippi,  was  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Ouisconsin  to  the  Portage  des  Sioux,  almost  to  the  entrance  of  the 
Missouri,  in  length  near  700  miles. 

About  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  some  out- 
rages were  committed  upon  the  Indians  by  the  whites  in  kind  lik(!  the  follow- 
ing:— One  of  Blnck-hawKa  men  having  found  a  liive  of  bees  in  the  woods,  in 
a  hollow  tree,  took  it  to  his  wigwam.  Some  whites,  having  learned  the  cir- 
cumstance, repaired  to  the  Indian's  wigwam  and  demanded  the  honey  as 
theirs,  and  he  gave  it  up  to  them.  They  not  only  took  the  lioney,  but  made 
plunder  of  all  the  skins  he  had  got  during  his  winter's  hunt,  and  carried  them 
off  also.  The  case  of  the  Indian  was  exceeding  hard,  for  he  owed  the  skins 
to  his  trader.  Therefore  he  could  not  pay  him,  nor  conld  he  get  necessaries 
for  his  family,  in  consequence  of  his  inability  to  meet  his  fonner  contract 

Abotit  tliis  time  Black-hawk  met  with  gross  ill  treatment  from  some  whites 
who  met  him  in  the  woods  a-hunting.  They  fell  upon  him,  and  beat  him  so 
severely  that  he  was  lame  for  some  time  allcr  it.  The  whites  pretended  he 
had  done  them  an  injury.  Such  outrages,  added  to  those  of  a  ])ublic  nature, 
had  driven  the  Indians  to  desperation,  and  finally  determined  Black-hawk  to 
act  on  the  offensive.  But  he  was  sadly  deceived  in  his  real  strength  when 
he  came  to  trial ;  for  he  had  been  assured  tiiat  the  Chippewas,  Ottowas, 
Winnebagos  and  Pottowattomics  all  stood  ready  to  help  and  second  him. 
N'capope,  who  had  been  among  some  of  them,  was  eitlior  deceived  himsellj 
or  he  intentionally  deceived  his  chief.  But  the  Prophdf  Wahokieshick^  was 
doubtless  the  greatest  deceiver.  He  sent  word  to  Black-hawk  that  he  had 
received  wampmn  from  the  nations  just  nirntioned,  and  he  was  sure  of  tiioir 
cooperation.  Besides  this  strong  encouragement,  it  was  also  told  to  the 
])rincipal  Sac  chiefs,  that  their  Britisii  father  at  Maiden  stood  ready  to  helj* 


them,  in  case  of  wrong 


being 


offered  them  by  the  whites ;  but  this  w.is. 


without  doubt,  a  stratagem  of  the  Prophet,  or  N'capope,  the  bearer  of  the 
intelligence.  The  cliiels  of  the  whites  at  Maiden  and  other  places,  had  been 
visited  by  Black-hawk  or  his  head  men,  and,  on  being  told  their  situation  in 
respect  to  being  obliged  to  leave  their  countrj',  these  friends  of  the  Indians 
honestly  told  them  that,  if  they  had  not  sold  their  country,  it  could  not  be 
taken  from  them. 

When  the  old  ciiief,  Black-hawk,  found  that  Keokuk  had  sold  the  Sac 
village,  with  the  rest  of  their  country  on  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi,  he 
saw  and  conversed  with  him  about  it,  and  Keokuk  was  so  well  convinced  that 
he  had  done  wiiat  he  had  no  right  to  do,  that  he  promised  to  go  to  the  whites, 
and  use  all  his  endeavors  to  get  it  hack  again  by  giving  any  other  part  of  the 
country  for  it:  Black-hawk  said  he  woidd  give  up  even  the  lead-mines,  if 
they  could  only  be  allowed  to  enjoy  their  old  village,  and  the  little  point  of 
land  oil  which  were  the  beautiful  cornfields  which  their  wives  had  cultivated, 
for  years,  undisturbed,  and  the  adjacent  burying-grounds  oftheir  honored  dead. 

With  strong  hopes  that  something  would  be  ctt'ected  for  them,  the  Sacs 
set  out  upon  their  usual  winter's  hunt,  in  tlie  fall  of  18:30,  and  meanwhile 
the  whites  came  on  and  possessed  their  beloved  village!  When  the  Indians 
returned,  they  saw  families  of  intruders  in  their  own  wigwams  and  lodges, 
that  they  had  leil  the  fall  jirevious — the  wives  and  children  of  the  poor 
Indians  were  iu)w  ujton  the  banks  of  their  own  Mississippi,  but  witiioiu  a 
home  or  lodge  to  cover  them !  This  was  insufterabh;  to  Black-hawk — where 
is  the  white  man  that  could  eiulure  t-uch  things  ?  There  are  none  that  could, 
cvcMi  the  most  scrvih;  slave. 

The  Sacs  were  encamped  on  the  weU  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  having  re- 
turned from  their  hunting-grounds  earlier  than  usual,  on  account  of  infor- 
mation of  the  state  of  things  in  their  village.  The  ice  had  not  leil  the  Mis- 
13 


146 


THEIR  VILLAGE  POSSESSED  BY  THE  WHITES,  [Book  V. 


sissippi ;  Imt  before  it  was  time  to  plant  com,  the  firm  resolution  of  the  chiefs 
was  taken,  that  their  village  they  would  again  possess.  They  acted  in  accord- 
ance with  their  resolution,  and  went  on  and  took  jwssession.  The  whites  were 
alarmed,  an<l  doubting  of  their  ai)ility  to  drive  off  the  Indians  then,  said  they 
^vould  live  and  plant  logetfier;  but  took  care  to  seize  uj)on  all  the  best  planting 
i.md.  The  Indians  were  determined  not  to  he  the  first  to  commit  any  liostile  act, 
and  submitted  to  great  insults;  some  of  their  women  being  shamefully  bcateu 
by  their  white  neighbors  lor  the  most  trifling  offence,  to  which  their  new 
;-ituation  had  unavoidably  subjected  them,  and  one  young  man  was  actually 
beaten  to  death.  Or  so  that  he  soon  after  died ;  nevertheless,  to  the  shame  of 
those  whites  be  it  told,  there  is  no  account  whicli  has  ever  come  to  me  that 
tJie  Indians  attempted  to  retaliate. 

Other  evils  were  experienced  while  tlie  poor  Sacs  endeavored  to  live  with 
the  whites  in  their  own  village.  Ardent  spirits  were  brought  in,  and  used  to 
cheat  the  Indians  out  of  their  personal  property,  their  guns,  and  articles 
with  which  tiiey  hunted. 

In  the  tiill  of  li^IJO,  the  Indians  had  been  told  that  they  must  not  come 
again  to  the  east  side  of  the  river.  Meantime  the  lands  of  the  Sac  village 
had  l>een  sold,  or  a  ))art  of  them,  and  all  the  Indians  were  ordered  to  leave 
them.  Bkick-batvk  and  his  band,  however,  woidd  no'  obey,  and  some  of 
them  remained  on  the  unsold  lands,  while  the  otliers  wv-re  on  their  hunting 
expeditions.  And  early  in  the  spring  of  1831,  after  havinj^  used  every  means 
tor  a  reconciliation,  without  giving  up  their  village,  the  Sacs  in  a  body  re- 
crossed  the  river  to  their  old  cornfiehls,  and  in  a  menacing  mimner  took 
])ossession ;  but  if  we  can  believe  Black-hawk,  he  did  not  mean  to  be  pro- 
voked into  a  war  by  any  tiling  less  than  the  life-blood  of  some  of  his  peojile; 
which  he  said  the  whites  dare  not  take,  at  least  so  long  as  he  remained  on  the 
government's  land ;  lor  by  an  article  of  the  treaty  which  had  caused  these 
troubles,  the  Indians  were  not  obliged  to  leave  the  lands  so  long  as  they  re- 
mained unsold.  But  the  settlers  cried  out  against  the  encroachments  of  the 
Indians  upon  tliein,  which  soon  becanu  so  loud  and  clamorous  that  Governor 
Reij7iol(k  thithw'ith  taking  the  resnoJisii.',  y,  declared  the  state  of  Illinois  in- 
vacled  by  hostile  Indians,  although  it  dous  iiot  a])i)ear  that  any  of  them  were 
upon  other  lauds  than  those  owned  by  the  United  States, 

Accordingly,  on  the  28  Ala\',  lt;;!l,  (iovcrnor  Reynolds  wrote  from  Belleville, 
the  capital  of  the  st)ite  of  Illinois,  to  (jleiieral  Gaines,  the  military  commander 
of  the  western  department,  that  lie  had  received  undoubted  information  that 
the  section  of  the  state  near  Uo:;k  Island  was  at  that  time  invaded  by  a  hos- 
tile band  of  the  Sac  indians,  headed  by  Black-hawk;  and  that  in  order  to  re- 
pel said  invasion,  and  to  ])rotc(;t  the  citizens  of  the  state,  he  had  called  on 
700  of  the  militia  of  the  said  state,  to  be  mounted  and  ready  for  that  service. 
He  therefore,  "as  executive  of  the  state  of  Illinois,"  respectfully  solicited  his 
(soiiperatioii.  General  Gaines  said  in  answer,  the  next  day,  that  he  had  ordered 
six  companies  of  regular  troops  to  proceed  fiom  Jeflerson  Bari'acks  the 
day  following.  May  30,  for  the  Sac  village,  and  if  necessary  he  would  add 
two  companies  more  Jrom  Prairie  dii  Chien.  This  force  he  considered  suf- 
ficient to  put  down  the  "liostile  Sacs;"  but,  he  said,  if  the  Indian  force  had 
been  augmented  by  other  Indians,  then  he  would  correspond  with  his  excel- 
lency by  express,  and  avail  himself  of  his  offer  of  the  700  mounted  volunteere. 
Governor /?ei/)ioWj  htuJ  just  before  (2G  May)  written  to  General  Clark,  the 
superintendent  of  Indian  affiiirs  at  St.  Louis,  and  among  other  things  said,  he 
had  considered  it  necossai-y  to  order  out  troojis  "to  protect  the  citizens"  of 
the  state  "near  Rock  Island  yroni  invasion  and  depredation;"  but  from  his 
letter  to  Gaines,  dated  only  two  days  after,  the  state  was  actually  invaded. 
H(>nce  it  ajipears,  that  in  somelhiug  less  than  two  days,  by  thinking  the  mat- 
ter over,  the  governor  had,  in  his  mind,  changed  the /ear  of  invasion 
inro  actual  invasion.  In  the  same  letter  he  goes  on :  The  object  of  the 
government  of  the  state  is  to  jirotect  those  citizens  by  removing  said  Indians, 
"  peaceably  if  they  can,  but  forcibly  if  tlicy  must,"  "I  consider  it  my  duty  to 
inform  you  of  the  above  call  on  the  militia,  and  that  in  or  about  15  days,  a  suf- 
ficient force  will  appear  before  these  IndiaiiM  to  remove  them,  dead  or  dive, 
over  the  west  side  of  the  JMiisissipjii."    Whether  liis  excellency  did  not 


Chap.  VIII.] 


GENERAL  GAINES'S  EXPEDinON. 


147 


mean  to  stop  with  liis  Indians  short  of  tlie  Western  Ocean,  I  cannot  say,  but 
certainly  lie  says  uotiiing  of  li.'aviiijf  tJieni  any  where  on  lands  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Mississippi ;  he,  liowever,  hinnaneiy  adds,  "  Jint  to  save  all  this  disagree- 
able business,  perhaps  a  request  lioni  you  to  them,  for  them  to  remove  to  the 
west  side  of  the  river,  would  effect  tiie  object  of  procuring  peace  to  the  citi- 
zens of  the  state."  General  Clark  replied,  txvo  days  after,  that  every  effort 
on  his  part  "had  been  made  to  effect  the  removal  from  Illinois  of  o^/  tlie  tribes 
who  had  ceded  their  lands." 

Hence  no  altoruative  novv  remained  but  to  proceed  on  with  an  army  to 
drive  off  the  Indians.  According:  ly  (Jeneral  Gaines  proceeded  to  the  countiy 
in  dispute,  and  by  his  prudent  luaiageuient  succeeded  in  settling  the  diffi- 
culty, which,  as  matters  immediately  afterwards  turned  out,  seems  to  have 
amounted  to  but  little;  and  as  General.  Gatnes's  account  of  his  exiiedition 
agrees  very  well  with  what  Black-hawk  has  since  said  about  it,  we  lay  it  before 
the  reader.    It  is  contiunod  in  a  letter  dated  Rock  Island,  20  June,  1831. 

"I  have  visited  the  Rock  River  villages,  with  a  view  to  ascertain  the  locali- 
ties, and,  as  far  as  possible,  the  disposition  of  the  Indians.  They  confirm  me 
in  the  opinion  I  had  previously  formed,  that,  whatever  may  be  their  ftelings 
of  hostility,  they  are  resolved  to  abstain  from  the  use  of  their  tomahawks  and 
fire-arms  except  in  selt-defence.  But  few  of  their  warriors  were  to  bo  seen — 
their  women  and  chiidi'en,  and  their  old  men  appeared  anxious,  and  at  first 
somewhat  confused,  but  none  attempted  to  run  off.  Having  previously  noti- 
fied their  chiefs  that  1  would  have  nothing  more  to  say  to  tliem,  uidess  they 
slioidd  desire  to  inform  me  of  their  intention  to  move  for thtmth,  as  I  had  di- 
rected them,  1  did  not  speak  to  them,  though  within  50  yards  of  many  of 
thein.  I  had  with  me  on  boai'd  the  steam-boat  some  artillery,  and  two  com- 
panies of  infantiy.  Their  village  is  immediately  on  Rock  River,  and  so  situ- 
ated that  1  could  i'rom  the  steam-boat  destroy  all  their  bark  houses  (the  only 
kind  of  houses  they  have)  in  a  few  minutes,  with  the  force  now  with  me, 
probaltly  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  But  I  am  resolved  to  abstain  from  firing 
a  shot  without  some  bloodshed,  or  some  mAuifest  attempt  to  shed  blood,  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians.  I  liave  already  induced  nearly  one  third  of  tliem  to 
cross  the  Mississijjpi  to  their  own  land.  The  residue,  however,  say,  as  the 
friendly  chiefs  rej  rt,  that  they  never  will  move ;  and  what  is  very  uncommon, 
their  women  urge  iheir  hostile  husbands  to  fight  rather  than  to  move  and  thus 
to  abandon  their  homes." 

Thus  stood  matters  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  Illinois  militia;  neither 
party  wishing  to  do  any  thing  to  bring  on  hostilities.  On  the  7th  June, 
Black-hawk  met  General  Gaines  in  council,  and  plainly  told  lum  he  would 
not  remove,  and  to  let  him  know  he  was  not  afraid  of  his  forces,  went  to  the 
council-house  at  the  head  of  his  l)aud,  armed  and  jminted  as  though  they  ex- 
pected to  be  attacked  ;  the  conscijuence  was,  nothing  was  eflected  thus  far. 
But  the  general  was  satisfied  that  the  reports  of  other  tribes  having  engaged 
to  assist  them  were  entitled  to  little  credit.  That  the  general  well  understood 
the  afl'airs  of  the  Sacs  at  this  tinio,  no  doubt  will  be  entertained,  on  compar- 
ing his  account  with  the  statement  ot"  Black-hawk  in  his  life.  "Several  other 
tribes,"  observes  the  general,  '-such  as  the  VVinnebagos,  Pottowuttomies,  and 
Kika))oos,  have  been  invited  by  these  Sacs  to  assist  them ;  but  1  cannot  positively 
ascertain  that  more  than  200  have  actually  joined,  and  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  these  will  remain  true  to  their  oftendiug  allies." 

As  General  Gaines  t'miud  he  could  not  effect  a  conijiliance  with  his  demands, 
he  concluded  to  wait  for  the  itiilitia,  who,  on  the  25  June,  |)rorn[)tly  arrived. 
These  the  Indians  thought  it  not  |)r<)pcr  to  oppose,  knowing  well  that  border 
militia  woidd  submit  to  no  restriiint  from  their  officers ;  they  therefore  fled 
across  the  Mississippi  to  avoid  being  massacred  ;  and  on  the  following  <lay, 
June  2(),  the  army  took  posscst^ion  oi"  tlu;  Sac  village,  ^vithout  tlie  firing  of  a 
gun  on  either  s^ide.  On  the  27th,  Black-hawk  caused  a  white  flag  to  be  dis- 
played to  show  his  disposition  to  have  a  parley,  which  soon  after  ensued,  and 
this  ended  in  a  treaty. 

In  his  (lespatcli  io  the  .secretary  of  war.  General  Gaines  said  he  was  of 
opinion  that  '■tlu'sc  Imlians  wen,'  as  completely  Innubled,  as  if  they  had  been 
diustised  in  battle,  and  less  disposed  to  disturb  the  frontier  inhahitants;" 


148 


BLACK-IIAWK  RETIRES  UP  ROCK  RIVER. 


[Book  V- 


nnd  tlint  Governor  Reynolds  was  of  tlie  same  opinion.  But  in  this  they  were 
iioth  mistaken,  altliougii  when  the  treaty  was  made,  Black-haiik  without 
doubt  intended  atrictly  to  ohwervc  it ;  yet  Jie  could  not  foresee  what  would 
liappen.  He  had  been  promised  corn  to  supply  the  wants  of  his  people,  in- 
stead of  that  which  tiiev  had  been  obliged  to  abandon;  but  what  they 
received  was  far  from  sutticient,  and  they  began  to  feel  the  encroachment  of 
famine.  In  this  state  of  things,  a  party  of  Sacs,  as  the  old  chief  says,  went 
over  the  river  to  steal  corn  from  their  own  fields !  and  thus  began  a  new  series 
of  troubles  which  ended  in  bloodshed. 

Black-hawk,  with  his  chief  men,  had  signed  the  treaty,  and  it  was  broken 
the  same  year  by  both  parties.  It  was  dated  on  the  30  June,  1831,  five  days 
after  the  "  flight,"  and  among  the  signers  we  recognize,  besides  Mucata-Mu- 
Hi-EATAK  (Black-hawk),  as  his  nanw  was  then  written,  1'ashepaho  [Stabbing- 
chief),  Weesheat  (Sturgeon-head),  Kakekamah  (JUlrftsh),  and  several  others. 
It  was  in  the  course  of  the  same  summer,  that  the  i)arty  iiom  Black-hawk^s 
band  killed  the  98  Menomonies,  of  which  we  have  before  given  an  account, 
and  although  the  whites  considered  it  their  concern,  seem  not  to  have  under- 
taken to  revenge  it  until  the  spring  of  1832 ;  and  the  probability  is,  they 
would  hardly  then  have  undertaken  it,  had  not  some  of  the  Sacs  intruded 
tliemsnlves  again  into  their  old  village,  by  which  a  new  cry  was  raised 
against  them.  Be  this  as  it  may.  General  Atkinson  set  out  for  the  Upper  Mis- 
eisnippi,  about  the  first  of  April,  at  the  head  of  the  sixth  regiment  of  United 
States  infantry,  at  whose  apjjroach  Black-hatok  and  his  party  abandoned  their 
camp  on  the  Mississippi,  where  Fort  Madison  had  been  built,  and  ascended 
Rock  River.  It  was  in  this  direction  ho  expected  to  be  reinforced  by  the 
Pottowattomios,  VVinnebagos,  and  Kikapoos,  but  who  in  the  end  declined  the 
hazardous  and  unequal  conflict. 

As  Black-hawk  moved  leisuiely  up  Rock  River,  lie  received  several  ex- 
presses from  General  Atkinson,  ordering  him  in  a  peremptory  manner  to  leave 
the  country ;  but  he  constantly  said  he  would  not,  and  said  he  was  going  to 
the  ProplteVs  village  to  make  corn,  to  which  he  had  been  invited,  and  the 
whites  might  attack  him  if  they  dared ;  that  they  might  come  on  if  they 
chose,  but  they  would  not  find  him  unprepared ;  yet  he  would  not  begin  with 
them. 

Meanwhile  GanevixX  Atkinson,  not  judging  it  expedient  to  pursue  the  Indians 
lip  Rock-River,  made  a  stand  at  Dixon's  Ferry,  and  waited  for  a  rein- 
forcement. 


Hi§t 


CHAPTER  IX. 


^farch  of  Major  Stillman — Kills  some  of  Black-hawk's  men — Stillman's  defeat — 
Tal/c  icith  the  Winnchagos — Menomonies  join  the  whites — Settlement  on  Indian 
Creek  destroyed — Captivity  of  tieo  young  women — Murders — Plum  River  settle- 
ment broken  up — Congress  orders  out  troops — Murders  near  Galena — Indians  cut 
fff  l"l  General  Dodge — Suider's  defeat — Stevenson's  defeat — Mtack  on  the  fort  at 
Buffalo  Grove — Oh  that  at  Apple  River — Defeat  of  Major  Dement — Murder  at 
Cindnaum  Mound — Ravages  of  the  cholera  among  the  regular  troops — Battle  of 
the  Ouisconsin — Action  with  the  steam-boat  Warrior — Battle  of  the  2d  of  August, 
and  end  of  the  war. 

Bf.fore  the  arrival  of  General  Atkinson  at  Ogee's  or  Dixon's  Ferry,  General 
Wlntcsidcs  h.id  proceeded  there  with  a  considerable  body  of  mounted  men, 
and  !i  march  of  discovery  was  resolved  ui)on.  Accordingly,  about  tlio  13th 
of  MaV,  ii  company  of  270  men  proceeded  on  towards  Sycamore  Creek,  imder 
Major  Stillman.  Black-hawk  being  apprized  of  the  march  of  this  detach- 
niput,  sent  out  tln-ee  young  warriors  with  u  white  flag  to  meet  them,  and  in- 
vite tliem  to  his  camp;  but  tlio  whites,  paying  no  regard  to  the  flag,  took  the 
bearers  of  it  prisoners.  Five  others  had  been  sent  after  tlic  first,  to  see  what 
ensued,  and  to  rej)ort  what  migiit  take  ])lace.  Th('H(!  live  wove  discovered 
and  pursued  by  a  small  party  of  tlio  whiu  s,  and,  I'riiig  ovi  rtnlcen,  two  of 


c:    ! 


w 


Chap.  IX.] 


STILLMAJS'S  DEFEAT. 


149 


them  were  killed,  ami  the  rest  escaped.  It  was  uow  near  night,  on  tJie  14tli 
of  May.  The  jiarty  that  had  killed  the  two  Indijuis  nitiinied  to  the  main 
body,  which,  it  seems,  was  preparing  to  encamp  for  the  night  when  this  cir- 
cumstance took  place ;  all  immediately  mounted  their  horses  and  rushed 
forward  in  confusion.  It  does  not  appear  that  Black-hawk  had  any  thoughts 
that  the  whites  would  attack  him,  for  he  had  not  but  about  40  of  his  men 
with  him  at  this  time,  the  others  being  out  upon  a  hunting  excursion ;  l)Ut 
when  his  sj)ies  returned,  and  reported  that  two  of  their  number  had  been 
barbarously  murdered,  the  war-whoop  was  sounded,  and  tiie  best  prepara- 
tions were  maile,  that  the  time  would  allow  to  meet  the  invadere. 

When  they  apj)roaehed  Sycamore  Creek,  the  whites  proceeded  to  cross  it 
in  the  same  disorderly  manner  they  came  to  it,  although  the  country  w  as  very 
favorable  for  ambushes.  The  Indians  stood  firm,  and  were  doubtless  sure  of 
a  victory,  seeing  the  enemy  pass  the  creek  man  by  man  as  they  arrived ; 
and  when  u  sufficient  number  had  crossed,  die  Indians  rushed  upon  them 
with  their  usual  fury  of  attack.  The  whites  say  the  Indians  "  show  ed  them- 
selves on  every  quarter,  mounted  and  armed.  They  connnenced  the  attack 
with  guns,"  and  continued  it  with  knives  and  tomahawks.  Their  situation 
became  in  a  moment  desperate,  and  Major  SfUlnutn,  who  was  in  the  rear, 
ieai'iiiug  the  situation  of  the  advance  column,  innnediately  ordered  a  retreat, 
but  none  was  effected — it  was  a  most  disorderly  and  wretched  flight!  scarce 
two  flying  together ;  and  it  was  owing  to  the  smallness  of  Black-hawk's  force 
that  any  were  so  fortunate  as  to  escape. 

Thus  Black-lutwk  with  about  40  men  had  put  270  to  fligiit,  and  dispersed 
them  in  such  a  maimer,  that  it  was  reported  at  first  hy  themselves,  that  (iO 
or  70  had  bee:,  killed;  hut,  as  it  jiioved  afterwards,  it  was  their  great  fear  of 
the  Indians,  that  had  driven  them  so  far  Irom  their  companions,  that  they 
did  not  all  arrive  at  Dixon's  Ferry  ibr  several  days  after  the  fight,  although 
the  battle-ground  was  only  30  miles  Ironi  that  place.  They  generally  came 
in,  one  at  a  time,  as  tlujy  hiid  crossed  Sycamore  Creek  on  the  evening  of  the 
14th;  and  in  the  end,  all  but  12  were  accounted  for,  and  11  of  these  were 
found  afterwartls  on  the  liattle-grouud  and  interred.  A  letter  from  that 
country  says,  "  The  dead  that  were  found  were  cut  and  mangled  in  a  most 
shocking  and  indecent  manner;  their  hearts  cut  out,  heads  off,  and  every 
species  of  indignity  jiractised  upon  their  (lei-sons.  One  alone  escaped  this 
treatment :  he  was  found  dead,  with  his  head  nearly  cut  ottj  embraced  by 
the  arms  of  an  Indian  who  had  heeii  shot  through  the  body,  but  yet  had 
strength  enoiigii  remaining  to  tomahawk  the  man  who  had  shot  him,  and 
partly  to  cut  ofl'his  heatl,  dying  in  the  very  act — his  last  convulsive!  struggle 
beiug  an  (unbrace  oi"  his  <;nemy  even  in  death."  I'rom  Black-hawk's  own 
accoimt,  it  appears  he  lost  but  three  men  in  the  whole  transaction,  and  that 
these  were  killed  wlio  were  sent  out  to  meet  tlie  whites  in  tlioir  njiproaoh  to 
Sycamore  Creek. 

Hence  it  appears  that  the  whites  were  guilty  of  the  first  blooil  shed  in  this  war. 
The  affair  of  Sycamore  Cri'ck  caused  a  dire  alarm  to  be  sounded  through- 
out the  western  regiou.  Black-hnirk\t  40  warriors  were  magnified  into  1500, 
and  only  the  next  day  after  Slillmaii's  defeat,  (iovcrnor  Kej/nohts  issued  a  jiroc- 
laumtion  calling  on  the  militia  to  assemble  at  Hennepin,  on  Illinois  Kiver,  by 
the  lOof  June, to  the  number t»f 2000  men;  which  numher,  \w  said,  he  "con- 
Biden<d  necessary  to  subdue  those  Indiiuis,  and  <lrive  them  out  of  the  slate." 
Although  the  uews  of  Major  Stillman's  disaster  flew  over  the  country 
omong  the  whites  with  great  rajiidity,  yet  it  is  mentioned  as  a  circuuisiunce 
well  worthy  of  remark,  tJiat  messengers  from  the  hostile  Sai-s,  hearing  to  the 
Missouri  Indians  the  news  of  their  \ictorv,  arrived  at  the  |)es  Moines  Knpids 
24  Ikuus  hefore  the  ex|>ress  s<?nt  liy  (lovernor  BeUDolds  at  the  same  pl.ice. 

Ahouttlie  time  the  proclamation  of  the  ITith  of  May  wiis  issued,  calling  for 
2000  luilitia,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  whites  to  securt;  or  draw  oft'  the 
Winneh(i>tos,  and  prevent  Ihtdr  joining  the  war  party.  On  the  2()  May, 
Mr.  (iratoil,  a  suh-lndian  agent,  held  a  council  at  tin-  head  of  the  Tour  Lakes 
with  a  iiundM'r  of  the  Winiu'liago  chiefs,  and  they  all  signified  llnir  desire 
of  remaining  at  |Nmcc  with  the  while  people.  At  this  council,  the  chief, 
■colled  the  hitlle-blatk,  uiude  a  wccli,  uiul  among  other  things  said, 
13* 


150 


MURDERS  ON  INDIAN  CREEK. 


[Book  V. 


"  Father,  what  you  have  heard  of  us  is  from  forked  tongues,  and  wliat  you 
have  heard  of  Man-eater  is  false.  Man-eater  is  sick;  but  he  has  sent  his  sister 
and  dangiiter  here  to  speak  for  hiui.  Fatlier,  since  I  knew  yon,  I  have  al- 
ways heard  your  counsel,  and  did  what  you  told  me.  My  father,  the  Great 
Spirit,  has  sent  you  both  here.  You  have  taken  me  by  the  hand,  and  you 
have  held  it  fast  in  yours.  We  hope,  in  the  name  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and 
all  our  women  and  children,  that  you  will  hold  it  fast,  and  wo  will  hold  on  to 
you  so  hard  that  you  cannot  sliake  us  off.  My  father,  I  ask  nothing  but  n 
clear  sky  over  our  heads,  which  have  l)een  hanging  down  lately,  and  the  sky 
has  been  dark,  and  the  wuid  has  been  blowing  coutmually,  and  trying  to  blow 
lies  in  our  ears,  but  we  turn  our  ears  from  it ;  but  when  wo  look  towards  you, 
the  weather  is  clear,  and  the  wind  does  not  blow.  My  father,  our  young 
men  do  not  travel  much,  for  they  are  afraid  of  the  Sacs,  and  airaid  they  will 
be  taken  for  Sacs  by  the  troops.  My  father,  we  wish  you  to  give  us  a  paper 
like  the  one  General  Atkinson  gave  us,  that  we  may  show  it  to  the  whites 
whom  we  meet,  that  they  may  know  we  are  friends  and  for  peace." 

As  soon  BB  the  troubles  began,  there  were  many  of  the  Alcnomonies  and 
Sioux,  who,  thirsting  for  the  blood  of  the  Sacs,  came  and  offered  themselves 
to  the  whites,  to  fight  for  them,  but  their  services  were  refused ;  now  they 
had  had  a  fight,  and  being  beaten,  they  were  glad  to  call  upon  the  Indians 
for  assistance,  and  it  was  granted.  Yet  it  should  not  be  supposed  that  it  was 
from  any  love  they  bore  towards  the  whites  that  they  were  glad  to  fight  for 
them,  but  from  their  natural  inclination  to  war,  and  to  seek  revenge  for  in- 
juries they  had  received  from  the  Sacs  during  their  former  troubles.  Con- 
sequendy  several  hundreds  of  them  were  soon  upon  the  inarch  in  various 
directions  to  surprise  those  belonging  to  tlie  war  l)arty,  and  others  attached 
themselves  to  the  army. 

Wood  had  now  been  siied,  and  no  one  had  any  right  to  expect  but  that  the 
Indians  woidd  retaliate  upon  any  whites,  according  to  their  manner,  whether 
in  arms  or  the  cradle.  There  was  a  small  settlement  upon  Indian  Creek, 
neai'  its  confluence  with  Fox  River,  about  25  miles  from  the  town  of  Hennepin, 
the  rendezvous  of  tiie  army.  On  the  2()th*  of  Ma}',  tiiis  settlement  was 
fallen  upon  by  a  small  band  of  warriors,  led  by  a  Pottowattotnie,  who,  afler 
killing  15  persons,  took  consi<li  rable  plunder,  and  proceeded  to  Black-hawk^s 
camp. 

The  Indians  gave  as  a  reason  for  their  attack  upon  this  place,  that  not  long 
before,  a  man  who  lived  there  by  the  name  of  Hall,  had  severely  beaten  tlie 
Potto wattoniie  who  led  tlie  jmrty  that  committed  the  nnirder.  Yet  the  fiimily 
of  this  man,  if  not  the  man  hims<;lf,  had  been  told  by  a  friendly  Indian,  that 
a  party  wotdd  come  and  murder  them,  an<l  advised  them  to  fly  liir  their  lives. 
Tliey  immi'diately  did  ho,  but  as' vengeance  had  decreed,  they  api)ear  to  have 
r(!tm-ned  again  very  sonn,  as  tliev  w<'rc  there  found  and  murdered,  as  before 
stated.  Two  duughters  of  Mr.  tlaU  were  led  away  captive,  one  about  Ki,  and 
the  other  about  18  years  of  age  ;  two  limthers  of  these  young  women,  who 
were  at  work  in  the  field  when  the  massacre  began,  made  their  escai)e  and 
arrived  safe  at  Dixon's  Ferry.  lilack-hawh  said  the  young  women  would 
iiave  tiecn  kilii-d  by  the  Pottowattomies  when  they  were  taken,  but  were 
spared  at  the  intercession  of  two  of  his  men,  who  were  with  them.  The 
following  account  was  written  inuiiediately  afler  they  were  delivered  from 
cai)tivity,  by  a  pereon  at  Dixon's  Feri-y,  where  they  were  delivered,  and  is 
probably  correct.  • 

"Of  the  Misses  Halls,  whose  case  seeniB  to  interest  every  l)ody,  (and  who 
are  now  at  (Jaleiia.)  it  may  not  i)e  uninteresting  to  hear  the  following,  as  the 
best  information  that  could  be  eoliected  from  the  Indians  who  succeeded  in 
procuring  tiieir  lilK'nitiou.  .Mh-r  the  bloodv  scene  of  des])atchii)g  such  of  the 
family  as  were  about  liie  house,  (to  which  they  could  not  avoid  being  jiye-wit- 
nesses,)  those  young  woniiu  were  each  placed  on  a  horse,  which  was  led  by 
a  man — other  men  walked  aliuigside,  to  guard  an<l  keep  them  from  falling  oft' 


*  The  pflilor  of  tho  Amtriraii  Annual  Rfifiitfr  is  under  a  i;real  mivtoke  in  plucaiif  thin 
•flair  u  moiilh  earlier.  I(  ohangun  the  whole  U!i|)cct  ul'  ufliurnj  making  (hu  Imliuns  the  firil 
murdereri,  which  a  not  fact. 


Chap.  IX.] 


DODGE'S  FIGHT  NEAR  GALENA. 


Iftl 


IukI  who 
as  the 

J-h  of  the 

|('Ve-wit- 

led  b 


ling 


.;;? 


|iru)i(  this 
ilie  fint 


in  difficult  passes. — At  night  a  lodge  was  set  apart,  and  blankets  spread  for 
them,  and  elderly  s^juaws  made  to  sleep  on  each  side,  by  whom  they  were 
taken  care  of.  Such  Ibod  as  the  Indians  had,  was  offered  to  them  ;  but  they 
cried  and  wept,  and  were  too  unwell  to  eat  or  be  comforted.  Ail  of  which 
the  young  women  say  is  true,  and  that  the  Indian  men  offered  no  insult  to 
them.  They  also  conlirin  what  is  stated  of  Black-hawk^s  camp,  as  seen  in 
going  through  a  narrow  passage,  where  their  horses  mired  in  the  mud: — 
more  of  the  camp,  it  is  supposed,  they  were  not  allowed  to  see.  It  seems 
there  was  more  difficulty  in  procuring  the  liberty  of  one  than  the  other:  a 
young  warrior  claimed  her  as  his  prize,  and  was  very  unwilling  to  give  her 
up ;  but  after  using  all  the  arguments  they  were  capable  of,  the  Witinebagos 
say  they  had  to  use  threats,  which,  together  with  an  addition  of  ten  horses  to 
the  offer,  obtained  his  consent.  The  young  warrior  cut  from  Miss  Hall's  head 
a  lock  of  her  hair;  which,  by  the  by,  has  no  affinity  to  a  similar  act  among 
whites,  but  is  to  be  kept  as  a  trophy  of  his  warlike  exploits.  The  price  paid 
by  the  Winncbagos  is  stated  to  be  forty  horses,  wampum  and  trinkets, — in 
ail  to  the  amount  of  2000  dollars." 

Black-hawk  was  now  in  the  neighborhood  of  Four  Lakes,  at  the  head 
sou>  ces  of  Rock  Jliver,  about  GO  miles  from  Fort  Winnebago,  and  General 
Jltkinson  was  in  pursuit  of  him ;  but  before  he  reached  his  place  of  retreat,  he 
had  retraced  his  steps,  and  was  next  discovered  on  the  Ouisconsiu. 

About  this  time,  a  travelling  preacher  of  the  denomination  called  Dunkards 
was  killed  on  the  road  to  Chicago.  His  head  was  severed  from  his  body,  and 
carried  off  as  a  trophy.  He  was  noted  for  his  odd  appearance;  his  beard 
being  represented  as  neai'  a  yard  in  length.  He  had  been  informed  that  sus- 
picious Indians  were  in  the  neighborhood,  and  a  family,  at  whoso  house  he 
stopped,  retreated  towards  the  settlements  on  receiving  the  information ;  but 
the  Dnnkard  piencher  thought  proper  to  abide  iu  the  deserted  house  over 
night,  and  was  killed. 

On  the  22  May,  a  party  of  S[)ie8  having  been  sent  out  by  Gfeneral  Aikin- 
sou,  with  despatches  for  Fort  Armstrong,  were  attacked  by  the  Indians,  and 
four  of  tliein  were  killed.  St.  Vrain,  an  Indian  agent,  was  among  the  num- 
ber. They  were  all  scalped,  and  their  scalps  were  carried  to  Black-hawKs 
camp.  St.  Vrain  had  been  odious  to  the  Sacs  from  the  part  he  took  concern- 
ing their  removal. 

About  this  time,  a  man  by  the  name  of  Smith  was  murdered  near  the  Blue 
Mounds  on  the  Galena  frontier,  and  Mr.  ffinters,  a  mail  contractor  at  Galena, 
was  killed  near  Dixon's  Ferry.  The  body  of  another  man  was  found  near  the 
same  place,  but  it  was  so  disfigured  that  it  was  not  known. 

On  the  (ith  June,  a  small  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  Plum  River,  '^0  miles 
from  Galena,  was  attacked,  and  the  people  retreated  to  a  block-house,  which 
they  had  wisely  taken  the  precaution  to  erect.  This  tlie  Indians  tried  to  Uiko 
for  about  un  hour,  but  could  nut  eflbct  their  object,  and  drew  off.  The  inhab- 
itants then  went  down  the  river  in  a  boat  to  Galena.  Whether  any  persona 
were  killed,  I  do  not  find. 

Uy  the  begiiuiing  of  June,  there  were  so  many  troops  spread  over  the  Indian 
coimtry,  that  Black-hatok^s  I»nrty  found  but  few  opportunities  to  nnnder  the 
frontier  iidiabitants.  And  although  there  were  about  3000  men  in  arms  to 
cond)ut  500  Indians,  yet  congress  ordered  (iOO  mounted  rangers  to  be  rained 
"for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers." 

On  the  14ih  of  Juiv,  five  persons  were  killed  not  far  below  Hamilton's  Fort, 
near  Galena,  and  on  the  Kltli  one  man  was  killed  within  a  mile  of  the  same 
place.  General  Dodsft  being  in  the  neighborhood,  marched  with  30  of  his 
mounted  men  inmi<!(liatelv  in  pursuit.  When  about  three  miles  on  his  way,  he 
discovered  12  Indians,  wiiom  he  took  to  l>e  tlje  jmity  who  had  connnittod  the 
nnnilers,  and  he  pursued  thenj  with  great  spirit.  Immediately  afler  crossing 
Vj&ni  Pichotoneka  Creek,  the  Indians  buried  themselves  in  a  thick  swamp. 
The  whites  dismounted,  and  after  securing  their  horses,  and  jilacing  a  Huiall 
guard  to  watch  tor  any  that  might  attempt  to  escaiw,  rushed  in  after  thu 
retreating  Indians.  They  presently  came  u|)  witli  them,  and  began  an  indis- 
criuiinate  slaughter.    No  rcsistouco  was  made,  and  every  Indian  was  killed 


152 


STEVENSON'S  DEFEAT.— FORTS  ATTACKED.    [Book  V. 


and  scalped  in  a  few  minutes.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  they  tore  off  the 
scalps  of  every  one,  and  bore  fliem  off  in  triumph. 

On  the  same  day,  Captain  Snyder  met  with  and  defeated  a  small  Indian 
force  near  Kellog's  Grove.  Four  of  the  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  killed, 
«nd  one  of  the  whites  was  mortally  wounded.  In  their  return  march,  tiiey 
were  attacked  by  an  ambush  and  defeated,  having  three  of  their  men  killed 
and  mortally  wounded.     The  whites  now  escaped  by  flight. 

On  the  18th  of  June,  as  Cai)tuin  Stevenson  with  a  small  force  was  scouting 
near  where  General  Dodge  cut  off  the  12  Indians,  he  was  met  by  a  force  under 
Black-hawk,  and  a  fierce  contest  ensued.  The  whites  fought  well,  but  they 
were  defeated.  At  one  time.  Captain  Stevenson  was  left  almost  alone  by  his 
partj',  and  was  severely  wounded;  but  they  rallied  again,  and  effected  a 
retreat,  with  the  loss  of  three  only  of  their  number.  The  fight  was  close 
and  desperate  for  a  short  time,  in  which  bayonets,  knives  and  tomahawks 
were  chiefly  used. 

An  attempt  was  iiyjde  on  the  24  of  June,  by  a  considerable  body  of  war- 
riors, to  surprise  the  fort  at  Buffalo  Grove,  on  Rock  River,  only  about  12  miles 
to  the  northward  of  Dixon's  Ferry.  It  was  guarded  by  150  militia,  who  were 
prepared  to  meet  them,  and  a  considerably  sharp  contest  ensued.  Sixteen 
«f  thie  Indians  were  killed  before  they  retreated.  But  few  of  the  whites 
were  wounded.  The  garrison  was  in  great  fear  of  being  cut  off,  having  ex- 
pended all  their  ammunition  before  a  reinforcement  an-ived,  which  had  been 
sent  for  while  the  attack  was  going  on. 

About  this  time,  as  Black-hawk  was  approaching  a  small  fort  on  Apple 
River,  al)OUt  12  miles  from  Galena,  he  fell  in  with  four  men  who  had  been 
sent  express  to  this  place.  They  did  not  discover  the  Indians  until  fired 
upon,  when  they  fled  for  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  pursued  them;  one  of  the 
men,  a  Mr.  Welsh,  was  wounded  before  reaching  the  fort,  and  anotlicr  man 
was  killed  in  the  fort,  who  had  raised  his  head  above  the  pickets  to  make 
discovei-y.  The  Indians  contented  themselves  by  taking  away  a  considerable 
quantity  of  flour,  and  a  number  of  cattle  and  horses.  They  would  doubtless 
have  burnt  the  fbrt  and  buildings,  and  killed  all  the  people,  but  from  (ear 
that  the  light  of  them  would  bo  seen  by  some  large  body  of  white  soldiera, 
who  might  pursue  and  overtake  them. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  a  pretty  severe  fight  took  place  between  a  company  of 
spies  under  Major  Dement  and  a  band  of  Indians,  not  fiir  from  Kellog's 
Grove.  He  had  arrived  there  oidy  the  evening  before,  and  being  informed 
that  an  Indian  trail  was  discovered  in  the  neighborhood,  set  ofl'  immediately 
with  30  mounted  men  to  attack  them.  He  had  not  proceeded  far  before  the 
Indians  appeared,  and  confidently  attacked  him.  The  Indian  yell  so  liiglit- 
ened  the  horses  that  they  were  thrown  into  confusion,  and  soon  began  a 
retreat.  The  Indians  pursued  them  a  considerable  distance,  and  lost  nine  of 
their  number,  two  of  whom  were  chiefs.  Five  of  the  whites  were  killed, 
and  they  lost  about  30  of  their  horses. 

On  the  2J)th  of  June,  three  men  were  attacked  in  a  field  at  the  Cincinaway 
Mound,  about  10  miles  from  Galena,  and  two  of  them  were  killed.  IMiijor 
Stevenson  marched  iimncdiately  in  pursuit  of  the  murderers.  On  arriving  at 
the  Mound  he  found  the  bodies  of  the  two  men,  John  Thompson  and  Jame.i 
Boxley,  both  shockingly  mutilated.  The  heart  of  the  former  was  taken  out, 
and  l)oth  were  scalped.  Having  left  a  few  men  to  bury  the  dead,  Major 
Stevenson  followed  the  trail  of  the  party  to  the  Missiwippi,  whore  he  found 
they  had  stolen  a  canoe  and  effected  their  escape  across  the  river. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  prompt  action  of  congress  lor  the  relief  of 
tlie  frontiers.  "General  Scott  was  ordered  fVom  the  sea-board  with  nine  com- 
panies of  artillery,  and  their  camion  were  to  be  <lrawn  from  the  coast ;  nine  com- 
panies of  inliintry  were  ordered  from  the  lakes,  and  two  companies  from 
Baton  Rouge,  to  jiut  an  end  to  the  war.  Such  was  the  |)romptness  with 
which  these  orders  were  execute«l,  that  five  out  of  the  six  companies  of 
artillery  ordered  from  Fort  Monroe  iii  the  Chesapeake  arrived  in  18  days  at 
(/hicago,  1800  miles  distant  in  tlic;  interior  of  the  country.  Unfortunately 
this  detaciiment  was  attacked  by  the  cholera  on  the  route,  and  the  whole 


■  ''•.:• 


'm^. 


Chap.  IX.] 


KAVAGES  OF  THE  CHOLERA. 


153 


were  rendered  unfit  to  take  the  field  before  they  arrived  at  the  scene  of  action." 
Accordingly  General  Scott  informed  General  .Atkinson  tiiat  he  could  not 
cooperate  with  him  witliout  endangering  the  troops  already  in  the  field,  and 
therefore  directed  hiiu  to  act  without  reference  to  his  forces. 

The  scenes  of  horror  occasioned  by  this  most  singular  disease  will  doubt- 
less be  told  of  in  after-times  with  an  eftect  which  has  not  been  surpassed  in 
that  of  the  histories  of  the  plagues  in  ancient  days.  Several  of  the  com- 
panies before  mentionetl  were  entirely  broken  up.  Of  a  corps  of  208  men 
under  Colonel  Twif^gs,  but  nine  were  left  alive.  Mr.  John  JVorvell,  at  Detroit, 
wrote  on  the  12th  July,  to  the  editor  of  the  Tennsjlvania  Enquirer,  concern- 
ing its  ravages  in  that" region,  as  follows : — 

"  I  regret  to  add,  that  the  intelligence  from  the  regular  troops  is  disastrous. 
Of  the  three  companies  of  artillery  under  Colonel  Tw^gs,  and  two  or  three 
more  com[)anies  of  infantry  with  them,  lew  remain.  These  troops,  you  will 
recollect,  landed  from  the  steam-boat  Heniy  Clay  below  Fort  Gratiot.  A  great 
number  of  them  have  been  swept  off  by  the  disease.  Nearly  all  the  others 
have  deserted.  Of  the  deserters,  scattered  all  over  the  couiitry,  some  have 
died  in  the  woods,  and  their  bodie8  been  devoured  by  the  wolves.  I  use  the 
language  of  a  gallant  young  officer.  Others  have  taken  their  flight  to  the 
world  of  spirits,  without  a  companion  to  close  their  eyes,  or  console  the  last 
moments  of  their  existence.  Their  straggling  survivors  are  occasionally  seen 
marching,  some  of  them  know  not  whither,  with  their  knapsacks  on  their 
l)acks,  shunned  by  the  terrified  inhabitants  as  tlie  source  of  a  mortal  pesti- 
lence. Colonel  Twiggs  himself,  and  Surgeon  Everett,  are  very  low.  They 
were  still  living  at  thelatest  accounts  from  Fort  Gratiot,  and  sanguine  hopes 
were  entertained  of  their  recovery.  No  other  officers  have  yet  been  assailed, 
except  Lieutenant  Clay. 

"You  will  remcniher  that  the  troops  under  Colonel  Cummings,  several  of 
whom  died  here,  embarked  on  board  the  steam-boat  William  Penn,  on  Sunday 
last,  for  Chicago.  The  sickness  among  them  increased  as  they  proceeded  to 
Fort  Gratiot,  and  becaifte  so  great  by  the  time  they  arrived  there,  that  they 
were  tlisembarked,  and  have  returned  to  the  vicinity  of  this  city,  and  en- 
camped at  Springwells,  about  three  miles  below  town.  Seventeen  or  eight- 
een of  them  have  died,  and  some  still  remain  sick,  probably  never  to  recover. 
One  half  of  the  connnand  of  General  Scott,  ordered  to  Chicago  by  the  lakes, 
will  never  reach  him ;  a  large  portion  of  them  dying ;  a  still  larger  number 
deserting  from  an  overwhelming  dread  of  the  disease,  and  the  residue  obliged 
to  march  back  again." 

In  pursuing  the  thread  of  events  in  our  narrative,  we  left  General  Atkinson 
in  pursuit  of  Black-hawk,  whose  camp  was  said  to  be  at  the  Four  Lakes. 
General  Atkinson  had  got  this  information  from  u  Pottowaltoinie  Indian,  named 
Wapansf.th,  whom,  with  several  others,  he  had  employed  lor  the  purpose. 
He  said  the  old  chief's  camp  was  "  inaccessible  on  all  sides,  except  through  a 
narrow  pass,  which  was  nniddy,  being  otherwise  surrounded  l)y  water  or 
swamps.  It  was  a  little  above  the  junction  of  a  small  creek,  called  White- 
water, with  the  principal  stream  of  Rock  River,  and  between  t\w  two." 
Rut,  as  we  have  already  noted,  when  the  army  arrived  at  the  Four  Lakes, 
Black-hawk  had  gone;  and  so  well  did  he  manage  his  retreat  that  the  whites 
were  deceived  as  to  the  direction  he  had  taken. 

"Gen.  Atkinson,  expecting,  when  he  marched,  to  meet  the  enemy  in  a 
short  time,  had  taken  with  him  but  a  small  (piuntity  of  provisions,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  he  was  obliged  to  halt  and  divide  his  forces  at  Lake  Cosh- 
ko-nong  (one  of  the  four)  above  named.  He  himself  with  the  regulars,  some 
(j.'iO  strong,  remained  at  the  lake  ;  tin;  militia,  consisting  of  three  brigades, 
under  Generals  Posey,  Dodge  and  //pun/,  about  2000  men,  wer<!  ordered  to 
march  to  Fort  Wimilibago,  on  the  <Juisconsin,  where  stores  were  hourly  ex- 
pected. It  was  the  intention  of  the  connnander-in-chief  to  consolitlate  his 
forces,  and  rem  w  the  pursuit  as  soon  as  he  had  obtjiined  snflicient  stores." 

Insteail  of  crossing  ihe  country  to  escope  beyond  the  Mississi|)pi,  as  was 
expected,  «/rrc^-/iff(/ifr  descended  tlu!  Ouisconsin' to  escape  in  that  direction; 
by  which  means  (Jen'ral  Ihitlse  "ame  upon  his  trail  and  comnn'iuvMl  a  vigor- 
ous iiursuit.    The  olil  chief  had  received  encourag<!ni(3nt  that  in  the  country 


i^ 


154 


BATTLE  OF  THE  OUISCONSIN. 


[Book  V. 


to  whicli  he  had  retreated,  he  should  not  only  receive  additional  forces  liy 
which  he  could  withstand  all  the  Americans  could  bring  against  him,  but 
also  provisions  in  abundance.  He  found  too  late  that  he  had  been  deceived 
in  both  particulars ;  he  was  obliged  to  fly  I'roni  Mkimon!s  army,  without  i)ro- 
visions,  nor  had  he  time  to  procure  any  ui)on  the  way.  Dodge  was  iumie- 
diately  upon  his  trail,  but  did  not  overtake  him  until  near  a  huudi'ed  miles' 
pursuit. 

On  the  21  of  July,  General  Dodge,  with  about  900  men  besides  Indians 
came  up  with  Black-hawk  on  the  Ouisconsin,  40  miles  from  Fort  Winnebago, 
over  against  the  old  Sac  village,  and  it  was  only  by  the  superior  management 
of  the  old  warrior  chief,  that  liimself  or  any  of  his  people  escaped  cajjture.  A 
great  number  of  Indians  belonged  to  Dodgers  army,  who  contributed  much 
to  the  successful  result  of  the  atfiiir.  The  whites  came  upon  the  Indians  as 
they  were  about  to  cross  the  river,  and  the  time  being  evening,  may  account 
for  tlieir  not  being  all  cut  off;  for  immediately  after  the  attack  began,  it  was 
eo  dark  that  the  whites  could  not  continue  it  without  disadvantage  to  them- 
selves. A  letter  dated  at  Fort  Howard,  25  July,  gives  the  Ibilowing  account 
of  the  affair : —  ^ 

"  Last  evening  we  received  the  intelligence  of  a  battle  having  been  fought  be- 
tween Gen.  Dodge  and  his  division,  and  tlie  Sacs  and  Foxes,  in  which  the  tbrtner 
were  victorious.  The  particulars,  as  stated  in  Capt.  PlimptorCs  letter  to  Capt. 
Clark,  are  these :  Parquett,  with  a  few  VVinnebagos,  lefl  the  Portage  a  few 
days  since,  to  proceed  to  Gen.  Dodgers  army,  and  guide  them  to  the  Sac 
camp.  On  Saturday  morning  last,  21st  inst..  Gen.  Dodge  sent  his  adjutant 
to  report  to  Gen.  Mkinson  of  his  movements.  He  had  not  proceeded  far 
before  he  came  upon  the  Sacs'  and  Foxes'  trail,  directing  their  course  to  the 
Ouisconsin  river.  He  innnediately  returned  and  reported  the  circumstance 
to  Gen.  Dodge,  who  pursued  and  overtook  them  about  sundown  of  the  same 
day,  (Saturday)  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Ouisconsin,  and  about  40  miles  from 
Fort  Winnebago,  when  the  fight  ensued ;  the  Indians  at  the  same  time  re- 
treating. The  night  being  very  dark,  they  found  it  impossible  to  pursue 
them.  They  had  found,  wlien  Parquett  lell  them,  which  was  early  the  next 
morning,  IG  Indians  killed,  and  but  one  white  man  killed,  and  four  wounded. 
Parquett  thinks  not  less  than  40  Lidians  fell  in  the  engagement." 

We  have  the  official  account  of  the  battle  by  General  Dodge ;  l»ut  as  it 
contains  no  additional  facts,  and  is  less  minute  than  this,  it  was  not  thought 
worth  while  to  insert  it. 

The  truly  deplorable  condition  of  the  Indians  at  this  time  cannot  well  be 
conceived  of.  In  their  jjursuit  of  them  before  the  battle,  the  whites  found 
numbers  dead  in  the  way — emaciated,  and  stai'ved  to  death !  \Vheu  overtaken 
by  Gen.  Dodge,  they  were  not  estimated  to  be  but  about  300  men,  besides 
women  and  children,  and  although  the  affair  of  the  21st  is  called  a  battle,  it 
does  not  seem  that  it  can  scarcely  deserve  that  name,  for  if  there  had  been 
any  thing  more  than  a  show  of  resistance,  more  of  the  whites  would  have 
been  killed. 

The  Indians  report  that  they  were  attacked  about  a  mile  from  the  river: 
the  approach  of  the  army  was  discovered,  and  Black-hawk,  with  only  50  or 
60  men,  met  them,  to  give  the  remainder  time  to  cross  to  an  island.  JVeapope, 
who  had  been  ordered  to  march  in  the  rear  with  about  20  warriors,  to  give 
notice  when  the  whites  were  discovered,  had  been  passed  by  them  by  an  un- 
expected route,  and  Black-lmwk  heard  no  more  from  him  until  afler  the  war. 
He  found  there  was  no  chance  of  success  by  continuing  it,  deserted  his 
braves,  went  to  the  Wiiinelmgo  village,  and  soon  afler  became  a  prisoner  to 
the  whiles.  Meanwhile  General  Wilkinson  had  marched  from  Coshconong, 
and  following  in  the  trail  of  Dodge,  had  arrived  within  two  days'  march  of 
the  jilace  where  the  fight  had  lieeii  with  the  Indians,  and  was  immedintely 
ready  to  coiiperate  with  him.  After  receiving  the  news  of  the  battle,  he  marched 
to  the  IJluc  Mounds  on  the  Ouisconsin,  opjiosite  to  where  the  fight  had  been. 

The  Indians  were  surprised  that  they  were  not  pursued ;  but  for  want  of 
boats  or  canoes,  or  the  means  of  constiiicting  rails,  they  could  not  even  cross 
to  the  island  to  vvhieh  the  Indians  had  escaped  for  two  days  affer,  and  in  the 
mean  time  they  escaped.    That  they  were  not  juessed  harder  on  the  night  of 


Chap.  IX.]        AFFAIR  WITH  THE  STEAM-BOAT  WARRIOR. 


155 


,  It  was 


thought 

well  be 

itcH  tbuiul 

oveituken 

besides 

battle,  it 

mil  been 

uhl  hiivo 

1(1  rivor: 

ily  50  or 

Jyeapope, 

to  give 

by  uii  mi- 

the  war. 
icrted  his 
isoiier  to 

icoiiong, 
liurch  of 
iiicilLntoly 

mnrcbed 
d  1)0011, 

wunt  of 
veil  (!rowH 
id  in  the 

night  of 


the  battle,  General  Dodf!;e  nrged  in  exctise,  that  his  men  were  worn  down  with 
fatigue,  having  marched  40  miles  that  day. 

Among  the  prisoners  taken  liy  General  Dodge's  party,  was  the  wife  of  the 
warrior  called  the  Bia-hAKZ.  She  was  a  sister  of  Keokuk,  and  her  husband 
had  been  killed  in  the  fight.  Although  the  whites  were  satisfied  before,  they 
were  now  informed  by  this  squaw  of  Bluck-hawk^s  final  resolution  ;  wliioh 
was,  for  such  of  his  men  as  had  good  horses  to  proceed  with  him  and  strike 
the  Mis.sissippi  above  Prairie  du  Chicn,  while  the  remainder  should  proceed 
by  the  Ouisconsin  ;  and  a  place  of  rendezvous  was  appointed  for  all  to  meet 
on  the  west  side  of  the  great  river.  This  squaw  also  stated  that  before  the 
liattle  on  the  Ouiscousin,  in  which  she  was  taken,  200  of  Black-hawk^s  men 
liad  been  killed. 

General  Dodge  having  recommended  a  cannon  to  bo  placed  on  the  bank 
of  the  river,  at  a  suitable  place  below  the  battle-ground,  to  cut  off  such  as 
should  attempt  an  escaj)e  in  that  direction,  marched  .with  his  army  on  the 
33d,  and  joined  General  Atkinson  at  the  BIum  Mounds,  and  every  thing  was 
immediately  put  in  readiness  to  pursue  the  i.iain  body  of  the  Indiims  under 
Black-hatok. 

As  was  intended.,  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  whites  as  lliey  descended 
the  Ouisconsin.  Sisome  of  the  boats  conveying  these  poor  wretches  were 
overset,  and  many  of  those  in  thorn  were  drowned;  the  greater  numl)er,  how- 
ever, fell  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies  in  their  passage.  Many  of  the 
children  were  found  to  be  in  such  a  fiimished  state  that  they  could  not  be 
revived. 

Several  untoward  circumstances  now  transpired  to  prevent  the  escape  of 
the  main  body  under  Black-hawk.  The  first  was  his  falling  in  with  a  steam- 
boat on  the  1st  of  August,  just  as  they  were  preparing  to  cross  the  Mississippi,  by 
which  means  that  day  was  lost  And  upon  the  next  day,  the  whole  army  of 
whites  under  General  Atkinson  Came  upon  them,  which  completed  their 
destruction.  As  in  the  affair  of  the  21  of  j^uly  on  the  Ouisconsin,  Black-lmwk 
did  not  wish  to  fight,  but  to  escape ;  and  when  the  steam-boat  fell  in  with 
Jiim  he  used  every  means  to  give  the  captain  of  her  to  understand  that  he 
desired  to  surrender.  He  displayed  two  white  flags,  and  about  150  of  his 
men  a)iproached  the  river  without  arms,  and  made  signs  of  submission ;  but 
whether,  as  was  said  by  the  whiles,  the  interpreter  on  board  was  so  IVightened 
that  he  could  not  convey  the  meaning  of  those  on  shore  to  the  cajUain  of  the 
boat,  or  whedier,  as  it  would  seem,  the  whites  were  determined  to  kill  Indians, 
we  will  not  take  U]')on  us  to  decide,  but  lay  before  the  reader  the  account  of 
the  affair  by  Captain  /.  Throcmorton,  of  the  boat,  which  is  as  follows : — 

"Prairie  du  Chien,  3  Aug.  1832.  I  airived  at  this  place  on  Monday  last, 
[30  July,]  and  was  despatched,  with  the  Warrior  alone,  to  Wapashaw's  village, 
120  miles  al  :)ve,  to  inform  them  of  the  approach  of  the  Sacs,  and  to  order 
down  tdl  the  friendly  Indians  to  this  place.  On  our  way  down,  we  met  one 
of  the  Sioux  band,  who  informed  us  that  the  Indians  (our  enemies)  were  on 
Bad-axe  River,  to  the  number  of  400.  We  stopped  and  cut  some  wood,  and 
jirepared  for  action.  About  4  o'clock  on  Wednesday  afternoon,  [1  Aug.] 
wo  found  the  genikmen  [Indians]  where  he  stated  he  had  left  them.  As  we 
neared  them,  they  raised  a  white  flag,  and  endeavored  to  decoy  us ;  but  we 
wor(5  a  little  too  old  for  them  ;  for  instead  of  landing,  we  ordered  them  to  send 
a  boat  on  board,  which  they  declined.  After  about  15  minutes'  delay,  giving 
them  time  to  remove  a  few  of  their  women  and  children,  we  let  slip  a  six- 
pounder  loaded  wiith  canister,  followed  by  a  severe  fire  of  musketry ;  and  if 
ever  you  saw  straight  blankets,  you  would  have  seen  them  there.  I  fought 
them  at  anchor  moist  of  the  time,  and  we  were  all  very  much  exposed.  I  have 
a  ball  which  came  im  close  by  wiiere  1  was  standing,  and  passed  through  the 
bulk-head  of  the  wheel-room.  We  fought  them  for  about  an  hour  or  more, 
until  our  wood  begiin  to  fail,  and  night  coming  on,  we  left,  and  went  on  to  the 
Prairie,  This  littl«  fight  cost  them  23  killed,  and,  of  course,  a  great  many 
wounded.  Wo  nex'er  lost  a  man,  and  had  but  one  man  wounded,  (shot  through 
the  leg.)  The  next  morning,  befwe  we  could  get  back  again,  on  ae(!()iii.t  of  a 
lieavy  fog,  they  had  the  whole  [of  Genend  Atkinson\i]  army  upon  them.  We 
foiuid  them  at  it,  walked  in,  uiid  took  a  liuud  ourselves.    Thu  first  shot  from 


y 


lofi 


DEFEAT  OF  BLACK-IIAWK  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI.       [Book  V 


the  Warrior  laid  out  three.  I  can  hardly  tell  you  any  thing  about  it,  for  I  am 
in  great  haste,  as  I  am  now  on  jny  way  to  the  ficild  again.  The  army  lost 
eight  or  nine  killed,  and  seventeen  woinided,  whom  we  hronght  down.  One 
died  on  deck  last  night.  We  brought  down  31)  prisonei-s,  women  and  children. 
1  tell  you  what,  Sam,  there  is  no  lini  in  lighting  Indians,  jiarticularly  at  this 
season,  when  the  grass  is  so  very  bright.  Every  man,  and  even  my  cabin-boy, 
fought  well.  We  liad  1(5  regulars,  5  Riflemen,  and  20  of  ourselves.  Mr.  How, 
of  Plattu,  Mr.  James  G.  Soidard,  and  one  of  the  Roletles,  were  with  us,  and 
fought  well." 

Lieutenant  Kingsbury,  on  officer  in  command  of  the  United  States'  troops  on 
board  the  Warrior  at  the  time  of  the  fight,  reported  that,  about  40  miles  above 
Prairie  du  Chien,  a  great  number  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  were  seen,  who  hoisted 
u  wliite  flag,  but  would  not  s(>nd  a  canoe  on  board,  although  they  were  told 
that,  in  case  they  did  not,  they  should  be  fired  upon,  which  was  imme- 
diately done.  They  seemed  nmch  alarmed  when  the  six-pounder  was  dis- 
charged upon  thchi,  and  all  immediately  covered  themselves  with  trees  and 
whatever  offered.    Five  or  six  were  supposed  to  have  been  killed. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  August  2,  the  whole  comi)ined  army, 
amounting  to  1(300  men,  came  up  with  the  Indians;  and  the  following  are 
the  particular  details  of  that  whole  transaction,  as  published  at  Galena,  four 
days  after  it  happened,  namely,  August  6. 

"  The  whole  army  under  Genei'al  JUkinson,  embracing  the  brigades  com- 
manded by  Generals  Henry,  Poseij,  and  Alexander,  and  scjuadron  under  com- 
mand of  General  Dods;e,  all  crossed  over  to  the  north  side  of  the  Ouisconsin 
at  Helena,  on  the  28th  and  29th  ult.  They  took  up  a  line  of  march  in  a 
northerly  direction,  in  order  to  intersect  the  Indian  trail.  -  At  the  distance  of 
about  five  miles,  the  great  trail  was  discovered,  leading  in  a  direction  N.  of  W. 
towards  the  Mississippi,  and  suj)i)osed  to  be  about  four  days  old.  General  M- 
kinson,  seeing  the  direction  of  the  enemy,  knew  well  that  it  Mould  recjuire  all 
diligence  and  expedition  to  overtake  them  before  they  would  cross  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  hence  commenced  from  that  time  a  forced  march;  leaving  all 
baggage  wagons,  and  every  thing  else  which  was  calculated  to  retard  the 
pursiut. 

"  The  countiy  through  which  the  enemy's  trail  led  our  army  between  the 
Ouisconsin  Bluffs  and  the  Kickajwo  River  was  one  continued  series  of  moun- 
tains. No  sooner  had  they  reached  the  summit  of  one  high  and  almost  per- 
pendicular hill,  than  they  hud  to  descend  on  the  other  side  equally  steep  to 
the  base  of  another.  Nothing  but  a  deep  ravine,  with  muddy  banks,  separated 
these  mountains.  The  woods,  both  upon  the  top  of  the  highest  mountains, 
and  at  the  bottom  of  the  deepest  hollows,  was  of  the  heaviest  growth.  The 
under-bushes  were  chiefly  thoni  and  jirickly  ash.  This  is  a  short  description 
of  the  route,  and  shows  the  difficulties  of  the  pursuit.  Notwithstanding  all 
this,  our  army  gained  on  the  enemy  daily,  as  appeared  from  the  enemy's  en- 
campments. The  tedious  march  thus  continued  was  met  by  our  brave  troops 
without  a  murmur;  and  as  the  Indian  signs  appeared  more  recent,  the  officers 
and  meii  appeared  more  anxious  to  push  on.  On  the  fourth  night  of  our 
march  from  Helena,  and  at  an  encampment  of  the  enemy,  was  discovered  an 
old  Sac  Indian,  by  our  spies,  who  informed  them  that  the  main  body  of  the 
enemy  had,  on  that  day,  gone  to  the  Mississippi,  and  intended  to  cross  on  the 
next  morning,  Aug.  2d.  The  horses  being  nearly  broken  down,  and  the  men 
nearly  exliausted  from  fatigue,  General  Atkinson  ordered  a  halt  for  a  few 
hours,  (it  being  after  8  o'clock,)  with  a  determination  to  start  at  2  o'clock  for 
tlie  Mississippi,  alrout  ten  miles  distant.  At  the  precise  hour  the  bugles  sound- 
ed, and  in  a  short  time  all  were  ready  to  march. 

"  General  Dodge's  squadron  was  honored  with  being  pla^^cd  in  front ;  the 
infantry  followed  next ;  General  Henry's  brigade  next ;  General  Alexander's  next ; 
and  General  Posejfs  formed  the  rear-guard.  General  Dodge  called  for,  and 
as  soon  received,  20  volunteer  spies  to  go  ahead  of  the  whole  army. 

"  In  this  order  the  march  commenced.  They  had  not,  however,  gone  more 
than  five  miles,  before  one  of  our  spies  came  back,  announcing  tlieir  having 
come  in  sight  of  the  enemy's  picket-guard.  He  wont  buck,  and  the  intelli- 
gence was  (juickly  conveyed  to  General  Atkinson,  then  to  all  the  coiuinandera 


[Book  V 

,  for  I  am 
army  lost 
i\vn.  One 
d  children, 
rly  at  this 
cabin-boy, 
Mr.  How, 
til  us,  and 

'  troops  on 
liles  above 
'ho  hoisted 

were  told 
vas  imrne- 
r  was  dis- 

trees  and 
1. 

lined  army, 
lowing  are 
ialena,  four 

;adcs  com- 

liiiler  com- 

Ouisconsin 

Tiarnh  in  a 

Ustance  of 

on  N,  of  W. 

jreneral  Jlt- 

rcqiiire  all 

5S  the  ftlis- 

leaving  all 

retard  the 

3twcen  the 
of  uioun- 
most  per- 
lly  steep  to 
sei)arated 
mountains, 
wth.    The 
ascription 
ling  all 
neniy's  en- 
ave  troops 
le  officers 
lit  of  our 
covered  an 
ody  of  the 
OSS  on  the 
id  the  men 
for  a  few 
j'clock  for 
es  sound- 
front  ;  the 
tier's  next ; 
I  lor,  and 

one  more 
'ir  having 
he  intelli- 
tuuionders 


Chap.  IX.]     DEFEAT  OF  BLACK-II.VWK  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 


157 


of  the  brigades ;  and  the  celerity  of  the  inarch  was  instantly  increased.  In  a 
few  ininntcs  more,  the  firing  commenced  at  about  SOOyard.s  alicjad  of  the  front 
of  the  army,  between  our  s|)ies  and  tlio  Indian  picket  guard.  The  Iiidions 
were  driven  by  our  spies  from  hill  to  hill,  and  kept  up  a  tolerably  brink  firing 
from  every  situation  commanding  the  ground  over  which  our  spies  had  to 
march ;  but  being  charged  ujion  and  routed  from  their  hiding-places,  they 
sou^dit  safety  by  retreating  to  the  main  body  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and 
joining  in  one  general  eflTort  to  defend  themselves  there  or  die  on  the  ground. 

"Lest  sonic  might  escape  by  retreating  up  or  down  the  river,  (i'(!ii(;ral  Jlt- 
kinson  very  judiciously  ordered  General  Mexander  and  General  Posaj  to  form 
the  right  wing  of  the  army,  and  man^h  down  to  the  river  above  tlie  Indian 
encampment  on  the  bank,  and  tlieii  move  down.  General  Henru  formed  the 
lefl  wing,  and  marched  in  lli  ■  main  trail  of  the  enemy.  The  IL  is.  infantry, 
and  General  Dodge's  sipiadroii  of  the  mining  troops,  marched  in  the  centre. 
With  this  order  our  whole  force  descended  the  almost  perpendicular  blufl^ 
and  came  into  a  low  valley,  heavily  timbered  with  a  large  growth  of  under- 
brush, weeds  and  grass. — Sloughs,  deep  ravines,  old  logs,  &c.  were  so  plenti- 
ful as  to  afford  ev<;ry.  facility  for  the  enemy  to  make  a  strong  defence.  Geiir 
eral  Henri/  first  came  upon  and  commenced  a  heavy  fire,  which  was  returned 
by  the  enemy.  The  enemy,  being  routed  fiom  their  first  hiding-places,  sought 
others.  Geii^,  -al  Dodgers  scpiadron  and  the  U.  S.  troops  soon  came  into  action, 
and,  with  General  Hcmy^s  men,  rushed  into  the  strong  defiles  of  the  enemy, 
and  killed  all  in  their  way,  except  ufew  who  succeeded  in  swimming  a  slough 
of  the  I\Iississi])pi,  150  yards  wide.  During  this  time  the  brigades  of  Generals 
Mexander  and  Posey  were  marching  down  the  river,  when  they  fell  in  with 
another  part  of  the  enemy's  aniiy,  and  killed  and  routed  all  that  ojiposcd 
them. 

"  The  battle  lasted  upwards  of  three  hours.  iVbout  50  of  the  enemy's  women 
and  children  were  taken  prisoners,  and  many,  by  accident  in  the  battle,  were 
killed.  When  the  Indians  were  driven  to  the  bank  of  the  Mississijipi,  some 
hundreds  of  men,  women,  and  children,  plunged  into  the  Hvcr,  and  hoped  by 
diving,  &c.  to  escape  the  bullets  of  our  guns ;  very  few,  however,  escaped  our 
sharp-shooters. 

"The  loss  on  the  side  of  the  enemy  never  can  be  exactly  ascertained,  but, 
according  to  the  best  computation,  they  must  have  lost  in  killed  upwards  of 
150.    Our  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  27. 

"Some  had  crossed  the  river  before  om-  arrival ;  and  we  learn  by  a  prisoner, 
that  Black-hnwii,  while  the  battle  waxed  warm,  had  stolen  off,  and  gone  up 
the  river  on  this  side.  If  he  did,  he  took  nothing  with  him ;  for  his  valuables, 
many  of  them,  together  with  certificates  of  good  character,  and  of  his  hav- 
ing fouirht  bravely  against  the  United  States  during  the  last  war,  &c.,  signed 
by  Bi-itish  officers,  were  found  on  the  battle-ground. 

"It  is  the  general  impression  in  the  army  and  at  this  place,  that  the  Sacs 
would  be  glad  to  conclude  a  ])eace  on  almost  any  terms  we  might  propose. 
On  the  morning  of  the  4th  inst.  a  party  of  Sioux  came  to  our  camp,  and  beg- 
ged jn-emission  to  go  on  the  back  miil  and  have  a  fight  with  them.  On  the 
same  day,  our  whole  army  started  to  go  down  to  Prairie  du  Chien,  (about  40 
nnles^)  ami  wait  further  orders. 

"  General  Atkinson,  accompanied  by  Generals  Dodge  and  Posey,  with  the 
IJ.  S.  infjintry,  arrived  at  the  Prairie  on  the  evening  of  the  4tli,  on  board  the 
S.  15.  Warrior,  and  will  remain  until  the  movnted  volunteers  arrive.  The 
Winnebagos,  at  Prairie  du  Cliien,  are  daily  bringing  in  Sac  prisoners  and 
scalps. 

"  On  the  same  day,  a  party  of  15  men  from  Cassville,  under  command  of 
Captain  Price,  were  reconnoitring  tin;  country  between  that  place  and  the 
Ouisconsin,  and  fell  upon  a  fn^sh  Sac  trail  making  towards  the  Mississippi. 
They  rushed  with  full  speed  of  horses,  and  soon  came  upon,  killed  and  took 
prisoners  to  the  number  of  12. 

"General  .S'co/<  and  stuff  left  here  this  morning  for  Prairie  du  Cliien,  in 
the  steam-boat  Warrior,  to  join  GeiK'ral  Atkinson}' 

This  was  the  finishing  stroke  to  the  war  with  tlie  Sacs  and  Foxes,  although 
Black-lwwk  himself  had  made  his  escape.  General  Atkinson  immediately 
14 


158 


NfiAPOPE. 


[Book  V. 


directed  Keokuk  to  send  out  some  of  his  Indian?  to  demand  a  surrender  of  all 
tlie  warriors  that  Imd  escaped,  and  if  possible  to  capture  Black-hawk,  and 
bring  liim  in  either  alive  or  dead. 

Respecting  his  Just  battle,  Black-hawk  lias  said,  tliat  when  the  whitcH  came 
upon  his  people,  they  tried  to  giv6  themselves  up,  and  made  no  sliovv  of  re- 
sistance until  the  soldiers  began  to  slaughter  tliom,  and  then  his  braves  deter- 
mined to  fight  until  they  were  all  killed.  With  a  small  party  he  went  to  the 
Winnebago  village  at  Prairie  la  Crows.  Here  he  told  the  chief  he  desired  to 
give  himself  uj)  to  the  whites,  and  let  them  kill  him,  if  they  wished  to  do  so. 
The  squaws  at  this  place  made  him  a  dress  of  white  deerskins,  jireparatory 
to  his  departure  for  Prairie  du  Chien,  to  which  it  appears  he  went  voluntarily 
with  those  that  had  been  sent  out  alter  him. 

The  Sioux,  of  whom  we  have  made  mention,  that  had  permission  to  go  out 
alter  the  flying  Sacs  on  the  3d  ol"  August,  were  about  100  in  nund)er.  They 
soon  after  met  with  the  flying  band  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
indiscriminately  murdered  about  120  of  the  poor  half-star/ed  creatures  who 
had  escaped  from  the  whites  through  so  many  perils. 

A  most  distressing  incident  is  related  as  having  taken  place  m  the  battle  of 
the  2  August,  which  it  may  not  be  im[)roper  to  lay  before  tho  reader,  that  ex- 
amples of  the  horrors  of  war  may  not  be  wanting.  "  When  our  troops  charged 
the  enemy  in  their  defiles  near  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  men,  women,  and 
children,  were  seen  mixed  together,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  it  difficult 
to  kill  one,  and  save  the  other.  A  young  squaw  of  about  19  stood  in  the 
grass  at  a  short  distimce  from  our  line,  holdmg  her  little  gu-1  in  her  arms, 
about  four  years  old.  While  thus  standing,  apparently  unconcerned,  a  ball 
struck  the  right  arm  of  the  child  above  the  elbow,  and,  shattering  the  bone, 
passed  into  the  breast  of  its  poor  mother,  who  instantly  fell  dead  to  the 
ground.  She  fell  upon  the  child,  and  confined  it  to  the  ground  also.  During 
the  whole  battle,  thra  babe  was  heai-d  to  groan  and  call  for  relief,  but  none 
had  time  to  afford  it.  When,  however,  the  Indians  had  retreated  from  that 
spot,  and  the  battle  had  nearly  subsided,  Lie".tenant  Anderson^  of  the 
United  State?'  army,  went  to  the  i)lacc  and  took  from  under  the  dead  mother 
her  wounded  daughter,  and  brought  it  to  a  place  selected  for  surgical  aid.  It 
was  soon  ascertained  tliat  its  arm  must  come  off";  and  the  operation  was  per- 
formed upon  the  little  sufferer  without  drawing  from  it  a  tear  or  a  shriek." 
At  the  last  accounts  it  was  doing  well.  When  we  are  told  that  this  Indian 
child  was  sucking  a  piece  of  dry  biscuit  during  the  whole  time  of  the  ampu- 
tation, it  almosjt  causes  a  disbelief  of  the  whole  story ;  but  such  are  the 
facts  given. 

Although  no  further  de))redations  could  be  feared  from  the  Sacs,  yet  on  the 
9  August,  six  Indians  ajiproached  a  block-house  on  Cedar  Creek,  which  runs 
into  Henderson's  River,  about  10  miles  north  of  Wai'ren  court-house,  and  shot, 
tomaliawked  and  scalped  a  young  man  named  IVUliam  Martin.  They 
left  behind  them  a  pah*  of  leggins  and  a  loaded  gun,  and  fled,  as  was  si  q)- 
posed,  over  the  Mississippi.  A  company  of  15  rangers  went  in  immediate 
pursuit,  but  could  not  come  up  with  them.  It  was  soon  after  discovered  that 
this  murder  was  committed  by  some  of  KtokuWs  band,  and  he  gave  up  hie 
nephew  as  the  perpetrator  of  it. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Particulars  in  the  lives  of  the  chief  men — Nkapoi-k — His  ncrmint  of  himsdf—Surren- 


of  blacK-hawK's  compiih 
Black-hawk's  interview  with  the  Prendcnt. 


Neapope  was  second  in  command  to  Black-hawk,  and  in  all  the  expeditions 
against  tlie  whites ;  he  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  fight  with  the  Sioux,  and  at 


CUAP.  X.] 


SURRENDER  OF  BLACK-HAWK. 


159 


his  examination  afterwards  by  General  Scott,  about  tlie  murders  which  liatl 
been  corninitted  on  the  whites,  ho  gavii  tliis  account  ol"  liiniself: — 

"  I  always  belonged  to  Black-hawk's  baud.  Last  suunner  I  went  to  Maiden ; 
when  1  came  bacit,  I  found  that  Ijy  the  treaty  with  General  Gaines,  the  Sacs 
had  moved  across  tiie  Mississippi.  I  remained  during  tiie  winter  with  tlie 
Prophet,  on  Rocii  River,  ;35  milt.s  above  tlie  mouth.  During  tlie  winter,  the 
Prophet  sent  me  across  the  Missiesippi,  to  Black-hawk,  with  a  message,  to  tell 
him  and  his  band  to  cross  back  to  his  village  and  make  corn ;  that  if  the 
Americans  came  and  told  tlicm  to  uiovu  again,  they  would  shake  hands  with 
them.  If  the  Americans  had  coiiu!  and  told  us  to  move,  we  siiould  have 
shaken  hands,  and  inmiediat('ly  have  moved  peaceably.  We  encamped  on 
Syracuse  Creek.  We  met  some  Pottowattomies,  and  I  made  a  feast  for  them. 
At  that  time  I  heard  there  were  some  Americans  [under  Major  Slillman\ 
near  us.  I  prepared  a  white  flag  to  go  and  see  them,  and  sent  two  or  three 
young  men  on  u  hill  to  see  wiiut  tlipy  were  doing.  Beforo  the  feast  was 
finished,  I  heard  my  yoimg  men  were  killed.  This  was  at  sunset.  Some  of  my 
young  men  ran  out ;  two  killed,  and  the  Americans  were  seen  rushing  on  to 
our  camp.  My  young  men  fired  a  few  guns,  and  the  Americans  ran  off,  and 
my  yoimg  men  chased  them  about  six  miles." 

JVeapope  fiJither  said,  that  the  Pottowattomies  of  the  village  immediately 
left  them,  and  that  no  Kikapoos  joined  them,  but  those  who  were  originally 
with  Black-haivk;  hut  the  Winnebagos  did,  and  brouglit  in  scalps  frequent- 
ly; that,  at  last,  when  they  ibund  the  Sacs  would  be  beaten,  they  turned 
against  them.  It  was  also  given  in  by  some  of  those  examined  at  this  time, 
that  Black-hawk  said,  when  the  steam-boat  Warrior  approached  them,  tliat  he 
pitied  the  women  and  children,  and  began  to  make  preparations  to  surrender 
to  the  whites,  and  for  that  purjjoso  sent  out  a  white  flag  to  meet  the  boat, 
which  immediately  fired  upon  them.  Then  said  he,  " //rerf  ioo."  The  truth 
of  this  will  not'  be  questioned,  inasmuch  as  the  facts  agree  with  the  captain 
of  the  Warrior's  own  account.  Hence  the  inference  is  clear,  that  much  blood 
might  have  been  saved,  but  for  the  precipitancy  of  those  who  only  sought  a 
fight  with  the  Indians. 

Parties  of  the  friendly  tribes  were  so  continually  on  the  alert,  that  it  seemed 
very  probable  the  principal  chiefs  would  soon  fall  into  their  hands.  These 
expectations  were  soon  realized ;  for  at  11  o'clock,  27  August,  Black-hatok  and 
liis  Prophet  were  delivered  to  General  Slrect  at  Prairie  du  CJhien.  They  were 
brought  by  two  Winnebagoes,  Decorie  and  Chadar,  and,  when  delivered,  were 
dressed  in  a  full  dress  of  white-tanned  deerskbis.  Soon  after  they  were 
seated  in  the  presence  of  the  officer,  Decorie,  called  the  One-eyed,  rose  and 
spoke  thus  to  him: — 

"My  lather,  I  now  stand  before  you.  When  we  parted,  I  told  you  I  would 
return  soon ;  but  I  could  not  come  any  sooner.  We  have  had  to  go  a  great 
distance,  [to  the  Dalle,  on  the  Ouisconsin,  above  the  Portage.]  You  see  ^ve 
have  done  what  you  sent  us  to  do.  These  [pointing  to  the  prisoners]  are  the 
two  you  told  us  to  got.  We  have  done  what  you  told  us  to  do.  We  always 
do  what  you  tell  us,  because  we  know  it  is  for  our  good.  Father,  you  told  us 
to  get  these  men,  and  it  would  be  the  ciuise  of  much  good  to  the  Winneba- 
goes. We  have  brought  thorn,  but  it  has  been  very  hard  for  us  to  do  sg. 
That  one,  Miu:atamishknkaekq,  [meaning  Black-hawk,]  was  a  great  way  off. 
You  told  us  to  bring  them  to  you  alive :  we  have  done  so.  If  you  had  told 
US  to  bring  their  heads  alone,  wc  would  have  done  so,  and  it  woulfl  have  been 
less  difficv'.t  tli.m  what  we  have  done. — Father,  wc  deliver  these  men  into 
your  hands.  We  would  not  deliver  themovon  to  our  brother,  the  chief  of  the 
warriors,  but  to  you  ;  because  we  know  you,  and  we  believe  you  are  our 
fri(!nd.  We  want  you  to  keep  tiiein  safe ;  if  they  are  to  be  hurt,  we  do 
not  wish  to  see  it.  Wait  until  we  are  jione  before  it  is  done. — Father,  many 
little  birds  have  been  flying  about  our  curs  of  late,  and  we  thought  they  whis- 
pered to  us  that  there  was  evil  intended  for  us ;  but  now  we  hope  these  evil 
birds  will  let  our  ears  alone. — We  know  you  are  our  friend,  because  you  take 
our  part,  and  that  is  the  rea.-ion  we  do  what  you  t(!ll  us  to  do.  You  say  you 
love  your  red  children  :  we  think  we  love  you  as  much  if  not  more  than  you 
love  us.     We  have  confidence  in  you,  and  you  muy  rely  on  us.    We  huvo 


160 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[BookT. 


been  promised  a  great  deal  if  wo  would  take  tliese  men, — tliat  it  would  do 
iniicli  good  to  our  j)ooj)l(;.     We  now  liopc  to  sec  what  will  be  donu  for  lis. — 
We  liave  come  in  liiustc ;  we  are  tired  aud  liungry.    Wc  now  put  tliese  men 
into  your  hands.     Wo  have  done  all  that  you  told  us  to  do." 
Gcneial  Sired  said,  in  answer: — 

"My  children,  you  have  done  well.  I  told  you  to  bring  the.sc  men  to  me, 
and  you  have  done  so.  I  am  pleas.'d  at  what  j'ou  have  done.  It  is  for  your 
gooil,  and  for  this  reason  I  am  jiletusi^d.  I  assured  the  great  chief  of  the 
warriors,  [(icneral  Alkinson,]  that  il"  these  men  were  in  your  country,  you 
would  find  tlioni,  and  bring  them  to  nic,  and  now  I  can  say  niucli  for  your 
good.  I  will  go  down  to  Rock  Island  with  the  prisoners,  and  I  wish  you  who 
liave  liroBght  these  men,  especially,  to  go  with  mo,  with  such  other  chiefs  and 
warriors  as  you  may  select.  3Iy  children,  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors, 
when  he  lefV  this  placi^  directed  ine  to  deliver  these,  and  all  other  prisonei's, 
to  the  chief  of  the  wairiors  at  this  place,  Colonel  Taylor,  who  is  here  by  me. 
— Some  of  the  Wiiinebagoes  south  of  the  Ouis^onsin  have  befriended  the 
Saukies,  [Sacs,]  and  some  of  the  Indians  of  my  agency  liave  also  given  them 
aid.  This  displeaseth  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors  and  your  great  father 
the  president,  Jiiid  was  calculated  to  do  much  harm. — Your  great  father,  the 
president  at  Washington,  lias  sent  a  great  war-chief  from  the  far  east,  (Jeneral 
Scott,  with  a  fresh  army  of  soldiers.  He  is  now  at  Hock  Island.  Your  great 
father,  the  jiresident,  has  sent  him  and  the  governor  and  chief  of  Illinois  to 
hold  a  council  with  the  Indians.  He  has  sent  a  speech  to  you,  and  wishes 
tlie  chiefs  and  warriore  of  the  Winnebagoes  to  go  to  Rock  Island  to  tho 
council  on  the  tenth  of  next  month.  I  wish  you  to  be  ready  in  three  days, 
when  I  will  go  with  you. — I  am  well  pleased  that  you  have  taken  the  Black- 
hawk,  the  Prophet,  and  others  prisoners.  This  will  enable  me  to  say  much 
for  you  to  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors,  and  to  the  president,  your  great 
father.  iMy  childrt-n,  I  shall  now  deliver  the  two  men.  Black-hawk  and  the 
Prophet,  to  the  chief  of  the  warriors  here;  ho  will  take  care  of  them  till  we 
6turt  to  Rock  Island." 

Colonel  Taijlor,  having  taken  the  prisoners  into  his  custody,  addressed  tho 
chiefs  us  tbllovvs : — 

"The  great  chief  of  the  warriors  told  me  to  take  the  prisonera  when  you 
shall  bring  them,  and  send  them  to  Rock  Island  to  him.  I  will  take  them 
and  keep  them  .safe,  hut  1  will  iisi;  them  well,  and  send  them  with  you  and 
General  Street,  when  you  go  ilown  to  the  coimeil,  which  will  bo  in  a  few  days. 
Your  friend,  (jcneral  Street,  advises  you  to  get  ready  and  go  tlown  soon,  and 
BO  do  I.  I  tell  you  af^ain  I  will  take  the  jirisonei-s;  I  will  keep  them  safe,  hut 
I  will  do  them  no  harm.  I  w  ill  deliver  them  to  the  great  chief  of  the  war- 
riors, and  he  will  do  with  them  and  iisi;  them  in  such  manner  as  shall  l)c 
orden.'d  by  your  gniat  tiither,  the  pn;sideiit." 

Chaetar,  the  other  Winnebago,  next  spoke,  and  said,  "My  father,  I  am 

5'oimg,  and  do  not  know  how  to  make  speeches.  This  is  the  second  time 
ever  spoke  to  \(n\  belbre  peo|)le. — i  am  no  chief;  I  am  no  orator;  but 
I  have  bei'ii  allowed  to  spi.'iik  to  yon.  Il'  1  should  not  speak  as  well  as  others, 
still  you  must  listen  to  mi'.  I'ather,  when  you  made  the  spei'ch  to  the  ehit'ls 
Wa\i<sh  kiin  Deroric  Carramani,  the  ()ne-ey<'d  Der.orie,  and  otian's,  'tother  day, 
I  was  there.  [  heard  you.  I  thought  what  you  said  to  them,  y<ai  also  said 
to  me.  Vol  s.iid,  ifthese  two  [pointing  to  Ulark-liitwk  and  the  I'rophetl  were 
tiikin  by  us  and  iiroiight  to  you,  there  would  never  more  a  black  cloiid  hang 
over  your  Winnebagoes.  Your  words  entered  into  my  ear,  into  my  brains, 
and  into  my  iieart.  1  lel\  her(>  that  same  night,  and  you  know  you  have  not 
seen  me  since  until  now.  I  liavi!  been  a  great  way;  I  had  much  Iroulile; 
lint  wlieii  1  remenibered  what  yon  said,  I  knew  ^^llat  you  said  was  right. 
This  made  me  continue  Miid  do  what  you  told  me  to  do.  Near  the  Dalle,  on 
the  Oiiisconsin,  I  took  lUaek-linwk.  No  one  did  it  but  mi".  I  say  this  in  tho 
ears  ot'  all  pre.-cnt,  and  they  know  it — and  I  now  appeal  to  the  (ireal  Spirit, 
oiir  grandliilher,  and  tin;  eartii,  our  graiKhnother,  iiir  the  truth  of  what  1  say. 
Father,  I  am  no  chief',  hut  what  I  have  .done  is  for  the  benelit  of  my  niitioii, 
and  I  iiojie  to  see  the  good  that  has  been  promised  to  us.  That  one  Ha-bo- 
kic-sltU'k,  ftlio  Prophit,]  is  my  relation — if  lie  is  to  bu  liurt,  1  «lo  not  wish  to 


Ckap.  X.] 


BLACK-IIAWK. 


161 


see  it.  Father,  soldiers  sometimes  stick  the  ends  oftiieir  j^niis  iuto  tlie  hacks 
of  Iiidiiiii  prisoners  wlieii  they  are  going  ahont  in  tlie  liands  of  tiie  guard. 
I  hope  this  will  not  he  done  to  these  men." 

The  following  is  said  to  he  the  speech  which  Black-hawk  made  when  he 
surrendered  himself  to  the  agent  at  Pairie  du  Chien : — 


I  am 

id  time 
liir;  but 
I  others, 
cliiefs 
ler  day, 
Iso  sai(i 
It]  were 
1(1  iiiing 
1  brains, 
live  not 
1-ouhlo; 
right 
|\lic,  on 
in  tho 
Si'irit, 
It  I  say. 
Ination, 
H'n-ho- 
Ivish  tu 


"  You  iiavo  taken  ine  prisoner  with  all  my  warriors.  I  am  much  grieved, 
for  I  expected,  if  I  did  not  defeat  you,  to  hold  out  much  longer,  and  give  you 
more  trouble  belbre  1  surrendered.  I  tried  hard  to  bring  you  into  umbush, 
but  your  last  general  understands  Itidian  fighting.  The  hrst  one  was  not  so 
wise.  When  i  saw  that  I  could  not  beat  you  by  Indian  fighting,  I  determined 
to  rush  on  yon,  and  fight  you  face  to  face.  I  fought  hard.  But  your  guns  were 
well  aimed.  The  bullets  flew  like  birds  in  the  air,  and  whizzed  by  our  cars 
like  the  wind  through  the  trees  in  the  winter.  My  warriors  fell  around  me ; 
it  began  to  look  dismal.  I  saw  my  evil  day  at  hand.  The  sun  rose  dim  on 
us  in  the  morning,  and  at  night  it  sunk  in  a  dark  cloud,  and  looked  like  a 
ball  of  fire.  That  was  the  last  sun  that  shone  on  Black-hawk.  His  heart  is 
ilead,  and  no  longer  bents  (juick  in  his  bosom. — He  is  now  a  prisoner  to  the 
white  men ;  tliey  will  do  witli  him  as  they  wish.  But  he  can  stand  torture, 
and  is  not  afraid  of  deatli.     He  is  no  coward.    Black-hawk  is  an  Indian. 

"He  has  done  nothing  for  which  tm  Indian  ought  to  be  ashamed.  He  has 
fought  for  his  countrymen,  the  squaws  and  papooses,  against  white  men,  who 
came,  year  after  year,  to  cheat  them  and  take  away  their  lands.  You  know 
the  cause  of  our  making  war.  It  is  known  to  all  white  men.  They  ought 
to  be  ashamed  of  it.  The  white  nuni  despise  the  Indians,  and  drive  them 
from  their  homes.  But  the  Indians  an;  not  deceitful.  The  white  men  speak 
bad  of  the  Indian,  and  look  at  him  s))itefully.  But  the  Indian  docs  not  tell 
lies ;  Indians  do  not  steal. 

"  An  Indian,  who  is  as  bad  as  the  white  men,  could  not  live  in  our  nation ;  he 
would  be  |)ut  to  death,  and  eat  ujt  by  the  wolves.  The  white  men  are  had 
(Schoolmasters;  they  carry  false  looks,  and  deal  in  false  actions;  they  smile 
in  tile  face  of  the  poor  Indian  to  cheat  him ;  they  shake  them  l)y  the  hand  to 
gain  Uieir  confidence,  to  make  them  drunk,  to  deceive  them,  and  ruin  our 
wives.  We  told  them  to  let  us  alone,  and  keep  away  from  us ;  but  they  fol- 
lowed on,  and  beset  our  paths,  and  they  coiled  themselves  among  us,  like  the 
snake.  They  poisoned  us  by  their  touch.  We  were  not  safe.  Wo  lived  in 
danger.  We  were  becoming  like  them,  hypocrites  and  liars,  adulterers,  lazy 
ilrones,  all  talkei's,  and  no  workers. 

"  We  looked  up  to  the  Great  Spirit.  We  went  to  our  great  father.  We  were 
encouraged.  His  great  council  gave  us  fair  words  and  big  iiroinitfes;  but  we 
got  no  satisfaction.  Tilings  were  growing  worst;.  There  wtno  no  deer  in 
the  forest.  The  opossum  and  Inuiver  were  fled;  the  springs  were  drying  up, 
and  our  squaws  and  papooses  without  victuals  to  keep  them  from  st<irving; 
we  called  a  great  council,  and  built  a  largt!  fire.  The  sjiirit  of  our  fiithers 
arose  and  spoke  to  us  to  avenge  our  wrongs  or  die.  We  all  spoke  before  the 
••ouiieil  (ire.  It  was  warm  and  jjieasant.  We  set  up  the  war-whoop,  and  dug 
up  till!  tomahawk  ;  our  knives  were  ready,  and  the  heart  of  Black-hnwk  swelled 
high  ill  his  bosom,  when  he  led  his  wiuriors  to  batllc  He  is  satisfied.  He 
will  go  to  the  world  of  spirits  contented.  He  has  done  his  duty.  His  liitli',r 
will  meet  liiin  there,  and  (commend  him. 

"  Blatk-hawk  is  a  true  Indian,  and  disdains  to  cry  lik«!  n  woman.  Ho  feel* 
for  his  wife,  his  children  and  friends.  But  he  does  not  care  tor  himself.  Ho 
(-arcs  for  his  nation  and  the  Indians.  They  will  sutler.  \U'  laments  their  tiitc. 
The  while  men  du  not  scalp  the  head;  but  they  do  worse — they  poison  the 
heart;  it  is  not  pure  vvitli  ihein. — His  (Hamtrynien  will  not  he  scalped,  but  they 
will,  in  a  few  yeiu-s,  become  like  the  white  men,  so  that  you  can't  truvt  tli(<m, 
and  then;  must  Ih%us  in  the  white  settlements,  nearly  as  many  officers  as  men, 
to  lake  cure  of  them  luid  keep  tht;m  in  order. 

"Farewell,  my  nation!    lilnek-hnick  tried   to  save   you,  and   avenge   your 
wrongs.     He  drank  the  bliMid  of  some  of  the  whites.     He  has  been  taken  jiris- 
oner,  and  his  plans  an' stopped.     He  can  do  no  more.     He  is  near  his  end. 
His  sun  is  setting,  and  he  will  rise  no  more.     Farewell  to  Black-hawk.'^ 
U* 


162 


BLACK-HA\VK. 


[Book  V. 


It  is  soinewlmt  singiikr  that  the  old  chief  should  over  have  hceii  taken  alive, 
and  ho  proliahly  never  would  have  hi'en  by  tlu;  whites.  When  it  was  rei)i>it- 
ed  curiiniily  tiiat  ho  had  sacrificed  himself  in  the  stand  that  he  made  upon 
the  hanks  of  tiie  Mississippi,  in  tiie  end  of  July,  as  has  been  related,  Spenser's 
famous  lines  were  the  first  to  discover  themselves  to  our  mind,  upon  the  great 
event 

"  Unto  tlic  miglily  slroam  him  lo  betake, 
Wliere  liu  au  end  ol'  bailie  and  ol'  life  did  make." 

FaIUY  (iUF.EN. 

But  we  were  soon  glad  to  learn  that  the  report,  like  the  lines  of  Speitscr,  Avaa 
only  poetry. 

It  can  be  sciurely  necessary  to  add  that  the  prisonei"s  were  set  at  liberty,  and 
the  offi'iiders  were  ordered  again  to  he.  sought  after. 

On  tiie  7  September,  the  Indian  prisoners  and  their  guards  went  on  board 
the  steam-boat  Wiimeiiago,  and  were  conveyed  down  the  river  to  Jcflerson 
IJarracks,  ten  miles  below  St.  Louis.  There  wen;,  besides  Black-linick  and 
tlm  prophet,  eleven  chiefs  or  head  men  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  togetiicr  witli 
about  hfty  less  distinguished  warriors.  These  were  landed  just  aiiove  the  lower 
rapids,  on  their  jdedge  of  remaining  peaceable.  Two  days  before,  a  boat 
had  conveyed  to  the  barracks  six  or  seven  warriors,  among  whiiin  wtis  .Vcu- 
pope.    On  their  arrival  at  the  barracks,  all  of  them  were  put  in  irons. 

Black-hawk  is  not  so  old  a  man  as  was  gi'iieraliy  sui>posed.  Some,  who 
knew  hint  well,  said  In;  was  not  aliove  -18,  although  the  toils  of  wars  had  madi; 
him  appear  like  one  of  70.*  lie  was  by  birth  a  Potto wattomie,  but  brought 
up  by  the  Sacs.  His  height  is  iibout  six  feet.  As  to  his  physiognomy,  it  is  tiii- 
neccssary  for  us  to  add  ( onceniiiig  it  here,  as  that  may  be  lietttn-  had  trom  an 
inspection  of  the  engraving  of  Imn,  us  oiu'  likeness  is  said,  by  many  who  have 
scon  him,  to  be  excellent. 

Like  other  Indian  names,  his  is  spelt  in  as  matiy  ways  as  times  used  by 
ditferent  writrrs.  At  a  treaty  which  he  mtide  with  the  United  Sttites  in  lH'Ji),a't 
Prairie  dii  (Miii'ii,  it  is  written  Hiiy-niij-tshuan-nhurp.  In  a  (liscri|)linn  (jfliiin 
about  the  time  he  was  tak(Ui,  we  find  him  !f[){ik  .'ilus-cata-iiiish-ku-kacl; ;  and 
several  others  niiglit  be  added. 

The  Prophd,  or  ffabokiishiili,  (White-cloud,)  is  about  40  yenrs  old,  and  nearly 
six  fet.'t  high,  stout  and  atliletic.  lie  was  by  out!  sidi;  a  WiNiiebago,  and  the 
other  a  Sac  or  Satikie,  and  is  thus  describeil : — 1[(!  "has  a  l.'irge,  broad  face, 
short,  blunt  nose,  large,  full  eyes,  broad  mouth,  thick  lips,  witli  a  fidi  unit  of 
linir.  lie  wore  a  white  cloth  head-dress,  which  rose  several  inches  above  the 
top  of  his  head;  the  whole  man  exhibiting  a  delibenite  savagcni  ss ;  not  that 
he  would  seem  to  delight  in  hoiiorabli"  war,  or  fight,  but  marking  him  tis  the 
priest  of  assassination  or  secret  murder,  lie  had  in  one  hand  a  wliiti^  tlag, 
while  th(,'  other  hung  cari'lessly  by  his  side.  They  were  both  clothed  in  \ery 
wiiite  dressed  deerskins,  fringed  at  the  seams  with  short  cuttings  of  the  same." 
This  description,  though  written  long  beliire  any  painting  was  made  of  iiim, 
will  be  fiiiiinl,  we  ihiidi,  to  corrt;spond  very  well  with  tli"  engraving  of  him 
which  we  havt!  given. 

It  is  said  by  many,  and  is  evident  from  ///rrr/r-Z/aic/.V  account,  that  Ifahnklcs- 
huk  was  the  prime  mo\'er  of  this  war,  and  had  |iow\\()we(l  up  a  Ih  lief  among 
his  peopli>,  tliat  he  was  able  to  conjure  such  hind  of  events  as  he  desired; 
and  that  lu^  hail  made  lihirk-hnirk  believe  the  whites  were  but  few,  and  could 
not  fight,  and  therefore  might  easily  be  driven  from  the  disputed  lands.  It 
seems,  liowevif,  rather  iuiredible  that  lUnrk-hawk  should  have  Ik  liixt'd  tlial 
the  Americans  »•(»•«;/(  ic  rt(i(/  ntutd  iiol  ffrht,  \\\\rt\  it  is  luiowu  that  h<'  was 
0])p()scd  to  them  in  tin-  last  war,  and  must,  therefore,  have  been  convinced 
of  the  fidsity  of  such  a  rei)orl  long  b<-fore  this  war. 

Ill  September,  u  treaty  was  rnadu  by  the  United  States  with  the  Winncbn- 


*  In  tluMicroiint  of  lli^  life,  imlilislird  liy  IMr.  J-  II.  I'liltersnii,  in  KllU,  Illiiik-lniii-k  siiys  hu 
was  bnrn  in  I7ti7,  uii  Itnck  Kiyer  ;  and  Ijciice,  in  lit.'U,  \w.  was  in  liia  (i.'iili  yunr.  Hit  Tititier's 
naniK  was  Fvus*.  His  Brcal-jfrandfadicr's  niunc  was  Na-na-ma-kkk,  or  TliniKhr,  who 
was  bom  in  thu  vicinity  ol  Monlreiil,  "  whore  (ho  (ircut  8|iirit  first  placed  the  Hav  naliou." 


Chap.  X.] 


BLACIMIAWK. 


163 


uC  liim 


(1  nearly 

111(1  the 

liul  lUcc, 

Hwit  ot" 

Imvo  tlie 

not  lliiit 

III  as  the 

it.'  Hajr, 

ill  very 

.  saiii.'." 

Ill'  hiui, 

of  him 

If'd'toklta- 
t'anioiijr 
(Ifsin'il; 
III  could 
iiuls.  It 
M'd  thai 
he  WHS 
iiiviiu'ctl 


fk  siiys  he 
lii  r«ilier'8 
iiiirr,  who 
iialioll." 


goes,  and  atiothcr  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  The  former  ceded  nil  their  lands 
soiitii  of  the  Ouiscoiisin,  and  east  of  the  Missij-sipiiijaniountuif,' to  4,()00,000 
acres  of  valiialtle  lands.  The  treaty  with  the  Sues  and  Foxe.s  was  on  the  21 
of  that  month,  and  (),000,000  acres  were  necinired  at  that  time,  "of  a  (inality 
not  inferior  to  any  between  the  wime  parallels  of  latitude."  It  ahounds  iu 
lead  ore,  and  the  Indians  say  in  others. 

For  these  tracts  the  United  States  agreed  to  make  the  following  considera- 
tions:— "  To  pay  !in  annuity  of  20,000  dollars  for  550  years ;  to  support  a  black- 
smith and  gunsmith  in  addition  to  those  then  employed ;  to  pay  the  debts  of 
the  trih;'s  ;  to  sujiply  provisions;  and,  iis  a  reward  tor  the  hdelity  of  Keokuk 
and  the  friendly  hand,  to  alhiw  a  rcsi^rvjition  to  be  made  for  them  of  400 
miles  sipiare  *  on  the  loway  lliver,  to  include  A'coA:i(A;'s  i)rincipal  village." 

IJy  tiie  same  trc^aty,  Ulcch-hnwk,  his  two  sons,  the  Prophet,  jYuopope,  and 
five  others,  principal  warriors  of  the  hostile  bands,  were  to  remain  in  the 
hands  of  the  whites,  tis  hostages,  during  tlu;  pleasure  of  the  j)resident  of  the 
Uii'ted  States.     The  other  prisoners  were  given  up  to  the  Iriendly  Indians. 

A  giiiileiiian  who  visited  the  ca|)tive  Indians  at  Jeflerson  Harracks,  Mis- 
souri, speaks  thus  eoiieerning  them : — "  We  were  immediately  struck  with 
admiratiun  at  the  gigantic  and  symmetrical  figures  of  most  of  the  warriors, 
who  seemed,  as  they  reclined  in  nativi;  ease  and  gracefulness,  with  their  half- 
naked  bodies  eX|)ose(l  to  view,  rather  like  statues  from  some  master-hand, 
than  tiki!  beings  of  a  race  whom  wi;  had  heard  characterized  as  degenerate 
and  dijbased.  We  extended  our  hands,  whicdi  they  rose  to  grasp,  and  to  our 
(fuestioii, '  How  d'yi!  do?'  they  respoinji'd  in  the  same  words,  accompanying 
them  with  a  lunirty  shake."  "They  were  clad  iu  leggins  and  moccasins  of 
':  -kskiii,  and  wore  blanki'ts,  which  were  thrown  around  them  in  the  maimer 
')i  the  Roman  toga,  so  as  to  leave  th(;ir  right  arms  bare."  "The  youngest 
..iiiong  them  were  painted  on  their  necks,  with  a  bright  vermilion  color,  and 
had  their  faces  transversely  stnsaked  with  alt(M"nate  red  and  black  stripes. 
From  thi'ir  bodies,  and  from  their  fiices  and  eyebrows,  they  jjhick  out  the 
hair  with  the  most  assiduous  care.  They  also  shave,  or  pull  it  out  from  their 
he-'.ds,  Willi  the  exception  of  a  tuil  of  about  ihreo  fingers'  width,  extiniding 
from  itetweeii  the  foreluiad  and  crown  to  t!i<!  back  of  the  head  ;  this  they 
aoni(!tiines  plait  into  a  (pieiie  on  the  crown, and  cut  the  edges  of  it  down  to 
an  inch  in  length,  and  plaster  it  with  the  vermilion,  which  keeps  it  erect,  and 
gives  it  the  appearance  of  a  cock's-comb." 

The  same  author  says,  the  oldest  son  of  lilnck-hnirk,  .Yasinctviskuk,  called 
Jack,  but  for  want  of  "that  |UH:iiliar  expression  which  emanates  from  a  culti- 
vated intellect,"  could  have  been  looked  upon  by  him  "as  the  living  iiersoni- 
fication  of  his  hcnu  ideal  of  manly  b(umty."  lie  calls  Hlack-linu<k  ,\hick-atama- 
sic-ac-ar,  and  states  his  height  at  about  five  feet  eight  inches,  and  that  he 
should  judge  his  age  to  be  M.  Those  who  have  known  him  for  years,  say  his 
disnosition  is  vi'ry  ainiabh! ;  that  he  is  endowed  with  gnmt  kindness  of  heart, 
ana  th(>  strictest  integrity ;  that,  like  Mishikinakwa,  lie  was  not  u  chief  by 
birth,  but  ac(|iiired  the  title  by  bravery  and  wisdom. 

JVa.icuskurk,  or  the  Thundcrrhnid,  is  tiie  second  son  ft\'  Blnrk-hawk,a\\i\  accom- 
jMinied  him  in  his  captivity,     lie  is  said  not  to  be  very  IiandHome. 

()pttk('(shiiTk,{\r  tValx'-kshuk,  the  Prophet,  of  whom  we  have  already  given 
some  |iarticiilars,  carries  with  him  a  huge  jiipe,  a  yard  in  liMigth,  with  the 
stem  ornameiititd  with  the  neck  ti'athers  ot  u  duck,  and  beads  and  ribands 
of  various  colors.  To  its  centre  is  attached  a  fiiii  of  leathers.  He  wears  his 
hair  long  all  over  his  head. 

Nr.-A-i'oi'i;,.\'»oy)();jf,  .V(/rt/)o/)f,  &:c.,  or  /?ro</i,  of  whom  we  have  also  several 
times  spoken,  was  brother  to  the  I'ropI.et,  and  "smiie  years  his  junior;"  and 
our  informant  adds,  "he  resembles  him  in  height  and  figure,  though  lit;  is  not 
so  robust,  and  his  face  is  more  sharp:  in  wickedness  oi"  expression  they  uro 
par  nnlnlf  fratrum."  "  When  !Mr.  Callin,  the  artist,  was  about  taking  the  por- 
trait of  .Yaapiipt;  he  seized  the  ball  and  chain  that  wert!  fastened  to  his  log, 
and  raising  them  on  higii,  exclaimed,  with  a  look  of  scorn,  ^Makt  me  m,  and 


*  So  sayn  our  niitlioriiy.  {Nilm't  R^ixi'itr,)  Iml  we  very  much  doubt  this  enormnun  ipaco. 
10  iiiilcH  »Iiuurci;ivcs  ItiOO  siiuarc  iiiiTcs,  which  iifrhn|)s  iiiiuhl  have  been  tha  trulh.  llut 
when  l(iO,UUO  Kiuaro  inilci  on  cvosidered,  all  prousbilii^r  a  oulraged. 


164 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V. 


skoio  ine  to  the  great  father.''''  On  Mr.  CailirHs  refusing  to  paint  him  as  he 
wiahed,  he  kept  varying  his  countenance  witli  grimaces,  to  prevent  him  from 
catching  a  hkeness. 

"  Poweeahieck,  or  Strawherry,  is  tlie  only  Fox  among  them,  the  rest 
being  ail  Sacs.  He  is  tlio  son  of  the  ciiief  Epanoaa :  his  parents  dying  while 
he  was  an  infant,  he  was  adopted  by  Ndapope,    He  is  19  years  of  age." 

"  Pomahoe,  or  Faat-swimming-JisU  is  a  short,  thick  set,  good-natured  old 
brave,  who  bears  his  misfortunes  with  a  philosopliy  worthy  of  the  ancients." 

The  following  act  of  congress  we  extract,  as  it  throws  light  upon  suhse- 
quent  details : — "  For  the  expenses  of  12  prisoners  of  war  of  the  Sac  and  Fox 
tribes,  now  in  confinement,  and  to  he  hold  as  hostages,  under  the  seventh 
article  of  the  treaty  of  21  Sept.  1832,  embracing  the  cost  of  provisions  and 
clothing,  compensation  to  an  interpreter,  and  cost  of  removing  them  to  a 
place  of  safety,  where  they  may  bo  kept  without  being  closely  confined,  the 
sum  of  2500." 

On  the  22  April,  (1833,)  the  captive  Indians  amvedat  Washington,  and  the 
next  day  Black-lmwk  hud  a  long  interview  with  President  Jackson.  The  first 
words  with  which  it  is  said  he  accosted  the  president  were,  "  I  A3I  A  MAN, 
AND  YOU  ARE  ANOTHER." 

The  presi  lent,  ailer  a  few  brief  observations,  directed  the  articles  of  dress 
provided  lor  them  to  be  exhibited  to  them,  and  told  Black-hawk  that  the 
whole  would  be  delivered  to  him  to  be  distributed  as,  in  his  judgment,  he 
should  think  best.  He  then  told  tliem  they  nuist  depart  immediately  for  Fort 
Monroe,  and  remain  there  contented,  until  he  gave  them  pennission  to  return 
to  their  country.  That  time,  he  said,  depended  upon  the  conduct  of  their 
people;  that  they  would  not  be  set  at  liberty,  until  all  the  articles  of  the 
treaty  had  been  complied  with,  and  good  feelings  were  evinced  by  their 
countrymen.     The  Prophet  then  said : — 

"  We  expected  to  return  inmiediately  to  our  y)eople.  The  war  in  which 
we  have  been  involved,  was  occasioned  by  our  attempting  to  raise  provisions 
on  our  own  lands,  or  where  we  thought  we  had  a  right  so  to  do.  We  liava 
lost  many  of  our  peo|)le,  us  well  as  tlie  whites.  Our  tribes  and  families  are 
now  exposed  to  the  atta  -ks  of  our  enemies,  the  Sioux  and  the  Menominies. 
We  hope,  therefore,  to  be  permitted  to  return  home  to  take  care  of  them." 

Black-hawk  spoke  some  tiuK;  to  the  president,  giving  a  clear  and  compre- 
hensive history  of  the  rise  of  the  war,  and,  towai'ds  tiie  close,  said : — 

"We  did  not  expect  to  concpier  the  whites;  no.  They  had  too  many 
liouses — too  many  men.  I  took  up  the  hatchet,  for  my  part,  to  revenge 
injuries  which  my  people  could  no  longer  endure.  Had  I  borne  them  longer 
without  striking,  my  people  would  have  miA,  Black-hawk  is  a  woman ;  he  is 
too  old  to  be  a  chief— he  is  no  Sac.  These  reflections  caused  me  to  raise  the 
war-whoop.  I  say  no  more  of  it ;  it  is  known  to  you.  Keokuk  once  was 
here ;  you  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  when  ho  wished  to  return  to  his 
home,  you  were  willing.  Black-hawk  expects,  that,  like  Keokuk,  we  shall  be 
permitted  to  return  too." 

The  president  added,  that  ho  was  well  ac(|nainted  with  the  circumstances 
which  led  to  the  disasters  to  which  they  had  alluded.  Ii  was  mmecessai'y  to  look 
back  iijion  them.  He  intended  now  to  secure  tim  observance  of  peace. 
They  need  not  feel  any  uneiisinesH,  he  said,  about  their  own  women  and 
children.  Tlu;y  shoiihl  not  sutler  from  the  Siotix  and  Menominies.  He 
would  compel  the  vi'd  men  to  be  at  i)eace  with  one  (mother.  That  when  he 
was  siitislied  that  all  things  would  remain  (]uiet,  then  they  woidd  be  permitted 
to  return.     He  then  took  them  by  the  hand,  imd  dismissed  them. 

It  is  said,  that,  wliUt!  in  Washington,  the  Indians  (>\pressed  more  surprise 
and  pleasure  at  the  portraits  of  the  Inilian  chiefs  in  the  war  department  than 
uny  thing  else  that  was  shown  thetn. 

On  Friday,  2(i  April,  the  captives  were  conducted  from  Washington 
towards  Fort  Monroe,  which  is  u|»()n  a  small  island,  at  Old  Point  Comfort, 
on  the  west  S'de  of  the  ("liesapt  ake  Bay,  in  Virginia. 

Before  closing  the  present  chapter,  a  few  other  interesting  inattiTS  shall 
be  laid  bi-fore  our  n'aders.  We  have  just  given  the  descrintion  of  the  Indinns 
while  at  Jetlerson  Karracks,  by  one  who  visited  them  tliero  not  long  alter 
their  confinement.    Wo  now  intend  to  give  what  the  author  of  Knickor- 


Chap.  XI.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


163 


bocker  say.s  of  tliem  soon  after.  Mr.  living's  account  is  contained  in  a  letter, 
dated  VVasliiiigton,  18  Dec.  ]8;J'2. — "From  St.  Louis  I  went  to  Fort  Jeiferson, 
about  !>  miles  distant,  to  see  Black-hawk,  the  Indian  warrior,  and  nis  tellow- 
prisoncrs — a  Sbrlorn  crew — emaciated  antl  dejected — tlie  redoubtable  cliieftain 
iiiniself,  a  meagre  old  man  upwards  of  70.  He  has,  however,  a  fine  head,  a 
Roman  style  of  face,  and  a  jjrepossessing  countenance." 

Since  we  are  upon  descriptions,  tlio  following  will  not  be  thought  out  of 
place,  perhaps,  although  we  had  reserved  it  for  our  next  chapter.  It  is  from 
the  j)en  of  the  editor  of  the  U.  States  Literary  Gazette,  Pliiladeljjhia,  "  We 
found  time,  yesterday,  to  visit  the  Black-hawk,  and  his  accompanying  Indian 
chiefs,  and  the  Prophet,  at  Congress  Hall  Hotel.  We  went  into  their  cham- 
ber, and  found  most  of  theui  sitting  or  lying  on  their  beds.  Black-hawk  was 
sitting  in  a  chair,  and  apparently  dejjrcssed  in  spirits.  He  is  about  65,  of 
middling  size,  with  a  head  that  would  excite  the  envy  of  a  phrenologist — 
ouc  of  the  finest  that  Heaven  ever  let  fall  on  the  shoulders  of  an  Indian.  The 
Proph(;t  has  a  coarser  figure,  with  less  of  intellect,  but  with  the  marks  of 
decision  aihl  firmness.  His  face  was  j)aiuted  with  red  and  white.  The  son 
of  Black-hawk  is  a  noble  specimen  of  physical  beauty — a  model  for  those  who 
would  embody  the  idea  of  sti'eiigtli.  He  was  jiainted,  and  his  hair  cut  and 
(lres.sed  in  a  strange  fantasy.  Tlie  other  chiefs  had  nothing  hi  jiarticular  in 
their  R|)i»earance  to  distinguish  them  from  other  natives  of  the  forest.  The 
whole  of  the  dci)utati()n  visited  the  water  works  yesterday,  [June  11  or  12,]  and 
suhscfpieiitly  were  taken  to  the  Cherry-hill  Prison,  and  shown  tho  manner  in 
which  whii(!  men  punish.  The  exhibition  of  arms  and  shijjs  at  the  navy-yard, 
led  iUo,  Hawk  tovi:ii\i\rktlial  he  suspected  the  great  father  tvasgdting  readif for  war.'^ 

It  was  remarked  by  some  in  Philadelphia  that  Blaat-hawks  "pyramidal 
forehead  "  very  nnich  resembled  that  of  Sir  fValter  Scott.  Others  observed  that 
liis  couiitenance  strongly  reminded  them  of  their  late  worthy  benefactor, 
Stephen  Giraril,  In  Norfiilk  it  was  noticed  that  the  old  warrior  veiy  much 
resembled  the  late  President  Monroe. 


00  many 

revenge 

m  longer 

he  is 

aise  the 

Diiee  was 

to  his 

shall  be 

nistances 
ry  to  look 
)f  peace, 
men  and 
ies.  He 
when  he 
lermitted 

8ur|)ri80 
i;nt  than 

shington 
Comfort, 

ers  nhall 
Indiana 

mg  after 
Luickor* 


CHAPTER  XL 

From  the  time  of  the  scttin<r  out  ((/"Black-hawk  and  his  five*  companions  from  For- 
tress Monroe,  f)  June,  lrt;i:<,  to  their  arrimil  on  the  Upper  Mississippi,  on  the  first 
of  August  following ;  prefaced  bij  some  reflections  upon  the  events  oj  the  war. 

It  is  not  difficidt  to  perceive,  without  a  formal  commentary,  that  in  the  late 
Indian  war,  much  blood  was  shed  which  might  have  been  avoided.  Twice 
had  the  despairing  Indians  displayed  the  wliite  flag,  to  give  notice  of  their 
willingness  to  smrender ;  but,  like  the  wretched  Hallihees,  the  rjfle  was  the 
only  (mswer  they  rc-eived.  When  IMnjor  Slillman  was  on  his  march  to  Syca- 
niort!  Creek,  a  few  Indians  wc-re  sent  fi"om  J\\topope^s  eamp  with  liieiuUy  in- 
tentions, and  umlcr  a  white  flag;  but  such  was  the  carriage  of  the  whites, 
no  interview  could  be  had,  aiul  they  were  obliged  to  fly  to  save  their  lives, 
which  all,  it  seems,  were  not  fiirtimate  enough  to  do.  This,  it  will  b»!  said, 
is  Indian  talk — it  is  even  so.  AV'hat  say  the  whites  ?  They  say,  the  Indians 
whom  they  first  discovered  were  only  a  decoy,    'riiis  is  mere  assertion,  and 

1)roves  nothing  on  their  o\Vn  side,  neither  dues  it  disprove  tiic  Ii!'l""-;i  account. 
s  it  not  plain  that  Black-lutwk  cansc-d  a  white  flag  to  be  exhiliited  before  he 
was  attjieked  by  th(;  steam-boat  Warrior?  He  had  resolved  to  light  no  more, 
if  luM'ould  get  terms  of  peace ;  bii^  his  flag  was  at  once  fired  upon;  then 
»iuys  tlu!  old  chi(!tj  "//?»•(■(/ /oo  ;"  and  the  whites  expected  nothing  else,  and 
too  miuiy  of  them,  it  woidd  seem,  desired  nothing  else.  Ibit  we  reflect  no 
luor(>  upon  this  matter. 

The  reader  has,  in  the  last  chapter,  been  conducted  through  the  principal, 


*  All  iiiioii.viniins  iiialior,  >il' wlioni  wo  have  iiuulu  ceiisitlorabji'  u^u  in  tills  I'liupliT,  givei 
UH  llii'ir  iiiiiiii's,  \x.  as  lullows . — 

....B'lil;  'iii-t.     raiiinlid,  rni[ilirr.i  Irnilifr Finh  Kil. 

.ImiiiI  Tliitiuhr,  I'd  wr  /.lili  k,  I'l'iikn':!  iiiliijitrd  mm,.  .Straithrrrii, 

....Ceur  D'lij.     .Nii;»>;i(',  I/ii' iruriiiT, Strung  Suup. 


Mnrciil  1  iiii-k  (•■.iiiiir 

Ni-hIM!  rnril'  k.  lii'i  xoii, 

\\d-lii;-ke  /.liirk,  (/if  Pruphit,.. 


166 


BLACK-HAWK.— LEAVES  FORTRESS  MONK'JE. 


[Book  V. 


and  all  the  important  events  of  the  war,  and  accompanied  the  chiefs  of  the 
Indians  engaged  in  it  to  Fortress  Monroe,  in  Virginia.  We  are  now  to  ob- 
serve what  passed  in  tlieir  travels  from  hence  through  several  of  our  great 
cities,  and  thence  to  their  wilderness  homes  in  the  distant  west. 

Having  been  conducted  to  Fort  Monroe,  the  captives  found  themselves  in  a 
kind  of  elegant  confinement ;  and  instead  of  balls  and  chains  to  their  ankles, 
were  kindly  treated,  and  saw  nobody  but  friends.  This  state  of  things,  how- 
ever, must  have  become,  in  a  short  time,  exceedingly  irksome ;  but  an  early 
order  for  their  liberation  prevented  such  result.  For,  on  the  4  June,  1833,  orders 
came  for  their  being  liberated ;  and  the  next  day.  Major  John  Garland  set 
off  with  them  in  a  steam-boat  for  Baltimore,  by  Norfolk,  Gosport,  Ports- 
mouth, &c. 

During  their  short  stay  at  Monroe,  the  Indians  became  much  attached  to 
its  commander.  Colonel  Emtis,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  that  the 
order  of  release  arrived,  Black-luiwk  went  and  took  his  leave  of  him,  and  at 
parting  made  the  following  speecrfi : — 

"  Brother,  I  have  come  on  my  own  i)art,  and  in  behalf  of  my  companions, 
to  bid  you  farewell.  Our  great  father  has  at  length  been  plea.sed  to  ])ermit 
us  to  return  to  our  hunting-giounds.  We  have  l)uried  the  tomahawk,  and 
tlie  sound  of  the  rifle  will  herearter  only  bring  death  to  the  deer  and  the  buftii- 
lo.  Brother,  you  have  treated  the  red  men  very  kindly.  Your  squaws  have 
made  them  presents,  and  you  have  given  them  plenty  to  eat  and  drink.  The 
memory  of  your  friendship  will  remain  till  the  Great  Spirit  says  it  is  time 
for  Black-Hawk  to  sing  his  death-soug. — Brother,  your  houses  are  as  numer- 
ous as  the  leaves  upon  the  trees,  and  your  young  warriors,  like  the  sands  upon 
die  shore  of  the  big  lake,  which  rolls  before  us.  The  red  man  has  but  few 
liouses,  and  few  warriors,  but  the  red  man  !  as  a  heart  which  throbs  as  warm- 
ly as  the  heart  of  his  white  brother.  Tiie  Great  Spirit  has  given  us  our  hunt- 
ing grounds,  and  the  skin  of  the  deer  which  we  kill  there  is  his  favorite,  for 
its  color  is  white,  and  this  is  the  emblem  of  peace.  This  hunting-dress  and 
tliese  feathers  of  the  eagle  are  white.  Accept  them,  my  brother;  I  have 
given  one  lik(?  tliis  to  the  While-oiler.  Accept  of  it  as  a  memorial  of  Black- 
hawk.  When  he  is  far  away,  this  ^Vill  serve  to  remind  you  of  him.  May 
the  Great  Spirit  bless  you  and  your  children — farewell." 

Colonel  Emtis,  in  his  reply,  said,  the  fortune  of  war  had  placed  him  in  his 
hands,  and  as  it  was  not  the  practice  of  the  whites  to  attack  an  unai'med 
foe,  he  was  safe  ;  but  that  if  he  had  mt.'t  him  in  the  field  of  battle,  his  duty 
would  have  required  him  to  have  taken  his  life.  He  rejoiced,  he  said,  at 
his  prospect  of  speedily  returning  to  his  friends,  and  hoped  he  would 
never  again  trouble  his  white  m-ighbors.  To  whi(di  Black-hawk  added, 
"  Brother,  Ike  Great  Spirit  punislt£s  those  who  deceive  iis,  and  my  faith  is  '.low 
pledged." 

On  leaving  Fort  Monroe,  the  Indians  wore  taken  to  Portsmouth  and  Gos- 
port, to  see  the  navy-yard,  the  dry-do(;k,  and  men-of-war.  At  Gosport,  they 
went  on  board  the  74  Delaware,  where  they  coidd  not  but  express  nmcli 
astonishment  at  the  vastness  of  the  "  l)ig  canoe,"  as  they  called  it,  and  its 
extraordinary  uncouth  furniture.  Black-hawk  seemt'd  the  most  to  admire 
the  shi|),  au(l  wished  to  see  the  chief  who  commanded  it^  and  es|)ecially  the 
man  thnt  built  it;  for  he  wished,  he  said,"<o  take  him  by  the  hatid."  When 
they  left  the  ship,  they  passed  around  luuler  her  bow,  which  terminates 
in  a  colossal  statue  of  an  Indian  warrl.r.  This  the  Indians  beheld  with 
considerable  emotions  of  surpristj  and  evident  demonstrations  of  high 
gratification. 

At  Norfolk,  the  rush  to  see  the  Indiiuis  was  very  great,  and  many  could 
not  be  gratified  even  with  a  sight  of  th(!ni.  This  great  curiosity  in  the  very 
vicinity  when;  they  had  been  liir  near  10  weeks,  will  not  be  tiionght  strange, 
when  it  is  considered,  that  no  oik;  <'.\|iccted  t\w\v  inunediiite  removal,  and 
therefore  few  had  itcen  to  see  liieni;  thinking  they  could  do  so  when  some 
more  cnnvcnioiit  time  ofliTed. 

HaviiiLT  taken  lo(l<rings  at  the  hotel  in  Norfolk,  the  Indinns  were  aware 
of  till'  uiiat  ruriiisity  nl'  tlii-  pi'ii|ili',  iinil  tlirrrfori!  tliiy  exhibited  iheinselves 
upon  tin;  !i;ilriiiiy,  Ifom  whence  H'abokiesh'uk,  the  Prophet,  nuuin  the  Ibllow- 
jng  adiln'rits: — 


Chap.  XI.] 


BLACK-HAWK.—BALTIMORE. 


167 


111(1  Gos- 

lort,  tlioy 

ss  iniicli 

nnd  its 

luliiiire 

iaUv  the 

When 

rniiiintes 

Id  with 

of  higli 

iiV  conltl 
tiic  very 
stnuigc, 
ival,  tiiiil 
'11  Boiim 

(!  invaro 

MllScivoH 

lolluw- 


"The  Great  Spirit  sent  us  here,  and  by  the  same  fiat  we  are  now  happily 
about  to  return  to  our  own  Mississippi,  and  our  own  people.  It  affords  us 
much  happiness  to  rejoin  our  friends  and  kindred.  We  would  shake  hands 
with  all  our  white  friends  assembled,  and  offer  our  best  wishes  for  their  pros- 
perity. Should  any  of  them  go  to  our  country  on  the  Mississippi,  we  would 
take  pleasure  in  requiting  the  many  kindnesses  we  have  received  from  their 
people  here.  We  will  go  home  with  peaceable  dispositions  towards  our 
white  brethren,  and  endeavor  to  make  our  conduct  hereafter  more  satis- 
factory to  them.  We  bid  you  all  farewell,  as  it  is  the  last  time  we  may 
see  each  other." 

Black-hawk  then  said  a  few  words,  expressing  the  same  sentiments ;  and 
one  o'clock  having  arrived,  they  departed.    This  was  5  June. 

When  the  steam-boat  was  near  Baltimore,  it  was  discovered  that  there  iiad 
been  a  robbery  committed  on  board ;  and  when  this  becan>e  known  to  Bladi- 
hawk^  he  showed  considerable  concern,  fearing  some  of  his  party  should 
be  suspected;  and  when  the  boat  lay  to  at. considerable  distance  from  the 
wharf,  to  make  search  for  the  money,  he  said,  "  he  desired  that  himself  and 
company  should  be  searclied,for  he  ivould  let  the  ichites  know  that  the  Sacs  did 
not  steal" 

President  Jackson  had  arrived  in  Baltimore,  and  after  Black-hawKs  arrival 
he  had  an  interview  with  him.  The  Indians  were  conveyed  in  the  steam- 
boat Columbus,  and  arrived  about  11  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  of  the  next 
day,  after  leaving  Norfolk,  namely,  (5  June.  Among  the  crowds  who  visited 
tliem  were  many  ladies,  to  whom,  generally,  the  Indians  said,  "Pretti/  squatvs, 
pretti/  squaws." 

Tiie  Indians  and  tlie  president  attended  the  theatre  the  same  night,  and  it 
was  remarked,  that  the  attention  of  the  house  was  pretty  nearly  equally  divi- 
ded between  them.  On  the  next  day  occurred  the  interview  between  them, 
of  which  mention  has  just  been  made;  at  which  time,  among  odier  things, 
the  president  said  to  the  old  chief: — 

"When  I  saw  you  in  Washington,  I  told  you,  that  you  had  behaved  very 
badly,  in  raising  tlie  tomahawk  against  the  white  people."  He  added,  that 
his  conduct  last  year  had  caused  him  to  send  out  his  warriore  against  him, 
mid  that  he  and  those  with  him  had  been  surrendered  to  him  to  be  kept  dur- 
ing Ids  pleasure,  or  until  he  should  think  tlierc  would  be  no  danger  from  let- 
ting him  go.  "  I  told  you,"  he  continued,  "  I  would  inqun-e  whether  your 
people  wished  you  should  return,  and  whether,  if  you  did  return,  there 
would  be  any  danger  to  the  frontier.  General  Clark  and  General  Atkinson, 
whom  you  know,  have  informed  me  that  SheckaJc,  your  jirincipal  chief,  and 
the  rest  of  your  people,  are  anxious  you  should  return,  and  Keokuk  has  asked 
me  to  send  you  liack.  Your  chiefs  have  pledged  themselves  for  your  good 
conduct." — "  You  will  see  the  strength  of  the  white  people.  You  will  see 
that  our  young  men  are  as  numerous  as  the  leaves  in  the  woods.  What  can 
you  do  against  us  ?  " — "  WIkmi  you  go  back,  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Keokuk 
and  the  otiier  friendly  cliii^fs." 

To  this  the  Prophet  said  a  few  words,  as  follows^ : — 

"  Father,  my  ears  are  open  to  your  words ;  I  am  glad  to  hear  them ;  I  am 
glad  to  go  back  to  my  people.  I  want  to  see  my  family.  I  did  not  behave 
well  last  summer.  I  ought  not  to  have  taken  up  the  tomahawk.  But  my 
people  have  suftered  a  gr(  at  deal.  When  I  get  back,  I  will  remember  your 
words.  I  will  not  go  to  war  again.  I  will  live  in  peace.  I  will  hold  you  by 
the  hand." 

Black-hawk  intended  to  have  made  a  long  speech  at  this  time ;  but  the 
president  was  unable  to  hear  him  out,  on  account  of  the  great  fatigues  ho 
liad  undergone,  and  the  old  chief  was,  therefore,  very  sliort.  He  said,  "My 
heart  is  big,  for  I  have  much  to  say  to  my  great  father"  and  closed,  after  many 
expressions  of  affection  and  respect  for  him.  The  warmtli  of  the  weather 
and  the  great  crowd  that  surrounded  the  hotel  in  which  the  Indiana  were 
lodged,  caused  them  to  retire  to  Fort  M'Henry,  about  3  miles  below  tin;  city. 
The  landlord  said  the  crowd  was  so  great  about  his  house,  that  they  had 
can'ied  away  his  banisteiv,  windows,  and  ho  was  fearful,  if  they  remained 
longer,  that  his  whole  house  would  be  carried  uwuy  also. 


m 


BALTIMORE.~NEW  YORK. 


[Book  V.^ 


'  They  visited  tlie  Wnsliington  mopiiment,  among  other  places,  while  at 
Baltimore,  and  were  at  first  afraid  Hi  ascend  in  it,  upon  its  circular  steps ; 
saying  it  was  the  Mnnitou  of  the  white  people.  At  length  JVaopope  said  he 
would  venture  up.  Black-hawk  observed,  that  then  they  woidd  all  go ;  for 
if  it  fell  down,  he  said  they  would  not  be  safer  on  the  ground  ot  its  base  than 
if  they  were  in  it. 

They  visited  the  circus  also,  while  here,  and  were  much  better  pleased 
with  the  performances  there,  tlran  at  the  theatre.  The  elegant  horses  pleased 
them  far  more  than  the  stars  and  garters  of  the  mock  lords  and  ladies  of  the 
theatre,  and  it  was  very  natural  tliey  should.  To  see  a  lady  ride  upon  one 
foot,  wiiile  the  horse  was  running  at  his  utmost  speed,  was  matter  of  fact  to 
them,  and  excited  the  gi'eatcst  admiration.  But  to  see  a  fellow  popping  out 
from  behind  a  curtain,  strutting  about  the  stage,  uttering  to  liimself  some 
unintelligible  nonsense,  could  not  interest  any  one  similarly  situated.  They 
said  they  believed  those  who  rode  in  the  circus  could  hunt  buffalo  even 
better  than  the  Sacs. 

Considerable  inconvenience  was  experienced  from  the  meeting  of  two 
such  conspicuous  characters  as  the  i'resident  of  the  United  States  and 
Black-hawk,  at  the  same  time,  in  populous  places ;  and  it  was  announced 
in  a  Philadelphia  jiaper,  of  9  June,  that  Major  Garland  had  arrived  there, 
.but  had  left  the  Indians  in  Baltimore,  and  that  they  would  not  proceed  to 
N.  York  until  the  day  after  the  president.  Accordingly  they  did  not  arrive 
in  Philadelphia  until  10  June,  when  they  were  conducted  to  lodgings  in  Con- 
gress Hall.  The  next  day  there  was  a  great  military  display,  accompanied 
by  an  immense  procession,  and  the  whole  passed  up  Third  Street,  opposite 
Congress  Hall,  by  which  means  the  Indians  had  a  fine  opportunity  to  see  and 
■  contemplate  their  numbers.  Pointing  to  the  soldiers,  Black-hawk  asked  if 
they  were  the  same  that  were  in  his  country  last  summer. 

Having  visited  all  places  of  amusement  and  curiosity  in  Philadelphia,  the 
Indians  departed  for  N.  York,  where  they  arrived  in  a  steam-boat  of  the 
People's  Line,  about  5  o'clock,  14  June,  on  Friday.  The  arrival  of  Lafayette, 
in  1825,  could  not  have  attracted  a  greater  crowd  than  was  now  assenlhled 
at  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Castle  Garden.  As  it  happened,  Mv.  Durant,  the 
aeronaut,  had  just  got  ready  to  ascend  in  his  balloon  from  the  garden.  The 
steam-boat,  therefore,  rounded  to,  that  the  passengers  might  witness  the 
ascension.  When  it  was  known  on  shore  that  the  Indians  were  on  board, 
the  cheeriiig  and  clapping  became  tremendous;  and  it  was  not  a  little  aug- 
mented from  those  on  board  the  numerous  craft  in  the  river.  Those  in  the 
boat  answered  as  well  as  their  numliers  would  admit.  The  Indians,  at  first, 
were  some  terri%d,  supposing  they  nud  at  last  come  to  an  enemy,  and  that 
the  noise  about  them  was  the  war-whoop  of  the  whites,  but  were  soon 
undeceived. 

Soon  after  the  balloon  had  cleared  the  walls  of  the  castle,  and  Mr.  Durant- 
had  unfurfed  his  flag.  Black-hawk  was  asked  what  he  thought  of  it.    To 
which  he  answered : — 

"  TTiat  man  is  a  ^rcat  brave.  IdonH  think  heHl  ever  get  back.  He  mud  be  a 
Sac.^'  Another  siud,  "If  he  is  a  Sac,  he'll  get  none  of  his  brothers  to  follow  in 
his  trail.  JVone  of  'em  itnll  ever  see  the  smoke  of  his  loigivanu  ■  He  wUl  have  to 
live  alone — icUhout  any  iquawJ" 

When  the  balloon  had  attained  a  vast  height,  and  almost  out  of  the  old 
chief's  sight,  (which  had  become  considerably  impaired,)  he  exclaimed, 
" / think  he  can  go  to  the  heavens ;  to  the  Great  Spirit"  Pomahoe  then  said, 
"  /  think,  he  can  see  the  country  of  the  English."  The  Prophet,  or  Wabokieshiek, 
having  been  asked  what  he  thought  of  the  balloon,  said,  "  I  canU  form  any 
idea,  but  think  he  can  go  up  to  the  clouds  if  he  will.  Should  think  lit  could  see 
the  Great  Spirit  now." 

F'rom  N.  York  the  Indians  wore  conducted  to  their  own  country  without 
any  remarkable  circumstance. 


FINIS. 


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